proofreading team. [transcriber's note: because this is a personal narrative, inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, capitalization, and italicization have been preserved in cases where it is not clearly an error from the original printing.] [illustration: astoria, as it was in .] narrative of a voyage to the northwest coast of america in the years , , , and or the first american settlement on the pacific by gabriel franchere translated and edited by j.v. huntington redfield and nassau street, new york . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by j.s. redfield, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, in and for the southern district of new york. preface to the second edition. in , when the boundary question (that of the oregon territory in particular) was at its height, the hon. thomas h. benton delivered in the united states senate a decisive speech, of which the following is an extract:-- "now for the proof of all i have said. i happen to have in my possession the book of all others, which gives the fullest and most authentic details on all the points i have mentioned--a book written at a time, and under circumstances, when the author (himself a british subject and familiar on the columbia) had no more idea that the british would lay claim to that river, than mr. harmon, the american writer whom i quoted, ever thought of our claiming new caledonia. it is the work of mr. franchere, a gentleman of montreal, with whom i have the pleasure to be personally acquainted, and one of those employed by mr. astor in founding his colony. he was at the founding of astoria, at its sale to the northwest company, saw the place seized as a british conquest, and continued there after its seizure. he wrote in french: his work has not been done into english, though it well deserves it; and i read from the french text. he gives a brief and true account of the discovery of the columbia." i felt justly proud of this notice of my unpretending work, especially that the latter should have contributed, as it did, to the amicable settlement of the then pending difficulties. i have flattered myself ever since, that it belonged to the historical literature of the great country, which by adoption has become mine. the re-perusal of "astoria" by washington irving ( ) inspired me with an additional motive for giving my book in an english dress. without disparagement to mr. irving's literary, fame, i may venture to say that i found in his work inaccuracies, misstatements (unintentional of course), and a want of chronological order, which struck forcibly one so familiar with the events themselves. i thought i could show--or rather that my simple narration, of itself, plainly discovered--that some of the young men embarked in that expedition (which founded our pacific empire), did not merit the ridicule and contempt which captain thorn attempted to throw upon them, and which perhaps, through the genius of mr. irving, might otherwise remain as a lasting stigma on their characters. but the consideration which, before all others, prompts me to offer this narrative to the american reading public, is my desire to place before them, therein, a simple and connected account (which at this time ought to be interesting), of the early settlement of the oregon territory by one of our adopted citizens, the enterprising merchant john jacob astor. the importance of a vast territory, which at no distant day may add two more bright stars to our national banner, is a guarantee that my humble effort will be appreciated. * * * * * note by the editor. it has been the editor's wish to let mr. franchere speak for himself. to preserve in the translation the defoe-like simplicity of the original narrative of the young french canadian, has been his chief care. having read many narratives of travel and adventure in our northwestern wilderness, he may be permitted to say that he has met with none that gives a more vivid and picturesque description of it, or in which the personal adventures of the narrator, and the varying fortunes of a great enterprise, mingle more happily, and one may say, more dramatically, with the itinerary. the clerkly minuteness of the details is not without its charm either, and their fidelity speaks for itself. take it altogether, it must be regarded as a fragment of our colonial history saved from oblivion; it fills up a vacuity which mr. irving's classic work does not quite supply; it is, in fact, the only account by an eye-witness and a participator in the enterprise, of the first attempt to form a settlement on the pacific under the stars and stripes. the editor has thought it would be interesting to add mr. franchere's preface to the original french edition, which will be found on the next page. baltimore, _february , _. preface to the french edition. when i was writing my journal on the vessel which carried me to the northwest coast of north america, or in the wild regions of this continent, i was far from thinking that it would be placed one day before the public eye. i had no other end in writing, but to procure to my family and my friends a more exact and more connected detail of what i had seen or learned in the course of my travels, than it would have been possible for me to give them in a _viva voce_ narration. since my return to my native city, my manuscript has passed into various hands and has been read by different persons: several of my friends immediately advised me to print it; but it is only quite lately that i have allowed myself to be persuaded, that without being a learned naturalist, a skilful geographer, or a profound moralist, a traveller may yet interest by the faithful and succinct account of the situations in which he has found himself, the adventures which have happened to him, and the incidents of which he has been a witness; that if a simple ingenuous narrative, stripped of the merit of science and the graces of diction, must needs be less enjoyed by the man of letters or by the _savant_, it would have, in compensation, the advantage of being at the level of a greater number of readers; in fine, that the desire of affording an entertainment to his countrymen, according to his capacity, and without any mixture of the author's vanity or of pecuniary interest, would be a well-founded title to their indulgence. whether i have done well or ill in yielding to these suggestions, which i am bound to regard as those of friendship, or of good-will, it belongs to the impartial and disinterested reader, to decide. montreal, . contents. chapter i. departure from montreal.--arrival in new york.--description of that city.--names of the persons engaged in the expedition. chapter ii. departure from new york.--reflections of the author.--navigation, falling in with other ships, and various incidents, till the vessel comes in sight of the falkland isles. chapter iii. arrival at the falkland isles.--landing.--perilous situation of the author and some of his companions.--portrait of captain thorn.--cape horn.--navigation to the sandwich islands. chapter iv. accident.--view of the coast.--attempted visit of the natives.--their industry.--bay of karaka-koua.--landing on the island.--john young, governor of owahee. chapter v. bay of ohetity.--tamehameha, king of the island.--his visit to the ship.--his capital.--his naval force.--his authority.--productions of the country.--manners and customs.--reflections. chapter vi. departure from wahoo.--storm.--arrival at the mouth of the columbia.--reckless order of the captain.--difficulty of the entrance.--perilous situation of the ship.--unhappy fate of a part of the crew and people of the expedition. chapter vii. regrets of the author at the loss of his companions.--obsequies of a sandwich-islander.--first steps in the formation of the intended establishment.--new alarm.--encampment. chapter viii. voyage up the river.--description of the country.--meeting with strange indians. chapter ix. departure of the tonquin.--indian messengers.--project of an expedition to the interior.--arrival of mr. daniel thompson.--departure of the expedition.--designs upon us by the natives.--rumors of the destruction of the tonquin.--scarcity of provisions.--narrative of a strange indian.--duplicity and cunning of comcomly. chapter x. occupation at astoria.--return of a portion of the men of the expedition to the interior.--new expedition.--excursion in search of three deserters. chapter xi. departure of mr. r. stuart for the interior.--occupations at astoria.--arrival of messrs. donald m'kenzie and robert m'lellan.--account of their journey.--arrival of mr. wilson p. hunt. chapter xii. arrival of the ship beaver.--unexpected return of messrs. d. stuart, b. stuart, m'lelland, &c.--cause of that return.--ship discharging.--new expeditions.--hostile attitude of the natives.--departure of the beaver.--journeys of the author.--his occupations at the establishment. chapter xiii. uneasiness respecting the "beaver."--news of the declaration of war between great britain and the united states.--consequences of that intelligence.--different occurrences.--arrival of two canoes of the northwest company.--preparations for abandoning the country.--postponement of departure.--arrangement-with mr. j.g. m'tavish. chapter xiv. arrival of the ship "albatross."--reasons for the non-appearance of the beaver at astoria.--fruitless attempt of captain smith on a former occasion.--astonishment and regret of mr. hunt at the resolution of the partners.--his departure.--narrative of the destruction of the tonquin.--causes of that disaster.--reflections. chapter xv. arrival of a number of canoes of the northwest company.--sale of the establishment at astoria to that company.--canadian news.--arrival of the british sloop-of-war "raccoon."--accident on board that vessel.--the captain takes formal possession of astoria.--surprise and discontent of the officers and crew.--departure of the "raccoon." chapter xvi. expeditions to the interior.--return of messrs. john stuart and d. m'kenzie.--theft committed by the natives.--war party against the thieves. chapter xvii. description of tongue point.--a trip to the _willamet_.--arrival of w. hunt in the brig pedlar.--narrative of the loss of the ship lark.--preparations for crossing the continent. chapter xviii. situation of the columbia river.--qualities of its soil.--climate, &c.--vegetable and animal productions of the country. chapter xix. manners, customs, occupations, &c., of the natives on the river columbia. chapter xx. manners and customs of the natives continued.--their wars.--their marriages.--medicine men.--funeral ceremonies.--religious notions.--language. chapter xxi. departure from astoria or fort george.--accident.--passage of the dalles or narrows.--great columbian desert.--aspect of the country.--wallawalla and sha-aptin rivers.--rattlesnakes.--some details regarding the natives of the upper columbia. chapter xxii. meeting with the widow of a hunter.--her narrative.--reflections of the author.--priest's rapid.--river okenakan.--kettle falls.--pine moss.--scarcity of food.--rivers, lakes, &c.--accident.--a rencontre.--first view of the rocky mountains. chapter xxiii. course of the columbian river.--canoe river.--foot-march toward the rocky mountains.--passage of the mountains. chapter xxiv. arrival at the fort of the mountains.--description of this post.--some details in regard to the rocky mountains.--mountain sheep, &c.--continuation of the journey.--unhappy accident.--reflections.--news from canada.--hunter's lodge.--pembina and red deer rivers. chapter xxv. red deer lake.--antoine déjarlais.--beaver river.--n. nadeau.--moose river.--bridge lake.--saskatchawine river.--fort vermilion.--mr. hallet.--trading-houses.--beautiful country.--reflections. chapter xxvi. fort montée.--cumberland house.--lake bourbon.--great winipeg rapids.--lake winipeg.--trading-house.--lake of the woods.--rainy lake house, &c. chapter xxvii. arrival at fort william.--description of that post--news from the river columbia. chapter xxviii. departure from fort william.--navigation on lake superior.--michipicoton bay.--meeting a canoe.--batchawainon bay.--arrival at saut ste. marie.--occurrences there.--departure.--lake huron.--french river.--lake nipissing.--ottawa river.--kettle falls.--rideau river.--long-saut.--arrival in montreal.--conclusion. chapter xxix. present state of the countries visited by the author.--correction of mr. irving's statements respecting st. louis. appendix. mr. seton's adventures.--survivors of the expedition in .--author's protest against some expressions in mr. irving's "astoria."--editor's note. introduction. since the independence of the united states of america, the merchants of that industrious and enterprising nation have carried on an extremely advantageous commerce on the northwest coast of this continent. in the course of their voyages they have made a great number of discoveries which they have not thought proper to make public; no doubt to avoid competition in a lucrative business. in , captain gray, commanding the ship columbia of boston, discovered in latitude ° " north, the entrance of a great bay on the pacific coast. he sailed into it, and having perceived that it was the outlet or estuary of a large river, by the fresh water which he found at a little distance from the entrance, he continued his course upward some eighteen miles, and dropped anchor on the left bank, at the opening of a deep bay. there he made a map or rough sketch of what he had seen of this river (accompanied by a written description of the soundings, bearings, &c.); and having finished his traffic with the natives (the object of his voyage to these parts), he put out to sea, and soon after fell in with captain vancouver, who was cruising by order of the british government, to seek new discoveries. mr. gray acquainted him with the one he had just made, and even gave him a copy of the chart he had drawn up. vancouver, who had just driven off a colony of spaniards established on the coast, under the command of señor quadra (england and spain being then at war), despatched his first-lieutenant broughton, who ascended the river in boats some one hundred and twenty or one hundred and fifty miles, took possession of the country in the name of his britannic majesty, giving the river the name of the _columbia_, and to the bay where the american captain stopped, that of _gray's bay_. since that period the country had been seldom visited (till ), and chiefly by american ships. sir alexander mckenzie, in his second overland voyage, tried to reach the western ocean by the columbia river, and thought he had succeeded when he came out six degrees farther north, at the bottom of puget's sound, by another river.[a] in , the american government sent captains lewis and clark, with about thirty men, including some kentucky hunters, on an overland journey to the mouth of the columbia. they ascended the missouri, crossed the mountains at the source of that river, and following the course of the columbia, reached the shores of the pacific, where they were forced to winter. the report which they made of their expedition to the united states government created a lively sensation.[b] [footnote a: mckenzie's travels.] [footnote b: lewis and clark's report.] mr. john jacob astor, a new york merchant, who conducted almost alone the trade in furs south of the great lakes huron and superior, and who had acquired by that commerce a prodigious fortune, thought to augment it by forming on the banks of the columbia an establishment of which the principal or supply factory should be at the mouth of that river. he communicated his views to the agents of the northwest company; he was even desirous of forming the proposed establishment in concert with them; but after some negotiations, the inland or wintering partners of that association of fur-traders having rejected the plan, mr. astor determined to make the attempt alone. he needed for the success of his enterprise, men long versed in the indian trade, and he soon found them. mr. alexander m'kay (the same who had accompanied sir alexander m'kenzie in his travels overland), a bold and enterprising man, left the northwest company to join him; and soon after, messrs duncan m'dougal and donald m'kenzie (also in the service of the company) and messrs. david stuart and robert stuart, all of canada, did the same. at length, in the winter of , a mr. wilson price hunt of st. louis, on the mississippi, having also joined them, they determined that the expedition should be set on foot in the following spring. it was in the course of that winter that one of my friends made me acquainted in confidence with the plan of these gentlemen, under the injunction of strictest secrecy. the desire of seeing strange countries, joined to that of acquiring a fortune, determined me to solicit employment of the new association; on the th of may i had an interview with mr. a. m'kay, with whom the preliminaries were arranged; and on the th of the same month i signed an agreement as an apprenticed clerk for the term of five years. when the associates had engaged a sufficient number of canadian boatmen, they equipped a bark canoe under charge of messrs. hunt and m'kenzie, with a mr. perrault as clerk, and a crew of fourteen men. these gentlemen were to proceed to mackinaw, and thence to st. louis, hiring on the way as many men as they could to man the canoes, in which, from the last-mentioned port, they were to ascend the missouri to its source, and there diverging from the route followed by lewis and clark, reach the mouth of the columbia to form a junction with another party, who were to go round by way of cape horn. in the course of my narrative i shall have occasion to speak of the success of both these expeditions. narrative of a voyage to the northwest coast of america chapter i. departure from montreal.--arrival in new york.--description of that city.--names of the persons engaged in the expedition. we remained in montreal the rest of the spring and a part of the summer. at last, having completed our arrangements for the journey, we received orders to proceed, and on the th of july, accompanied by my father and brothers and a few friends, i repaired to the place of embarkation, where was prepared a birch bark canoe, manned by nine canadians, having mr. a. m'kay as commander, and a mr. a. fisher as passenger. the sentiments which i experienced at that moment would be as difficult for me to describe as they were painful to support; for the first time in my life i quitted the place of my birth, and was separated from beloved parents and intimate friends, having for my whole consolation the faint hope of seeing them again. we embarked at about five, p.m., and arrived at la prairie de la madeleine (on the opposite side of the st. lawrence), toward eight o'clock.[c] we slept at this village, and the next morning, very early, having secured the canoe on a wagon, we got in motion again, and reached st. john's on the river richelieu, a little before noon. here we relaunched our canoe (after having well calked the seams), crossed or rather traversed the length of lake champlain, and arrived at whitehall on the th. there we were overtaken by mr. ovid de montigny, and a mr. p.d. jeremie, who were to be of the expedition. [footnote c: this place is famous in the history of canada, and more particularly in the thrilling story of the indian missions.--ed.] having again placed our canoe on a wagon, we pursued our journey, and arrived on the st of august at lansingburg, a little village situated on the bank of the river hudson. here we got our canoe once more afloat, passed by troy, and by albany, everywhere hospitably received, our canadian boatmen, having their hats decorated with parti-colored ribands and feathers, being taken by the americans for so many wild indians, and arrived at new york on the d, at eleven o'clock in the evening. we had landed at the north end of the city, and the next day, being sunday, we re-embarked, and were obliged to make a course round the city, in order to arrive at our lodgings on long island. we sang as we rowed; which, joined to the unusual sight of a birch bark canoe impelled by nine stout canadians, dark as indians, and as gayly adorned, attracted a crowd upon the wharves to gaze at us as we glided along. we found on long island (in the village of brooklyn) those young gentlemen engaged in the service of the new company, who had left canada in advance of our party. the vessel in which we were to sail not being ready, i should have found myself quite isolated and a stranger in the great city of new york, but for a letter of introduction to mr. g----, given me on my setting out, by madame his sister. i had formed the acquaintance of this gentleman during a stay which he had made at montreal in ; but as i was then very young, he would probably have had some difficulty in recognising me without his sister's letter. he introduced me to several of his friends, and i passed in an agreeable manner the five weeks which elapsed between my arrival in new york and the departure of the ship. i shall not undertake to describe new york; i will only say, that the elegance of the buildings, public and private, the cleanliness of the streets, the shade of the poplars which border them, the public walks, the markets always abundantly provided with all sorts of commodities, the activity of its commerce, then in a flourishing condition, the vast number of ships of all nations which crowded the quays; all, in a word, conspired to make me feel the difference between this great maritime city and my native town, of whose steeples i had never lost sight before, and which was by no means at that time what it is now. new york was not then, and indeed is not at this time a fortified town; still there were several batteries and military works, the most considerable of which were seen on the _narrows_, or channel which forms the principal mouth of the hudson. the isles called _governor's island_, and _bedloe_ or _gibbet island_, were also well fortified. on the first, situated to the west of the city and about a mile from it, there were barracks sufficiently capacious for several thousand soldiers, and a moro, or castle, with three tiers of guns, all bomb-proof. these works have been strengthened during the last war. the market-places are eight in number; the most considerable is called _fly-market_. the _park_, the _battery_, and _vauxhall garden_, are the principal promenades. there were, in , thirty-two churches, two of which were devoted to the catholic worship; and the population was estimated at ninety thousand souls, of whom ten thousand were french. it is thought that this population has since been augmented ( ) by some thirty thousand souls. during my sojourn at new york, i lodged in brooklyn, on long island. this island is separated from the city by a sound, or narrow arm of the sea. there is here a pretty village, not far from which is a basin, where some gun-boats were hauled up, and a few war vessels were on the stocks. some barracks had been constructed here, and a guard was maintained. before leaving new york, it is well to observe that during our stay in that city, mr. m'kay thought it the part of prudence to have an interview with the minister plenipotentiary of his britannic majesty, mr. jackson,[d] to inform him of the object of our voyage, and get his views in regard to the line of conduct we ought to follow in case of war breaking out between the two powers; intimating to him that we were all british subjects, and were about to trade under the american flag. after some moments of reflection mr. jackson told him, "that we were going on a very hazardous enterprise; that he saw our object was purely commercial, and that all he could promise us, was, that in case of a war we should be respected as british subjects and traders." [footnote d: this gentleman was really _chargé d'affaires_.] this reply appeared satisfactory, and mr. m'kay thought we had nothing to apprehend on that side. the vessel in which we were to sail was called the _tonquin_, of about tons burden, commanded by captain thorn (a first-lieutenant of the american navy, on furlough for this purpose), with a crew of twenty-one men. the number of passengers was thirty-three. here follow the names of both. passengers. { messrs. alexander m'kay } { " duncan m'dougall, } partners { " david stuart, } all of canada. { " robert stuart, } { james lewis of new york, { russel farnham of massachusetts, { william w. matthews of new york, { alexander boss, } { donald m'gillis, } clerks { ovide de montigny, } { francis b. pillet, } all from canada. { donald m'lennan, } { william wallace, } { thomas mckay, } { gabriel franchere, } { oliver roy lapensée, joseph lapierre, { ignace lapensée, joseph nadeau, boatmen, { basile lapensée, j. b'te. belleau, etc. { jacques lafantaisie, antoine belleau, { benjamin roussel, louis bruslé, { michel laframboise, p.d. jeremie, { giles leclerc, all of canada. johann koaster, ship-carpenter, a russian, george bell, cooper, new york, job aitken, rigger and calker, from scotland, augustus roussil, blacksmith, canada, guilleaume perreault, a boy. these last were all mechanics, &c., destined for the establishment. crew. jonathan thorn, captain, new york state. ebenezer d. fox, st mate, of boston. john m. mumford, d mate, of massachusetts. james thorn, brother of the captain, new york. john anderson, boatswain, foreigner. egbert vanderhuff, tailor, new york. john weeks, carpenter, " stephen weeks, armorer, " john coles, new york, } john martin, a frenchman, } sailmakers. { john white, new york. { adam fisher, " { peter verbel, " sailors. { edward aymes, " { robert hill, albany, new york. { john adams, " { joseph johnson, englishman, { charles roberts, new york, a colored man as cook, a mulatto steward, and three or four others whose names i have forgotten. chapter ii. departure from new york.--reflections of the author.--navigation, falling in with other ships, and various incidents, till the vessel comes in sight of the falkland isles. all being ready for our departure, we went on board ship, and weighed anchor on the th of september, in the morning. the wind soon fell off, and the first day was spent in drifting down to staten island, where we came to anchor for the night. the next day we weighed anchor again; but there came on another dead calm, and we were forced to cast anchor near the lighthouse at sandy hook. on the th we weighed anchor for the third time, and by the help of a fresh breeze from the southwest, we succeeded in passing the bar; the pilot quitted us at about eleven o'clock, and soon after we lost sight of the coast. one must have experienced it one's self, to be able to conceive the melancholy which takes possession of the soul of a man of sensibility, at the instant that he leaves his country and the civilized world, to go to inhabit with strangers in wild and unknown lands. i should in vain endeavor to give my readers an idea, even faintly correct, of the painful sinking of heart that i suddenly felt, and of the sad glance which i involuntarily cast toward a future so much the more frightful to me, as it offered nothing but what was perfectly confused and uncertain. a new scene of life was unfolded before me, but how monotonous, and ill suited to diminish the dejection with which my mind was overwhelmed! for the first time in my life, i found myself under way upon the main sea, with nothing to fix my regards and arrest my attention but the frail machine which bore me between the abyss of waters and the immensity of the skies. i remained for a long time with my eyes fixed in the direction of that land which i no longer saw, and almost despaired of ever seeing again; i made serious reflections on the nature and consequences of the enterprise in which i had so rashly embarked; and i confess that if at that moment the offer had been made to release me from my engagement, i should have accepted the proposal with all my heart. it is true that the hopeless confusion and incumberment of the vessel's deck, the great number of strangers among whom i found myself, the brutal style which the captain and his subalterns used toward our young canadians; all, in a word, conspired to make me augur a vexatious and disagreeable voyage. the sequel will show that i did not deceive myself in that. we perceived very soon in the s.w., which was our weather-side, a vessel that bore directly toward us; she made a signal that was understood by our captain; we hove to, and stood on her bow. it turned out to be the american frigate _constitution_. we sent our boat on board of her, and sailed in company till toward five o'clock, when, our papers having been sent back to us, we separated. the wind having increased, the motion of the vessel made us sea-sick, those of us, i mean, who were for the first time at sea. the weather was fine, however; the vessel, which at first sailing was lumbered in such a manner that we could hardly get in or out of our berths, and scarcely work ship, by little and little got into order, so that we soon found ourselves more at ease. on the th we commenced to take flying fish. the th, we saw a great quantity of dolphins. we prepared lines and took two of the latter, which we cooked. the flesh of this fish appeared to me excellent. after leaving new york, till the th of october, we headed southeast. on that day we struck the trade winds, and bore s.s.e.; being, according to our observations, in latitude ° " and longitude ° ". on the th, in the morning, we came in sight of the cape-verd islands, bearing w.n.w., and distant about eight or nine miles, having the coast of africa to the e.s.e. we should have been very glad to touch at these islands to take in water; but as our vessel was an american bottom, and had on board a number of british subjects, our captain did not think fit to expose himself to meet the english ships-of-war cruising on these coasts, who certainly would not have failed to make a strict search, and to take from us the best part of our crew; which would infallibly have proved disastrous to the object for which we had shipped them. speaking of water, i may mention that the rule was to serve it out in rations of a quart a day; but that we were now reduced to a pint and a half. for the rest, our fare consisted of fourteen ounces of hard bread, a pound and a quarter of salt beef or one of pork, per day, and half a pint of souchong tea, with sugar, per man. the pork and beef were served alternately: rice and beans, each once a week; corn-meal pudding with molasses, ditto; on sundays the steerage passengers were allowed a bottle of teneriffe wine. all except the four partners, mr. lewis, acting as captain's clerk, and mr. t. m'kay, were in the steerage; the cabin containing but six berths, besides the captain's and first-mate's state-rooms. as long as we were near the coast of africa, we had light and variable winds, and extremely hot weather; on the th, we had a dead calm, and saw several sharks round the vessel; we took one which we ate. i found the taste to resemble sturgeon. we experienced on that day an excessive heat, the mercury being at ° of fahrenheit. from the th to the th we had on board a canary bird, which we treated with the greatest care and kindness, but which nevertheless quitted us, probably for a certain death. the nearer we approached to the equator the more we perceived the heat to increase: on the th, in latitude °, longitude ° west from greenwich, the mercury stood at °. we discovered on that day a sail bearing down upon us. the next morning she reappeared, and approached within gun-shot. she was a large brig, carrying about twenty guns: we sailed in company all day by a good breeze, all sail spread; but toward evening she dropped astern and altered her course to the s.s.e. on the th, at daybreak, the watch alarmed us by announcing that the same brig which had followed us the day before, was under our lee, a cable's length off, and seemed desirous of knowing who we were, without showing her own colors. our captain appeared to be in some alarm; and admitting that she was a better sailer than we, he called all the passengers and crew on deck, the drum beat to quarters, and we feigned to make preparations for combat. it is well to observe that our vessel mounted ten pieces of cannon, and was pierced for twenty; the forward port-holes were adorned with sham guns. whether it was our formidable appearance or no, at about ten a.m. the stranger again changed her course, and we soon lost sight of her entirely. nothing further remarkable occurred to us till the d, when we passed the line in longitude ° ". according to an ancient custom the crew baptized those of their number who had never before crossed the equator; it was a holyday for them on board. about two o'clock in the afternoon we perceived a sail in the s.s.w. we were not a little alarmed, believing that it was the same brig which we had seen some days before; for it was lying to, as if awaiting our approach. we soon drew near, and to our great joy discovered that she was a portuguese; we hailed her, and learned that she came from some part of south america, and was bound to pernambuco, on the coasts of brazil. very soon after we began to see what navigators call the _clouds of magellan_: they are three little white spots that one perceives in the sky almost as soon as one passes the equator: they were situated in the s.s.w. the st november, we began to see great numbers of aquatic birds. toward three o'clock p.m., we discovered a sail on our larboard, but did not approach sufficiently near to speak her. the d, we saw two more sails, making to the s.e. we passed the tropic of capricorn on the th, with a fine breeze, and in longitude ° ". we lost the trade-winds, and as we advanced south the weather became cold and rainy. the th, we had a calm, although the swell was heavy. we saw several turtles, and the captain having sent out the small boat, we captured two of them. during the night of the th and th, the wind changed to the n.e., and raised a terrible tempest, in which the gale, the rain, the lightning, and thunder, seemed to have sworn our destruction; the sea appeared all a-fire, while our little vessel was the sport of winds and waves. we kept the hatches closed, which did not prevent us from passing very uncomfortable nights while the storm lasted; for the great heats that we had experienced between the tropics, had so opened the seams of the deck that every time the waves passed over, the water rushed down in quantities upon our hammocks. the th, the wind shifted to the s.s.w., which compelled us to beat to windward. during the night we were struck by a tremendous sea; the helm was seized beyond control, and the man at the wheel was thrown from one side of the ship to the other, breaking two of his ribs, which confined him to his berth for a week. in latitude ° ", longitude °, the sea appeared to be covered with marine plants, and the change that we observed in the color of the water, as well as the immense number of gulls and other aquatic birds that we saw, proved to us that we were not far from the mouth of the _rio de la plata_. the wind continued to blow furiously till the st, when it subsided a little, and the weather cleared up. on the th, being in the th degree, and minutes of latitude, we saw a penguin. we began to feel sensibly the want of water: since passing the tropic of capricorn the daily allowance had been always diminishing, till we were reduced to three gills a day, a slender modicum considering that we had only salt provisions. we had indeed a still, which we used to render the sea-water drinkable; but we distilled merely what sufficed for the daily use of the kitchen, as to do more would have required a great quantity of wood or coal. as we were not more than one hundred and fifty leagues from the falkland isles, we determined to put in there and endeavor to replenish our casks, and the captain caused the anchors to be got ready. we had contrary winds from the th of november to the d december. on the evening of that day, we heard one of the officers, who was at the mast head, cry "land! land!" nevertheless, the night coming on, and the barren rocks which we had before us being little elevated above the ocean, we hove to. chapter iii. arrival at the falkland isles.--landing.--perilous situation of the author and some of his companions.--portrait of captain thorn.--cape horn.--navigation to the sandwich islands. on the th (dec.) in the morning, i was not the last to mount on deck, to feast my eyes with the sight of land; for it is only those who have been three or four months at sea, who know how to appreciate the pleasure which one then feels even at sight of such barren and bristling rocks as form the falkland isles. we drew near these rocks very soon, and entered between two of the islands, where we anchored on a good ground. the first mate being sent ashore to look for water, several of our gentlemen accompanied him. they returned in the evening with the disappointing intelligence that they had not been able to find fresh water. they brought us, to compensate for this, a number of wild geese and two seals. the weather appearing to threaten, we weighed anchor and put out to sea. the night was tempestuous, and in the morning of the th we had lost sight of the first islands. the wind blowing off land, it was necessary to beat up all that day; in the evening we found ourselves sufficiently near the shore, and hove to for the night. the th brought us a clear sky, and with a fresh breeze we succeeded in gaining a good anchorage, which we took to be port egmont, and where we found good water. on the th, we sent ashore the water casks, as well as the cooper to superintend filling them, and the blacksmiths who were occupied in some repairs required by the ship. for our part, having erected a tent near the springs, we passed the time while they were taking in water, in coursing over the isles: we had a boat for our accommodation, and killed every day a great many wild geese and ducks. these birds differ in plumage from those which are seen in canada. we also killed a great many seals. these animals ordinarily keep upon the rocks. we also saw several foxes of the species called _virginia_ fox: they were shy and yet fierce, barking like dogs and then flying precipitately. penguins are also numerous on the falkland isles. these birds have a fine plumage, and resemble the loon: but they do not fly, having only little stumps of wings which they use to help themselves in waddling along. the rocks were covered with them. it being their sitting season we found them on their nests, from which they would not stir. they are not wild or timid: far from flying at our approach, they attacked us with their bill, which is very sharp, and with their short wings. the flesh of the penguin is black and leathery, with a strong fishy taste, and one must be very hungry to make up one's mind to eat it. we got a great quantity of eggs by dislodging them from their nests. as the french and english had both attempted to form establishments on these rocks, we endeavored to find some vestige of them; the tracks which we met everywhere made us hope to find goats also: but all our researches were vain: all that we discovered was an old fishing cabin, constructed of whale bone, and some seal-skin moccasins; for these rocks offer not a single tree to the view, and are frequented solely by the vessels which pursue the whale fishery in the southern seas. we found, however, two head-boards with inscriptions in english, marking the spot where two men had been interred: as the letters were nearly obliterated, we carved new ones on fresh pieces of board procured from the ship. this pious attention to two dead men nearly proved fatal to a greater number of the living; for all the casks having been filled and sent on board, the captain gave orders to re-embark, and without troubling himself to inquire if this order had been executed or not, caused the anchor to be weighed on the morning of the th, while i and some of my companions were engaged in erecting the inscriptions of which i have spoken, others were cutting grass for the hogs, and messrs m'dougall and d. stuart had gone to the south side of the isle to look for game. the roaring of the sea against the rock-bound shore prevented them from hearing the gun, and they did not rejoin us till the vessel was already at sea. we then lost no time, but pushed off, being eight in number, with our little boat, only twenty feet keel. we rowed with all our might, but gained nothing upon the vessel. we were losing sight of the islands at last, and our case seemed desperate. while we paused, and were debating what course to pursue, as we had no compass, we observed the ship tacking and standing toward us. in fine after rowing for three hours and a half, in an excited state of feeling not easily described, we succeeded in regaining the vessel, and were taken on board at about three o'clock p.m. having related this trait of malice on the part of our captain, i shall be permitted to make some remarks on his character. jonathan thorn was brought up in the naval service of his country, and had distinguished himself in a battle fought between the americans and the turks at tripoli, some years before: he held the rank of first lieutenant. he was a strict disciplinarian, of a quick and passionate temper, accustomed to exact obedience, considering nothing but duty, and giving himself no trouble about the murmurs of his crew, taking counsel of nobody, and following mr. astor's instructions to the letter. such was the man who had been selected to command our ship. his haughty manners, his rough and overbearing disposition, had lost him the affection of most of the crew and of all the passengers: he knew it, and in consequence sought every opportunity to mortify us. it is true that the passengers had some reason to reproach themselves; they were not free from blame; but he had been the aggressor; and nothing could excuse the act of cruelty and barbarity of which he was guilty, in intending to leave us upon those barren rocks of the falkland isles, where we must inevitably have perished. this lot was reserved for us, but for the bold interference of mr. b. stuart, whose uncle was of our party, and who, seeing that the captain, far from waiting for us, coolly continued his course, threatened to blow his brains out unless he hove to and took us on board. [illustration: view of the falkland islands _boat and five passengers pulling after ship tonquin._] we pursued our course, bearing s.s.w., and on the th, in latitude ° ', longitude ° ', we found bottom at sixty-five fathoms, and saw a sail to the south. on the th, in the morning, we discovered before us the high mountains of _terra del fuego_, which we continued to see till evening: the weather then thickened, and we lost sight of them. we encountered a furious storm which drove us to the th degree and ' of latitude. on the th, we were only fifteen leagues from cape horn. a dead calm followed, but the current carried us within sight of the cape, five or six leagues distant. this cape, which forms the southern extremity of the american continent, has always been an object of terror to the navigators who have to pass from one sea to the other; several of whom to avoid doubling it, have exposed themselves to the long and dangerous passage of the straits of magellan, especially when about entering the pacific ocean. when we saw ourselves under the stupendous rocks of the cape, we felt no other desire but to get away from them as soon as possible, so little agreeable were those rocks to the view, even in the case of people who had been some months at sea! and by the help of a land breeze we succeeded in gaining an offing. while becalmed here, we measured the velocity of the current setting east, which we found to be about three miles an hour. the wind soon changed again to the s.s.w., and blew a gale. we had to beat. we passed in sight of the islands of diego ramirez, and saw a large schooner under their lee. the distance that we had run from new york, was about , miles. we had frightful weather till the th, when we found ourselves in ° ' of south latitude. although it was the height of summer in that hemisphere, and the days as long as they are at quebec on the st of june (we could read on deck at midnight without artificial light), the cold was nevertheless very great and the air very humid: the mercury for several days was but fourteen degrees above freezing point, by fahrenheit's thermometer. if such is the temperature in these latitudes at the end of december, corresponding to our june, what must it be in the shortest days of the year, and where can the patagonians then take refuge, and the inhabitants of the islands so improperly named the land of fire! the wind, which till the th had been contrary, hauled round to the south, and we ran westward. the next day being christmas, we had the satisfaction to learn by our noon-day observation that we had weathered the cape, and were, consequently, now in the pacific ocean. up to that date we had but one man attacked with scurvy, a malady to which those who make long voyages are subject, and which is occasioned by the constant use of salt provisions, by the humidity of the vessel, and the inaction. from the th of december till the st of january, we were favored with a fair wind and ran eighteen degrees to the north in that short space of time. though cold yet, the weather was nevertheless very agreeable. on the th, in latitude ° s., and longitude ° ' w., we took several _bonitas_, an excellent fish. we passed the equator on the d, in ° ' of west longitude. a great many porpoises came round the vessel. on the th arose a tempest which lasted till the th. the wind then shifted to the e.s.e. and carried us two hundred and twenty-four miles on our course in twenty-four hours. then we had several days of contrary winds; on the th of february it hauled to the s.e., and on the th we saw the peak of a mountain covered with snow, which the first mate, who was familiar with these seas, told me was the summit of _mona-roah_, a high mountain on the island of _ohehy_, one of those which the circumnavigator cook named the sandwich isles, and where he met his death in . we headed to the land all day, and although we made eight or nine knots an hour, it was not till evening that we were near enough to distinguish the huts of the islanders: which is sufficient to prove the prodigious elevation of _mona roah_ above the level of the sea. chapter iv. accident.--view of the coast.--attempted visit of the natives.--their industry.--bay of karaka-koua.--landing on the island.--john young, governor of owahee. we were ranging along the coast with the aid of a fine breeze, when the boy perrault, who had mounted the fore-rigging to enjoy the scenery, lost his hold, and being to windward where the shrouds were taut, rebounded from them like a ball some twenty feet from the ship's side into the ocean. we perceived his fall and threw over to him chairs, barrels, benches, hen-coops, in a word everything we could lay hands on; then the captain gave the orders to heave to; in the twinkling of an eye the lashings of one of the quarter-boats were cut apart, the boat lowered and manned: by this time the boy was considerably a-stern. he would have been lost undoubtedly but for a wide pair of canvass overalls full of tar and grease, which operated like a life-preserver. his head, however, was under when he was picked up, and he was brought on board lifeless, about a quarter of an hour after he fell into the sea. we succeeded, notwithstanding, in a short time, in bringing him to, and in a few hours he was able to run upon the deck. the coast of the island, viewed from the sea, offers the most picturesque _coup d'oeil_ and the loveliest prospect; from the beach to the mountains the land rises amphitheatrically, all along which is a border of lower country covered with cocoa-trees and bananas, through the thick foliage whereof you perceive the huts of the islanders; the valleys which divide the hills that lie beyond appear well cultivated, and the mountains themselves, though extremely high, are covered with wood to their summits, except those few peaks which glitter with perpetual snow. as we ran along the coast, some canoes left the beach and came alongside, with vegetables and cocoa-nuts; but as we wished to profit by the breeze to gain the anchorage, we did not think fit to stop. we coasted along during a part of the night; but a calm came on which lasted till the morrow. as we were opposite the bay of karaka-koua, the natives came out again, in greater numbers, bringing us cabbages, yams, _taro_, bananas, bread-fruit, water-melons, poultry, &c., for which we traded in the way of exchange. toward evening, by the aid of a sea breeze that rose as day declined, we got inside the harbor where we anchored on a coral bottom in fourteen fathoms water. the next day the islanders visited the vessel in great numbers all day long, bringing, as on the day before, fruits, vegetables, and some pigs, in exchange for which we gave them glass beads, iron rings, needles, cotton cloth, &c. some of our gentlemen went ashore and were astonished to find a native occupied in building a small sloop of about thirty tons: the tools of which he made use consisted of a half worn-out axe, an adze, about two-inch blade, made out of a paring chisel, a saw, and an iron rod which he heated red hot and made it serve the purpose of an auger. it required no little patience and dexterity to achieve anything with such instruments: he was apparently not deficient in these qualities, for his work was tolerably well advanced. our people took him on board with them, and we supplied him with suitable tools, for which he appeared extremely grateful. on the th, in the morning, while the ship's carpenter was engaged in replacing one of the cat-heads, two composition sheaves fell into the sea; as we had no others on board, the captain proposed to the islanders, who are excellent swimmers, to dive for them, promising a reward; and immediately two offered themselves. they plunged several times, and each time brought up shells as a proof that they had been to the bottom. we had the curiosity to hold our watches while they dove, and were astonished to find that they remained four minutes under the water. that exertion appeared to me, however, to fatigue them a great deal, to such a degree that the blood streamed from their nostrils and ears. at last one of them brought up the sheaves and received the promised recompense, which consisted of four yards of cotton. karaka-koua bay where we lay, may be three quarters of a mile deep, and a mile and a half wide at the entrance: the latter is formed by two low points of rock which appear to have run down from the mountains in the form of lava, after a volcanic eruption. on each point is situated a village of moderate size; that is to say, a small group of the low huts of the islanders. the bottom of the bay terminates in a bold _escarpment_ of rock, some four hundred feet high, on the top of which is seen a solitary cocoa-tree. on the evening of the th, i went ashore with some other passengers, and we landed at the group of cabins on the western point, of those which i have described. the inhabitants entertained us with a dance executed by nineteen young women and one man, all singing together, and in pretty good time. an old man showed us the spot where captain cook was killed, on the th of february, , with the cocoa-nut trees pierced by the balls from the boats which the unfortunate navigator commanded. this old man, whether it were feigned or real sensibility, seemed extremely affected and even shed tears, in showing us these objects. as for me, i could not help finding it a little singular to be thus, by mere chance, upon this spot, on the th of february, ; that is to say, thirty-two years after, on the anniversary of the catastrophe which has rendered it for ever celebrated. i drew no sinister augury from the coincidence, however, and returned to the ship with my companions as gay as i left it. when i say with my companions, i ought to except the boatswain, john anderson, who, having had several altercations with the captain on the passage, now deserted the ship, preferring to live with the natives rather than obey any longer so uncourteous a superior. a sailor also deserted; but the islanders brought him back, at the request of the captain. they offered to bring back anderson, but the captain preferred leaving him behind. we found no good water near karaka-koua bay: what the natives brought us in gourds was brackish. we were also in great want of fresh meat, but could not obtain it: the king of these islands having expressly forbidden his subjects to supply any to the vessels which touched there. one of the chiefs sent a canoe to tohehigh bay, to get from the governor of the island, who resided there, permission to sell us some pigs. the messengers returned the next day, and brought us a letter, in which the governor ordered us to proceed without delay to the isle of wahoo, where the king lives; assuring us that we should there find good water and everything else we needed. we got under way on the th and with a light wind coasted the island as far as tohehigh bay. the wind then dropping away entirely, the captain, accompanied by messrs. m'kay and m'dougall, went ashore, to pay a visit to the governor aforesaid. he was not a native, but a scotchman named john young, who came hither some years after the death of captain cook. this man had married a native woman, and had so gained the friendship and confidence of the king, as to be raised to the rank of chief and after the conquest of wahoo by king tamehameha, was made governor of owhyhee (hawaii) the most considerable of the sandwich islands, both by its extent and population. his excellency explained to our gentlemen the reason why the king had interdicted the trade in hogs to the inhabitants of all the islands: this reason being that his majesty wished to reserve to himself the monopoly of that branch of commerce, for the augmentation of his royal revenue by its exclusive profits. the governor also informed them that no rain had fallen on the south part of hawaii for three years; which explained why we found so little fresh water: he added that the north part of the island was more fertile than the south, where we were: but that there was no good anchorage: that part of the coast being defended by sunken rocks which form heavy breakers. in fine, the governor dismissed our gentlemen with a present of four fine fat hogs; and we, in return, sent him some tea, coffee, and chocolate, and a keg of madeira wine. the night was nearly a perfect calm, and on the th we found ourselves abreast of _mona-wororayea_ a snow-capped mountain, like _mona-roah_, but which appeared to me less lofty than the latter. a number of islanders came to visit us as before, with some objects of curiosity, and some small fresh fish. the wind rising on the th, we soon passed the western extremity of hawaii, and sailed by mowhee and tahooraha, two more islands of this group, and said to be, like the rest, thickly inhabited. the first presents a highly picturesque aspect, being composed of hills rising in the shape of a sugar loaf and completely covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees. at last, on the st, we approached wahoo, and came to anchor opposite the bay of _ohetity_, outside the bar, at a distance of some two miles from the land. chapter v. bay of ohetity.--tamehameha, king of the islands.--his visit to the ship.--his capital.--his naval force.--his authority.--productions of the country.--manners and customs.--reflections. there is no good anchorage in the bay of ohetity, inside the bar or coral reef: the holding-ground is bad: so that, in case of a storm, the safety of the ship would have been endangered. moreover, with a contrary wind, it would have been difficult to get out of the inner harbor; for which reasons, our captain preferred to remain in the road. for the rest, the country surrounding the bay is even more lovely in aspect than that of karaka-koua; the mountains rise to a less elevation in the back-ground, and the soil has an appearance of greater fertility. _tamehameha_, whom all the sandwich isles obeyed when we were there in , was neither the son nor the relative of tierroboo, who reigned in owhyhee (hawaii) in , when captain cook and some of his people were massacred. he was, at that date, but a chief of moderate power; but, being skilful, intriguing, and full of ambition, he succeeded in gaining a numerous party, and finally possessed himself of the sovereignty. as soon as he saw himself master of owhyhee, his native island, he meditated the conquest of the leeward islands, and in a few years he accomplished it. he even passed into _atoudy_, the most remote of all, and vanquished the ruler of it, but contented himself with imposing on him an annual tribute. he had fixed his residence at wahoo, because of all the sandwich isles it was the most fertile, the most picturesque--in a word, the most worthy of the residence of the sovereign. as soon as we arrived, we were visited by a canoe manned by three white men, davis and wadsworth, americans, and manini, a spaniard. the last offered to be our interpreter during our stay; which was agreed to. tamehameha presently sent to us his prime-minister, _kraimoku_, to whom the americans have given the name of _pitt_, on account of his skill in the affairs of government. our captain, accompanied by some of our gentlemen, went ashore immediately, to be presented to tamehameha. about four o'clock, p.m., we saw them returning, accompanied by a double pirogue conveying the king and his suite. we ran up our colors, and received his majesty with a salute of four guns. tamehameha was above the middle height, well made, robust and inclined to corpulency, and had a majestic carriage. he appeared to me from fifty to sixty years old. he was clothed in the european style, and wore a sword. he walked a long time on the deck, asking explanations in regard to those things which he had not seen on other vessels, and which were found on ours. a thing which appeared to surprise him, was to see that we could render the water of the sea fresh, by means of the still attached to our caboose; he could not imagine how that could be done. we invited him into the cabin, and, having regaled him with some glasses of wine, began to talk of business matters: we offered him merchandise in exchange for hogs, but were not able to conclude the bargain that day. his majesty re-embarked in his double pirogue, at about six o'clock in the evening. it was manned by twenty-four men. a great chest, containing firearms, was lashed over the centre of the two canoes forming the pirogue; and it was there that tamehameha sat, with his prime-minister at his side. in the morning, on the d, we sent our water-casks ashore and filled them with excellent water. at about noon his sable majesty paid us another visit, accompanied by his three wives and his favorite minister. these females were of an extraordinary corpulence, and of unmeasured size. they were dressed in the fashion of the country, having nothing but a piece of _tapa_, or bark-cloth, about two yards long, passed round the hips and falling to the knees. we resumed the negotiations of the day before, and were more successful. i remarked that when the bargain was concluded, he insisted with great pertinacity that part of the payment should be in spanish dollars. we asked the reason, and he made answer that he wished to buy a frigate of his brother, king george, meaning the king of england. the bargain concluded, we prayed his majesty and his suite to dine with us; they consented, and toward evening retired, apparently well satisfied with their visit and our reception of them. in the meantime, the natives surrounded the ship in great numbers, with hundreds of canoes, offering us their goods, in the shape of eatables and the rude manufactures of the island, in exchange for merchandise; but, as they had also brought intoxicating liquors in gourds, some of the crew got drunk; the captain was, consequently, obliged to suspend the trade, and forbade any one to traffic with the islanders, except through the first-mate, who was intrusted with that business. i landed on the d, with messrs. pillet and m'gillis: we passed the night ashore, spending that day and the next morning in rambling over the environs of the bay, followed by a crowd of men, women, and children. ohetity, where tamehameha resides, and which, consequently, may be regarded as the capital of his kingdom, is--or at least was at that time--a moderate-sized city, or rather a large village. besides the private houses, of which there were perhaps two hundred, constructed of poles planted in the ground and covered over with matting, there were the royal palace, which was not magnificent by any means: a public store, of two stories, one of stone and the other of wood; two _morais_, or idol temples, and a wharf. at the latter we found an old vessel, the _lady bird_, which some american navigators had given in exchange for a schooner; it was the only large vessel which king tamehameha possessed; and, besides, was worth nothing. as for schooners he had forty of them, of from twenty to thirty tons burthen: these vessels served to transport the tributes in kind paid by his vassals in the other islands. before the europeans arrived among these savages, the latter had no means of communication between one isle and another, but their canoes, and as some of the islands are not in sight of each other, these voyages must have been dangerous. near the palace i found an indian from bombay, occupied in making a twelve inch cable, for the use of the ship which i have described. tamehameha kept constantly round his house a guard of twenty-four men. these soldiers wore, by way of uniform, a long blue coat with yellow; and each was armed with a musket. in front of the house, on an open square, were placed fourteen four-pounders, mounted on their carriages. the king was absolute, and judged in person the differences between his subjects. we had an opportunity of witnessing a proof of it, the day after our landing. a portuguese having had a quarrel with a native, who was intoxicated, struck him: immediately the friends of the latter, who had been the aggressor after all, gathered in a crowd to beat down the poor foreigner with stones; he fled as fast as he could to the house of the king, followed by a mob of enraged natives, who nevertheless stopped at some distance from the guards, while the portuguese, all breathless, crouched in a corner. we were on the esplanade in front of the palace royal, and curiosity to see the trial led us into the presence of his majesty, who having caused the quarrel to be explained to him, and heard the witnesses on both sides, condemned the native to work four days in the garden of the portuguese and to give him a hog. a young frenchman from bordeaux, preceptor of the king's sons, whom he taught to read, and who understood the language, acted as interpreter to the portuguese, and explained to us the sentence. i can not say whether our presence influenced the decision, or whether, under other circumstances, the portuguese would have been less favorably treated. we were given to understand that tamehameha was pleased to see whites establish themselves in his dominions, but that he esteemed only people with some useful trade, and despised idlers, and especially drunkards. we saw at wahoo about thirty of these white inhabitants, for the most part, people of no character, and who had remained on the islands either from indolence, or from drunkenness and licentiousness. some had taken wives in the country, in which case the king gave them a portion of land to cultivate for themselves. but two of the worst sort had found means to procure a small still, wherewith they manufactured rum and supplied it to the natives. the first navigators found only four sorts of quadrupeds on the sandwich islands:--dogs, swine, lizards, and rats. since then sheep have been carried there, goats, horned cattle, and even horses, and these animals have multiplied. the chief vegetable productions of these isles are the sugar cane, the bread-fruit tree, the banana, the water-melon, the musk-melon, the _taro_, the _ava_, the _pandanus_, the mulberry, &c. the bread-fruit tree is about the size of a large apple-tree; the fruit resembles an apple and is about twelve or fourteen inches in circumference; the rind is thick and rough like a melon: when cut transversely it is found to be full of sacs, like the inside of an orange; the pulp has the consistence of water-melon, and is cooked before it is eaten. we saw orchards of bread-fruit trees and bananas, and fields of sugar-cane, back of ohetity. the _taro_ grows in low situations, and demands a great deal of care. it is not unlike a white turnip,[e] and as it constitutes the principal food of the natives, it is not to be wondered at that they bestow so much attention on its culture. wherever a spring of pure water is found issuing out of the side of a hill, the gardener marks out on the declivity the size of the field he intends to plant. the ground is levelled and surrounded with a mud or stone wall, not exceeding eighteen inches in height, and having a flood gate above and below. into this enclosure the water of the spring is conducted, or is suffered to escape from it, according to the dryness of the season. when the root has acquired a sufficient size it is pulled up for immediate use. this esculent is very bad to eat raw, but boiled it is better than the yam. cut in slices, dried, pounded and reduced to a farina, it forms with bread fruit the principal food of the natives. sometimes they boil it to the consistence of porridge, which they put into gourds and allow to ferment; it will then keep a long time. they also use to mix with it, fish, which they commonly eat raw with the addition of a little salt, obtained by evaporation. [footnote e: bougainville calls it "calf-foot root."] the _ava_ is a plant more injurious than useful to the inhabitants of these isles; since they only make use of it to obtain a dangerous and intoxicating drink, which they also call _ava_. the mode of preparing this beverage is as follows: they chew the root, and spit out the result into a basin; the juice thus expressed is exposed to the sun to undergo fermentation; after which they decant it into a gourd; it is then fit for use, and they drink it on occasions to intoxication. the too frequent use of this disgusting liquor causes loss of sight, and a sort of leprosy, which can only be cured by abstaining from it, and by bathing frequently in the water of the sea. this leprosy turns their skin white: we saw several of the lepers, who were also blind, or nearly so. the natives are also fond of smoking: the tobacco grows in the islands, but i believe it has been introduced from abroad. the bark of the mulberry furnishes the cloth worn by both sexes; of the leaves of the _pandanus_ they make mats. they have also a kind of wax-nut, about the size of a dried plum of which they make candles by running a stick through several of them. lighted at one end, they burn like a wax taper, and are the only light they use in their huts at night. the men are generally well made and tall: they wear for their entire clothing what they call a _maro_; it is a piece of figured or white tapa, two yards long and a foot wide, which they pass round the loins and between the legs, tying the ends in a knot over the left hip. at first sight i thought they were painted red, but soon perceived that it was the natural _color_ of their skin. the women wear a petticoat of the same stuff as the _maro_, but wider and longer, without, however, reaching below the knees. they have sufficiently regular features, and but for the color, may pass, generally speaking, for handsome women. some to heighten their charms, dye their black hair (cut short for the purpose) with quick lime, forming round the head a strip of pure white, which disfigures them monstrously. others among the young wear a more becoming garland of flowers. for other traits, they are very lascivious, and far from observing a modest reserve, especially toward strangers. in regard to articles of mere ornament, i was told that they were not the same in all the island. i did not see them, either, clothed in their war dresses, or habits of ceremony. but i had an opportunity to see them paint or print their _tapa_, or bark cloth, an occupation in which they employ a great deal of care and patience. the pigments they use are derived from vegetable juices, prepared with the oil of the cocoa-nut. their pencils are little reeds or canes of bamboo, at the extremity of which they carve out divers sorts of flowers. first they tinge the cloth they mean to print, yellow, green, or some other color which forms the ground: then they draw upon it perfectly straight lines, without any other guide but the eye; lastly they dip the ends of the bamboo sticks in paint of a different tint from the ground, and apply them between the dark or bright bars thus formed. this cloth resembles a good deal our calicoes and printed cottons; the oils with which it is impregnated renders it impervious to water. it is said that the natives of _atowy_ excel all the other islanders in the art of painting the tapa. the sandwich-islanders live in villages of one or two hundred houses arranged without symmetry, or rather grouped together in complete defiance of it. these houses are constructed (as i have before said) of posts driven in the ground, covered with long dry grass, and walled with matting; the thatched roof gives them a sort of resemblance to our canadian barns or granges. the length of each house varies according to the number of the family which occupies it: they are not smoky like the wigwams of our indians, the fireplace being always outside in the open air, where all the cooking is performed. hence their dwellings are very clean and neat inside. their pirogues or canoes are extremely light and neat: those which are single have an outrigger, consisting of two curved pieces of timber lashed across the bows, and touching the water at the distance of five or six feet from the side; another piece, turned up at each extremity, is tied to the end and drags in the water, on which it acts like a skating iron on the ice, and by its weight keeps the canoe in equilibrium: without that contrivance they would infallibly upset. their paddles are long, with a very broad blade. all these canoes carry a lateen, or sprit-sail, which is made of a mat of grass or leaves, extremely well woven. i did not remain long enough with these people to acquire very extensive and exact notions of their religion: i know that they recognise a supreme being, whom they call _etoway_, and a number of inferior divinities. each village has one or more _morais_. these morais are enclosures which served for cemeteries; in the middle is a temple, where the priests alone have a right to enter: they contain several idols of wood, rudely sculptured. at the feet of these images are deposited, and left to putrify, the offerings of the people, consisting of dogs, pigs, fowls, vegetables, &c. the respect of these savages for their priests extends almost to adoration; they regard their persons as sacred, and feel the greatest scruple in touching the objects, or going near the places, which they have declared _taboo_ or forbidden. the _taboo_ has often been useful to european navigators, by freeing them from the importunities of the crowd. in our rambles we met groups playing at different games. that of draughts appeared the most common. the checker-board is very simple, the squares being marked on the ground with a sharp stick: the men are merely shells or pebbles. the game was different from that played in civilized countries, so that we could not understand it. although nature has done almost everything for the inhabitants of the sandwich islands--though they enjoy a perpetual spring, a clear sky, a salubrious climate, and scarcely any labor is required to produce the necessaries of life--they can not be regarded as generally happy: the artisans and producers, whom they call _tootoos_, are nearly in the same situation as the helots among the lacedemonians, condemned to labor almost incessantly for their lord or _eris_, without hope of bettering their condition, and even restricted in the choice of their daily food.[f] how has it happened that among a people yet barbarous, where knowledge is nearly equally distributed, the class which is beyond comparison the most numerous has voluntarily submitted to such a humiliating and oppressive yoke? the tartars, though infinitely less numerous than the chinese, have subjected them, because the former were warlike and the latter were not. the same thing has happened, no doubt, at remote periods, in poland, and other regions of europe and asia. if moral causes are joined to physical ones, the superiority of one caste and the inferiority of the other will be still more marked; it is known that the natives of hispaniola, when they saw the spaniards arrive on their coast, in vessels of an astonishing size to their apprehensions, and heard them imitate the thunder with their cannon, took them for beings of a superior nature to their own. supposing that this island had been extremely remote from every other country, and that the spaniards, after conquering it, had held no further communication with any civilized land, at the end of a century or two the language and the manners would have assimilated, but there would have been two castes, one of lords, enjoying all the advantages, the other of serfs, charged with all the burdens. this theory seems to have been realized anciently in hindostan; but if we must credit the tradition of the sandwich-islanders, their country was originally peopled by a man and woman, who came to owyhee in a canoe. unless, then, they mean that this man and woman came with their slaves, and that the _eris_ are descended from the first, and the _tootoos_ from the last, they ought to attribute to each other the same origin, and consequently regard each other as equals, and even as brothers, according to the manner of thinking that prevails among savages. the cause of the slavery of women among most barbarous tribes is more easily explained: the men have subjected them by the right of the strongest, if ignorance and superstition have not caused them to be previously regarded as beings of an inferior nature, made to be servants and not companions.[g] [footnote f: the _tootoos_ and all the women, the wives of the king and principal chiefs excepted, are eternally condemned to the use of fruits and vegetables; dogs and pigs being exclusively reserved for the table of the _eris_.] [footnote g: some indian tribes think that women have no souls, but die altogether like the brutes; others assign them a different paradise from that of men, which indeed they might have reason to prefer for themselves, unless their relative condition were to be ameliorated in the next world.] chapter vi. departure from wahoo.--storm.--arrival at the mouth of the columbia.--reckless order of the captain.--difficulty of the entrance.--perilous situation of the ship.--unhappy fate of a part of the crew and people of the expedition. having taken on board a hundred head of live hogs, some goats, two sheep, a quantity of poultry, two boat-loads of sugar-cane, to feed the hogs, as many more of yams, taro, and other vegetables, and all our water-casks being snugly stowed, we weighed anchor on the th of february, sixteen days after our arrival at karaka-koua. we left another man (edward aymes) at wahoo. he belonged to a boat's crew which was sent ashore for a load of sugar canes. by the time the boat was loaded by the natives the ebb of the tide had left her aground, and aymes asked leave of the coxswain to take a stroll, engaging to be back for the flood. leave was granted him, but during his absence, the tide haying come in sufficiently to float the boat, james thorn, the coxswain, did not wait for the young sailor, who was thus left behind. the captain immediately missed the man, and, on being informed that he had strolled away from the boat on leave, flew into a violent passion. aymes soon made his appearance alongside, having hired some natives to take him on board; on perceiving him, the captain ordered him to stay in the long-boat, then lashed to the side with its load of sugar-cane. the captain then himself got into the boat, and, taking one of the canes, beat the poor fellow most unmercifully with it; after which, not satisfied with this act of brutality, he seized his victim and threw him overboard! aymes, however, being an excellent swimmer, made for the nearest native canoe, of which there were, as usual, a great number around the ship. the islanders, more humane than our captain, took in the poor fellow, who, in spite of his entreaties to be received on board, could only succeed in getting his clothes, which were thrown into the canoe. at parting, he told captain thorn that he knew enough of the laws of his country, to obtain redress, should they ever meet in the territory of the american union. while we were getting under sail, mr. m'kay pointed out to the captain that there was one water-cask empty, and proposed sending it ashore to be filled, as the great number of live animals we had on board required a large quantity of fresh water. the captain, who feared that some of the men would desert if he sent them ashore, made an observation to that effect in answer to mr. m'kay, who then proposed sending me on a canoe which lay alongside, to fill the cask in question: this was agreed to by the captain, and i took the cask accordingly to the nearest spring. having filled it, not without some difficulty, the islanders seeking to detain me, and i perceiving that they had given me some gourds full of salt water, i was forced also to demand a double pirogue (for the canoe which had brought the empty cask, was found inadequate to carry a full one), the ship being already under full sail and gaining an offing. as the natives would not lend a hand to procure what i wanted, i thought it necessary to have recourse to the king, and in fact did so. for seeing the vessel so far at sea, with what i knew of the captain's disposition, i began to fear that he had formed the plan of leaving me on the island. my fears, nevertheless were ill-founded; the vessel made a tack toward the shore, to my great joy; and a double pirogue was furnished me, through the good offices of our young friend the french schoolmaster, to return on board with my cask. our deck was now as much encumbered as when left new york; for we had been obliged to place our live animals at the gangways, and to board over their pens, on which it was necessary to pass, to work ship. our own numbers were also augmented; for we had taken a dozen islanders for the service of our intended commercial establishment. their term of engagement was three years, during which we were to feed and clothe them, and at its expiration they were to receive a hundred dollars in merchandise. the captain had shipped another dozen as hands on the coasting voyage. these people, who make very good sailors, were eager to be taken into employment, and we might easily have carried off a much greater number. we had contrary winds till the d of march, when, having doubled the western extremity of the island, we made northing, and lost sight of these smiling and temperate countries, to enter very soon a colder region and less worthy of being inhabited. the winds were variable, and nothing extraordinary happened to us till the th, when, being arrived at the latitude of ° ' north, and in ° ' of west longitude, the wind shifted all of a sudden to the s.s.w., and blew with such violence, that we were forced to strike top-gallant masts and top-sails, and run before the gale with a double reef in our foresail. the rolling of the vessel was greater than in all the gales we had experienced previously. nevertheless, as we made great headway, and were approaching the continent, the captain by way of precaution, lay to for two nights successively. at last, on the d, in the morning, we saw the land. although we had not been able to take any observations for several days, nevertheless, by the appearance of the coast, we perceived that we were near the mouth of the river columbia, and were not more than three miles from land. the breakers formed by the bar at the entrance of that river, and which we could distinguish from the ship, left us no room to doubt that we had arrived at last at the end of our voyage. the wind was blowing in heavy squalls, and the sea ran very high: in spite of that, the captain caused a boat to be lowered, and mr. fox (first mate), basile lapensee, ignace lapensee, jos. nadeau, and john martin, got into her, taking some provisions and firearms, with orders to sound the channel and report themselves on board as soon as possible. the boat was not even supplied with a good sail, or a mast, but one of the partners gave mr. fox a pair of bed sheets to serve for the former. messrs m'kay and m'dougall could not help remonstrating with the captain on the imprudence of sending the boat ashore in such weather; but they could not move his obstinacy. the boat's crew pulled away from the ship; alas! we were never to see her again; and we already had a foreboding of her fate. the next day the wind seemed to moderate, and we approached very near the coast. the entrance of the river, which we plainly distinguished with the naked eye, appeared but a confused and agitated sea: the waves, impelled by a wind from the offing, broke upon the bar, and left no perceptible passage. we got no sign of the boat; and toward evening, for our own safety, we hauled off to sea, with all countenances extremely sad, not excepting the captain's, who appeared to me as much afflicted as the rest, and who had reason to be so. during the night, the wind fell, the clouds dispersed, and the sky became serene. on the morning of the th, we found that the current had carried us near the coast again, and we dropped anchor in fourteen fathoms water, north of cape disappointment. the _coup d'oeil_ is not so smiling by a great deal at this anchorage, as at the sandwich islands, the coast offering little to the eye but a continuous range of high mountains covered with snow. [illustration: entrance of the columbia river. _ship tonquin, crossing the bar, th march ._] although it was calm, the sea continued to break over the reef with violence, between cape disappointment and point adams. we sent mr. mumford (the second mate) to sound a passage; but having found the breakers too heavy, he returned on board about mid-day. messrs. m'kay and d. stuart offered their services to go ashore, to search for the boat's crew who left on the d; but they could not find a place to land. they saw indians, who made signs to them to pull round the cape, but they deemed it more prudent to return to the vessel. soon after their return, a gentle breeze sprang up from the westward, we raised anchor, and approached the entrance of the river. mr. aikin was then despatched in the pinnace, accompanied by john coles (sail-maker), stephen weeks (armorer), and two sandwich-islanders; and we followed under easy sail. another boat had been sent out before this one, but the captain judging that she bore too far south, made her a signal to return. mr. aikin not finding less than four fathoms, we followed him and advanced between the breakers, with a favorable wind, so that we passed the boat on our starboard, within pistol-shot. we made signs to her to return on board, but she could not accomplish it; the ebb tide carried her with such rapidity that in a few minutes we had lost sight of her amidst the tremendous breakers that surrounded us. it was near nightfall, the wind began to give way, and the water was so low with the ebb, that we struck six or seven times with violence: the breakers broke over the ship and threatened to submerge her. at last we passed from two and three quarters fathoms of water to seven, where we were obliged to drop anchor, the wind having entirely failed us. we were far, however, from being out of danger, and the darkness came to add to the horror of our situation: our vessel, though at anchor, threatened to be carried away every moment by the tide; the best bower was let go, and it kept two men at the wheel to hold her head in the right direction. however, providence came to our succor: the flood succeeded to the ebb, and the wind rising out of the offing, we weighed both anchors, in spite of the obscurity of the night, and succeeded in gaining a little bay or cove, formed at the entrance of the river by cape disappointment, and called _baker's bay_, where we found a good anchorage. it was about midnight, and all retired to take a little rest: the crew, above all, had great need of it. we were fortunate to be in a place of safety, for the wind rose higher and higher during the rest of the night, and on the morning of the th allowed us to see that this ocean is not always pacific. some natives visited us this day, bringing with them beaver-skins; but the inquietude caused in our minds by the loss of two boats' crews, for whom we wished to make search, did not permit us to think of traffic. we tried to make the savages comprehend, by signs, that we had sent a boat ashore three days previous, and that we had no news of her; but they seemed not to understand us. the captain, accompanied by some of our gentlemen, landed, and they set themselves to search for our missing people, in the woods, and along the shore n.w. of the cape. after a few hours we saw the captain return with weeks, one of the crew of the last boat sent out. he was stark naked, and after being clothed, and receiving some nourishment, gave us an account of his almost miraculous escape from the waves on the preceding night, in nearly the following terms:-- "after you had passed our boat;" said he, "the breakers caused by the meeting of the wind roll and ebb-tide, became a great deal heavier than when we entered the river with the flood. the boat, for want of a rudder, became very hard to manage, and we let her drift at the mercy of the tide, till, after having escaped several surges, one struck us midship and capsized us. i lost sight of mr. aiken and john coles: but the two islanders were close by me; i saw them stripping off their clothes, and i followed their example; and seeing the pinnace within my reach, keel upward, i seized it; the two natives came to my assistance; we righted her, and by sudden jerks threw out so much of the water that she would hold a man: one of the natives jumped in, and, bailing with his two hands, succeeded in a short time in emptying her. the other native found the oars, and about dark we were all three embarked. the tide having now carried us outside the breakers, i endeavored to persuade my companions in misfortune to row, but they were so benumbed with cold that they absolutely refused. i well knew that without clothing, and exposed to the rigor of the air, i must keep in constant exercise. seeing besides that the night was advancing, and having no resource but the little strength left me, i set to work sculling, and pushed off the bar, but so as not to be carried out too far to sea. about midnight, one of my companions died: the other threw himself upon the body of his comrade, and i could not persuade him to abandon it. daylight appeared at last; and, being near the shore, i headed in for it, and arrived, thank god, safe and sound, through the breakers, on a sandy beach. i helped the islander, who yet gave some signs of life, to get out of the boat, and we both took to the woods; but, seeing that he was not able to follow me, i left him to his bad fortune, and, pursuing a beaten path that i perceived, i found myself, to my great astonishment, in the course of a few hours, near the vessel." the gentlemen who went ashore with the captain divided themselves into three parties, to search for the native whom weeks had left at the entrance of the forest; but, after scouring the woods and the point of the cape all day, they came on board in the evening without having found him. chapter vii. regrets of the author at the loss of his companions.--obsequies of a sandwich islander.--first steps in the formation of the intended establishment.--new alarm.--encampment. the narrative of weeks informed us of the death of three of our companions, and we could not doubt that the five others had met a similar fate. this loss of eight of our number, in two days, before we had set foot on shore, was a bad augury, and was sensibly felt by all of us. in the course of so long a passage, the habit of seeing each other every day, the participation of the same cares and dangers, and confinement to the same narrow limits, had formed between all the passengers a connection that could not be broken, above all in a manner so sad and so unlooked for, without making us feel a void like that which is experienced in a well-regulated and loving family, when it is suddenly deprived by death, of the presence of one of its cherished members. we had left new york, for the most part strangers to one another; but arrived at the river columbia we were all friends, and regarded each other almost as brothers. we regretted especially the two brothers lapensée and joseph nadeau: these young men had been in an especial manner recommended by their respectable parents in canada to the care of mr. m'kay; and had acquired by their good conduct the esteem of the captain, of the crew, and of all the passengers. the brothers lapensée were courageous and willing, never flinching in the hour of danger, and had become as good seamen as any on board. messrs fox and aikin were both highly regarded by all; the loss of mr. fox, above all, who was endeared to every one by his gentlemanly behavior and affability, would have been severely regretted at any time, but it was doubly so in the present conjuncture: this gentleman, who had already made a voyage to the northwest, could have rendered important services to the captain and to the company. the preceding days had been days of apprehension and of uneasiness; this was one of sorrow and mourning. the following day, the same gentlemen who had volunteered their services to seek for the missing islander, resumed their labors, and very soon after they left us, we perceived a great fire kindled at the verge of the woods, over against the ship. i was sent in a boat and arrived at the fire. it was our gentlemen who had kindled it, to restore animation to the poor islander, whom they had at last found under the rocks, half dead with cold and fatigue, his legs swollen and his feet bleeding. we clothed him, and brought him on board, where, by our care, we succeeded in restoring him to life. toward evening, a number of the sandwich-islanders, provided with the necessary utensils, and offerings consisting of biscuit, lard, and tobacco, went ashore, to pay the last duties to their compatriot, who died in mr. aikin's boat, on the night of the th. mr. pillet and i went with them, and witnessed the obsequies, which took place in the manner following. arrived at the spot where the body had been hung upon a tree to preserve it from the wolves, the natives dug a grave in the sand; then taking down the body, and stretching it alongside the pit, they placed the biscuit under one of the arms, a piece of pork beneath the other, and the tobacco beneath the chin and the genital parts. thus provided for the journey to the other world, the body was deposited in the grave and covered with sand and stones. all the countrymen of the dead man then knelt on either side of the grave, in a double row, with their faces to the east, except one of them who officiated as priest; the latter went to the margin of the sea, and having filled his hat with water, sprinkled the two rows of islanders, and recited a sort of prayer, to which the others responded, nearly as we do in the litanies. that prayer ended, they rose and returned to the vessel, looking neither to the right hand nor to the left. as every one of them appeared to me familiar with the part he performed, it is more than probable that they observed, as far as circumstances permitted, the ceremonies practised in their country on like occasions. we all returned on board about sundown. the next day, the th, desirous of clearing the gangways of the live stock; we sent some men on shore to construct a pen, and soon after landed about fifty hogs, committing them to the care of one of the hands. on the th, the long boat was manned, armed and provisioned, and the captain, with messrs. m'kay and d. stuart, and some of the clerks, embarked on it, to ascend the river and choose an eligible spot for our trading establishment. messrs. boss and pillet left at the same time, to run down south, and try to obtain intelligence of mr. fox and his crew. in the meantime, having reached some of the goods most at hand, we commenced, with the natives who came every day to the vessel, a trade for beaver-skins, and sea-otter stones. messrs. ross and pillet returned on board on the st of april, without having learned anything respecting mr. fox and his party. they did not even perceive along the beach any vestiges of the boat. the natives who occupy point _adams_, and who are called _clatsops_, received our young gentlemen very amicably and hospitably. the captain and his companions also returned on the th, without having decided on a position for the establishment, finding none which appeared to them eligible. it was consequently resolved to explore the south bank, and messrs. m'dougal and d. stuart departed on that expedition the next day, promising to return by the th. the th came, and these gentlemen did not return. it rained almost all day. the day after, some natives came on board, and reported that messrs. m'dougal and stuart had capsized the evening before in crossing the bay. this news at first alarmed us; and, if it had been verified, would have given the finishing blow to our discouragement. still, as the weather was excessively bad, and we did not repose entire faith in the story of the natives--whom, moreover, we might not have perfectly understood--we remained in suspense till the th. on the morning of that day, we were preparing to send some of the people in search of our two gentlemen, when we perceived two large canoes, full of indians, coming toward the vessel: they were of the _chinook_ village, which was situated at the foot of a bluff on the north side of the river, and were bringing back messrs. m'dougal and stuart. we made known to these gentlemen the report we had heard on the th from the natives, and they informed us that it had been in fact well founded; that on the th, desirous of reaching the ship agreeably to their promise, they had quitted _chinook_ point, in spite of the remonstrances of the chief, _comcomly_, who sought to detain them by pointing out the danger to which they would expose themselves in crossing the bay in such a heavy sea as it was; that they had scarcely made more than a mile and a half before a huge wave broke over their boat and capsized it; that the indians, aware of the danger to which they were exposed, had followed them, and that, but for their assistance, mr. m'dougal, who could not swim, would inevitably have been drowned; that, after the chinooks had kindled a large fire and dried their clothes, they had been conducted by them back to their village, where the principal chief had received them with all imaginable hospitality, regaling them with every delicacy his wigwam afforded; that, in fine, if they had got back safe and sound to the vessel, it was to the timely succor and humane cares of the indians whom we saw before us that they owed it. we liberally rewarded these generous children of the forest, and they returned home well satisfied. this last survey was also fruitless, as messrs. m'dougal and stuart did not find an advantageous site to build upon. but, as the captain wished to take advantage of the fine season to pursue his traffic with the natives along the n.w. coast, it was resolved to establish ourselves on point _george_, situated on the south bank, about fourteen or fifteen miles from our present anchorage. accordingly, we embarked on the th, in the long-boat, to the number of twelve, furnished with tools, and with provisions for a week. we landed at the bottom of a small bay, where we formed a sort of encampment. the spring, usually so tardy in this latitude, was already far advanced; the foliage was budding, and the earth was clothing itself with verdure; the weather was superb, and all nature smiled. we imagined ourselves in the garden of eden; the wild forests seemed to us delightful groves, and the leaves transformed to brilliant flowers. no doubt, the pleasure of finding ourselves at the end of our voyage, and liberated from the ship, made things appear to us a great deal more beautiful than they really were. be that as it may, we set ourselves to work with enthusiasm, and cleared, in a few days, a point of land of its under-brush, and of the huge trunks of pine-trees that covered it, which we rolled, half-burnt, down the bank. the vessel came to moor near our encampment, and the trade went on. the natives visited us constantly and in great numbers; some to trade, others to gratify their curiosity, or to purloin some little articles if they found an opportunity. we landed the frame timbers which we had brought, ready cut for the purpose, in the vessel; and by the end of april, with the aid of the ship-carpenters, john weeks and johann koaster, we had laid the keel of a coasting-schooner of about thirty tons. chapter viii. voyage up the river.--description of the country.--meeting with strange indians. the indians having informed us that above certain rapids, there was an establishment of white men, we doubted not that it was a trading post of the northwest company; and to make sure of it, we procured a large canoe and a guide, and set out, on the d of may, messrs m'kay, r. stuart, montigny, and i, with a sufficient number of hands. we first passed a lofty head-land, that seemed at a distance to be detached from the main, and to which we gave the name of _tongue point_. here the river gains a width of some nine or ten miles, and keeps it for about twelve miles up. the left bank, which we were coasting, being concealed by little low islands, we encamped for the night on one of them, at the village of _wahkaykum_, to which our guide belonged. we continued our journey on the d: the river narrows considerably, at about thirty miles from its mouth, and is obstructed with islands, which are thickly covered with the willow, poplar, alder, and ash. these islands are, without exception, uninhabited and uninhabitable, being nothing but swamps, and entirely overflowed in the months of june and july; as we understood from _coalpo_, our guide, who appeared to be an intelligent man. in proportion as we advanced, we saw the high mountains capped with snow, which form the chief and majestic feature, though a stern one, of the banks of the columbia for some distance from its mouth, recede, and give place to a country of moderate elevation, and rising amphitheatrically from the margin of the stream. the river narrows to a mile or thereabouts; the forest is less dense, and patches of green prairie are seen. we passed a large village on the south bank, called _kreluit_, above which is a fine forest of oaks; and encamped for the night, on a low point, at the foot of an isolated rock, about one hundred and fifty feet high. this rock appeared to me remarkable on account of its situation, reposing in the midst of a low and swampy ground, as if it had been dropped from the clouds, and seeming to have no connection with the neighboring mountains. on a cornice or shelving projection about thirty feet from its base, the natives of the adjacent villages deposite their dead, in canoes; and it is the same rock to which, for this reason, lieutenant broughton gave the name of _mount coffin_. on the th, in the morning, we arrived at a large village of the same name as that which we had passed the evening before, _kreluit_, and we landed to obtain information respecting a considerable stream, which here discharges into the columbia, and respecting its resources for the hunter and trader in furs. it comes from the north, and is called _cowlitzk_ by the natives. mr. m'kay embarked with mr. de montigny and two indians, in a small canoe, to examine the course of this river, a certain distance up. on entering the stream, they saw a great number of birds, which they took at first for turkeys, so much they resembled them, but which were only a kind of carrion eagles, vulgarly called _turkey-buzzards_. we were not a little astonished to see mr. de montigny return on foot and alone; he soon informed us of the reason: having ascended the _kowlitzk_ about a mile and a half, on rounding a bend of the stream, they suddenly came in view of about twenty canoes, full of indians, who had made a rush upon them with the most frightful yells; the two natives and the guide who conducted their little canoe, retreated with the utmost precipitancy, but seeing that they would be overtaken, they stopped short, and begged mr. m'kay to fire upon the approaching savages, which he, being well acquainted with the indian character from the time he accompanied sir alexander m'kenzie, and having met with similar occurrences before, would by no means do; but displayed a friendly sign to the astonished natives, and invited them to land for an amicable talk; to which they immediately assented. mr. m'kay had sent mr. de montigny to procure some tobacco and a pipe, in order to strike a peace with these barbarians. the latter then returned to mr. m'kay, with the necessary articles, and in the evening the party came back to our camp, which we had fixed between the villages. we were then informed that the indians whom mr. m'kay had met, were at war with the _kreluits_. it was impossible, consequently, to close our eyes all night; the natives passing and repassing continually from one village to the other, making fearful cries, and coming every minute to solicit us to discharge our firearms; all to frighten their enemies, and let them see that they were on their guard. on the th, in the morning, we paid a visit to the hostile camp; and those savages, who had never seen white men, regarded us with curiosity and astonishment, lifting the legs of our trowsers and opening our shirts, to see if the skin of our bodies resembled that of our faces and hands. we remained some time with them, to make proposals of peace; and having ascertained that this warlike demonstration originated in a trifling offence on the part of the _kreluits_, we found them well disposed to arrange matters in an amicable fashion. after having given them, therefore, some looking-glasses, beads, knives, tobacco, and other trifles, we quitted them and pursued our way. having passed a deserted village, and then several islands, we came in sight of a noble mountain on the north, about twenty miles distant, all covered with snow, contrasting remarkably with the dark foliage of the forests at its base, and probably the same which was seen by broughton, and named by him _mount st. helen's_. we pulled against a strong current all this day, and at evening our guide made us enter a little river, on the bank of which we found a good camping place, under a grove of oaks, and in the midst of odoriferous wild flowers, where we passed a night more tranquil than that which had preceded it. on the morning of the th we ascended this small stream, and soon arrived at a large village called _thlakalamah_, the chief whereof, who was a young and handsome man, was called _keasseno_, and was a relative of our guide. the situation of this village is the most charming that can be, being built on the little river that we had ascended, and indeed at its navigable head, being here, but a torrent with numerous cascades leaping from rock to rock in their descent to the deep, limpid water, which then flows through a beautiful prairie, enamelled with odorous flowers of all colors, and studded with superb groves of oak. the freshness and beauty of this spot, which nature seemed to have taken pleasure in adorning and enriching with her most precious gifts, contrasted, in a striking manner, with the indigence and uncleanliness of its inhabitants; and i regretted that it had not fallen to the lot of civilized men. i was wrong no doubt: it is just that those should be most favored by their common mother, who are least disposed to pervert her gifts, or to give the preference to advantages which are factitious, and often very frivolous. we quitted with regret this charming spot, and soon came to another large village, which our guide informed us was called _kathlapootle_, and was situated at the confluence of a small stream, that seemed to flow down from the mountain covered with snow, which we had seen the day before: this river is called _cowilkt_. we coasted a pretty island, well timbered, and high enough above the level of the columbia to escape inundation in the freshets, and arrived at two villages called _maltnabah_. we then passed the confluence of the river _wallamat_, or _willamet_, above which the tide ceases to be felt in the columbia. our guide informed us that ascending this river about a day's journey, there was a considerable fall, beyond which the country abounded in deer, elk, bear, beaver, and otter. but here, at the spot where we were, the oaks and poplar which line both banks of the river, the green and flowery prairies discerned through the trees, and the mountains discovered in the distance, offer to the eye of the observer who loves the beauties of simple nature, a prospect the most lovely and enchanting. we encamped for the night on the edge of one of these fine prairies. on the th we passed several low islands, and soon discovered _mount hood_, a high mountain, capped with snow, so named by lieutenant broughton; and _mount washington_, another snowy summit, so called by lewis and clarke. the prospect which the former had before his eyes at this place, appeared to him so charming, that landing upon a point, to take possession of the country in the name of king george, he named it _pointe belle vue_. at two o'clock we passed _point vancouver_, the highest reached by broughton. the width of the river diminishes considerably above this point, and we began very soon to encounter shoals of sand and gravel; a sure indication that we were nearing the rapids. we encamped that evening under a ledge of rocks, descending almost to the water's edge. the next day, the th, we did not proceed far before we encountered a very rapid current. soon after, we saw a hut of indians engaged in fishing, where we stopped to breakfast. we found here an old blind man, who gave us a cordial reception. our guide said that he was a white man, and that his name was _soto_. we learned from the mouth of the old man himself, that he was the son of a spaniard who had been wrecked at the mouth of the river; that a part of the crew on this occasion got safe ashore, but were all massacred by the clatsops, with the exception of four, who were spared and who married native women; that these four spaniards, of whom his father was one, disgusted with the savage life, attempted to reach a settlement of their own nation toward the south, but had never been heard of since; and that when his father, with his companions, left the country, he himself was yet quite young.[h] these good people having regaled us with fresh salmon, we left them, and arrived very soon at a rapid, opposite an island, named _strawberry island_ by captains lewis and clarke, in . we left our men at a large village, to take care of the canoe and baggage; and following our guide, after walking about two hours, in a beaten path, we came to the foot of the fall, where we amused ourselves for some time with shooting the seals, which were here in abundance, and in watching the indians taking salmon below the cataract, in their scoop-nets, from stages erected for that purpose over the eddies. a chief, a young man of fine person and a good mien, came to us, followed by some twenty others, and invited us to his wigwam: we accompanied him, had roasted salmon for supper, and some mats were spread for our night's repose. [footnote h: these facts, if they were authenticated, would prove that the spaniards were the first who discovered the mouth of the columbia. it is certain that long before the voyages of captains gray and vancouver, they knew at least a part of the course of that river, which was designated in their maps under the name of _oregon_.] the next morning, having ascertained that there was no trading post near the falls, and coalpo absolutely refusing to proceed further, alleging that the natives of the villages beyond were his enemies, and would not fail to kill him if they had him in their power, we decided to return to the encampment. having, therefore, distributed some presents to our host (i mean the young chief with whom we had supped and lodged) and to some of his followers, and procured a supply of fresh salmon for the return voyage, we re-embarked and reached the camp on the th, without accidents or incidents worth relating. chapter ix. departure of the tonquin.--indian messengers.--project of an expedition to the interior.--arrival of mr. daniel thompson.--departure of the expedition.--designs upon us by the natives.--rumors of the destruction of the tonquin.--scarcity of provisions.--narrative of a strange indian.--duplicity and cunning of comcomly. having built a warehouse ( feet by ) to put under cover the articles we were to receive from the ship, we were busily occupied, from the th to the th, in stowing away the goods and other effects intended for the establishment. the ship, which had been detained by circumstances, much longer than had been anticipated, left her anchorage at last, on the st of june, and dropped down to baker's bay, there to wait for a favorable wind to get out of the river. as she was to coast along the north, and enter all the harbors, in order to procure as many furs as possible, and to touch at the columbia river before she finally left these seas for the united states, it was unanimously resolved among the partners, that mr. m'kay should join the cruise, as well to aid the captain, as to obtain correct information in regard to the commerce with the natives on that coast. mr. m'kay selected messrs. j. lewis and o. de montigny to accompany him; but the latter having represented that the sea made him sick, was excused; and mr. m'kay shipped in his place a young man named louis bruslé, to serve him in the capacity of domestic, being one of the young canadian sailors. i had the good fortune not to be chosen for this disastrous voyage, thanks to my having made myself useful at the establishment. mr. mumford (the second mate) owed the same happiness to the incompatibility of his disposition with that of the captain; he had permission to remain, and engaged with the company in place of mr. aikin as coaster, and in command of the schooner.[i] [footnote i: this schooner was found too small for the purpose. mr. astor had no idea of the dangers to be met at the mouth of the colombia, or he would have ordered the frame of a vessel of at least one hundred tons. the frames shipped in new york were used in the construction of this one only, which was employed solely in the river trade.] on the th of june, the ship got out to sea, with a good wind. we continued in the meantime to labor without intermission at the completion of the storehouse, and in the erection of a dwelling for ourselves, and a powder magazine. these buildings were constructed of hewn logs, and, in the absence of boards, tightly covered and roofed with cedar bark. the natives, of both sexes, visited us more frequently, and formed a pretty considerable camp near the establishment. on the th, some natives from up the river, brought us two strange indians, a man and a woman. they were not attired like the savages on the river columbia, but wore long robes of dressed deer-skin, with leggings and moccasins in the fashion of the tribes to the east of the rocky mountains. we put questions to them in various indian dialects; but they did not understand us. they showed us a letter addressed to "_mr. john stuart, fort estekatadene, new caledonia_." mr. pillet then addressing them in the _knisteneaux_ language, they answered, although they appeared not to understand it perfectly. notwithstanding, we learned from them that they had been sent by a mr. finnan m'donald, a clerk in the service of the northwest company, and who had a post on a river which they called _spokan_; that having lost their way, they had followed the course of the _tacousah-tesseh_ (the indian name of the columbia), that when they arrived at the falls, the natives made them understand that there were white men at the mouth of the river; and not doubting that the person to whom the letter was addressed would be found there, they had come to deliver it. we kept these messengers for some days, and having drawn from them important information respecting the country in the interior, west of the mountains, we decided to send an expedition thither, under the command of mr. david stuart; and the th july was fixed for its departure. all was in fact ready on the appointed day, and we were about to load the canoes, when toward midday, we saw a large canoe, with a flag displayed at her stern, rounding the point which we called _tongue point_. we knew not who it could be; for we did not so soon expect our own party, who (as the reader will remember) were to cross the continent, by the route which captains lewis and clarke had followed, in , and to winter for that purpose somewhere on the missouri. we were soon relieved of our uncertainty by the arrival of the canoe, which touched shore at a little wharf that we had built to facilitate the landing of goods from the vessel. the flag she bore was the british, and her crew was composed of eight canadian boatmen or _voyageurs_. a well-dressed man, who appeared to be the commander, was the first to leap ashore, and addressing us without ceremony, said that his name was david thompson, and that he was one of the partners of the northwest company. we invited him to our quarters, which were at one end of the warehouse, the dwelling-house not being yet completed. after the usual civilities had been extended to our visitor, mr. thompson said that he had crossed the continent during the preceding season; but that the desertion of a portion of his men had compelled him to winter at the base of the rocky mountains, at the head waters of the columbia. in the spring he had built a canoe, the materials for which he had brought with him across the mountains, and had come down the river to our establishment. he added that the wintering partners had resolved to abandon all their trading posts west of the mountains, not to enter into competition with us, provided our company would engage not to encroach upon their commerce on the east side: and to support what he said, produced a letter to that effect, addressed by the wintering partners to the chief of their house in canada, the hon. william m'gillivray. mr. thompson kept a regular journal, and travelled, i thought, more like a geographer than a fur-trader. he was provided with a sextant, chronometer and barometer, and during a week's sojourn which he made at our place, had an opportunity to make several astronomical observations. he recognised the two indians who had brought the letter addressed to mr. j. stuart, and told us that they were two women, one of whom had dressed herself as a man, to travel with more security. the description which he gave us of the interior of the country was not calculated to give us a very favorable idea of it, and did not perfectly accord with that of our two indian guests. we persevered, however, in the resolution we had taken, of sending an expedition thither; and, on the d mr. d. stuart set out, accompanied by messrs. pillet, boss, m'clellan and de montigny, with four canadian _voyageurs_, and the two indian women, and in company with mr. thompson and his crew. the wind being favorable, the little flotilla hoisted sail, and was soon out of our sight.[j] [footnote j: mr. thompson had no doubt been sent by the agents of the northwest company, to take possession of an eligible spot at the mouth of the columbia, with a view of forestalling the plan of mr. astor. he would have been there before us, no doubt, but for the desertion of his men. the consequence of this step would have been his taking possession of the country, and displaying the british flag, as an emblem, of that possession and a guarantee of protection hereafter. he found himself too late, however, and the stars and stripes floating over _astoria_. this note is not intended by the author as an after-thought: as the opinion it conveys was that which we all entertained at the time of that gentleman's visit.] the natives, who till then had surrounded us in great numbers, began to withdraw, and very soon we saw no more of them. at first we attributed their absence to the want of furs to trade with; but we soon learned that they acted in that manner from another motive. one of the secondary chiefs who had formed a friendship for mr. r. stuart, informed him, that seeing us reduced in number by the expedition lately sent off, they had formed the design of surprising us, to take our lives and plunder the post. we hastened, therefore, to put ourselves in the best possible state of defence. the dwelling house was raised, parallel to the warehouse; we cut a great quantity of pickets in the forest, and formed a square, with palisades in front and rear, of about feet by ; the warehouse, built on the edge of a ravine, formed one flank, the dwelling house and shops the other; with a little bastion at each angle north and south, on which were mounted four small cannon. the whole was finished in six days, and had a sufficiently formidable aspect to deter the indians from attacking us; and for greater surety, we organized a guard for day and night. toward the end of the month, a large assemblage of indians from the neighborhood of the straits _juan de fuca_, and _gray's harbor_, formed a great camp on baker's bay, for the ostensible object of fishing for sturgeon. it was bruited among these indians that the tonquin had been destroyed on the coast, and mr. m'kay (or the chief trader, as they called him) and all the crew, massacred by the natives. we did not give credence to this rumor. some days after, other indians from gray's harbor, called _tchikeylis_, confirmed what the first had narrated, and even gave us, as far as we could judge by the little we knew of their language, a very circumstantial detail of the affair, so that without wholly convincing us, it did not fail to make a painful impression on our minds, and keep us in an excited state of feeling as to the truth of the report. the indians of the bay looked fiercer and more warlike than those of our neighborhood; so we redoubled our vigilance, and performed a regular daily drill to accustom ourselves to the use of arms. to the necessity of securing ourselves against an attack on the part of the natives, was joined that of obtaining a stock of provisions for the winter: those which we had received from the vessel were very quickly exhausted, and from the commencement of the month of july we were forced to depend upon fish. not having brought hunters with us, we had to rely for venison, on the precarious hunt of one of the natives who had not abandoned us when the rest of his countrymen retired. this man brought us from time to time, a very lean and very dry doe-elk, for which we had to pay, notwithstanding, very dear. the ordinary price of a stag was a blanket, a knife, some tobacco, powder and ball, besides supplying our hunter with a musket. this dry meat, and smoke-dried fish, constituted our daily food, and that in very insufficient quantity for hardworking men. "we had no bread, and vegetables, of course, were quite out of the question. in a word our fare was not sumptuous. those who accommodated themselves best to our mode of living were the sandwich-islanders: salmon and elk were to them exquisite viands. on the th of august a number of chinooks visited us, bringing a strange indian, who had, they said, something interesting to communicate. this savage told us, in fact, that he had been engaged with ten more of his countrymen, by a captain _ayres_, to hunt seals on the islands in _sir francis drake's bay_, where these animals are very numerous, with a promise of being taken home and paid for their services; the captain had left them on the islands, to go southwardly and purchase provisions, he said, of the spaniards of monterey in california; but he had never returned: and they, believing that he had been wrecked, had embarked in a skiff which he had left them, and had reached the main land, from which they were not far distant; but their skiff was shattered to pieces in the surf, and they had saved themselves by swimming. believing that they were not far from the river columbia, they had followed the shore, living, on the way, upon shell-fish and frogs; at last they arrived among strange indians, who, far from receiving them kindly, had killed eight of them and made the rest prisoners; but the _klemooks_, a neighboring tribe to the _clatsops_, hearing that they were captives, had ransomed them. these facts must have occurred in march or april, . the indian who gave us an account of them, appeared to have a great deal of intelligence and knew some words of the english language. he added that he had been at the russian trading post at _chitka_, that he had visited the coast of california, the sandwich islands, and even china. about this time, old comcomly sent to _astoria_ for mr. stuart and me, to come and cure him of a swelled throat, which, he said, afflicted him sorely. as it was late in the day, we postponed till to-morrow going to cure the chief of the chinooks; and it was well we did; for, the same evening, the wife of the indian who had accompanied us in our voyage to the falls, sent us word that comcomly was perfectly well, the pretended _tonsillitis_ being only a pretext to get us in his power. this timely advice kept us at home. chapter x. occupations at astoria.--return of a portion of the men of the expedition to the interior.--new expedition.--excursion in search of three deserters. on the th of september our house was finished, and we took possession of it. the mason work had at first caused us some difficulty; but at last, not being able to make lime for want of lime-stones, we employed blue clay as a substitute for mortar. this dwelling-house was sufficiently spacious to hold all our company, and we had distributed it in the most convenient manner that we could. it comprised a sitting, a dining room, some lodging or sleeping rooms, and an apartment for the men and artificers, all under the same roof. we also completed a shop for the blacksmith, who till that time had worked in the open air. the schooner, the construction of which had necessarily languished for want of an adequate force at the ship-yard, was finally launched on the d of october, and named the _dolly_, with the formalities usual on such occasions. i was on that day at _young's bay_, where i saw the ruins of the quarters erected by captains lewis and clarke, in -' : they were but piles of rough, unhewn logs, overgrown with parasite creepers. on the evening of the th, messrs. pillet and m'lellan arrived, from the party of mr. david stuart, in a canoe manned by two of his men. they brought, as passengers, mr. régis bruguier, whom i had known in canada as a respectable country merchant, and an iroquois family. mr. bruguier had been a trader among the indians on the saskatchawine river, where he had lost his outfit: he had since turned trapper, and had come into this region to hunt beaver, being provided with traps and other needful implements. the report which these gentlemen gave of the interior was highly satisfactory: they had found the climate salubrious, and had been well received by the natives. the latter possessed a great number of horses, and mr. stuart had purchased several of these animals at a low price. ascending the river they had come to a pretty stream, which the natives called _okenakan_. mr. stuart had resolved to establish his post on the bank of this river, and having erected a log-house, he thought best to send back the above named persons, retaining with him, for the winter, only messrs. ross and de montigny, and two men.[k] [footnote k: one of these men bad been left with him by mr. thompson, in exchange for a sandwich-islander whom that gentleman proposed to take to canada, and thence to england.] meanwhile, the season being come when the indians quit the seashore and the banks of the columbia, to retire into the woods and establish their winter quarters along the small streams and rivers, we began to find ourselves short of provisions, having received no supplies from them for some time. it was therefore determined that mr. r. stuart should set out in the schooner with mr. mumford, for the threefold purpose, of obtaining all the provisions they could, cutting oaken staves for the use of the cooper, and trading with the indians up the river. they left with this design on the th. at the end of five days mr. mumford returned in a canoe of indians. this man having wished to assume the command, and to order (in the style of captain thorn) the person who had engaged him to obey, had been sent back in consequence to _astoria_. on the th of november we discovered that three of our people had absconded, viz., p.d. jeremie, and the two belleaux. they had leave to go out shooting for two days, and carried off with them firearms and ammunition, and a handsome light indian canoe. as soon as their flight was known, having procured a large canoe of the chinooks, we embarked, mr. matthews and i, with five natives, to pursue them, with orders to proceed as far as the falls, if necessary. on the th, having ascended the river to a place called _oak point_, we overtook the schooner lying at anchor, while mr. stuart was taking in a load of staves and hoop-poles. mr. farnham joined our party, as well as one of the hands, and thus reinforced, we pursued our way, journeying day and night, and stopping at every indian village, to make inquiries and offer a reward for the apprehension of our runaways. having reached the falls without finding any trace of them, and our provisions giving out, we retraced our steps, and arrived on the th at oak point, which we found mr. stuart ready to quit. meanwhile, the natives of the vicinity informed us that they had seen the marks of shoes imprinted on the sand, at the confluence of a small stream in the neighborhood. we got three small canoes, carrying two persons each, and having ascertained that the information was correct, after searching the environs during a part of the th, we ascended the small stream as far as some high lands which are seen from oak point, and which lie about eight or nine miles south of it. the space between these high lands and the ridge crowned with oaks on the bank of the columbia, is a low and swampy land, cut up by an infinity of little channels. toward evening we returned on our path, to regain the schooner; but instead of taking the circuitous way of the river, by which we had come, we made for oak point by the most direct route, through these channels; but night coming on, we lost ourselves. our situation became the most disagreeable that can be imagined. being unable to find a place where we could land, on account of the morass, we were obliged to continue rowing, or rather turning round, in this species of labyrinth, constantly kneeling in our little canoes, which any unlucky movement would infallibly have caused to upset. it rained in torrents and was dark as pitch. at last, after having wandered about during a considerable part of the night, we succeeded in gaining the edge of the mainland. leaving there our canoes, because we could not drag them (as we attempted) through the forest, we crossed the woods in the darkness, tearing ourselves with the brush, and reached the schooner, at about two in the morning, benumbed with cold and exhausted with fatigue. the th was spent in getting in the remainder of the lading of the little vessel, and on the morning of the th we raised anchor, and dropped down abreast of the kreluit village, where some of the indians offering to aid us in the search after our deserters, mr. stuart put mr. farnham and me on shore to make another attempt. we passed that day in drying our clothes, and the next day embarked in a canoe, with one _kreluit_ man and a squaw, and ascended the river before described as entering the columbia at this place. we soon met a canoe of natives, who informed us that our runaways had been made prisoners by the chief of a tribe which dwells upon the banks of the willamet river, and which they called _cathlanaminim_. we kept on and encamped on a beach of sand opposite _deer island_. there we passed a night almost as disagreeable as that of the th- th. we had lighted a fire, and contrived a shelter of mats; but there came on presently a violent gust of wind, accompanied with a heavy rain: our fire was put out, our mats were carried away, and we could neither rekindle the one nor find the others: so that we had to remain all night exposed to the fury of the storm. as soon as it was day we re-embarked, and set ourselves to paddling with all our might to warm ourselves. in the evening we arrived near the village where our deserters were, and saw one of them on the skirts of it. we proceeded to the hut of the chief, where we found all three, more inclined to follow us than to remain as slaves among these barbarians. we passed the night in the chief's lodge, not without some fear and some precaution; this chief having the reputation of being a wicked man, and capable of violating the rights of parties. he was a man of high stature and a good mien, and proud in proportion, as we discovered by the chilling and haughty manner in which he received us. farnham and i agreed to keep watch alternately, but this arrangement was superfluous, as neither of us could sleep a wink for the infernal thumping and singing made by the medicine men all night long, by a dying native. i had an opportunity of seeing the sick man make his last will and testament: having caused to be brought to him whatever he had that was most precious, his bracelets of copper, his bead necklace, his bow and arrows and quiver, his nets, his lines, his spear, his pipe, &c., he distributed the whole to his most intimate friends, with a promise on their part, to restore them, if he recovered. on the d, after a great deal of talk, and infinite quibbling on the part of the chief, we agreed with him for the ransom of our men. i had visited every lodge in the village and found but few of the young men, the greater part having gone on a fishing excursion; knowing, therefore, that the chief could not be supported by his warriors, i was resolved not be imposed upon, and as i knew where the firearms of the fugitives had been deposited, i would have them at all hazards; but we were obliged to give him all our blankets, amounting to eight, a brass kettle, a hatchet, a small pistol, much out of order, a powder-horn, and some rounds of ammunition: with these articles placed in a pile before him, we demanded the men's clothing, the three fowling-pieces, and their canoe, which he had caused to be hidden in the woods. nothing but our firmness compelled him to accept the articles offered in exchange; but at last, with great reluctance, he closed the bargain, and suffered us to depart in the evening with the prisoners and the property. we all five (including the three deserters) embarked in the large canoe, leaving our kreluit and his wife to follow in the other, and proceeded as far as the cowlitzk, where we camped. the next day, we pursued our journey homeward, only stopping at the kreluit village to get some provisions, and soon entered the group of islands which crowd the river above gray's bay. on one of these we stopped to amuse ourselves with shooting some ducks, and meanwhile a smart breeze springing up, we split open a double-rush mat (which had served as a bag), to make a sail, and having cut a forked sapling for a mast, shipped a few boulders to stay the foot of it, and spread our canvass to the wind. we soon arrived in sight of gray's bay, at a distance of fourteen or fifteen miles from our establishment. we had, notwithstanding, a long passage across, the river forming in this place, as i have before observed, a sort of lake, by the recession of its shores on either hand: but the wind was fair. we undertook, then, to cross, and quitted the island, to enter the broad, lake-like expanse, just as the sun was going down, hoping to reach astoria in a couple of hours. we were not long before we repented of our temerity: for in a short time the sky became overcast, the wind increased till it blew with violence, and meeting with the tide, caused the waves to rise prodigiously, which broke over our wretched canoe, and filled it with water. we lightened it as much as we could, by throwing overboard the little baggage we had left, and i set the men to baling with our remaining brass kettle. at last, after having been, for three hours, the sport of the raging billows, and threatened every instant with being swallowed up, we had the unexpected happiness of landing in a cove on the north shore of the river. our first care was to thank the almighty for having delivered us from so imminent a danger. then, when we had secured the canoe, and groped our way to the forest, where we made, with branches of trees, a shelter against the wind--still continuing to blow with violence, and kindled a great fire to warm us and dry our clothes. that did not prevent us from shivering the rest of the night, even in congratulating ourselves on the happiness of setting our foot on shore at the moment when we began quite to despair of saving ourselves at all. the morning of the th brought with it a clear sky, but no abatement in the violence of the wind, till toward evening, when we again embarked, and arrived with our deserters at the establishment, where they never expected to see us again. some indians who had followed us in a canoe, up to the moment when we undertook the passage across the evening before, had followed the southern shore, and making the portage of the isthmus of tongue point, had happily arrived at astoria. these natives, not doubting that we were lost, so reported us to mr. m'dougal; accordingly that gentleman was equally overjoyed and astonished at beholding us safely landed, which procured, not only for us, but for the culprits, our companions, a cordial and hearty reception. chapter xi. departure of mr. r. stuart for the interior.--occupations at astoria.--arrival of messrs. donald m'kenzie and robert m'lellan.--account of their journey.--arrival of mr. wilson p. hunt. the natives having given us to understand that beaver was very abundant in the country watered by the willamet, mr. r. stuart procured a guide, and set out, on the th of december, accompanied by messrs. pillet and m'gillis and a few of the men, to ascend that river and ascertain whether or no it would be advisable to establish a trading-post on its banks. mr. r. bruguier accompanied them to follow his pursuits as a trapper. the season at which we expected the return of the tonquin was now past, and we began to regard as too probable the report of the indians of gray's harbor. we still flattered ourselves, notwithstanding, with the hope that perhaps that vessel had sailed for the east indies, without touching at astoria; but this was at most a conjecture. the th, christmas-day, passed very agreeably: we treated the men, on that day, with the best the establishment afforded. although that was no great affair, they seemed well satisfied; for they had been restricted, during the last few months, to a very meagre diet, living, as one may say, on sun-dried fish. on the th, the schooner having returned from her second voyage up the river, we dismantled her, and laid her up for the winter at the entrance of a small creek. the weather, which had been raining, almost without interruption, from the beginning of october, cleared up on the evening of the st; and the st january, , brought us a clear and serene sky. we proclaimed the new year with a discharge of artillery. a small allowance of spirits was served to the men, and the day passed in gayety, every one amusing himself as well as he could. the festival over, our people resumed their ordinary occupations: while some cut timber for building, and others made charcoal for the blacksmith, the carpenter constructed a barge, and the cooper made barrels for the use of the posts we proposed to establish in the interior. on the th, in the evening, two canoes full of white men arrived at the establishment. mr. m'dougal, the resident agent, being confined to his room by sickness, the duty of receiving the strangers devolved on me. my astonishment was not slight, when one of the party called me by name, as he extended his hand, and i recognised mr. donald m'kenzie, the same who had quitted montreal, with mr. w.p. hunt, in the month of july, . he was accompanied by a mr. robert m'lellan, a partner, mr. john reed, a clerk, and eight _voyageurs_, or boatmen. after having reposed themselves a little from their fatigues, these gentlemen recounted to us the history of their journey, of which the following is the substance. messrs. hunt and m'kenzie, quitting canada, proceeded by way of mackinac and st. louis, and ascended the missouri, in the autumn of , to a place on that river called _nadoway_, where they wintered. here they were joined by mr. r. m'lellan, by a mr. crooks, and a mr. müller, traders with the indians of the south, and all having business relations with mr. astor. in the spring of , having procured two large keel-boats, they ascended the missouri to the country of the _arikaras_, or rice indians, where they disposed of their boats and a great part of their luggage, to a spanish trader, by name _manuel lisa_. having purchased of him, and among the indians, horses, they resumed their route, in the beginning of august, to the number of some sixty-five persons, to proceed across the mountains to the river columbia. wishing to avoid the _blackfeet_ indians, a warlike and ferocious tribe, who put to death all the strangers that fall into their hands, they directed their course southwardly, until they arrived at the th degree of latitude. thence they turned to the northwest, and arrived, by-and-by, at an old fort, or trading post, on the banks of a little river flowing west. this post, which was then deserted, had been established, as they afterward learned, by a trader named henry. our people, not doubting that this stream would conduct them to the columbia, and finding it navigable, constructed some canoes to descend it. having left some hunters (or trappers) near the old fort, with mr. miller, who, dissatisfied with the expedition, was resolved to return to the united states, the party embarked; but very soon finding the river obstructed with rapids and waterfalls, after having upset some of the canoes, lost one man by drowning, and also a part of their baggage, perceiving that the stream was impracticable, they resolved to abandon their canoes and proceed on foot. the enterprise was one of great difficulty, considering the small stock of provisions they had left. nevertheless, as there was no time to lose in deliberation, after depositing in a _cache_ the superfluous part of their baggage, they divided themselves into four companies, under the command of messrs. m'kenzie, hunt, m'lellan and crooks, and proceeded to follow the course of the stream, which they named _mad river_, on account of the insurmountable difficulties it presented. messrs. m'kenzie and m'lellan took the right bank, and messrs. hunt and crook the left. they counted on arriving very quickly at the columbia; but they followed this mad river for twenty days, finding nothing at all to eat, and suffering horribly from thirst. the rocks between which the river flows being so steep and abrupt as to prevent their descending to quench their thirst (so that even their dogs died of it), they suffered the torments of tantalus, with this difference, that he had the water which he could not reach above his head, while our travellers had it beneath their feet. several, not to die of this raging thirst, drank their own urine: all, to appease the cravings of hunger, ate beaver skins roasted in the evening at the camp-fire. they even were at last constrained to eat their moccasins. those on the or southeast bank, suffered, however, less than the others, because they occasionally fell in with indians, utterly wild indeed, and who fled at their approach, carrying off their horses. according to all appearances these savages had never seen white men. our travellers, when they arrived in sight of the camp of one of these wandering hordes, approached it with as much precaution, and with the same stratagem that they would have used with a troop of wild beasts. having thus surprised them, they would fire upon the horses, some of which would fall; but they took care to leave some trinkets on the spot, to indemnify the owners for what they had taken from them by violence. this resource prevented the party from perishing of hunger. mr. m'kenzie having overtaken mr. m'lellan, their two companies pursued the journey together. very soon after this junction, they had an opportunity of approaching sufficiently near to mr. hunt, who, as i have remarked, was on the other bank, to speak to him, and inform him of their distressed state. mr. hunt caused a canoe to be made of a horse-hide; it was not, as one may suppose, very large; but they succeeded, nevertheless, by that means, in conveying a little horse-flesh to the people on the north bank. it was attempted, even, to pass them across, one by one (for the skiff would not hold any more); several had actually crossed to the south side, when, unhappily, owing to the impetuosity of the current, the canoe capsized, a man was drowned, and the two parties lost all hope of being able to unite. they continued their route, therefore, each on their own side of the river. in a short time those upon the north bank came to a more considerable stream, which they followed down. they also met, very opportunely, some indians, who sold them a number of horses. they also encountered, in these parts, a young american, who was deranged, but who sometimes recovered his reason. this young man told them, in one of his lucid intervals, that he was from connecticut, and was named archibald pelton; that he had come up the missouri with mr. henry; that all the people at the post established by that trader were massacred by the blackfeet; that he alone had escaped, and had been wandering, for three years since, with the _snake_ indians.[l] our people took this young man with them. arriving at the confluence with the columbia, of the river whose banks they were following, they perceived that it was the same which had been called _lewis river_, by the american captain of that name, in . here, then, they exchanged their remaining horses for canoes, and so arrived at the establishment, safe and sound, it is true, but in a pitiable condition to see; their clothes being nothing but fluttering rags. [footnote l: a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe, inhabiting the plains of the columbia, between the d and th degrees of latitude.] the narrative of these gentlemen interested us very much. they added, that since their separation from messrs. hunt and crooks, they had neither seen nor heard aught of them, and believed it impossible that they should arrive at the establishment before spring. they were mistaken, however, for mr. hunt arrived on the th february, with thirty men, one woman, and two children, having left mr. crooks, with five men, among the _snakes_. they might have reached astoria almost as soon as mr. m'kenzie, but they had passed from eight to ten days in the midst of a plain, among some friendly indians, as well to recruit their strength, as to make search for two of the party, who had been lost in the woods. not finding them, they had resumed their journey, and struck the banks of the columbia a little lower down than the mouth of lewis river, where mr. m'kenzie had come out. the arrival of so great a number of persons would have embarrassed us, had it taken place a month sooner. happily, at this time, the natives were bringing in fresh fish in abundance. until the th of march, we were occupied in preparing triplicates of letters and other necessary papers, in order to send mr. astor the news of our arrival, and of the reunion of the two expeditions. the letters were intrusted to mr. john reed, who quitted astoria for st. louis, in company with mr. m'lellan--another discontented partner, who wished to disconnect himself with the association,--and mr. r. stuart, who was conveying two canoe-loads of goods for his uncle's post on the _okenakan_. messrs. farnham and m'gillis set out at the same time, with a guide, and were instructed to proceed to the _cache_,[m] where the overland travellers had hidden their goods, near old fort henry, on the mad river. i profited by this opportunity to write to my family in canada. two days after, messrs. m'kenzie and matthews set out, with five or six men, as hunters, to make an excursion up the willamet river. [footnote m: these _caches_ are famous in all the narratives of overland travel, whether for trade or discovery. the manner of making them is described by captains lewis and clarke, as follows: they choose a dry situation, then describing a circle of some twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as gently and carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk a foot deep or more, perpendicularly; it is then worked gradually wider as it descends, till it becomes six or seven feet deep, and shaped like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still. as the earth is dug out, it is handed up in a vessel, and carefully laid upon a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and usually thrown into the river, if there be one, or concealed so as to leave no trace of it. a floor of three or four inches thick is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, after being well aired and dried, are laid down, and preserved from contact with the wall by a layer of other dried sticks, till all is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a hide is laid on top, and the earth is thrown upon this, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod first removed, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains not the slightest appearance of an excavation. the first shower effaces every sign of what has been done, and such a cache is safe for years.--ed.] chapter xii arrival of the ship beaver.--unexpected return of messrs. d. stuart, r. stuart, m'lelland, &c.--cause of that return.--ship discharging.--new expeditions.--hostile attitude of the natives.--departure of the beaver.--journeys of the author.--his occupations at the establishment. from the departure of the last outfit under mr. m'kenzie, nothing remarkable took place at astoria, till the th of may. on that day we descried, to our great surprise and great joy, a sail in the offing, opposite the mouth of the river. forthwith mr. m'dougal was despatched in a boat to the cape, to make the signals. on the morning of the th, the weather being fine and the sea smooth, the boat pushed out and arrived safely alongside. soon after, the wind springing up, the vessel made sail and entered the river, where she dropped anchor, in baker's bay, at about p.m. toward evening the boat returned to the fort, with the following passengers: messrs. john clarke of canada (a wintering partner), alfred seton, george ehnainger, a nephew of mr. astor (clerks), and two men. we learned from these gentlemen that the vessel was the _beaver_, captain _cornelius sowles_, and was consigned to us; that she left new york on the th of october, and had touched, in the passage, at _massa fuero_ and the sandwich isles. mr. clarke handed me letters from my father and from several of my friends: i thus learned that death had deprived me of a beloved sister. on the morning of the th, we were strangely surprised by the return of messrs. d. stuart, r. stuart, r. m'lelland, crooks, reed, and farnham. this return, as sudden as unlooked for, was owing to an unfortunate adventure which befell the party, in ascending the river. when they reached the falls, where the portage is very long, some natives came with their horses, to offer their aid in transporting the goods. mr. r. stuart, not distrusting them, confided to their care some bales of merchandise, which they packed on their horses: but, in making the transit, they darted up a narrow path among the rocks, and fled at full gallop toward the prairie, without its being possible to overtake them. mr. stuart had several shots fired over their heads, to frighten them, but it had no other effect than to increase their speed. meanwhile our own people continued the transportation of the rest of the goods, and of the canoes; but as there was a great number of natives about, whom the success and impunity of those thieves had emboldened, mr. stuart thought it prudent to keep watch over the goods at the upper end of the portage, while messrs. m'lellan and reed made the rear-guard. the last named gentleman, who carried, strapped to his shoulders, a tin box containing the letters and despatches for new york with which he was charged, happened to be at some distance from the former, and the indians thought it a favorable opportunity to attack him and carry off his box, the brightness of which no doubt had tempted their cupidity. they threw themselves upon him so suddenly that he had no time to place himself on the defensive. after a short resistance, he received a blow on the head from a war club, which felled him to the ground, and the indians seized upon their booty. mr. m'lellan perceiving what was done, fired his carabine at one of the robbers and made him bite the dust; the rest took to flight, but carried off the box notwithstanding. mr. m'lellan immediately ran up to mr. reed; but finding the latter motionless and bathed in blood, he hastened to rejoin mr. stuart, urging him to get away from these robbers and murderers. but mr. stuart, being a self-possessed and fearless man, would not proceed without ascertaining if mr. reed were really dead, or if he were, without carrying off his body; and notwithstanding the remonstrances of mr. m'lellan, taking his way back to the spot where the latter had left his companion, had not gone two hundred paces, when he met him coming toward them, holding his bleeding head with both hands.[n] [footnote n: we were apprized of this unfortunate rencontre by natives from up the river, on the th of april, but disbelieved it. [it is curious to observe the want of military sagacity and precaution which characterized the operations of these traders, compared with the exact calculations of danger and the unfailing measures of defence, employed from the very outset by captains lewis and clarke in the same country. there was one very audacious attempt at plunder made upon the latter; but besides that it cost the indians a life or two, the latter lost property of their own far exceeding their booty. it is true that the american officers had a stronger force at their disposal than our merchants had, and that, too, consisting of experienced western hunters and veteran soldiers of the frontier; but it is not less interesting to note the difference, because it is easy to account for it.--j.v.h.]] the object of mr. reed's journey being defeated by the loss of his papers, he repaired, with the other gentlemen, to mr. david stuart's trading post, at okenakan, whence they had all set out, in the beginning of may, to return to astoria. coming down the river, they fell in with mr. r. crooks, and a man named _john day_. it was observed in the preceding chapter that mr. crooks remained with five men among some indians who were there termed _friendly_: but this gentleman and his companion were the only members of that party who ever reached the establishment: and they too arrived in a most pitiable condition, the savages having stripped them of everything, leaving them but some bits of deerskin to cover their nakedness. on the th, the schooner, which had been sent down the river to the beaver's anchorage, returned with a cargo (being the stores intended for astoria), and the following passengers: to wit, messrs. b. clapp, j.c. halsey, c.a. nichols, and r. cox, clerks; five canadians, seven americans (all mechanics), and a dozen sandwich-islanders for the service of the establishment. the captain of the beaver sounded the channel diligently for several days; but finding it scarcely deep enough for so large a vessel, he was unwilling to bring her up to astoria. it was necessary, in consequence, to use the schooner as a lighter in discharging the ship, and this tedious operation occupied us during the balance of this month and a part of june. captain sowles and mr. clarke confirmed the report of the destruction of the tonquin; they had learned it at owhyhee, by means of a letter which a certain captain ebbetts, in the employ of mr. astor, had left there. it was nevertheless resolved that mr. hunt should embark upon the "beaver," to carry out the plan of an exact commercial survey of the coast, which mr. m'kay had been sent to accomplish, and in particular to visit for that purpose the russian establishments at chitka sound. the necessary papers having been prepared anew, and being now ready to expedite, were confided to mr. r. stuart, who was to cross the continent in company with messrs. crooks and r. m'lellan, partners dissatisfied with the enterprise, and who had made up their minds to return to the united states. mr. clark, accompanied by messrs. pillet, donald, m'lellan, farnham and cox, was fitted out at the same time, with a considerable assortment of merchandise, to form a new establishment on the _spokan_ or clarke's river. mr. m'kenzie, with mr. seton, was destined for the borders of _lewis_ river: while mr. david stuart, reinforced by messrs. matthews and m'gillis, was to explore the region lying north of his post at okenakan. all these outfits being ready, with the canoes, boatmen, and hunters, the flotilla quitted astoria on the th of june, in the afternoon, having on board sixty-two persons. the sequel will show the result of the several expeditions. during the whole month of july, the natives (seeing us weakened no doubt by these outfits), manifested their hostile intentions so openly that we were obliged to be constantly on our guard. we constructed covered ways inside our palisades, and raised our bastions or towers another story. the alarm became so serious toward the latter end of the month that we doubled our sentries day and night, and never allowed more than two or three indians at a time within our gates. the beaver was ready to depart on her coasting voyage at the end of june, and on the st of july mr. hunt went on board: but westerly winds prevailing all that month, it was not till the th of august that she was able to get out of the river; being due again by the end of october to leave her surplus goods and take in our furs for market. the months of august and september were employed in finishing a house forty-five feet by thirty, shingled and perfectly tight, as a hospital for the sick, and lodging house for the mechanics. experience having taught us that from the beginning of october to the end of january, provisions were brought in by the natives in very small quantity, it was thought expedient that i should proceed in the schooner, accompanied by mr. clapp, on a trading voyage up the river to secure a cargo of dried fish. we left astoria on the st of october, with a small assortment of merchandise. the trip was highly successful: we found the game very abundant, killed a great quantity of swans, ducks, foxes, &c., and returned to astoria on the th, with a part of our venison, wild fowl, and bear meat, besides seven hundred, and fifty smoked salmon, a quantity of the _wapto_ root (so called by the natives), which is found a good substitute for potatoes, and four hundred and fifty skins of beaver and other animals of the furry tribe. the encouragement derived from this excursion, induced us to try a second, and i set off this time alone, that is, with a crew of five men only, and an indian boy, son of the old chief comcomly. this second voyage proved anything but agreeable. we experienced continual rains, and the game was much less abundant, while the natives had mostly left the river for their wintering grounds. i succeeded, nevertheless, in exchanging my goods for furs and dried fish, and a small supply of dried venison: and returned, on the th of november, to astoria, where the want of fresh provisions began to be severely felt, so that several of the men were attacked with scurvy. messrs. halsey and wallace having been sent on the d, with fourteen men, to establish a trading post on the willamet, and mr. m'dougal being confined to his room by sickness, mr. clapp and i were left with the entire charge of the post at astoria, and were each other's only resource for society. happily mr. clapp was a man of amiable character, of a gay, lively humor, and agreeable conversation. in the intervals of our daily duties, we amused ourselves with music and reading; having some instruments and a choice library. otherwise we should have passed our time in a state of insufferable ennui, at this rainy season, in the midst of the deep mud which surrounded us, and which interdicted the pleasure of a promenade outside the buildings. chapter xiii. uneasiness respecting the "beaver."--news of the declaration of war between great britain and the united states.--consequences of that intelligence.--different occurrences.--arrival of two canoes of the northwest company.--preparations for abandoning the country.--postponement of departure.--arrangement with mr. j.g. m'tavish. the months of october, november, and december passed away without any news of the "beaver," and we began to fear that there had happened to her, as to the tonquin, some disastrous accident. it will be seen, in the following chapter, why this vessel did not return to astoria in the autumn of . on the th of january, mr. m'kenzie arrived from the interior, having abandoned his trading establishment, after securing his stock of goods in a _cache_. before his departure he had paid a visit to mr. clark on the spokan, and while there had learned the news, which he came to announce to us, that hostilities had actually commenced between great britain and the united states. the news had been brought by some gentlemen of the northwest company, who handed to them a copy of the proclamation of the president to that effect. when we learned this news, all of us at astoria who were british subjects and canadians, wished ourselves in canada; but we could not entertain even the thought of transporting ourselves thither, at least immediately: we were separated from our country by an immense space; and the difficulties of the journey at this season were insuperable: besides, mr. astor's interests had to be consulted first. we held, therefore, a sort of council of war, to which the clerks of the factory were invited _pro formâ_, as they had no voice in the deliberations. having maturely weighed our situation; after having seriously considered that being almost to a man british subjects, we were trading, notwithstanding, under the american flag: and foreseeing the improbability, or rather, to cut the matter short, the impossibility that mr. astor could send us further supplies or reinforcements while the war lasted, as most of the ports of the united states would inevitably be blockaded by the british; we concluded to abandon the establishment in the ensuing spring, or at latest, in the beginning of the summer. we did not communicate these resolutions to the men, lest they should in consequence abandon their labor: but we discontinued, from that moment, our trade with the natives, except for provisions; as well because we had no longer a large stock of goods on hand, as for the reason that we had already more furs than we could carry away overland. so long as we expected the return of the vessel, we had served out to the people a regular supply of bread: we found ourselves in consequence, very short of provisions, on the arrival of mr. m'kenzie and his men. this augmentation in the number of mouths to be fed compelled us to reduce the ration of each man to four ounces of flour and half a pound of dried fish _per diem_: and even to send a portion of the hands to pass the rest of the winter with messrs. wallace and halsey on the willamet, where game was plenty. meanwhile, the sturgeon having begun to enter the river, i left, on the th of february, to fish for them; and on the th sent the first boat-load to the establishment; which proved a very timely succor to the men, who for several days had broken off work from want of sufficient food. i formed a camp near oak point, whence i continued to despatch canoe after canoe of fine fresh fish to astoria, and mr. m'dougal sent to me thither all the men who were sick of scurvy, for the re-establishment of their health. on the th of march, messrs. reed and seton, who had led a part of our men to the post on the willamet, to subsist them, returned to astoria, with a supply of dried venison. these gentlemen spoke to us in glowing terms of the country of the willamet as charming, and abounding in beaver, elk, and deer; and informed us that messrs. wallace and halsey had constructed a dwelling and trading house, on a great prairie, about one hundred and fifty miles from the confluence of that river with the columbia. mr. m'kenzie and his party quitted us again on the st, to make known the resolutions recently adopted at astoria, to the gentlemen who were wintering in the interior. on the th of april two birch-bark canoes, bearing the british flag, arrived at the factory. they were commanded by messrs. j.g. m'tavish and joseph laroque, and manned by nineteen canadian _voyageurs_. they landed on a point of land under the guns of the fort, and formed their camp. we invited these gentlemen to our quarters and learned from them the object of their visit. they had come to await the arrival of the ship _isaac todd_, despatched from canada by the northwest company, in october, , with furs, and from england in march, , with a cargo of suitable merchandise for the indian trade. they had orders to wait at the mouth of the columbia till the month of july, and then to return, if the vessel did not make her appearance by that time. they also informed us that the natives near lewis river had shown them fowling-pieces, gun-flints, lead, and powder; and that they had communicated this news to mr. m'kenzie, presuming that the indians had discovered and plundered his _cache_; which turned out afterward to be the case. the month of may was occupied in preparations for our departure from the columbia. on the th, messrs. wallace and halsey returned from their winter quarters with seventeen packs of furs, and thirty-two bales of dried venison. the last article was received with a great deal of pleasure, as it would infallibly be needed for the journey we were about to undertake. messrs. clarke, d. stuart and m'kenzie also arrived, in the beginning of june, with one hundred and forty packs of furs, the fruit of two years' trade at the post on the _okenakan_, and one year on the _spokan_.[o] [footnote o: the profits of the last establishment were slender; because the people engaged at it were obliged to subsist on horse-flesh, and they ate ninety horses during the winter.] the wintering partners (that is to say, messrs. clarke and david stuart) dissenting from the proposal to abandon the country as soon as we intended, the thing being (as they observed) impracticable, from the want of provisions for the journey and horses to transport the goods; the project was deferred, as to its execution, till the following april. so these gentlemen, having taken a new lot of merchandise, set out again for their trading posts on the th of july. but mr. m'kenzie, whose goods had been pillaged by the natives (it will be remembered), remained at astoria, and was occupied with the care of collecting as great a quantity as possible of dried salmon from the indians. he made seven or eight voyages up the river for that purpose, while we at the fort were busy in baling the beaver-skins and other furs, in suitable packs for horses to carry. mr. reed, in the meantime, was sent on to the mountain-passes where mr. miller had been left with the trappers, to winter, there, and to procure as many horses as he could from the natives for our use in the contemplated journey. he was furnished for this expedition with three canadians, and a half-breed hunter named _daion_, the latter accompanied by his wife and two children. this man came from the lower missouri with mr. hunt in -' . our object being to provide ourselves, before quitting the country, with the food and horses necessary for the journey; in order to avoid all opposition on the part of the northwest company, we entered into an arrangement with mr. m'tavish. this gentleman having represented to us that he was destitute of the necessary goods to procure wherewith to subsist his party on their way homeward, we supplied him from our warehouse, payment to be made us in the ensuing spring, either in furs or in bills of exchange on their house in canada. chapter xiv. arrival of the ship "albatross."--reasons for the non-appearance of the beaver at astoria.--fruitless attempt of captain smith on a former occasion.--astonishment and regret of mr. hunt at the resolution of the partners.--his departure.--narrative of the destruction of the tonquin.--causes of that disaster.--reflections. on the th of august, contrary to all expectation, we saw a sail at the mouth of the river. one of our gentlemen immediately got into the barge, to ascertain her nationality and object: but before he had fairly crossed the river, we saw her pass the bar and direct her course toward astoria, as if she were commanded by a captain to whom the intricacies of the channel were familiar. i had stayed at the fort with mr. clapp and four men. as soon as we had recognised the american flag, not doubting any longer that it was a ship destined for the factory, we saluted her with three guns. she came to anchor over against the fort, but on the opposite side of the river, and returned our salute. in a short time after, we saw, or rather we heard, the oars of a boat (for it was already night) that came toward us. we expected her approach with impatience, to know who the stranger was, and what news she brought us. soon we were relieved from our uncertainty by the appearance of mr. hunt, who informed us that the ship was called the _albatross_ and was commanded by captain _smith_. it will be remembered that mr. hunt had sailed from astoria on board the "beaver," on the th of august of the preceding year, and should have returned with that vessel, in the month of october of the same year. we testified to him our surprise that he had not returned at the time appointed, and expressed the fears which we had entertained in regard to his fate, as well as that of the beaver itself: and in reply he explained to us the reasons why neither he nor captain sowles had been able to fulfil the promise which they had made us. after having got clear of the river columbia, they had scudded to the north, and had repaired to the russian post of chitka, where they had exchanged a part of their goods for furs. they had made with the governor of that establishment, barnoff by name, arrangements to supply him regularly with all the goods of which he had need, and to send him every year a vessel for that purpose, as well as for the transportation of his surplus furs to the east indies. they had then advanced still further to the north, to the coast of _kamskatka_; and being there informed that some kodiak hunters had been left on some adjacent isles, called the islands of st. peter and st. paul, and that these hunters had not been visited for three years, they determined to go thither, and having reached those isles, they opened a brisk trade, and secured no less than eighty thousand skins of the south-sea seal. these operations had consumed a great deal of time; the season was already far advanced; ice was forming around them, and it was not without having incurred considerable dangers that they succeeded in making their way out of those latitudes. having extricated themselves from the frozen seas of the north, but in a shattered condition, they deemed it more prudent to run for the sandwich isles, where they arrived after enduring a succession of severe gales. here mr. hunt disembarked, with the men who had accompanied him, and who did not form a part of the ship's crew; and the vessel, after undergoing the necessary repairs, set sail for canton. mr. hunt had then passed nearly six months at the sandwich islands, expecting the annual ship from new york, and never imagining that war had been declared. but at last, weary of waiting so long to no purpose, he had bought a small schooner of one of the chiefs of the isle of wahoo, and was engaged in getting her ready to sail for the mouth of the columbia, when four sails hove in sight, and presently came to anchor in _ohetity bay_. he immediately, went on board of one of them, and learned that they came from the indies, whence they had sailed precipitately, to avoid the english cruisers. he also learned from the captain of the vessel he boarded, that the beaver had arrived in canton some days before the news of the declaration of war. this captain smith, moreover, had on board some cases of nankeens and other goods shipped by mr. astor's agent at canton for us. mr. hunt then chartered the albatross to take him with his people and the goods to the columbia. that gentleman had not been idle during the time that he sojourned at wahoo: he brought us barrels of salt pork or beef, nine tierces of rice, a great quantity of dried _taro_, and a good supply of salt. as i knew the channel of the river, i went on board the albatross, and piloted her to the old anchorage of the tonquin, under the guns of the fort, in order to facilitate the landing of the goods. captain smith informed us that in , a year before the founding of our establishment, he had entered the river in the same vessel, and ascended it in boats as far as oak point; and that he had attempted to form an establishment there; but the spot which he chose for building, and on which he had even commenced fencing for a garden, being overflowed in the summer freshet, he had been forced to abandon his project and re-embark. we had seen, in fact, at oak point, some traces of this projected establishment. the bold manner in which this captain had entered the river was now accounted for. captain smith had chartered his vessel to a frenchman named _demestre_, who was then a passenger on board of her, to go and take a cargo of sandal wood at the _marquesas_, where that gentleman had left some men to collect it, the year before. he could not, therefore, comply with the request we made him, to remain during the summer with us, in order to transport our goods and people, as soon as they could be got together, to the sandwich islands. mr. hunt was surprised beyond measure, when we informed him of the resolution we had taken of abandoning the country: he blamed us severely for having acted with so much precipitation, pointing out that the success of the late coasting voyage, and the arrangements we had made with the russians, promised a most advantageous trade, which it was a thousand pities to sacrifice, and lose the fruits of the hardships he had endured and the dangers he had braved, at one fell swoop, by this rash measure. nevertheless, seeing the partners were determined to abide by their first resolution, and not being able, by himself alone, to fulfil his engagements to governor barnoff, he consented to embark once more, in order to seek a vessel to transport our heavy goods, and such of us as wished to return by sea. he sailed, in fact, on the albatross, at the end of the month. my friend clapp embarked with him: they were, in the first instance, to run down the coast of california, in the hope of meeting there some of the american vessels which frequently visit that coast to obtain provisions from the spaniards. some days after the departure of mr. hunt, the old one-eyed chief comcomly came to tell us that an indian of _gray's harbor_, who had sailed on the tonquin in , and who was the only soul that had escaped the massacre of the crew of that unfortunate vessel, had returned to his tribe. as the distance from the river columbia to gray's harbor was not great, we sent for this native. at first he made considerable difficulty about following our people, but was finally persuaded. he arrived at astoria, and related to us the circumstances of that sad catastrophe, nearly as follows:[p] "after i had embarked on the tonquin," said he, "that vessel sailed for _nootka_.[q] having arrived opposite a large village called _newity_, we dropped anchor. the natives having invited mr. m'kay to land, he did so, and was received in the most cordial manner: they even kept him several days at their village, and made him lie, every night, on a couch of sea-otter skins. meanwhile the captain was engaged in trading with such of the natives as resorted to his ship: but having had a difficulty with one of the principal chiefs in regard to the price of certain goods, he ended by putting the latter out of the ship, and in the act of so repelling him, struck him on the face with the roll of furs which he had brought to trade. this act was regarded by that chief and his followers as the most grievous insult, and they resolved to take vengeance for it. to arrive more surely at their purpose, they dissembled their resentment, and came, as usual, on board the ship. one day, very early in the morning, a large pirogue, containing about a score of natives, came alongside: every man had in his hand a packet of furs, and held it over his head as a sign that they came to trade. the watch let them come on deck. a little after, arrived a second pirogue, carrying about as many men as the other. the sailors believed that these also came to exchange their furs, and allowed them to mount the ship's side like the first. very soon, the pirogues thus succeeding one another, the crew saw themselves surrounded by a multitude of savages, who came upon the deck from all sides. becoming alarmed at the appearance of things, they went to apprize the captain and mr. m'kay, who hastened to the poop. i was with them," said the narrator, "and fearing, from the great multitude of indians whom i saw already on the deck, and from the movements of those on shore, who were hurrying to embark in their canoes, to approach the vessel, and from the women being left in charge of the canoes of those who had arrived, that some evil design was on foot, i communicated my suspicions to mr. m'kay, who himself spoke to the captain. the latter affected an air of security, and said that with the firearms on board, there was no reason to fear even a greater number of indians. meanwhile these gentlemen had come on deck unarmed, without even their sidearms. the trade, nevertheless, did not advance; the indians offered less than was asked, and pressing with their furs close to the captain, mr. m'kay, and mr. lewis, repeated the word _makoke! makoke!_ "trade! trade!" i urged the gentlemen to put to sea, and the captain, at last, seeing the number of indians increase every moment, allowed himself to be persuaded: he ordered a part of the crew to raise the anchor, and the rest to go aloft and unfurl the sails. at the same time he warned the natives to withdraw, as the ship was going to sea. a fresh breeze was then springing up, and in a few moments more their prey would have escaped them; but immediately on receiving this notice, by a preconcerted signal, the indians, with a terrific yell, drew forth the knives and war-bludgeons they had concealed in their bundles of furs, and rushed upon the crew of the ship. mr. lewis was struck, and fell over a bale of blankets. mr. m'kay, however, was the first victim whom they sacrificed to their fury. two savages, whom, from the crown of the poop, where i was seated, i had seen follow this gentleman step by step, now cast themselves upon him, and having given him a blow on the head with a _potumagan_ (a kind of sabre which is described a little below), felled him to the deck, then took him up and flung him into the sea, where the women left in charge of the canoes, quickly finished him with their paddles. another set flung themselves upon the captain, who defended himself for a long time with his pocket-knife, but, overpowered by numbers, perished also under the blows of these murderers. i next saw (and that was the last occurrence of which i was witness before quitting the ship) the sailors who were aloft, slip down by the rigging, and get below through the steerage hatchway. they were five, i think, in number, and one of them, in descending, received a knife-stab in the back. i then jumped overboard, to escape a similar fate to that of the captain and mr. m'kay: the women in the canoes, to whom i surrendered myself as a slave, took me in, and bade me hide myself under some mats which were in the pirogues; which i did. soon after, i heard the discharge of firearms, immediately upon which the indians fled from the vessel, and pulled for the shore as fast as possible, nor did they venture to go alongside the ship again the whole of that day. the next day, haying seen four men lower a boat, and pull away from the ship, they sent some pirogues in chase: but whether those men were overtaken and murdered, or gained the open sea and perished there, i never could learn. nothing more was seen stirring on board the tonquin; the natives pulled cautiously around her, and some of the more daring went on board; at last, the savages, finding themselves absolute masters of the ship, rushed on board in a crowd to pillage her. but very soon, when there were about four or five hundred either huddled together on deck, or clinging to the sides, all eager for plunder, the ship blew up with a horrible noise. "i was on the shore," said the indian, "when the explosion took place, saw the great volume of smoke burst forth in the spot where the ship had been, and high in the air above, arms, legs, heads and bodies, flying in every direction. the tribe acknowledged a loss of over two hundred of their people on that occasion. as for me i remained their prisoner, and have been their slave for two years. it is but now that i have been ransomed by my friends. i have told you the truth, and hope you will acquit me of having in any way participated in that bloody affair." [footnote p: it being understood, of course, that i render into civilized expressions the language of this barbarian, and represent by words and phrases what he could only convey by gestures or by signs. [the _naïveté_ of those notes, and of the narrative in these passages, is amusing.--ed.]] [footnote q: a great village or encampment of indians, among whom the spaniards had sent missionaries under the conduct of signor quadra; but whence the latter were chased by captain vancouver, in , as mentioned in the introduction.] our indian having finished his discourse, we made him presents proportioned to the melancholy satisfaction he had given us in communicating the true history of the sad fate of our former companions, and to the trouble he had taken in coming to us; so that he returned apparently well satisfied with our liberality. according to the narrative of this indian, captain thorn, by his abrupt manner and passionate temper, was the primary cause of his own death and that of all on board his vessel. what appears certain at least, is, that he was guilty of unpardonable negligence and imprudence, in not causing the boarding netting to be rigged, as is the custom of all the navigators who frequent this coast, and in suffering (contrary to his instructions) too great a number of indians to come on board at once.[r] [footnote r: it is equally evident that even at the time when captain thorn was first notified of the dangerous crowd and threatening appearance of the natives, a display of firearms would have sufficed to prevent an outbreak. had he come on deck with mr. m'kay and mr. lewis, each armed with a musket, and a couple of pistols at the belt, it is plain from the timidity the savages afterward displayed, that he might have cleared the ship, probably without shedding a drop of blood.--ed.] captain smith, of the albatross, who had seen the wreck of the tonquin, in mentioning to us its sad fate, attributed the cause of the disaster to the rash conduct of a captain ayres, of boston. that navigator had taken off, as i have mentioned already, ten or a dozen natives of new-itty, as hunters, with a promise of bringing them back to their country, which promise he inhumanly broke by leaving them on some desert islands in sir francis drake's bay. the countrymen of these unfortunates, indignant at the conduct of the american captain, had sworn to avenge themselves on the first white men who appeared among them. chance willed it that our vessel was the first to enter that bay, and the natives but too well executed on our people their project of vengeance. whatever may, have been the first and principal cause of this misfortune (for doubtless it is necessary to suppose more than one), seventeen white men and twelve sandwich-islanders, were massacred: not one escaped from the butchery, to bring us the news of it, but the indian of _gray's harbor_. the massacre of our people was avenged, it is true, by the destruction of ten times the number of their murderers; but this circumstance, which could perhaps gladden the heart of a savage, was a feeble consolation (if it was any) for civilized men. the death of mr. alexander m'kay was an irreparable loss to the company, which would probably have been dissolved by the remaining partners, but for the arrival of the energetic mr. hunt. interesting as was the recital of the indian of gray's harbor throughout, when he came to the unhappy end of that estimable man, marks of regret were visibly painted on the countenances of all who listened. at the beginning of september, mr. m'kenzie set off, with messrs. wallace and seton, to carry a supply of goods to the gentlemen wintering in the interior, as well as to inform them of the arrangements concluded with mr. hunt, and to enjoin them to send down all their furs, and all the sandwich-islanders, that the former might be shipped for america, and the latter sent back to their country. note. it will never be known how or by whom the _tonquin_ was blown up. some pretend to say that it was the work of james lewis, but that is impossible, for it appears from the narrative of the indian that he was one of the first persons murdered. it will be recollected that five men got between decks from aloft, during the affray, and four only were seen to quit the ship afterward in the boat. the presumption was that the missing man must have done it, and in further conversation with the gray's harbor indian, he inclined to that opinion, and even affirmed that the individual was the ship's armorer, _weeks_. it might also have been accidental. there was a large quantity of powder in the run immediately under the cabin, and it is not impossible that while the indians were intent on plunder, in opening some of the kegs they may have set fire to the contents. or again, the men, before quitting the ship, may have lighted a slow train, which is the most likely supposition of all. chapter xv. arrival of a number of canoes of the northwest company.--sale of the establishment at astoria to that company.--canadian news.--arrival of the british sloop-of-war "raccoon."--accident on board that vessel.--the captain takes formal possession of astoria.--surprise and discontent of the officers and crew.--departure of the "raccoon." a few days after mr. m'kenzie left us, we were greatly surprised by the appearance of two canoes bearing the british flag, with a third between them, carrying the flag of the united states, all rounding tongue point. it was no other than mr. m'kenzie himself, returning with messrs. j.g. m'tavish and angus bethune, of the northwest company. he had met these gentlemen near the first rapids, and had determined to return with them to the establishment, in consequence of information which they gave him. those gentlemen were in _light_ canoes (i.e., without any lading), and formed the vanguard to a flotilla of eight, loaded with furs, under the conduct of messrs. john stuart and m'millan. mr. m'tavish came to our quarters at the factory, and showed mr. m'dougal a letter which had been addressed to the latter by mr. angus shaw, his uncle, and one of the partners of the northwest company. mr. shaw informed his nephew that the ship _isaac todd_ had sailed from london, with letters of _marque_, in the month of march, in company with the frigate _phoebe_, having orders from the government to seize our establishment, which had been represented to the lords of the admiralty as an important colony founded by the american government. the eight canoes left behind, came up meanwhile, and uniting themselves to the others, they formed a camp of about seventy-five men, at the bottom of a little bay or cove, near our factory. as they were destitute of provisions, we supplied them; but messrs. m'dougal and m'kenzie affecting to dread a surprise from this british force under our guns, we kept strictly on our guard; for we were inferior in point of numbers, although our position was exceedingly advantageous. as the season advanced, and their ship did not arrive, our new neighbors found themselves in a very disagreeable situation, without food, or merchandise wherewith to procure it from the natives; viewed by the latter with a distrustful and hostile eye, as being our enemies and therefore exposed to attack and plunder on their part with impunity; supplied with good hunters, indeed, but wanting ammunition to render their skill available. weary, at length, of applying to us incessantly for food (which we furnished them with a sparing hand), unable either to retrace their steps through the wilderness or to remain in their present position, they came to the conclusion of proposing to buy of us the whole establishment. placed, as we were, in the situation of expecting, day by day, the arrival of an english ship-of-war to seize upon all we possessed, we listened to their propositions. several meetings and discussions took place; the negotiations were protracted by the hope of one party that the long-expected armed force would arrive, to render the purchase unnecessary, and were urged forward by the other in order to conclude the affair before that occurrence should intervene; at length the price of the goods and furs in the factory was agreed upon, and the bargain was signed by both parties on the d of october. the gentlemen of the northwest company took possession of astoria, agreeing to pay the servants of the pacific fur company (the name which had been chosen by mr. astor), the arrears of their wages, to be deducted from the price of the goods which we delivered, to supply them with provisions, and give a free passage to those who wished to return to canada over land. the american colors were hauled down from the factory, and the british run up, to the no small chagrin and mortification of those who were american citizens. it was thus, that after having passed the seas, and suffered all sorts of fatigues and privations, i lost in a moment all my hopes of fortune. i could not help remarking that we had no right to expect such treatment on the part of the british government, after the assurances we had received from mr. jackson, his majesty's _chargé d'affaires_ previously to our departure from new york. but as i have just intimated, the agents of the northwest company had exaggerated the importance of the factory in the eyes of the british ministry; for if the latter had known what it really was--a mere trading-post--and that nothing but the rivalry of the fur-traders of the northwest company was interested in its destruction, they would never have taken umbrage at it, or at least would never have sent a maritime expedition to destroy it. the sequel will show that i was not mistaken in this opinion. the greater part of the servants of the pacific fur company entered the service of the company of the northwest: the rest preferred to return to their country, and i was of the number of these last. nevertheless, mr. m'tavish, after many ineffectual attempts to persuade me to remain with them, having intimated that the establishment could not dispense with my services, as i was the only person who could assist them in their trade, especially for provisions, of which they would soon be in the greatest need, i agreed with them (without however relinquishing my previous engagement with mr. astor's agents) for five months, that is to say, till the departure of the expedition which was to ascend the columbia in the spring, and reach canada by way of the rocky mountains and the rivers of the interior. messrs. john stuart and m'kenzie set off about the end of this month, for the interior, in order that the latter might make over to the former the posts established on the spokan and okenakan. on the th of november, messrs. alexander stuart and alexander henry, both partners of the n.w. company, arrived at the factory, in a couple of bark canoes manned by sixteen _voyageurs_. they had set out from _fort william_, on lake superior, in the month of july. they brought us canadian papers, by which we learned that the british arms so far had been in the ascendant. they confirmed also the news that an english frigate was coming to take possession of our quondam establishment; they were even surprised not to see the _isaac todd_ lying in the road. on the morning of the th, we saw a large vessel standing in under _cape disappointment_ (which proved in this instance to deserve its name); and soon after that vessel came to anchor in _baker's bay_. not knowing whether it was a friendly or a hostile sail, we thought it prudent to send on board mr. m'dougal in a canoe, manned by such of the men as had been previously in the service of the pacific fur company, with injunctions to declare themselves americans, if the vessel was american, and englishmen in the contrary case. while this party was on its way, mr. m'tavish caused all the furs which were marked with the initials of the n.w. company to be placed on board the two barges at the fort, and sent them up the river above tongue point, where they were to wait for a concerted signal, that was to inform them whether the new-comers were friends or foes. toward midnight, mr. halsey, who had accompanied mr. m'dougal to the vessel, returned to the fort, and announced to us that she was the british sloop-of-war _raccoon_, of guns, commanded by captain black, with a complement of men, fore and aft. mr. john m'donald, a partner of the n.w. company, was a passenger on the raccoon, with five _voyageurs_, destined for the company's service. he had left england in the frigate _phoebe_, which had sailed in company with the _isaac todd_ as far as rio janeiro; but there falling in with the british squadron, the admiral changed the destination of the frigate, despatching the sloops-of-war _raccoon_ and _cherub_ to convoy the isaac todd, and sent the phoebe to search for the american commodore porter, who was then on the pacific, capturing all the british whalers and other trading vessels he met with. these four vessels then sailed in company as far as cape horn, they parted, after agreeing on the island of _juan fernandez_ as a _rendezvous_. the three ships-of-war met, in fact, at that island; but after having a long time waited in vain for the _isaac todd_, commodore hillier (hillyer?) who commanded this little squadron, hearing of the injury inflicted by commodore porter, on the british commerce, and especially on the whalers who frequent these seas, resolved to go in quest of him in order to give him combat; and retaining the _cherub_ to assist him, detailed the raccoon to go and destroy the american establishment on the river columbia, being assured by mr. m'donald that a single sloop-of-war would be sufficient for that service. mr. m'donald had consequently embarked, with his people, on board the raccoon. this gentleman informed us that they had experienced frightful weather in doubling the cape, and that he entertained serious apprehensions for the safety of the isaac todd, but that if she was safe, we might expect her to arrive in the river in two or three weeks. the signal gun agreed upon, having been fired, for the return of the barges, mr. m'tavish came back to the port with the furs, and was overjoyed to learn the arrival of mr. m'donald. on the st of december the raccoon's gig came up to the fort, bringing mr. m'donald (surnamed _bras croche_, or crooked arm), and the first lieutenant, mr. sheriff. both these gentlemen were convalescent from the effects, of an accident which had happened to them in the passage between juan fernandez and the mouth of the columbia. the captain wishing to clean the guns, ordered them to be scaled, that is, fired off: during this exercise one of the guns hung fire; the sparks fell into a cartridge tub, and setting fire to the combustibles, communicated also to some priming horns suspended above; an explosion followed, which reached some twenty persons; eight were killed on the spot, the rest were severely burnt; messrs. m'donald and sheriff had suffered a great deal; it was with difficulty that their clothes had been removed; and when the lieutenant came ashore, he had not recovered the use of his hands. among the killed was an american named _flatt_, who was in the service of the northwest company and whose loss these gentlemen appeared exceedingly to regret. as there were goods destined for the company on board the raccoon, the schooner _dolly_ was sent to baker's bay to bring them up: but the weather was so bad, and the wind so violent that she did not return till the th, bringing up, together with the goods, captain black, a lieutenant of marines, four soldiers and as many sailors. we entertained our guests as splendidly as it lay in our power to do. after dinner, the captain caused firearms to be given to the servants of the company, and we all marched under arms to the square or platform, where a flag-staff had been erected. there the captain took a british union jack, which he had brought on shore for the occasion, and caused it to be run up to the top of the staff; then, taking a bottle of madeira wine, he broke it on the flag-staff, declaring in a loud voice, that he took possession of the establishment and of the country in the name of his britannic majesty; and changed the name of astoria to _fort george_. some few indian chiefs had been got together to witness this ceremony, and i explained to them in their own language what it signified. three rounds of artillery and musketry were fired, and the health of the king was drunk by the parties interested, according to the usage on like occasions. the sloop being detained by contrary winds, the captain caused an exact survey to be made of the entrance of the river, as well as of the navigable channel between baker's bay and fort george. the officers visited the fort, turn about, and seemed to me in general very much dissatisfied with their fool's errand, as they called it: they had expected to find a number of american vessels loaded with rich furs, and had calculated in advance their share in the booty of astoria. they had not met a vessel, and their astonishment was at its height when they saw that our establishment had been transferred to the northwest company, and was under the british flag. it will suffice to quote a single expression of captain black's, in order to show how much they were deceived in their expectations. the captain landed after dark; when we showed him the next morning the palisades and log bastions of the factory, he inquired if there was not another fort; on being assured that there was no other, he cried out, with an air of the greatest astonishment:--"what! is this the fort which was represented to me as so formidable! good god! i could batter it down in two hours with a four-pounder!" there were on board the raccoon two young men from canada, who had been impressed at quebec, when that vessel was there some years before her voyage to the columbia: one of them was named _parent_, a blacksmith, and was of quebec: the other was from upper canada, and was named m'donald. these young persons signified to us that they would be glad to remain at fort george: and as there was among our men some who would gladly have shipped, we proposed to the captain an exchange, but he would not consent to it. john little, a boat-builder from new york, who had been on the sick list a long time, was sent on board and placed under the care of the sloop's surgeon, mr. o'brien; the captain engaging to land him at the sandwich islands. p.d. jeremie also shipped himself as under clerk. the vessel hoisted sail, and got out of the river, on the st of december. from the account given in this chapter the reader will see with what facility the establishment of the pacific fur company could have escaped capture by the british force. it was only necessary to get rid of the land party of the northwest company--who were completely in our power--then remove our effects up the river upon some small stream, and await the result. the sloop-of-war arrived, it is true; but as, in the case i suppose, she would have found nothing, she would have left, after setting fire to our deserted houses. none of their boats would have dared follow us, even if the indians had betrayed to them our lurking-place. those at the head of affairs had their own fortunes to seek, and thought it more for their interest, doubtless, to act as they did, but that will not clear them in the eyes of the world, and the charge of treason to mr. astor's interests will always be attached to their characters. chapter xvi. expeditions to the interior.--return of messrs. john stuart and d. m'kenzie.--theft committed by the natives.--war party against the thieves. on the d of january, , two canoes laden with merchandise for the interior, were despatched under the command of mr. alexander stuart and mr. james keith, with fifteen men under them. two of the latter were charged with letters for the posts (of the northwest company) east of the mountains, containing instructions to the persons in superintendence there, to have in readiness canoes and the requisite provisions for a large party intending to go east the ensuing spring. i took this opportunity of advising my friends in canada of my intention to return home that season. it was the third attempt i had made to send news of my existence to my relatives and friends: the first two had miscarried and this was doomed to meet the same fate. messrs. j. stuart and m'kenzie, who (as was seen in a previous chapter) had been sent to notify the gentlemen in the interior of what had taken place at astoria, and to transfer the wintering posts to the northwest company, returned to fort george on the morning of the th. they stated that they had left messrs. clarke and d. stuart behind, with the loaded canoes, and also that the party had been attacked by the natives above the falls. as they were descending the river toward evening, between the first and second portages, they had espied a large number of indians congregated at no great distance in the prairie; which gave them some uneasiness. in fact, some time after they had encamped, and when all the people (_tout le monde_) were asleep, except mr. stuart, who was on guard, these savages had stealthily approached the camp, and discharged some arrows, one of which had penetrated the coverlet of one of the men, who was lying near the baggage, and had pierced the cartilage of his ear; the pain made him utter a sharp cry, which alarmed the whole camp and threw it into an uproar. the natives perceiving it, fled to the woods, howling and yelling like so many demons. in the morning our people picked up eight arrows round the camp: they could yet hear the savages yell and whoop in the woods: but, notwithstanding, the party reached the lower end of the portage unmolested. the audacity which these barbarians had displayed in attacking a party of from forty to forty-five persons, made us suppose that they would, much more probably, attack the party of mr. stuart, which was composed of but seventeen men. consequently, i received orders to get ready forthwith a canoe and firearms, in order to proceed to their relief. the whole was ready in the short space of two hours, and i embarked immediately with a guide and eight men. our instructions were to use all possible diligence to overtake messrs. stewart and keith, and to convey them to the upper end of the last portage; or to return with the goods, if we met too much resistance on the part of the natives. we travelled, then, all that day, and all the night of the th, and on the th, till evening. finding ourselves then at a little distance from the rapids, i came to a halt, to put the firearms in order, and let the men take some repose. about midnight i caused them to re-embark, and ordered the men to sing as they rowed, that the party whom we wished to overtake might hear us as we passed, if perchance they were encamped on some one of the islands of which the river is full in this part. in fact, we had hardly proceeded five or six miles, when we were hailed by some one apparently in the middle of the stream. we stopped rowing, and answered, and were soon joined by our people of the expedition, who were all descending the river in a canoe. they informed us that they had been attacked the evening before, and that mr. stuart had been wounded. we turned about, and all proceeded in company toward the fort. in the morning, when we stopped to breakfast, mr. keith gave me the particulars of the affair of the day preceding. having arrived at the foot of the rapids, they commenced the portage on the south bank of the river, which is obstructed with boulders, over which it was necessary to pass the effects. after they had hauled over the two canoes, and a part of the goods, the natives approached in great numbers, trying to carry off something unobserved. mr. stuart was at the upper end of the portage (the portage being about six hundred yards in length), and mr. keith accompanied the loaded men. an indian seized a bag containing articles of little value, and fled: mr. stuart, who saw the act, pursued the thief, and after some resistance on the latter's part, succeeded in making him relinquish his booty. immediately he saw a number of indians armed with bows and arrows; approaching him: one of them bent his bow and took aim; mr. stuart, on his part, levelled his gun at the indian, warning the latter not to shoot, and at the same instant received an arrow, which pierced his left shoulder. he then drew the trigger; but as it had rained all day, the gun missed fire, and before he could re-prime, another arrow, better aimed than the first, struck him in the left side and penetrated between two of his ribs, in the region of the heart, and would have proved fatal, no doubt, but for a stone-pipe he had fortunately in his side-pocket, and which was broken by the arrow; at the same moment his gun was discharged, and the indian fell dead. several others then rushed forward to avenge the death of their compatriot; but two of the men came up with their loads and their gun (for these portages were made arms in hand), and seeing what was going forward, one of them threw his pack on the ground, fired on one of the indians and brought him down. he got up again, however, and picked up his weapons, but the other man ran upon him, wrested from him his war-club, and despatched him by repeated blows on the head with it. the other savages, seeing the bulk of our people approaching the scene of combat, retired and crossed the river. in the meantime, mr. stuart extracted the arrows from his body, by the aid of one of the men: the blood flowed in abundance from the wounds, and he saw that it would be impossible for him to pursue his journey; he therefore gave orders for the canoes and goods to be carried back to the lower end of the portage. presently they saw a great number of pirogues full of warriors coming from the opposite side of the river. our people then considered that they could do nothing better than to get away as fast as possible; they contrived to transport over one canoe, on which they all embarked, abandoning the other and the goods, to the natives. while the barbarians were plundering these effects, more precious in their estimation than the apples of gold in the garden of the hesperides, our party retired and got out of sight. the retreat was, notwithstanding, so precipitate, that they left behind an indian from the lake of the two mountains, who was in the service of the company as a hunter. this indian had persisted in concealing himself behind the rocks, meaning, he said, to kill some of those thieves, and did not return in time for the embarkation. mr. keith regretted this brave man's obstinacy, fearing, with good reason, that he would be discovered and murdered by the natives. we rowed all that day and night, and reached the factory on the th, at sunrise. our first care, after having announced the misfortune of our people, was to dress the wounds of mr. stuart, which had been merely bound with a wretched piece of cotton cloth. the goods which had been abandoned, were of consequence to the company, inasmuch as they could not be replaced. it was dangerous, besides, to leave the natives in possession of some fifty guns and a considerable quantity of ammunition, which they might use against us.[s] the partners, therefore, decided to fit out an expedition immediately to chastise the robbers, or at least to endeavor to recover the goods. i went, by their order, to find the principal chiefs of the neighboring tribes, to explain to them what had taken place, and invite them to join us, to which they willingly consented. then, having got ready six canoes, we re-embarked on the th, to the number of sixty-two men, all armed from head to foot, and provided with a small brass field-piece. [footnote s: however, some cases of guns and kegs of powder were thrown into the falls, before the party retreated.] we soon reached the lower end of the first rapid: but the essential thing was wanting to our little force; it was without provisions; our first care then was to try to procure these. having arrived opposite a village, we perceived on the bank about thirty armed savages, who seemed to await us firmly. as it was not our policy to seem bent on hostilities, we landed on the opposite bank, and i crossed the river with five or six men, to enter into parley with them, and try to obtain provisions. i immediately became aware that the village was abandoned, the women and children having fled to the woods, taking with them all the articles of food. the young men, however, offered us dogs, of which we purchased a score. then we passed to a second village, where they were already informed of our coming. here we bought forty-five dogs and a horse. with this stock we formed an encampment on an island called _strawberry island_. seeing ourselves now provided with food for several days, we informed the natives touching the motives which had brought us, and announced to them that we were determined to put them all to death and burn their villages, if they did not bring back in two days the effects stolen on the th. a party was detached to the rapids, where the attack on mr. stuart had taken place. we found the villages all deserted. crossing to the north bank, we found a few natives, of whom we made inquiries respecting the nipissingue indian, who had been left behind, but they assured us that they had seen nothing of him.[t] [footnote t: this indian returned some time after to the factory, but in a pitiable condition. after the departure of the canoe, he had concealed himself behind a rock, and so passed the night. at daybreak, fearing to be discovered, he gained the woods and directed his steps toward the fort, across a mountainous region. he arrived at length at the bank of a little stream, which he was at first unable to cross. hunger, in the meantime, began to urge him; he might have appeased it with game, of which he saw plenty, but unfortunately he had lost the flint of his gun. at last, with a raft of sticks, he crossed the river, and arrived at a village, the inhabitants of which disarmed him, and made him prisoner. our people hearing where he was, sent to seek him, and gave some blankets for his ransom.] not having succeeded in recovering, above the rapids, any part of the lost goods, the inhabitants all protesting that it was not they, but the villages below, which had perpetrated the robbery, we descended the river again, and re-encamped on _strawberry island_. as the intention of the partners was to intimidate the natives, without (if possible) shedding blood, we made a display of our numbers, and from time to time fired off our little field-piece, to let them see that we could reach them from one side of the river to the other. the indian _coalpo_ and his wife, who had accompanied us, advised us to make prisoner one of the chiefs. we succeeded in this design, without incurring any danger. having invited one of the natives to come and smoke with us, he came accordingly: a little after, came another; at last, one of the chiefs, and he one of the most considered among them, also came. being notified secretly of his character by _coalpo_, who was concealed in the tent, we seized him forthwith, tied him to a stake, and placed a guard over him with a naked sword, as if ready to cut his head off on the least attempt being made by his people for his liberation. the other indians were then suffered to depart with the news for his tribe, that unless the goods were brought to us in twenty-four hours, their chief would be put to death. our stratagem succeeded: soon after we heard wailing and lamentation in the village, and they presently brought us part of the guns, some brass kettles, and a variety of smaller articles, protesting that this was all their share of the plunder. keeping our chief as a hostage, we passed to the other village, and succeeded in recovering the rest of the guns, and about a third of the other goods. although they had been the aggressors, yet as they had had two men killed and we had not lost any on our side, we thought it our duty to conform to the usage of the country, and abandon to them the remainder of the stolen effects, to cover, according to their expression, the bodies of their two slain compatriots. besides, we began to find ourselves short of provisions, and it would not have been easy to get at our enemies to punish them, if they had taken refuge in the woods, according to their custom when they feel themselves the weaker party. so we released our prisoner, and gave him a flag, telling him that when he presented it unfurled, we should regard it as a sign of peace and friendship: but if, when we were passing the portage, any one of the natives should have the misfortune to come near the baggage, we would kill him on the spot. we re-embarked on the th, and on the d reached the fort, where we made a report of our martial expedition. we found mr. stuart very ill of his wounds, especially of the one in the side, which was so much swelled that we had every reason to think the arrow had been poisoned. if we did not do the savages as much harm as we might have done, it was not from timidity but from humanity, and in order not to shed human blood uselessly. for after all, what good would it have done us to have slaughtered some of these barbarians, whose crime was not the effect of depravity and wickedness, but of an ardent and irresistible desire to ameliorate their condition? it must be allowed also that the interest, well-understood, of the partners of the northwest company, was opposed to too strongly marked acts of hostility on their part: it behooved them exceedingly not to make irreconciliable enemies of the populations neighboring on the portages of the columbia, which they would so often be obliged to pass and repass in future. it is also probable that the other natives on the banks, as well as of the river as of the sea, would not have seen with indifference, their countrymen too signally or too rigorously punished by strangers; and that they would have made common cause with the former to resist the latter, and perhaps even to drive them from the country. i must not omit to state that all the firearms surrendered by the indians on this occasion, were found loaded with ball, and primed, with a little piece of cotton laid over the priming to keep the powder dry. this shows how soon they would acquire the use of guns, and how careful traders should be in intercourse with strange indians, not to teach them their use. chapter xvii. description of tongue point.--a trip to the _willamet_.--arrival of w. hunt in the brig pedlar.--narrative of the loss of the ship lark.--preparations for crossing the continent. the new proprietors of our establishment, being dissatisfied with the site we had chosen, came to the determination to change it; after surveying both sides of the river, they found no better place than the head-land which we had named tongue point. this point, or to speak more accurately, perhaps, this cape, extends about a quarter of a mile into the river, being connected with the main-land by a low, narrow neck, over which the indians, in stormy weather, haul their canoes in passing up and down the river; and terminating in an almost perpendicular rock, of about or feet elevation. this bold summit was covered with a dense forest of pine trees; the ascent from the lower neck was gradual and easy; it abounded in springs of the finest water; on either side it had a cove to shelter the boats necessary for a trading establishment. this peninsula had truly the appearance of a huge tongue. astoria had been built nearer the ocean, but the advantages offered by tongue point more than compensated for its greater distance. its soil, in the rainy season, could be drained with little or no trouble; it was a better position to guard against attacks on the part of the natives, and less exposed to that of civilized enemies by sea or land in time of war. all the hands who had returned from the interior, added to those who were already at the fort, consumed, in an incredibly short space of time the small stock of provisions which had been conveyed by the pacific fur company to the company of the northwest. it became a matter of necessity, therefore, to seek some spot where a part, at least, could be sent to subsist. with these views i left the fort on the th february with a number of men, belonging to the old concern, and who had refused to enter the service of the new one, to proceed to the establishment on the _willamet_ river, under the charge of mr. alexander henry, who had with him a number of first-rate hunters. leaving the columbia to ascend the _willamet_, i found the banks on either side of that stream well wooded, but low and swampy, until i reached the first falls; having passed which, by making a portage, i commenced ascending a clear but moderately deep channel, against a swift current. the banks on either side were bordered with forest-trees, but behind that narrow belt, diversified with prairie, the landscape was magnificent; the hills were of moderate elevation, and rising in an amphitheatre. deer and elk are found here in great abundance; and the post in charge of mr. henry had been established with a view of keeping constantly there a number of hunters to prepare dried venison for the use of the factory. on our arrival at the columbia, considering the latitude, we had expected severe winter weather, such as is experienced in the same latitudes east; but we were soon undeceived; the mildness of the climate never permitted us to transport fresh provisions from the willamet to astoria. we had not a particle of salt; and the attempts we made to smoke or dry the venison proved abortive. having left the men under my charge with mr. henry, i took leave of that gentleman, and returned. at oak point i found messrs. keith and pillet encamped, to pass there the season of sturgeon-fishing. they informed me that i was to stay with them. accordingly i remained at oak point the rest of the winter, occupied in trading with the indians spread all along the river for some or miles above, in order to supply the factory with provisions. i used to take a boat with four or five men, visit every fishing station, trade for as much fish as would load the boat, and send her down to the fort. the surplus fish traded in the interval between the departure and return of the boat, was cut up, salted and barrelled for future use. the salt had been recently obtained from a quarter to be presently mentioned. about the middle of march messrs. keith and pillet both left me and returned to the fort. being now alone, i began seriously to reflect on my position, and it was in this interval that i positively decided to return to canada. i made inquiries of the men sent up with the boats for fish, concerning the preparations for departure, but whether they had been enjoined secrecy, or were unwilling to communicate, i could learn nothing of what was doing below. at last i heard that on the th february a sail had appeared at the mouth of the river. the gentlemen of the n.w. company at first flattered themselves that it was the vessel they had so long expected. they were soon undeceived by a letter from mr. hunt, which was brought to the fort by the indians of _baker's bay_. that gentleman had purchased at the marquesas islands a brig called _the pedlar_: it was on that vessel that he arrived, having for pilot captain northrop, formerly commander of the ship _lark_. the latter vessel had been outfitted by mr. astor, and despatched from new york, in spite of the blockading squadron, with supplies for the _ci-devant_ pacific fur company; but unhappily she had been assailed by a furious tempest and capsized in lat. ° n., and three or four hundred miles from the sandwich islands. the mate who was sick, was drowned in the cabin, and four of the crew perished at the same time. the captain had the masts and rigging cut away, which caused the vessel to right again, though full of water. one of the hands dived down to the sail-maker's locker, and got out a small sail, which they attached to the bowsprit. he dived a second time, and brought up a box containing a dozen bottles of wine. for thirteen days they had no other sustenance but the flesh of a small shark, which they had the good fortune to take, and which they ate raw, and for drink, a gill of the wine each man _per diem_. at last the trade winds carried them upon the island of _tahouraka_, where the vessel went to pieces on the reef. the islanders saved the crew, and seized all the goods which floated on the water. mr. hunt was then at _wahoo_, and learned through some islanders from _morotoi_, that some americans had been wrecked on the isle of _tahouraka_. he went immediately to take them off, and gave the pilotage of his own vessel to captain northrop. it may be imagined what was the surprise of mr. hunt when he saw astoria under the british flag, and passed into stranger hands. but the misfortune was beyond remedy, and he was obliged to content himself with taking on board all the americans who were at the establishment, and who had not entered the service of the company of the northwest. messrs. halsey, seton, and farnham were among those who embarked. i shall have occasion to inform the reader of the part each of them played, and how they reached their homes. when i heard that mr. hunt was in the river, and knowing that the overland expedition was to set out early in april, i raised camp at oak point, and reached the fort on the d of that month. but the brig _pedlar_ had that very day got outside the river, after several fruitless attempts, in one of which she narrowly missed being lost on the bar. i would gladly have gone in her, had i but arrived a day sooner. i found, however, all things prepared for the departure of the canoes, which was to take place on the th. i got ready the few articles i possessed, and in spite of the very advantageous offers of the gentlemen of the n.w. company, and their reiterated persuasions, aided by the crafty m'dougal, to induce me to remain, at least one year more, i persisted in my resolution to leave the country. the journey i was about to undertake was a long one: it would be accompanied with great fatigues and many privations, and even by some dangers; but i was used to privations and fatigues; i had braved dangers of more than one sort; and even had it been otherwise, the ardent desire of revisiting my country, my relatives, and my friends, the hope of finding myself, in a few months, in their midst, would have made me overlook every other consideration. i am about, then, to quit the banks of the river columbia, and conduct the reader through the mountain passes, over the plains, the forests, and the lakes of our continent: but i ought first to give him at least an idea of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, as well as of the principal productions of the country that i now quit, after a sojourn of three years. this is what i shall try to do in the following chapters.[u] [footnote u: some of my readers would, no doubt, desire some scientific details on the botany and natural history of this country. that is, in fact, what they ought to expect from a man who had travelled for his pleasure, or to make discoveries: but the object of my travels was not of this description; my occupations had no relation with science; and, as i have said in my preface, i was not, and am not now, either a naturalist or a botanist.] chapter xviii. situation of the columbia river.--qualities of its soil.--climate, &c.--vegetable and animal productions of the country. the mouth of the columbia river is situated in ° ' north latitude, and ° or ° of longitude west of the meridian of greenwich. the highest tides are very little over nine or ten feet, at its entrance, and are felt up stream for a distance of twenty-five or thirty leagues. during the three years i spent there, the cold never was much below the freezing point; and i do not think the heat ever exceeded °. westerly winds prevail from the early part of spring, and during a part of the summer; that wind generally springs up with the flood tide, and tempers the heat of the day. the northwest wind prevails during the latter part of summer and commencement of autumn. this last is succeeded by a southeast wind, which blows almost without intermission from the beginning of october to the end of december, or commencement of january. this interval is the rainy season, the most disagreeable of the year. fogs (so thick that sometimes for days no object is discernible for five or six hundred yards from the beach), are also very prevalent. the surface of the soil consists (in the valleys) of a layer of black vegetable mould, about five or six inches thick at most; under this layer is found another of gray and loose, but extremely cold earth; below which is a bed of coarse sand and gravel, and next to that pebble or hard rock. on the more elevated parts, the same black vegetable mould is found, but much thinner, and under it is the trap rock. we found along the seashore, south of point adams, a bank of earth white as chalk, which we used for white-washing our walls. the natives also brought us several specimens of blue, red and yellow earth or clay, which they said was to be found at a great distance south; and also a sort of shining earth, resembling lead ore.[v] we found no limestone, although we burnt several kilns, but never could get one ounce of lime. [footnote v: plumbago.] we had brought with us from new york a variety of garden seeds, which were put in the ground in the month of may, , on a rich piece of land laid out for the purpose on a sloping ground in front of our establishment. the garden had a fine appearance in the month of august; but although the plants were left in the ground until december, not one of them came to maturity, with the exception of the radishes, the turnips, and the potatoes. the turnips grew to a prodigious size; one of the largest we had the curiosity to weigh and measure; its circumference was thirty-three inches, its weight fifteen and a half pounds. the radishes were in full blossom in the month of december, and were left in the ground to perfect the seeds for the ensuing season, but they were all destroyed by the ground mice, who hid themselves under the stumps which we had not rooted out, and infested our garden. with all the care we could bestow on them during the passage from new york, only twelve potatoes were saved, and even these so shrivelled up, that we despaired of raising any from the few sprouts that still gave signs of life. nevertheless we raised one hundred and ninety potatoes the first season, and after sparing a few plants for our inland traders, we planted about fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year . it would result from these facts, that the soil on the banks of the river, as far as tide water, or for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, is very little adapted for agriculture; at all events, vegetation is very slow. it may be that the soil is not everywhere so cold as the spot we selected for our garden, and some other positions might have given a better reward for our labor: this supposition is rendered more than probable when we take into consideration the great difference in the indigenous vegetables of the country in different localities. the forest trees most common at the mouth of the river and near our establishment, were cedar, hemlock, white and red spruce, and alder. there were a few dwarf white and gray ashes; and here and there a soft maple. the alder grows also to a very large size; i measured some of twelve to fifteen inches diameter; the wood was used by us in preference, to make charcoal for the blacksmith's forge. but the largest of all the trees that i saw in the country, was a white spruce: this tree, which had lost its top branches, and bore evident marks of having been struck by lightning, was a mere, straight trunk of about eighty to one hundred feet in height; its bark whitened by age, made it very conspicuous among the other trees with their brown bark and dark foliage, like a huge column of white marble. it stood on the slope of a hill immediately in the rear of our palisades. seven of us placed ourselves round its trunk, and we could not embrace it by extending our arms and touching merely the tips of our fingers; we measured it afterward in a more regular manner, and found it forty-two feet in circumference. it kept the same size, or nearly the same, to the very top. we had it in contemplation at one time to construct a circular staircase to its summit, and erect a platform thereon for an observatory, but more necessary and pressing demands on our time made us abandon the project. a short distance above astoria, the oak and ash are plentiful, but neither of these is of much value or beauty. from the middle of june to the middle of october, we had abundance of wild fruit; first, strawberries, almost white, small but very sweet; then raspberries, both red and orange color. these grow on a bush sometimes twelve feet in height: they are not sweet, but of a large size. the months of july and august furnish a small berry of an agreeable, slightly acid flavor; this berry grows on a slender bush of some eight to nine feet high, with small round leaves; they are in size like a wild cherry: some are blue, while others are of a cherry red: the last being smaller; they have no pits, or stones in them, but seeds, such as are to be seen in currants. i noticed in the month of august another berry growing in bunches or grapes like the currant, on a bush very similar to the currant bush: the leaves of this shrub resemble those of the laurel: they are very thick and always green. the fruit is oblong, and disposed in two rows on the stem: the extremity of the berry is open, having a little speck or tuft like that of an apple. it is not of a particularly fine flavor, but it is wholesome, and one may eat a quantity of it, without inconvenience. the natives make great use of it; they prepare it for the winter by bruising and drying it; after which it is moulded into cakes according to fancy, and laid up for use. there is also a great abundance of cranberries, which proved very useful as an antiscorbutic. we found also the whortleberry, chokecherries, gooseberries, and black currants with wild crab-apples: these last grow in clusters, are of small size and very tart. on the upper part of the river are found blackberries, hazel-nuts, acorns, &c. the country also possesses a great variety of nutritive roots: the natives make great use of those which have the virtue of curing or preventing the scurvy. we ate freely of them with the same intention, and with the same success. one of these roots, which much resembles a small onion, serves them, in some sort, in place of cheese. having gathered a sufficient quantity, they bake them with red-hot stones, until the steam ceases to ooze from the layer of grass and earth with which the roots are covered; then they pound them into a paste, and make the paste into loaves, of five or six pounds weight: the taste is not unlike liquorice, but not of so sickly a sweetness. when we made our first voyage up the river the natives gave us square biscuits, very well worked, and printed with different figures. these are made of a white root, pounded, reduced to paste, and dried in the sun. they call it _chapaleel_: it is not very palatable; nor very nutritive. but the principal food of the natives of the columbia is fish. the salmon-fishery begins in july: that fish is here of an exquisite flavor, but it is extremely fat and oily; which renders it unwholesome for those who are not accustomed to it, and who eat too great a quantity: thus several of our people were attacked with diarrhoea in a few days after we began to make this fish our ordinary sustenance; but they found a remedy in the raspberries of the country which have an astringent property. the months of august and september furnish excellent sturgeon. this fish varies exceedingly in size; i have seen some eleven feet long; and we took one that weighed, after the removal of the eggs and intestines, three hundred and ninety pounds. we took out nine gallons of roe. the sturgeon does not enter the river in so great quantities as the salmon. in october and november we had salmon too, but of a quite different species--lean, dry and insipid. it differs from the other sort in form also; having very long teeth, and a hooked nose like the beak of a parrot. our men termed it in derision "seven bark salmon," because it had almost no nutritive substance. february brings a small fish about the size of a sardine. it has an exquisite flavor, and is taken in immense quantities, by means of a scoop net, which the indians, seated in canoes, plunge into the schools: but the season is short, not even lasting two weeks. the principal quadrupeds of the country are the elk, the black and white tailed deer; four species of bear, distinguished chiefly by the color of the fur or _poil_, to wit, the black, brown, white and grisly bear; the grisly bear is extremely ferocious; the white is found on the seashore toward the north; the wolf, the panther, the catamount, the lynx, the raccoon, the ground hog, opossum, mink, fisher, beaver, and the land and sea otter.[w] the sea otter has the handsomest fur that is known; the skin surpasses that of the land variety in size and in the beauty of the _poil_; the most esteemed color is the silver gray, which is highly prized in the indies, and commands a great price. [footnote w: horses are abundant up the river; but they are not indigenous to the country. they will be spoken of in a future chapter.] the most remarkable birds are the eagle, the turkey-buzzard, the hawk, pelican, heron, gull, cormorant, crane, swan, and a great variety of wild ducks and geese. the pigeon, woodcock, and pheasant, are found in the forests as with us. chapter xix. manners, customs, occupations, &c., of the natives on the river columbia. the natives inhabiting on the columbia, from the mouth of that river to the falls, that is to say, on a space extending about miles from east to west, are, generally speaking, of low stature, few of them passing five feet six inches, and many not even five feet. they pluck out the beard, in the manner of the other indians of north america; but a few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins. on arriving among them we were exceedingly surprised to see that they had almost all flattened heads. this configuration is not a natural deformity, but an effect of art, caused by compression of the skull in infancy. it shocks strangers extremely, especially at first sight; nevertheless, among these barbarians it is an indispensable ornament: and when we signified to them how much this mode of flattening the forehead appeared to us to violate nature and good taste, they answered that it was only slaves who had not their heads flattened. the slaves, in fact, have the usual rounded head, and they are not permitted to flatten the foreheads of their children, destined to bear the chains of their sires. the natives of the columbia procure these slaves from the neighboring tribes, and from the interior, in exchange for beads and furs. they treat them with humanity while their services are useful, but as soon as they become incapable of labor, neglect them and suffer them to perish of want. when dead, they throw their bodies, without ceremony, under the stump of an old decayed tree, or drag them to the woods to be devoured by the wolves and vultures. the indians of the columbia are of a light copper color, active in body, and, above all, excellent swimmers. they are addicted to theft, or rather, they make no scruple of laying hands on whatever suits them in the property of strangers, whenever they can find an opportunity. the goods and effects of european manufacture are so precious in the eyes of these barbarians, that they rarely resist the temptation of stealing them. these savages are not addicted to intemperance, unlike, in that respect the other american indians, if we must not also except the patagonians, who, like the flatheads, regard intoxicating drinks as poisons, and drunkenness as disgraceful. i will relate a fact in point: one of the sons of the chief comcomly being at the establishment one day, some of the gentlemen amused themselves with making him drink wine, and he was very soon drunk. he was sick in consequence, and remained in a state of stupor for two days. the old chief came to reproach us, saying that we had degraded his son by exposing him to the ridicule of the slaves, and besought us not to induce him to take strong liquors in future. the men go entirely naked, not concealing any part of their bodies. only in winter they throw over the shoulders a panther's skin, or else a sort of mantle made of the skins of wood-rats sewed together. in rainy weather i have seen them wear a mantle of rush mats, like a roman toga, or the vestment which a priest wears in celebrating mass; thus equipped, and furnished with a conical hat made from fibrous roots and impermeable, they may call themselves rain-proof. the women, in addition to the mantle of skins, wear a petticoat made of the cedar bark, which they attach round the girdle, and which reaches to the middle of the thigh. it is a little longer behind than before, and is fabricated in the following manner: they strip off the fine bark of the cedar, soak it as one soaks hemp, and when it is drawn out into fibres, work it into a fringe; then with a strong cord they bind the fringes together. with so poor a vestment they contrive to satisfy the requirements of modesty; when they stand it drapes them fairly enough; and when they squat down in their manner, it falls between their legs, leaving nothing exposed but the bare knees and thighs. some of the younger women twist the fibres of bark into small cords, knotted at the ends, and so form the petticoat, disposed in a fringe, like the first, but more easily kept clean and of better appearance. cleanliness is not a virtue among these females, who, in that respect, resemble the other indian women of the continent. they anoint the body and dress the hair with fish oil, which does not diffuse an agreeable perfume. their hair (which both sexes wear long) is jet black; it is badly combed, but parted in the middle, as is the custom of the sex everywhere, and kept shining by the fish-oil before-mentioned. sometimes, in imitation of the men, they paint the whole body with a red earth mixed with fish-oil. their ornaments consist of bracelets of brass, which they wear indifferently on the wrists and ankles; of strings of beads of different colors (they give a preference to the blue), and displayed in great profusion around the neck, and on the arms and legs; and of white shells, called _haiqua_, which are their ordinary circulating medium. these shells are found beyond the straits of _juan de fuca_, and are from one to four inches long, and about half an inch in diameter: they are a little curved and naturally perforated: the longest are most valued. the price of all commodities is reckoned in these shells; a fathom string of the largest of them is worth about ten beaver-skins. although a little less slaves than the greater part of the indian women elsewhere, the women on the columbia are, nevertheless, charged with the most painful labors; they fetch water and wood, and carry the goods in their frequent changes of residence; they clean the fish and cut it up for drying; they prepare the food and cook the fruits in their season. among their principal occupations is that of making rush mats, baskets for gathering roots, and hats very ingeniously wrought. as they want little clothing, they do not sew much, and the men have the needle in hand oftener than they. the men are not lazy, especially during the fishing season. not being hunters, and eating, consequently, little flesh-meat (although they are fond of it), fish makes, as i have observed, their principal diet. they profit, therefore, by the season when it is to be had, by taking as much as they can; knowing that the intervals will be periods of famine and abstinence, unless they provide sufficiently beforehand. their canoes are all made of cedar, and of a single trunk: we saw some which were five feet wide at midships, and thirty feet in length; these are the largest, and will carry from to men; the smallest will carry but two or three. the bows terminate in a very elongated point, running out four or five feet from the water line. it constitutes a separate piece, very ingeniously attached, and serves to break the surf in landing, or the wave on a rough sea. in landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on. their oars or paddles are made of ash, and are about five feet long, with a broad blade, in the shape of an inverted crescent, and a cross at the top, like the handle of a crutch. the object of the crescent shape of the blade is to be able to draw it, edge-wise, through the water without making any noise, when they hunt the sea-otter, an animal which can only be caught when it is lying asleep on the rocks, and which has the sense of hearing very acute. all their canoes are painted red, and fancifully decorated. their houses, constructed of cedar, are remarkable for their form and size: some of them are one hundred feet in length by thirty or forty feet in width. they are constructed as follows: an oblong square of the intended size of the building is dug out to the depth of two or three feet; a double row of cedar posts is driven into the earth about ten feet apart; between these the planks are laid, overlapping each other to the requisite height. the roof is formed by a ridge-pole laid on taller posts, notched to receive it, and is constructed with rafters and planks laid clapboard-wise, and secured by cords for want of nails. when the house is designed for several families, there is a door for each, and a separate fireplace; the smoke escapes through an aperture formed by removing one of the boards of the roof. the door is low, of an oval shape, and is provided with a ladder, cut out of a log, to descend into the lodge. the entrance is generally effected stern-foremost. the kitchen utensils consist of plates of ash-wood, bowls of fibrous roots, and a wooden kettle: with these they succeed in cooking their fish and meat in less time than we take with the help of pots and stewpans. see how they do it! having heated a number of stones red-hot, they plunge them, one by one, in the vessel which is to contain the food to be prepared; as soon as the water boils, they put in the fish or meat, with some more heated stones on top, and cover up the whole with small rush mats, to retain the steam. in an incredibly short space of time the article is taken out and placed on a wooden platter, perfectly done and very palatable. the broth is taken out also, with a ladle of wood or horn. it will be asked, no doubt, what instruments these savages use in the construction of their canoes and their houses. to cause their patience and industry to be admired as much as they deserve, it will be sufficient for me to mention that we did not find among them a single hatchet: their only tools consisted of an inch or half-inch chisel, usually made of an old file, and of a mallet, which was nothing but an oblong stone. with these wretched implements, and wedges made of hemlock knots, steeped in oil and hardened by the fire, they would undertake to cut down the largest cedars of the forest, to dig them out and fashion them into canoes, to split them, and get out the boards wherewith to build their houses. such achievements with such means, are a marvel of ingenuity and patience. chapter xx. manners and customs of the natives continued.--their wars.--their marriages.--medicine men.--funeral ceremonies.--religious notions.--language. the politics of the natives of the columbia are a simple affair: each village has its chief, but that chief does not seem to exercise a great authority over his fellow-citizens. nevertheless, at his death, they pay him great honors: they use a kind of mourning, which consists in painting the face with black, in lieu of gay colors; they chant his funeral song or oration for a whole month. the chiefs are considered in proportion to their riches: such a chief has a great many wives, slaves, and strings of beads--he is accounted a great chief. these barbarians approach in that respect to certain civilized nations, among whom the worth of a man is estimated by the quantity of gold he possesses. as all the villages form so many independent sovereignties, differences sometimes arise, whether between the chiefs or the tribes. ordinarily, these terminate by compensations equivalent to the injury. but when the latter is of a grave character, like a murder (which is rare), or the abduction of a woman (which is very common), the parties, having made sure of a number of young braves to aid them, prepare for war. before commencing hostilities, however, they give notice of the day when they will proceed to attack the hostile village; not following in that respect the custom of almost all other american indians, who are wont to burst upon their enemy unawares, and to massacre or carry off men, women, and children; these people, on the contrary, embark in their canoes, which on these occasions are paddled by the women, repair to the hostile village, enter into parley, and do all they can to terminate the affair amicably: sometimes a third party becomes mediator between the first two, and of course observes an exact neutrality. if those who seek justice do not obtain it to their satisfaction, they retire to some distance, and the combat begins, and is continued for some time with fury on both sides; but as soon as one or two men are killed, the party which has lost these, owns itself beaten and the battle ceases. if it is the people of the village attacked who are worsted, the others do not retire without receiving presents. when the conflict is postponed till the next day (for they never fight but in open daylight, as if to render nature witness of their exploits), they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of homer and virgil. the women and children are always removed from the village before the action. their combats are almost all maritime: for they fight ordinarily in their pirogues, which they take care to careen, so as to present the broadside to the enemy, and half lying down, avoid the greater part of the arrows let fly at them. but the chief reason of the bloodlessness of their combats is the inefficiency of their offensive weapons, and the excellence of their defensive armor. their offensive arms are merely a bow and arrow, and a kind of double-edged sabre, about two and a half feet long, and six inches wide in the blade: they rarely come to sufficiently close quarters to make use of the last. for defensive armor they wear a cassock or tunic of elk-skin double, descending to the ankles, with holes for the arms. it is impenetrable by their arrows, which can not pierce two thicknesses of leather; and as their heads are also covered with a sort of helmet, the neck is almost the only part in which they can be wounded. they have another kind of corslet, made like the corsets of our ladies, of splinters of hard wood interlaced with nettle twine. the warrior who wears this cuirass does not use the tunic of elk-skin; he is consequently less protected, but a great deal more free; the said tunic being very heavy and very stiff. it is almost useless to observe that, in their military expeditions, they have their bodies and faces daubed with different paints, often of the most extravagant designs. i remember to have seen a war-chief, with one exact half of his face painted white and the other half black. their marriages are conducted with a good deal of ceremony. when a young man seeks a girl in marriage, his parents make the proposals to those of the intended bride, and when it has been agreed upon what presents the future bridegroom is to offer to the parents of the bride, all parties assemble at the house of the latter, whither the neighbors are invited to witness the contract. the presents, which consist of slaves, strings of beads, copper bracelets, _haiqua_ shells, &c., are distributed by the young man, who, on his part receives as many, and sometimes more, according to the means or the munificence of the parents of his betrothed. the latter is then led forward by the old matrons and presented to the young man, who takes her as his wife, and all retire to their quarters. the men are not very scrupulous in their choice, and take small pains to inform themselves what conduct a young girl has observed before her nuptials; and it must be owned that few marriages would take place, if the youth would only espouse maidens without reproach on the score of chastity; for the unmarried girls are by no means scrupulous in that particular, and their parents give them, on that head, full liberty. but once the marriage is contracted, the spouses observe toward each other an inviolable fidelity; adultery is almost unknown among them, and the woman who should be guilty of it would be punished with death. at the same time, the husband may repudiate his wife, and the latter may then unite herself in marriage to another man. polygamy is permitted, indeed is customary; there are some who have as many as four or five wives; and although it often happens that the husband loves one better than the rest, they never show any jealousy, but live, together in the most perfect concord.[x] [footnote x: this appears improbable, and is, no doubt, overstated; but so far as it is true, only shows the degradation of these women, and the absence of moral love on both sides. the indifference to virgin chastity described by mr. f., is a characteristic of barbarous nations in general, and is explained by the principle stated in the next note below; the savage state being essentially one in which the supernatural bond of human fellowship is snapped: it is (as it has been called) the state of _nature_, in which continence is practically impossible; and what men can not have, that they soon cease to prize. the same utter indifference to the past conduct of the girls they marry is mentioned by mayhew as existing among the costermongers and street population of london, whom he well likens to the barbarous tribes lying on the outskirts of more ancient nations.--ed.] there are charlatans everywhere, but they are more numerous among savages than anywhere else, because among these ignorant and superstitious people the trade is at once more profitable and less dangerous. as soon as a native of the columbia is indisposed, no matter what the malady, they send for the medicine man, who treats the patient in the absurd manner usually adopted by these impostors, and with such violence of manipulation, that often a sick man, whom a timely bleeding or purgative would have saved, is carried off by a sudden death. they deposite their dead in canoes, on rocks sufficiently elevated not to be overflowed by the spring freshets. by the side of the dead are laid his bow, his arrows, and some of his fishing implements; if it is a woman, her beads and bracelets: the wives, the relatives and the slaves of the defunct cut their hair in sign of grief, and for several days, at the rising and setting of the sun, go to some distance from the village to chant a funeral song. these people have not, properly speaking, a public worship.[y] i could never perceive, during my residence among them, that they worshipped any idol. they had, nevertheless, some small sculptured figures; but they appeared to hold them in light esteem, offering to barter them for trifles. [footnote y: it is coleridge who observes that _every tribe is barbarous_ which has no recognised public worship or cult, and no regular priesthood as opposed to self-constituted conjurors. it is, in fact, by public worship alone that human society is organized and vivified; and it is impossible to maintain such worship without a sacerdotal order, however it be constituted. _no culture without a cult_, is the result of the study of the races of mankind. hence those who would destroy religion are the enemies of civilization.--ed.] having travelled with one of the sons of the chief of the chinooks (comcomly), an intelligent and communicative young man, i put to him several questions touching their religious belief, and the following is, in substance, what he told me respecting it: men, according to their ideas, were created by a divinity whom they name _etalapass_; but they were imperfect, having a mouth that was not opened, eyes that were fast closed, hands and feet that were not moveable; in a word, they were rather statues of flesh, than living men. a second divinity, whom they call _ecannum_, less powerful, but more benign than the former, having seen men in their state of imperfection, took a sharp stone and laid open their mouths and eyes; he gave agility, also, to their feet, and motion to their hands. this compassionate divinity was not content with conferring these first benefits; he taught men to make canoes, paddles, nets, and, in a word, all the tools and instruments they use. he did still more: he threw great rocks into the river, to obstruct the ascent of the salmon, in order that they might take as many as they wanted. the natives of the columbia further believe, that the men who have been good citizens, good fathers, good husbands, and good fishermen, who have not committed murder, &c., will be perfectly happy after their death, and will go to a country where they will find fish, fruit, &c., in abundance; and that, on the contrary, those who have lived wickedly, will inhabit a country of fasting and want, where they will eat nothing but bitter roots, and have nothing to drink but salt water. if these notions in regard to the origin and future destiny of man are not exactly conformed to sound reason or to divine revelation, it will be allowed that they do not offer the absurdities with which the mythologies of many ancient nations abound.[z] the article which makes skill in fishing a virtue worthy of being compensated in the other world, does not disfigure the salutary and consoling dogma of the immortality of the soul, and that of future rewards and punishments, so much as one is at first tempted to think; for if we reflect a little, we shall discover that the skilful fisherman, in laboring for himself, labors also for society; he is a useful citizen, who contributes, as much as lies in his power, to avert from his fellow-men the scourge of famine; he is a religious man, who honors the divinity by making use of his benefits. surely a great deal of the theology of a future life prevalent among civilized men, does not excel this in profundity. [footnote z: it seems clear that this indian mythology is a form of the primitive tradition obscured by symbol. the creation of man by the supreme divinity, but in an imperfect state ("his eyes not yet opened"), his deliverance from that condition by an inferior but more beneficent deity (the satan of the bible), and the progress of the emancipated and enlightened being, in the arts of industry, are clearly set forth. thus the devil has his cosmogony as well as the almighty, and his tradition in opposition to the divine.--ed.] it is not to be expected that men perfectly ignorant, like these indians, should be free from superstitions: one of the most ridiculous they have, regards the method of preparing and eating fish. in the month of july, , the natives brought us at first a very scanty supply of the fresh salmon, from the fear that we would cut the fish crosswise instead of lengthwise; being persuaded that if we did so, the river would be obstructed, and the fishing ruined. having reproached the chief on that account, they brought us a greater quantity, but all cooked, and which, not to displease them, it was necessary to eat before sunset. re-assured at last by our solemn promises not to cut the fish crosswise, they supplied us abundantly during the remainder of the season. in spite of the vices that may be laid to the charge of the natives of the columbia, i regard them as nearer to a state of civilization than any of the tribes who dwell east of the rocky mountains. they did not appear to me so attached to their customs that they could not easily adopt those of civilized nations: they would dress themselves willingly in the european mode, if they had the means. to encourage this taste, we lent pantaloons to the chiefs who visited us, when they wished to enter our houses, never allowing them to do it in a state of nudity. they possess, in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs, above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory. thus old comcomly recognised the mate of the _albatross_ as having visited the country sixteen years before, and recalled to the latter the name of the captain under whom he had sailed at that period. the _chinook_ language is spoken by all the nations from the mouth of the columbia to the falls. it is hard and difficult to pronounce, for strangers; being full of gutturals, like the gaelic. the combinations _thl_, or _tl_, and _lt_, are as frequent in the chinook as in the mexican.[aa] [footnote aa: there can not be a doubt that the existing tribes on the n.w. coast, have reached that country from the _south_, and not from the north. they are the _debris_ of the civilization of central america, expelled by a defecating process that is going on in all human societies, and so have sunk into barbarism.--ed.] chapter xxi. departure from astoria or fort george.--accident.--passage of the dalles or narrows.--great columbian desert.--aspect of the country.--wallawalla and shaptin rivers.--rattlesnakes.--some details regarding the natives of the upper columbia. we quitted fort george (or astoria, if you please) on monday morning, the th of april, , in ten canoes, five of which were of bark and five of cedar wood, carrying each seven men as crew, and two passengers, in all ninety persons, and all well armed. messrs. j.g. m'tavish, d. stuart, j. clarke, b. pillet, w. wallace, d. m'gillis, d. m'kenzie, &c., were of the party. nothing remarkable occurred to us as far as the first falls, which we reached on the th. the portage was effected immediately, and we encamped on an island for the night. our numbers had caused the greater part of the natives to take to flight, and those who remained in the villages showed the most pacific dispositions. they sold us four horses and thirty dogs, which were immediately slaughtered for food. we resumed our route on the th, at an early hour. the wind was favorable, but blew with violence. toward evening, the canoe in which mr. m'tavish was, in doubling a point of rock, was run under by its press of sail, and sunk. happily the river was not deep at this place; no one was drowned; and we succeeded in saving all the goods. this accident compelled us to camp at an early hour. on the th, we arrived at a rapid called the _dalles_: this is a channel cut by nature through the rocks, which are here almost perpendicular: the channel is from to feet wide, and about two miles long. the whole body of the river rushes through it, with great violence, and renders navigation impracticable. the portage occupied us till dusk. although we had not seen a single indian in the course of the day, we kept sentinels on duty all night: for it was here that messrs. stuart and reed were attacked by the natives. on the th, we made two more portages, and met indians, of whom we purchased horses and wood. we camped early on a sandy plain, where we passed a bad night; the wind, which blew violently, raised clouds of sand, which incommoded us greatly, and spoiled every mouthful of food we took. on the th and th, we passed what are called the great plains of the columbia. from the top of the first rapid to this point, the aspect of the country becomes more and more _triste_ and disagreeable; one meets at first nothing but bare hills, which scarcely offer a few isolated pines, at a great distance from each other; after that, the earth, stripped of verdure, does not afford you the sight of a single shrub; the little grass which grows in that arid soil, appears burnt by the rigor of the climate. the natives who frequent the banks of the river, for the salmon fishery, have no other wood but that which they take floating down. we passed several rapids, and a small stream called utalah, which flows from the southeast. on the th, we found the river narrowed; the banks rose on either side in elevations, without, however, offering a single tree. we reached the river _wallawalla_, which empties into the columbia on the southeast. it is narrow at its confluence, and is not navigable for any great distance. a range of mountains was visible to the s.e., about fifty or sixty miles off. behind these mountains the country becomes again flat and sandy, and is inhabited by a tribe called the _snakes_. we found on the left bank of the _wallawalla_, an encampment of indians, consisting of about twenty lodges. they sold us six dogs and eight horses, the greater part extremely lean. we killed two of the horses immediately: i mounted one of the six that remained; mr. ross took another; and we drove the other four before us. toward the decline of day we passed the river _lewis_, called, in the language of the country, the _sha-ap-tin_. it comes from the s.e., and is the same that lewis and clarke descended in . the _sha-ap-tin_ appeared to me to have little depth, and to be about yards wide, at its confluence. the country through which we were now passing, was a mingling of hills, steep rocks, and valleys covered with wormwood; the stems of which shrub are nearly six inches thick, and might serve for fuel. we killed six rattlesnakes on the th, and on the th saw a great many more among the rocks. these dangerous reptiles appeared to be very numerous in this part of the country. the plains are also inhabited by a little quadruped, only about eight or nine inches in length, and approaching the dog in form. these animals have the hair, or _poil_, of a reddish brown, and strong fore-paws, armed with long claws which serve them to dig out their holes under the earth. they have a great deal of curiosity: as soon as they hear a noise they come out of their holes and bark. they are not vicious, but, though easily tamed, can not be domesticated. the natives of the upper columbia, beginning at the falls, differ essentially in language, manners, and habits, from those of whom i have spoken in the preceding chapters. they do not dwell in villages, like the latter, but are nomads, like the tartars and the arabs of the desert: their women are more industrious, and the young girls more reserved and chaste than those of the populations lower down. they do not go naked, but both sexes wear habits made of dressed deer-skin, which they take care to rub with chalk, to keep them clean and white. they are almost always seen on horseback, and are in general good riders; they pursue the deer and penetrate even to missouri, to kill buffalo, the flesh of which they dry, and bring it back on their horses, to make their principal food during the winter. these expeditions are not free from danger; for they have a great deal to apprehend from the _black-feet_, who are their enemies. as this last tribe is powerful and ferocious, the _snakes_, the _pierced-noses_ or _sha-ap-tins_, the _flatheads_, &c., make common cause against them, when the former go to hunt east of the mountains. they set out with their families, and the cavalcade often numbers two thousand horses. when they have the good fortune not to encounter the enemy, they return with the spoils of an abundant chase; they load a part of their horses with the hides and beef, and return home to pass the winter in peace. sometimes, on the contrary, they are so harassed by the blackfeet, who surprise them in the night and carry off their horses, that they are forced to return light-handed, and then they have nothing to eat but roots, all the winter. these indians are passionately fond of horseraces: by the bets they make on these occasions they sometimes lose all that they possess. the women ride, as well as the men. for a bridle they use a cord of horse-hair, which they attach round the animal's mouth; with that he is easily checked, and by laying the hand on his neck, is made to wheel to this side or that. the saddle is a cushion of stuffed deer-skin, very suitable for the purpose to which it is destined, rarely hurting the horse, and not fatiguing the rider so much as our european saddles. the stirrups are pieces of hard wood, ingeniously wrought, and of the same shape as those which are used in civilized countries. they are covered with a piece of deer-skin, which is sewed on wet, and in drying stiffens and becomes hard and firm. the saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the mexican ladies. they procure their horses from the herds of these animals which are found in a wild state in the country extending between the northern latitudes and the gulf of mexico, and which sometimes count a thousand or fifteen hundred in a troop. these horses come from new mexico, and are of spanish race. we even saw some which had been marked with a hot iron by spaniards. some of our men, who had been at the south, told me that they had seen among the indians, bridles, the bits of which were of silver. the form of the saddles used by the females, proves that they have taken their pattern from the spanish ones destined for the same use. one of the partners of the n.w. company (mr. m'tavish) assured us that he had seen among the _spokans_, an old woman who told him that she had seen men ploughing the earth; she told him that she had also seen churches, which she made him understand by imitating the sound of a bell and the action of pulling a bell-rope; and further to confirm her account, made the sign of the cross. that gentleman concluded that she had been made prisoner and sold to the spaniards on the _del norte_; but i think it more probable it was nearer, in north california, at the mission of _san carlos_ or _san francisco_. as the manner of taking wild horses should not be generally known to my readers, i will relate it here in few words. the indian who wishes to capture some horses, mounts one of his fleetest coursers, being armed with a long cord of horsehair, one end of which is attached to his saddle, and the other is a running noose. arrived at the herd, he dashes into the midst of it, and flinging his cord, or _lasso_, passes it dexterously over the head of the animal he selects; then wheeling his courser, draws the cord after him; the wild horse, finding itself strangling, makes little resistance; the indian then approaches, ties his fore and hind legs together, and leaves him till he has taken in this manner as many as he can. he then drives them home before him, and breaks them in at leisure. chapter xxii. meeting with the widow of a hunter.--her narrative.--reflections of the author.--priest's rapid.--river okenakan.--kettle falls.--pine moss.--scarcity of food.--rivers, lakes, &c.--accident.--a rencontre.--first view of the rocky mountains. on the th, the fatigue i had experienced the day before, on horseback, obliged me to re-embark in my canoe. about eight o'clock, we passed a little river flowing from the n.w. we perceived, soon after, three canoes, the persons in which were struggling with their paddles to overtake us. as we were still pursuing our way, we heard a child's voice cry out in french--"_arrêtez donc, arrêtez donc_"--(stop! stop!). we put ashore, and the canoes having joined us, we perceived in one of them the wife and children of a man named _pierre dorion_, a hunter, who had been sent on with a party of eight, under the command of mr. j. reed, among the _snakes_, to join there the hunters left by messrs. hunt and crooks, near fort henry, and to secure horses and provisions for our journey. this woman informed us, to our no small dismay, of the tragical fate of all those who composed that party. she told us that in the month of january, the hunters being dispersed here and there, setting their traps for the beaver, jacob regner, gilles leclerc, and pierre dorion, her husband, had been attacked by the natives. leclerc, having been mortally wounded, reached her tent or hut, where he expired in a few minutes, after having announced to her that her husband had been killed. she immediately took two horses that were near the lodge, mounted her two boys upon them, and fled in all haste to the wintering house of mr. reed, which was about five days' march from the spot where her husband fell. her horror and disappointment were extreme, when she found the house--a log cabin--deserted, and on drawing nearer, was soon convinced, by the traces of blood, that mr. reed also had been murdered. no time was to be lost in lamentations, and she had immediately fled toward the mountains south of the _wallawalla_, where, being impeded by the depth of the snow, she was forced to winter, having killed both the horses to subsist herself and her children. but at last, finding herself out of provisions, and the snow beginning to melt, she had crossed the mountains with her boys, hoping to find some more humane indians, who would let her live among them till the boats from the fort below should be ascending the river in the spring, and so reached the banks of the columbia, by the wallawalla. here, indeed, the natives had received her with much hospitality, and it was the indians of wallawalla who brought her to us. we made them some presents to repay their care and pains, and they returned well satisfied. the persons who lost their lives in this unfortunate wintering party, were mr. john reed, (clerk), jacob regner, john hubbough, pierre dorion (hunters), gilles leclerc, françois landry, j.b. turcotte, andré la chapelle and pierre de launay, (_voyageurs_).[ab] we had no doubt that this massacre was an act of vengeance, on the part of the natives, in retaliation for the death of one of their people, whom mr. john clark had hanged for theft the spring before. this fact, the massacre on the tonquin, the unhappy end of captain cook, and many other similar examples, prove how carefully the europeans, who have relations with a barbarous people, should abstain from acting in regard to them on the footing of too marked an inequality, and especially from punishing their offences according to usages and codes, in which there is too often an enormous disproportion between the crime and the punishment. if these pretended exemplary punishments seem to have a good effect at first sight, they almost always produce terrible consequences in the sequel. [footnote ab: turcotte died of _king's evil_. de launay was a half-breed, of violent temper, who had taken an indian woman to live with him; he left mr. reed in the autumn, and was never heard of again.] on the th, we passed _priest's rapid_, so named by mr. stuart and his people, who saw at this spot, in , as they were ascending the river, a number of savages, one of whom was performing on the rest certain aspersions and other ceremonies, which had the air of being coarse imitations of the catholic worship. for our part, we met here some indians of whom we bought two horses. the banks of the river at this place are tolerably high, but the country back of them is flat and uninteresting. on the th, we arrived at a place where the bed of the river is extremely contracted, and where we were obliged to make a portage. messrs. j. stuart and clarke left us here, to proceed on horseback to the spokan trading house, to procure there the provisions which would be necessary for us, in order to push on to the mountains. on the st, we lightened of their cargoes, three canoes, in which those who were to cross the continent embarked, to get on with greater speed. we passed several rapids, and began to see mountains covered with snow. on the d, we began to see some pines on the ridge of the neighboring hills; and at evening we encamped under _trees_, a thing which had not happened to us since the th. on the d, toward , a.m., we reached the trading post established by d. stuart, at the mouth of the river _okenakan_. the spot appeared to us charming, in comparison with the country through which we had journeyed for twelve days past: the two rivers here meeting, and the immense prairies covered with a fine verdure, strike agreeably the eye of the observer; but there is not a tree or a shrub to diversify the scene, and render it a little less naked and less monotonous. we found here messrs. j. m'gillivray and ross, and mr. o. de montigny, who had taken service with the n.w. company, and who charged me with a letter for his brother. toward midday we re-embarked, to continue our journey. after having passed several dangerous rapids without accident, always through a country broken by shelving rocks, diversified with hills and verdant prairies, we arrived, on the th, at the portage of the _chaudieres_ or kettle falls. this is a fall where the water precipitates itself over an immense rock of white marble, veined with red and green, that traverses the bed of the river from n.w. to s.e. we effected the portage immediately, and encamped on the edge of a charming prairie. we found at this place some indians who had been fasting, they assured us, for several days. they appeared, in fact, reduced to the most pitiable state, having nothing left but skin and bones, and scarcely able to drag themselves along, so that not without difficulty could they even reach the margin of the river, to get a little water to wet their parched lips. it is a thing that often happens to these poor people, when their chase has not been productive; their principal nourishment consisting, in that case, of the pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit. i had the curiosity to taste this bread, and i thought i had got in my mouth a bit of soap. yet some of our people, who had been reduced to eat this glue, assured me that when fresh made it had a very good taste, seasoned with meat.[ac] we partly relieved these wretched natives from our scanty store. [footnote ac: the process of boiling employed by the indians in this case, extracts from the moss its gelatine, which serves to supply the waste of those tissues into which that principle enters; but as the moss contains little or none of the proximates which constitute the bulk of the living solids and fluids, it will not, of course, by itself, support life or strength.--ed.] on the th, while we were yet encamped at kettle falls, messrs. j. stuart and clarke arrived from the post at spokan. the last was mounted on the finest-proportioned gray charger, full seventeen hands high, that i had seen in these parts: mr. stuart had got a fall from his, in trying to urge him, and had hurt himself severely. these gentlemen not having brought us the provisions we expected, because the hunters who had been sent for that purpose among the _flatheads_, had not been able to procure any, it was resolved to divide our party, and that messrs. m'donald, j. stuart, and m'kenzie should go forward to the post situated east of the mountains, in order to send us thence horses and supplies. these gentlemen quitted us on the st of may. after their departure we killed two horses and dried the meat; which occupied us the rest of that day and all the next. in the evening of the d, mr. a. stuart arrived at our camp. he had recovered from his wounds (received in the conflict with the natives, before related), and was on his way to his old wintering place on _slave lake_, to fetch his family to the columbia. we resumed our route on the morning of the d of may, and went to encamp that evening at the upper-end of a rapid, where we began to descry mountains covered with forests, and where the banks of the river themselves were low and thinly timbered. on the th, after having passed several considerable rapids, we reached the confluence of _flathead_ river. this stream comes from the s.e., and falls into the columbia in the form of a cascade: it may be one hundred and fifty yards wide at its junction. on the morning of the th, we arrived at the confluence of the _coutonais_ river. this stream also flows from the south, and has nearly the same width as the _flathead_. shortly after passing it, we entered a lake or enlargement of the river, which we crossed to encamp at its upper extremity. this lake may be thirty or forty miles, and about four wide at its broadest part: it is surrounded by lofty hills, which for the most part have their base at the water's edge, and rise by gradual and finely-wooded terraces, offering a sufficiently pretty view. on the th, after we had run through a narrow strait or channel some fifteen miles long, we entered another lake, of less extent than the former but equally picturesque. when we were nearly in the middle of it, an accident occurred which, if not very disastrous, was sufficiently singular. one of the men, who had been on the sick-list for several days, requested to be landed for an instant. not being more than a mile from the shore, we acceded to his request, and made accordingly for a projecting head-land; but when we were about three hundred or four hundred yards from the point, the canoe struck with force against the trunk of a tree which was planted in the bottom of the lake, and the extremity of which barely reached the surface of the water.[ad] it needed no more to break a hole in so frail a vessel; the canoe was pierced through the bottom and filled in a trice; and despite all our efforts we could not get off the tree, which had penetrated two or three feet within her; perhaps that was our good fortune, for the opening was at least a yard long. one of the men, who was an expert swimmer, stripped, and was about to go ashore with an axe lashed to his back, to make a raft for us, when the other canoe, which had been proceeding up the lake, and was a mile ahead, perceived our signals of distress, and came to our succor. they carried us to land, where it was necessary to encamp forthwith, as well to dry ourselves as to mend the canoe. [footnote ad: a _snag_ of course, of the nature of which the young canadian seems to have been ignorant.] on the th, mr. a. stuart, whom we had left behind at kettle falls, came up with us, and we pursued our route in company. toward evening we met natives, camped on the bank of the river: they gave us a letter from which we learned that mr. m'donald and his party had passed there on the th. the women at this camp were busy spinning the coarse wool of the mountain sheep: they had blankets or mantles, woven or platted of the same material, with a heavy fringe all round: i would gladly have purchased one of these, but as we were to carry all our baggage on our backs across the mountains, was forced to relinquish the idea. having bought of these savages some pieces of dried venison, we pursued our journey. the country began to be ascending; the stream was very rapid; and we made that day little progress. on the th we began to see snow on the shoals or sand-banks of the river: the atmosphere grew very cold. the banks on either side presented only high hills covered to the top with impenetrable forests. while the canoes were working up a considerable rapid, i climbed the hills with mr. m'gillis, and we walked on, following the course of the river, some five or six miles. the snow was very deep in the ravines or narrow gorges which are found between the bases of the hills. the most common trees are the norway pine and the cedar: the last is here, as on the borders of the sea, of a prodigious size. on the th and th, as we advanced but slowly, the country presented the same aspect as on the th. toward evening of the th, we perceived a-head of us a chain of high mountains entirely covered with snow. the bed of the river was hardly more than sixty yards wide, and was filled with dry banks composed of coarse gravel and small pebble. chapter xxiii. course of the columbia river.--canoe river.--foot-march toward the rocky mountains.--passage of the mountains. on the th, that is to say, one month, day for day, after our departure from the falls, we quitted the columbia, to enter a little stream to which mr. thompson had given, in , the name of _canoe_ river, from the fact that it was on this fork that he constructed the canoes which carried him to the pacific. the columbia, which in the portion above the falls (not taking into consideration some local sinuosities) comes from the n.n.e., takes a bend here so that the stream appears to flow from the s.e.[ae] some boatmen, and particularly mr. regis bruguier, who had ascended that river to its source, informed me that it came out of two small lakes, not far from the chain of the rocky mountains, which, at that place, diverges considerably to the east. according to arrowsmith's map, the course of the _tacoutche tessé_, from its mouth in the pacific ocean, to its source in the rocky mountains, is about twelve hundred english miles, or four hundred french leagues of twenty-five to a degree; that is to say, from two hundred and forty to two hundred and eighty miles from west to east, from its mouth to the first falls: seven hundred and fifty miles nearly from s.s.w. to n.n.e., from the first rapids to the bend at the confluence of _canoe_ river; and one hundred and fifty or one hundred and eighty miles from that confluence to its source. we were not provided with the necessary instruments to determine the latitude, and still less the longitude, of our different stations; but it took us four or five days to go up from the factory at astoria to the falls, and we could not have made less than sixty miles a day: and, as i have just remarked, we occupied an entire month in getting from the falls to canoe river: deducting four or five days, on which we did not travel, there remain twenty-five days march; and it is not possible that we made less than thirty miles a day, one day with another. [footnote ae: mr. franchere uniformly mentions the direction from which a stream appears to flow, not that toward which it runs; a natural method on the part of one who was ascending the current.] we ascended canoe river to the point where it ceases to be navigable, and encamped in the same place where mr. thompson wintered in -' . we proceeded immediately to secure our canoes, and to divide the baggage among the men, giving each fifty pounds to carry, including his provisions. a sack of _pemican_, or pounded meat, which we found in a _cache_, where it had been left for us, was a great acquisition, as our supplies were nearly exhausted. on the th we began our foot march to the mountains, being twenty-four in number, rank and file. mr. a. stuart remained at the portage to bestow in a place of safety the effects which we could not carry, such as boxes, kegs, camp-kettles, &c. we traversed first some swamps, next a dense bit of forest, and then we found ourselves marching up the gravelly banks of the little _canoe_ river. fatigue obliged us to camp early. on the th we pursued our journey, and entered into the valleys between the mountains, where there lay not less than four or five feet of snow. we were obliged to ford the river ten or a dozen times in the course of the day, sometimes with the water up to our necks. these frequent fordings were rendered necessary by abrupt and steep rocks or bluffs, which it was impossible to get over without plunging into the wood for a great distance. the stream being very swift, and rushing over a bed of stones, one of the men fell and lost a sack containing our last piece of salt pork, which we were preserving as a most precious treasure. the circumstances in which we found ourselves made us regard this as a most unfortunate accident. we encamped that night at the foot of a steep mountain, and sent on mr. pillet and the guide, m'kay, to hasten a supply of provisions to meet us. on the morning of the th we began to climb the mountain which we had before us. we were obliged to stop every moment, to take breath, so stiff was the ascent. happily it had frozen hard the night before, and the crust of the snow was sufficient to bear us. after two or three hours of incredible exertions and fatigues, we arrived at the _plateau_ or summit, and followed the footprints of those who had preceded us. this mountain is placed between two others a great deal more elevated, compared with which it is but a hill, and of which, indeed, it is only, as it were, the valley. our march soon became fatiguing, on account of the depth of the snow, which, softened by the rays of the sun, could no longer bear us as in the morning. we were obliged to follow exactly the traces of those who had preceded us, and to plunge our legs up to the knees in the holes they had made, so that it was as if we had put on and taken off, at every step, a very large pair of boots. at last we arrived at a good hard bottom, and a clear space, which our guide said was a little lake frozen over, and here we stopped for the night. this lake, or rather these lakes (for there are two) are situated in the midst of the valley or _cup_ of the mountains. on either side were immense glaciers, or ice-bound rocks, on which the rays of the setting sun reflected the most beautiful prismatic colors. one of these icy peaks was like a fortress of rock; it rose perpendicularly some fifteen or eighteen hundred feet above the level of the lakes, and had the summit covered with ice. mr. j. henry, who first discovered the pass, gave this extraordinary rock the name of _m'gillivray's rock_, in honor of one of the partners of the n.w. company. the lakes themselves are not much over three or four hundred yards in circuit, and not over two hundred yards apart. canoe river, which, as we have already seen, flows to the west, and falls into the columbia, takes its rise in one of them; while the other gives birth to one of the branches of the _athabasca_, which runs first eastward, then northward, and which, after its junction with the _unjighah_, north of the lake of the mountains, takes the name of _slave_ river, as far the lake of that name, and afterward that of _m'kenzie_ river, till it empties into, or is lost in, the frozen ocean. having cut a large pile of wood, and having, by tedious labor for nearly an hour, got through the ice to the clear water of the lake on which we were encamped, we supped frugally on pounded maize, arranged our bivouac, and passed a pretty good night, though it was bitterly cold. the most common wood of the locality was cedar and stunted pine. the heat of our fire made the snow melt, and by morning the embers had reached the solid ice: the depth from the snow surface was about five feet. on the th, we continued our route, and soon began to descend the mountain. at the end of three hours, we reached the banks of a stream--the outlet of the second lake above mentioned--here and there frozen over, and then again tumbling down over rock and pebbly bottom in a thousand fantastic gambols; and very soon we had to ford it. after a tiresome march, by an extremely difficult path in the midst of woods, we encamped in the evening under some cypresses. i had hit my right knee against the branch of a fallen tree on the first day of our march, and now began to suffer acutely with it. it was impossible, however, to flinch, as i must keep up with the party or be left to perish. on the th, our path lay through thick swamps and forest; we recrossed the small stream we had forded the day before, and our guide conducted us to the banks of the _athabasca_, which we also forded. as this passage was the last to be made, we dried our clothes, and pursued our journey through a more agreeable country than on the preceding days. in the evening we camped on the margin of a verdant plain, which, the guide informed us, was called _coro prairie_. we had met in the course of the day several buffalo tracks, and a number of the bones of that quadruped bleached by time. our flesh-meat having given out entirely, our supper consisted in some handfuls of corn, which we parched in a pan. we resumed our route very early on the th, and after passing a forest of trembling poplar or aspen, we again came in sight of the river which we had left the day before. arriving then at an elevated promontory or cape, our guide made us turn back in order to pass it at its most accessible point. after crossing it, not without difficulty, we soon came upon fresh horse-prints, a sure indication that there were some of those animals in our neighborhood. emerging from the forest, each took the direction which he thought would lead soonest to an encampment. we all presently arrived at an old house which the traders of the n.w. company had once constructed, but which had been abandoned for some four or five years. the site of this trading post is the most charming that can be imagined: suffice to say that it is built on the bank of the beautiful river _athabasca_, and is surrounded by green, and smiling prairies and superb woodlands. pity there is nobody there to enjoy these rural beauties and to praise, while admiring them, the author of nature. we found there mr. pillet, and one of mr. j. m'donald's party, who had his leg broken by the kick of a horse. after regaling ourselves with _pemican_ and some fresh venison, we set out again, leaving two of the party to take care of the lame man, and went on about eight or nine miles farther to encamp. on the th, we had rain. i took the lead, and after having walked about ten or twelve miles, on the slope of a mountain denuded of trees, i perceived some smoke issuing from a tuft of trees in the bottom of a valley, and near the river. i descended immediately, and reached a small camp, where i found two men who were coming to meet us with four horses. i made them fire off two guns as a signal to the rest of our people who were coming up in the rear, and presently we heard it repeated on the river, from which we were not far distant. we repaired thither, and found two of the men, who had been left at the last ford, and who, having constructed a bark canoe, were descending the river. i made one of them disembark, and took his place, my knee being so painful that i could walk no further. meanwhile the whole party came up; they loaded the horses, and pursued their route. in the course of the day my companion (an iroquois) and i, shot seven ducks. coming, at last, to a high promontory called _millet's rock_, we found some of our foot-travellers with messrs. stewart and clarke, who were on horseback, all at a stand, doubting whether it would answer to wade round the base of the rock, which dipped in the water. we sounded the stream for them, and found it fordable. so they all passed round, thereby avoiding the inland path, which is excessively fatiguing by reason of the hills, which it is necessary perpetually to mount and descend. we encamped, to the number of seven, at the entrance of what at high water might be a lake, but was then but a flat of blackish sand, with a narrow channel in the centre. here we made an excellent supper on the wild ducks, while those who were behind had nothing to eat. chapter xxiv. arrival at the fort of the mountains.--description of this post.--some details in regard to the rocky mountains.--mountain sheep, &c.--continuation of the journey.--unhappy accident.--reflections.--news from canada.--hunter's lodge.--pembina and red deer rivers. on the th we raised our camp and followed the shore of the little dry lake, along a smooth sandy beach, having abandoned our little bark canoe, both because it had become nearly unserviceable, and because we knew ourselves to be very near the rocky mountains house. in fact, we had not gone above five or six miles when we discerned a column of smoke on the opposite side of the stream. we immediately forded across, and arrived at the post, where we found messrs. m'donald, stuart, and m'kenzie, who had preceded us only two days. the post of the rocky mountains, in english, _rocky mountains house_, is situated on the shore of the little lake i have mentioned, in the midst of a wood, and is surrounded, except on the water side, by steep rocks, inhabited only by the mountain sheep and goat. here is seen in the west the chain of the rocky mountains, whose summits are covered with perpetual snow. on the lake side, _millet's rock_, of which i have spoken above, is in full view, of an immense height, and resembles the front of a huge church seen in perspective. the post was under the charge of a mr. decoigne. he does not procure many furs for the company, which has only established the house as a provision depôt, with the view of facilitating the passage of the mountains to those of its _employés_ who are repairing to, or returning from, the columbia. people speak so often of the rocky mountains, and appear to know so little about them, that the reader will naturally desire me to say here a word on that subject. if we are to credit travellers, and the most recent maps, these mountains extend nearly in a straight line, from the th or th degree of north latitude, to the mouth of the _unjighah_, or _m'kenzie's river_, in the arctic ocean, in latitude ° or ° n. this distance of thirty degrees of latitude, or seven hundred and fifty leagues, equivalent to two thousand two hundred and fifty english miles or thereabouts, is, however, only the mean side of a right-angled triangle, the base of which occupies twenty-six degrees of longitude, in latitude ° or °, that is to say, is about sixteen hundred miles long, while the chain of mountains forms the _hypotenuse_; so that the real, and as it were diagonal, length of the chain, across the continent, must be very near three thousand miles from s.e. to n.w. in such a vast extent of mountains, the perpendicular height and width of base must necessarily be very unequal. we were about eight days in crossing them; whence i conclude, from our daily rate of travel, that they may have, at this point, i.e., about latitude °, a base of two hundred miles. the geographer pinkerton is assuredly mistaken, when he gives these mountains an elevation of but three thousand feet above the level of the sea; from my own observations i would not hesitate to give them six thousand; we attained, in crossing them, an elevation probably of fifteen hundred feet above the valleys, and were not, perhaps, nearer than half way of their total height, while the valleys themselves must be considerably elevated above the level of the pacific, considering the prodigious number of rapids and falls which are met in the columbia, from the first falls to canoe river. be that as it may, if these mountains yield to the andes in elevation and extent, they very much surpass in both respects the apalachian chain, regarded until recently as the principal mountains of north america: they give rise, accordingly, to an infinity of streams, and to the greatest rivers of the continent.[af] [footnote af: this is interesting, as the rough calculation of an unscientific traveller, unprovided with instruments, and at that date. the real height of the rocky mountains, as now ascertained, averages twelve thousand feet; the highest known peak is about sixteen thousand.--ed.] they offer a vast and unexplored field to natural history: no botanist, no mineralogist, has yet examined them. the first travellers called them the glittering mountains, on account of the infinite number of immense rock crystals, which, they say, cover their surface, and which, when they are not covered with snow, or in the bare places, reflect to an immense distance the rays of the sun. the name of rocky mountains was given them, probably, by later travellers, in consequence of the enormous isolated rocks which they offer here and there to the view. in fact, millet's rock, and _m'gillivray's_ above all, appeared to me wonders of nature. some think that they contain metals, and precious stones. with the exception of the mountain sheep and goat, the animals of the rocky mountains, if these rocky passes support any, are not better known than their vegetable and mineral productions. the mountain sheep resorts generally to steep rocks, where it is impossible for men or even for wolves to reach them: we saw several on the rocks which surround the mountain house. this animal has great curved horns, like those of the domestic ram: its wool is long, but coarse; that on the belly is the finest and whitest. the indians who dwell near the mountains, make blankets of it, similar to ours, which they exchange with the indians of the columbia for fish, and other commodities. the ibex, or mountain goat, frequents, like the sheep, the top and the declivities of the rocks: it differs from the sheep in having hair instead of wool, and straight horns projecting backward, instead of curved ones. the color is also different. the natives soften the horns of these animals by boiling, and make platters, spoons, &c., of them, in a very artistic manner. mr. decoigne had not sufficient food for us, not having expected so many people to arrive at once. his hunters were then absent on _smoke_ river (so called by some travellers who saw in the neighborhood a volcanic mountain belching smoke), in quest of game. we were therefore compelled to kill one of the horses for food. we found no birch bark either to make canoes, and set the men to work in constructing some of wood. for want of better materials, we were obliged to use poplar. on the d, the three men whom we had left at the old-house, arrived in a little canoe made of two elk-skins sewed together, and stretched like a drum, on a frame of poles. on the th, four canoes being ready, we fastened them together two and two, and embarked, to descend the river to an old post called _hunter's lodge_, where mr. decoigne, who was to return with us to canada, informed us that we should find some bark canoes _en cache_, placed there for the use of the persons who descend the river. the water was not deep, and the stream was rapid; we glided along, so to speak, for ten or a dozen leagues, and encamped, having lost sight of the mountains. in proportion as we advanced, the banks of the river grew less steep, and the country became more agreeable. on the th, having only a little _pemican_ left, which we wished to keep, we sent forward a hunter in the little elk-skin canoe, to kill some game. about ten o'clock, we found him waiting for us with two moose that he had killed. he had suspended the hearts from the branch of a tree as a signal. we landed some men to help him in cutting up and shipping the game. we continued to glide safely down. but toward two o'clock, p.m., after doubling a point, we got into a considerable rapid, where, by the maladroitness of those who managed the double pirogue in which i was, we met with a melancholy accident. i had proposed to go ashore, in order to lighten the canoes, which were loaded to the water's edge; but the steersman insisted that we could go down safe, while the bow-man was turning the head of the pirogue toward the beach; by this manoeuvre we were brought athwart the stream, which was carrying us fast toward the falls; just then our frail bark struck upon a sunken rock; the lower canoe broke amid-ships and filled instantly, and the upper one being lighted, rolled over, precipitating us all into the water. two of our men, olivier roy lapensée and andré bélanger, were drowned; and it was not without extreme difficulty that we succeeded in saving messrs. pillet and wallace, as well as a man named _j. hurteau_. the latter was so far gone that we were obliged to have recourse to the usual means for the resuscitation of drowned persons. the men lost all their effects; the others recovered but a part of theirs; and all our provisions went. toward evening, in ascending the river (for i had gone about two miles below, to recover the effects floating down), we found the body of lapensée. we interred it as decently as we could, and planted at his grave a cross, on which i inscribed with the point of my knife, his name and the manner and date of his death. bélanger's body was not found. if anything could console the shades of the departed for a premature and unfortunate end, it would be, no doubt, that the funeral rites have been paid to their remains, and that they themselves have given their names to the places where they perished: it is thus that the shade of palinurus rejoiced in the regions below, at learning from the mouth of the sibyl, that the promontory near which he was drowned would henceforth be called by his name: _gaudet cognomine terra_. the rapid and the point of land where the accident i have described took place, will bear, and bears already, probably, the name of _lapensée_.[ag] [footnote ag: mr. franchere, not having the fear of the _abbé gaume_ before his eyes, so wrote in his journal of ; finding consolation in a thought savoring, we confess, more of virgil than of the catechism. it is a classic term that calls to our mind rough captain _thorn's_ sailor-like contempt for his literary passengers so comically described by mr. _irving_. half of the humor as well as of the real interest of mr. franchere's charming narrative, is lost by one who has never read "astoria."] on the th, a part of our people embarked in the three canoes which remained, and the others followed the banks of the river on foot. we saw in several places some veins of bituminous coal, on the banks between the surface of the water and that of the plain, say thirty feet below the latter; the veins had a dip of about °. we tried some and found it to burn well. we halted in the evening near a small stream, where we constructed some rafts, to carry all our people. on the th, i went forward in the little canoe of skins, with the two hunters. we soon killed an elk, which we skinned and suspended the hide, besmeared with blood, from the branch of a tree at the extremity of a point, in order that the people behind, as they came up, might perceive and take in the fruit of our chase. after fortifying ourselves with a little food, we continued to glide down, and encamped for the night near a thick wood where our hunters, from the tracks they observed, had hopes of encountering and capturing some bears. this hope was not realized. on the th, a little after quitting camp, we killed a swan. while i was busy cooking it, the hunters having plunged into the wood, i heard a rifle-shot, which seemed to me to proceed from a direction opposite to that which they had taken. they returned very soon running, and were extremely surprised to learn that it was not i who had fired it. nevertheless, the canoes and rafts having overtaken us, we continued to descend the river. very soon we met a bark canoe, containing two men and a woman, who were ascending the river and bringing letters and some goods for the _rocky mountains house_. we learned from these letters addressed to mr. decoigne, several circumstances of the war, and among others the defeat of captain barclay on lake erie. we arrived that evening at _hunter's lodge_, where we found four new birch-bark canoes. we got ready two of them, and resumed our journey down, on the st. mr. pillet set out before us with the hunters, at a very early hour. they killed an elk, which they left on a point, and which we took in. the country through which we passed that day is the most charming possible; the river is wide, handsome, and bordered with low outjutting points, covered with birch and poplar. on the st of june, in the evening, we encamped at the confluence of the river _pembina_. this stream comes from the south, and takes its rise in one of the spurs of the great chain of the rocky mountains; ascending it for two days, and crossing a neck of land about seventy-five miles, one reaches fort augustus, a trading post on the _saskatchawine_ river. messrs. m'donald and m'kenzie had taken this route, and had left for us half a sack of pemican in a _cache_, at the mouth of the river _pembina_. after landing that evening, mr. stuart and i amused ourselves with angling, but took only five or six small fish. on the d, we passed the confluence of _little slave lake_ river. at eight o'clock in the morning, we met a band or family of indians, of the _knisteneaux_ tribe. they had just killed a buffalo, which we bought of them for a small brass-kettle. we could not have had a more seasonable _rencontre_, for our provisions were all consumed. on the d, we reached _little red elk_ river, which we began to ascend, quitting the _athabasca_, or _great red elk_. this stream was very narrow in its channel, and obstructed with boulders: we were obliged to take to the shore, while some of the men dragged along the canoes. their method was to lash poles across, and wading themselves, lift the canoes over the rocks--a laborious and infinitely tedious operation. the march along the banks was not less disagreeable: for we had to traverse points of forest where the fire had passed, and which were filled with fallen trees. wallace and i having stopped to quench our thirst at a rill, the rest got in advance of us; and we lost our way in a labyrinth of buffalo tracks which we mistook for the trail, so that we wandered about for three hours before we came up with the party, who began to fear for our safety, and were firing signal-guns to direct us. as the river now grew deeper, we all embarked in the canoes, and about evening overtook our hunters, who had killed a moose and her two calves. we continued our journey on the th, sometimes seated in our canoes, sometimes marching along the river on foot, and encamped in the evening, excessively fatigued. chapter xxv. red deer lake.--antoine déjarlais.--beaver river.--n. nadeau.--moose river.--bridge lake.--saskatchawine river.--fort vermilion.--mr. hallet.--trading-houses.--beautiful country.--reflections. the th of june brought us to the beautiful sheet of water called _red deer lake_, irregular in shape, dotted with islands, and about forty miles in length by thirty in its greatest width. we met, about the middle of it, a small canoe conducted by two young women. they were searching for gulls' and ducks' eggs on the islands, this being the season of laying for those aquatics. they told us that their father was not far distant from the place where we met them. in fact, we presently saw him appear in a canoe with his two boys, rounding a little isle. we joined him, and learned that his name was antoine déjarlais; that he had been a guide in the service of the northwest company, but had left them since . on being made acquainted with our need of provisions, he offered us a great quantity of eggs, and made one of our men embark with his two daughters in their little canoe, to seek some more substantial supplies at his cabin, on the other side of the lake. he himself accompanied us as far as a portage of about twenty-five yards formed at the outlet of the lake by a beaver dam. having performed the portage, and passed a small pond or marsh, we encamped to await the return of our man. he arrived the next morning, with déjarlais, bringing us about fifty pounds of dried venison and from ten to twelve pounds of tallow. we invited our host to breakfast with us: it was the least we could do after the good offices he had rendered us. this man was married to an indian woman, and lived with his family, on the produce of his chase; he appeared quite contented with his lot. nobody at least disputed with him the sovereignty of red deer lake, of which he had; as it were, taken possession. he begged me to read for him two letters which he had had in his possession for two years, and of which he did not yet know the contents. they were from one of his sisters, and dated at _verchères_, in canada. i even thought that i recognised the handwriting of mr. l.g. labadie, teacher of that parish. at last, having testified to this good man, in suitable terms, our gratitude for the services he had rendered us, we quitted him and prosecuted our journey. after making two portages, we arrived on the banks of beaver river, which was here but a rivulet. it is by this route that the canoes ordinarily pass to reach little slave lake and the athabasca country, from the head of lake superior, via., _cumberland house_, on _english river_. we were obliged by the shallowness of the stream, to drag along our canoes, walking on a bottom or beach of sand, where we began to feel the importunity of the mosquitoes. one of the hunters scoured the woods for game but without success. by-and-by we passed a small canoe turned bottom up and covered with a blanket. soon after we came to a cabin or lodge, where we found an old canadian hunter named _nadeau_. he was reduced to the last stage of weakness, having had nothing to eat for two days. nevertheless, a young man who was married to one of his daughters, came in shortly after, with the good news that he had just killed a buffalo; a circumstance which determined us to encamp there for the night. we sent some of our men to get in the meat. nadeau gave us half of it, and told us that we should find, thirty miles lower down, at the foot of a pine tree, a _cache_, where he had deposited ten swan-skins, and some of martin, with a net, which he prayed us to take to the next trading-post. we quitted this good fellow the next morning, and pursued our way. arriving at the place indicated, we found the _cache_, and took the net, leaving the other articles. a short distance further, we came to moose river, which we had to ascend, in order to reach the lake of that name. the water in this river was so low that we were obliged entirely to unload the canoes, and to lash poles across them, as we had done before, that the men might carry them on their shoulders over the places where they could not be floated. having distributed the baggage to the remainder of the hands, we pursued our way through the woods, under the guidance of mr. decoigne. this gentleman, who had not passed here for nineteen years, soon lost his way, and we got separated into small parties, in the course of the afternoon, some going one way, and some another, in search of moose lake. but as we had outstripped the men who carried the baggage and the small stock of provision that old nadeau had given us, mr. wallace and i thought it prudent to retrace our steps and keep with the rear-guard. we soon met mr. pillet and one of the hunters. the latter, ferreting the woods on both sides of a trail that he had discovered, soon gave a whoop, to signify that we should stop. presently emerging from the underwood, he showed us a horsewhip which he had found, and from which and from other unmistakeable signs, he was confident the trail would lead either to the lake or a navigable part of the river. the men with the baggage then coming up, we entered the thicket single file, and were conducted by this path, in a very short time, to the river, on the banks of which were visible the traces of an old camping ground. the night was coming on; and soon after, the canoes arrived, to our great satisfaction; for we had begun to fear that they had already passed. the splashing of their paddles was a welcome sound, and we who had been wise enough to keep behind, all encamped together. very early on the th, i set out accompanied by one of the hunters, in quest of messrs. d. stuart, clarke and decoigne, who had gone on ahead, the night previous. i soon found mm. clarke and m'gillis encamped on the shore of the lake. the canoes presently arrived and we embarked; mm. stuart and decoigne rejoined us shortly after, and informed us that they had bivouacked on the shore of lac _puant_, or stinking lake, a pond situated about twelve miles e.n.e. from the lake we were now entering. finding ourselves thus reunited, we traversed the latter, which is about eighteen miles in circuit, and has very pretty shores. we encamped, very early, on an island, in order to use old nadeau's fishing net. i visited it that evening and brought back three carp and two water-hens. we left it set all night, and the next morning found in it twenty white-fish. leaving camp at an early hour, we gained the entrance of a small stream that descends between some hills of moderate elevation, and there stopped to breakfast. i found the white-fish more delicious in flavor, even than the salmon. we had again to foot it, following the bank of this little stream. it was a painful task, as we were obliged to open a path through thick underbrush, in the midst of a rain that lasted all day and kept us drenched. two men being left in each canoe, conveyed them up the river about thirty miles, as far as long lake--a narrow pond, on the margin of which we spent the night. on the th, we got through this lakelet, and entered another small stream, which it was necessary to navigate in the same manner as the preceding, and which conducted us to bridge lake. the latter received its name from a sort of bridge or causeway, formed at its southern extremity, and which is nothing more than a huge beaver dam. we found here a lodge, where were a young man and two women, who had charge of some horses appertaining to one of the hudson's bay trading houses. we borrowed of them half a dozen pack horses, and crossed the bridge with them. after surmounting a considerable hill, we reached an open, level, and dry prairie, which conducted us in about two hours to an ancient trading-post on the banks of the _saskatchawine_. knowing that we were near a factory, we made our toilets as well as we could, before arriving. toward sundown, we reached fort vermilion, which is situated on the bank of a river, at the foot of a superb hill. we found at this post some ninety persons, men, women, and children; these people depend for subsistence on the chase, and fishing with hooks and lines, which is very precarious. mr. hallet, the clerk in charge was absent, and we were dismayed to hear that there were no provisions on the place: a very disagreeable piece of news for people famished as we were. we had been led to suppose that if we could only reach the plains of the saskatchawine, we should be in the land of plenty. mr. hallet, however, was not long in arriving: he had two quarters of buffalo meat brought out, which had been laid in ice, and prepared us supper. mr. hallet was a polite sociable man, loving his ease passably well, and desirous of living in these wild countries, as people do in civilized lands. having testified to him our surprise at seeing in one of the buildings a large _cariole_, like those of canada, he informed us that having horses, he had had this carriage made in order to enjoy a sleigh-ride; but that the workmen having forgot to take the measure of the doors of the building before constructing it, it was found when finished, much too large for them, and could never be got out of the room where it was; and it was like to remain there a long time, as he was not disposed to demolish the house for the pleasure of using the cariole. by the side of the factory of the northwest company, is another belonging to the company of hudson's bay. in general these trading-houses are constructed thus, one close to the other, and surrounded with a common palisade, with a door of communication in the interior for mutual succor, in case of attack on the part of the indians. the latter, in this region, particularly the black-feet, _gros-ventres_, and those of the yellow river, are very ferocious: they live by the chase, but bring few furs to the traders; and the latter maintain these posts principally to procure themselves provisions. on the. th, after breakfasting at fort vermilion, we resumed our journey, with six or seven pounds of tallow for our whole stock of food. this slender supply brought us through to the evening of the third day, when we had for supper two ounces of tallow each. on the th, in the morning, we killed a wild goose, and toward midday, collected some flag-root and _choux-gras_, a wild herb, which we boiled with the small game: we did not forget to throw into the pot the little tallow we had left, and made a delicious repast. toward the decline of day, we had the good luck to kill a buffalo. on the th, mm. clarke and decoigne having landed during our course, to hunt, returned presently with the agreeable intelligence that they had killed three buffaloes. we immediately encamped, and sent the greater part of the men to cut up the meat and jerk it. this operation lasted till the next evening, and we set forward again in the canoes on the th, with about six hundred pounds of meat half cured. the same evening we perceived from our camp several herds of buffaloes, but did not give chase, thinking we had enough meat to take us to the next post. the river _saskatchawine_ flows over a bed composed of sand and marl, which contributes not a little to diminish the purity and transparency of its waters, which, like those of the missouri, are turbid and whitish. except for that it is one of the prettiest rivers in the world. the banks are perfectly charming, and offer in many places a scene the fairest, the most smiling, and the best diversified that can be seen or imagined: hills in varied forms, crowned with superb groves; valleys agreeably embrowned, at evening and morning, by the prolonged shadow of the hills, and of the woods which adorn them; herds of light-limbed antelopes, and heavy colossal buffalo--the former bounding along the slopes of the hills, the latter trampling under their heavy feet the verdure of the plains; all these champaign beauties reflected and doubled as it were, by the waters of the river; the melodious and varied song of a thousand birds, perched on the tree-tops; the refreshing breath of the zephyrs; the serenity of the sky; the purity and salubrity of the air; all, in a word, pours contentment and joy into the soul of the enchanted spectator. it is above all in the morning, when the sun is rising, and in the evening when he is setting, that the spectacle is really ravishing. i could not detach my regards from that superb picture, till the nascent obscurity had obliterated its perfection. then, to the sweet pleasure that i had tasted, succeeded a _triste_, not to say, a sombre, melancholy. how comes it to pass, i said to myself, that so beautiful a country is not inhabited by human creatures? the songs, the hymns, the prayers, of the laborer and the artisan, shall they never be heard in these fine plains? wherefore, while in europe, and above all in england, so many thousands of men do not possess as their own an inch of ground, and cultivate the soil of their country for proprietors who scarcely leave them whereon to support existence;--wherefore--do so many millions of acres of apparently fat and fertile land, remain uncultivated and absolutely useless? or, at least, why do they support only herds of wild animals? will men always love better to vegetate all their lives on an ungrateful soil, than to seek afar fertile regions, in order to pass in peace and plenty, at least the last portion of their days? but i deceive myself; it is not so easy as one thinks, for the poor man to better his condition: he has not the means of transporting himself to distant countries, or he has not those of acquiring a property there; for these untilled lands, deserted, abandoned, do not appertain to whoever wishes to establish himself upon them and reduce them to culture; they have owners, and from these must be purchased the right of rendering them productive! besides one ought not to give way to illusions: these countries, at times so delightful, do not enjoy a perpetual spring; they have their winter, and a rigorous one; a piercing cold is then spread through the atmosphere; deep snows cover the surface; the frozen rivers flow only for the fish; the trees are stripped of their leaves and hung with icicles; the verdure of the plains has disappeared; the hills and valleys offer but a uniform whiteness; nature has lost all her beauty; and man has enough to do, to shelter himself from the injuries of the inclement season. chapter xxvi. fort montée--cumberland house.--lake bourbon.--great winipeg rapids.--lake winipeg.--trading-house.--lake of the woods.--rainy lake house, &c. on the th of june (a day which its next anniversary was to render for ever celebrated in the annals of the world), we re-embarked at an early hour: and the wind rising, spread sail, a thing we had not done before, since we quitted the river columbia. in the afternoon the clouds gathered thick and black, and we had a gust, accompanied with hail, but of short duration; the weather cleared up again, and about sundown we arrived at _le fort de la montêe_, so called, on account of its being a depôt, where the traders going south, leave their canoes and take pack-horses to reach their several posts. we found here, as at fort vermilion, two trading-houses joined together, to make common cause against the indians; one belonging to the hudson's bay company, the other to the company of the northwest: the hudson's bay house being then under the charge of a mr. prudent, and the n.w. company's under a mr. john m'lean. mr. de roche blave, one of the partners of the last company having the superintendence of this district, where he had wintered, had gone to lake superior to attend the annual meeting of the partners. there were cultivated fields around the house; the barley and peas appeared to promise an abundant harvest. mr. m'lean received us as well as circumstances permitted; but that gentleman having no food to give us, and our buffalo meat beginning to spoil, we set off the next morning, to reach cumberland house as quick as possible. in the course of the day, we passed two old forts, one of which had been built by the french before the conquest of canada. according to our guide, it was the most distant western post that the french traders ever had in the northwestern wilderness. toward evening we shot a moose. the aspect of the country changes considerably since leaving _montée_; the banks of the river rise more boldly, and the country is covered with forests. on the th, we saw some elms--a tree that i had not seen hitherto, since my departure from canada. we reached fort cumberland a little before the setting of the sun. this post, called in english _cumberland house_, is situated at the outlet of the _saskatchawine_, where it empties into _english lake_, between the d and th degrees of north latitude. it is a depot for those traders who are going to slave lake or the athabasca, or are returning thence, as well as for those destined for the rocky mountains. it was under the orders of mr. j.d. campbell, who having gone down to fort william, however, had left it in charge of a mr. harrison. there are two factories, as at vermilion and la montée. at this place the traders who resort every year to fort william, leave their half-breed or indian wives and families, as they can live here at little expense, the lake abounding in fish. messrs. clarke and stuart, who were behind, arrived on the d, and in the evening we had a dance. they gave us four sacs of pemican, and we set off again, on the d, at eight a.m. we crossed the lake, and entered a small river, and having made some eighty or ninety miles under sail, encamped on a low shore, where the mosquitoes tormented us horribly all night. on the th, we passed _muddy_ lake, and entered lake _bourbon_, where we fell in with a canoe from _york_ factory, under the command of a mr. kennedy, clerk of the hudson's bay company. we collected some dozens of gulls' eggs, on the rocky islands of the lake: and stopping on one of the last at night, having a little flour left, mr. decoigne and i amused ourselves in making fritters for the next day's breakfast: an occupation, which despite the small amount of materials, employed us till we were surprised by the daybreak; the night being but brief at this season in that high latitude. at sunrise on the th, we were again afloat, passed lake _travers_, or _cross_ lake, which empties into lake winipeg by a succession of rapids; shot down these cascades without accident, and arrived, toward noon, at the great rapid _ouénipic_ or winipeg, which is about four miles long. we disembarked here, and the men worked down the canoes. at the foot of this rapid, which is the inlet of winipeg, we found an old canadian fisherman, who called himself _king of the lake_. he might fairly style himself king of the fish, which are abundant and which he alone enjoyed. having made a boil, and regaled ourselves with excellent sturgeon, we left this old man, and entered the great lake winipeg, which appeared to me like a sea of fresh water. this lake is now too well known to need a particular description: i will content myself with saying that it visibly yields in extent only to lake superior and great slave lake: it has for tributaries several large rivers, and among others the saskatchawine, the winipeg, in the east; and red river in the south; and empties into hudson's bay by the _nelson_, n.n.e., and the _severn_, e.n.e. the shores which it bathes are generally very low; it appears to have little depth, and is dotted with a vast number of islands, lying pretty close to land. we reached one called _egg island_, whence it was necessary to cross to the south to reach the main; but the wind was so violent that it was only at decline of day that we could perform the passage. we profited by the calm, to coast along all day and a part of the night of the th; but to pay for it, remained in camp on the th, till evening: the wind not suffering us to proceed. the wind having appeared to abate somewhat after sunset, we embarked, but were soon forced to land again. on the th, we passed the openings of several deep bays, and the isles of _st. martin_, and camped at the bottom of a little bay, where the mosquitoes did not suffer us to close our eyes all night. we were rejoiced when dawn appeared, and were eager to embark, to free ourselves from these inconvenient guests. a calm permitted us that day to make good progress with our oars, and we camped at _buffalo strait_. we saw that day two indian wigwams. the th brought us to winipeg river, which we began to ascend, and about noon reached port _bas de la rivière_. this trading post had more the air of a large and well-cultivated farm, than of a fur traders' factory: a neat and elegant mansion, built on a slight eminence, and surrounded with barns, stables, storehouses, &c., and by fields of barley, peas, oats, and potatoes, reminded us of the civilized countries which we had left so long ago. messrs. crébassa and kennedy, who had this post in charge, received us with all possible hospitality, and supplied us with all the political news which had been learned through the arrival of canoes from canada. they also informed us that messrs m'donald and de rocheblave had passed, a few days before our arrival, having been obliged to go up red river to stop the effusion of blood, which would probably have taken place but for their intervention, in the colony founded on that river by the earl of selkirk. mr. miles m'donnell, the governor of that colony, or rather of the _assiniboyne_ district, had issued a proclamation forbidding all persons whomsoever, to send provisions of any kind out of the district. the hudson's bay traders had conformed to this proclamation, but those of the northwest company paid no attention to it, thinking it illegal, and had sent their servants, as usual to get provisions up the river. mr. m'donnell having heard that several hundred sacks of pemican[ah] were laid up in a storehouse under the care of a mr. pritchard, sent to require their surrender: pritchard refused to deliver them, whereupon mr. m'donnell had them carried off by force. the traders who winter on little slave lake, english river, the athabasca country, &c., learning this, and being aware that they would not find their usual supply at _bas de la rivière_, resolved to go and recover the seized provisions by force, if they were not peaceably given up. things were in this position when messrs, de rocheblave and m'donald arrived. they found the canadian _voyageurs_ in arms, and ready to give battle to the colonists, who persisted in their refusal to surrender the bags of pemican. the two peacemakers visited the governor, and having explained to him the situation in which the traders of the northwest company would find themselves, by the want of necessary provisions to enable them to transport their peltries to fort william, and the exasperation of their men, who saw no other alternative for them, but to get possession of those provisions or to perish of hunger, requested him to surrender the same without delay. mr. m'donnell, on his part, pointed out the misery to which the colonists would be reduced by a failure in the supply of food. in consequence of these mutual representations, it was agreed that one half of the pemican should be restored, and the other half remain for the use of the colonists. thus was arranged, without bloodshed, the first difficulty which occurred between the rival companies of the northwest, and of hudson's bay. [footnote ah: _pemican_, of which i have already spoken several times, is the indian name for the dried and pounded meat which the natives sell to the traders. about fifty pounds of this meat is placed in a trough (_un grand vaisseau fait d'un tronc d'arbre_), and about an equal quantity of tallow is melted and poured over it; it is thoroughly mixed into one mass, and when cold, is put up in bags made of undressed buffalo hide, with the hair outside, and sewed up as tightly as possible. the meat thus impregnated with tallow, hardens, and will keep for years. it is eaten without any other preparation; but sometimes wild pears or dried berries are added, which render the flavor more agreeable.] having spent the st of july in repairing our canoes, we re-embarked on the d, and continued to ascend winipeg river, called also _white river_, on account of the great number of its cascades, which being very near each other, offer to the sight an almost continuous foam. we made that day twenty-seven portages, all very short. on the d, and th, we made nine more, and arrived on the th, at the _lake of the woods_. this lake takes its name from the great number of woody islands with which it is dotted. our guide pointed out to me one of these isles, telling me that a jesuit father had said mass there, and that it was the most remote spot to which those missionaries had ever penetrated. we encamped on one of the islands. the next day the wind did not allow us to make much progress. on the th, we gained the entrance of _rainy lake river_. i do not remember ever to have seen elsewhere so many mosquitoes as on the banks of this river. having landed near a little rapid to lighten the canoes, we had the misfortune, in getting through the brush, to dislodge these insects from under the leaves where they had taken refuge from the rain of the night before; they attached themselves to us, followed us into the canoes, and tormented us all the remainder of the day. on the th, at sunset, we reached _rainy lake house_. this fort is situated about a mile from a considerable rapid. we saw here cultivated fields and domestic animals, such as horses, oxen, cows, &c. the port is a depôt for the wintering parties of the athabasca, and others still more remote, who bring to it their peltries and return from it with their outfits of merchandise. mr. john dease, to whose charge the place had been confided, received us in the most friendly manner possible; and after having made an excellent supper, we danced a part of the evening. we took leave of mr. dease on the th, well provided for the journey, and passing round rainy lake falls, and then traversing the lake itself, which i estimated to be forty miles long, we encamped at the entrance of a small river. on the next day we pursued our way, now thridding streams impeded with wild rice, which rendered our progress difficult, now traversing little lakes, now passing straits where we scarcely found water to float our canoes. on the th, we encamped near _dog portage (portage des chiens_), where, from not having followed the advice of mr. dease, who had counselled us to take along a bag of pemican, we found ourselves absolutely without food. chapter xxvii. arrival at fort william.--description of the fort.--news from the river columbia. starving men are early-risers. we set out on the th before day, and effected the portage, which is long and difficult. at the foot of the rapid we found a sort of _restaurant_ or _cabaret_, kept by a man named _boucher_. we treated the men to a little _eau de vie_, and breakfasted on some detestable sausages, poisoned with salt. after this wretched repast, we set out again, and passed toward noon, the _mountain portage_. here the river _kaministiquia_ flings itself over a rock of immense height, and forms a fall scarcely less curious to see than that of niagara. below, the succession of falls and rapids is constant, so that we made no fewer than thirty-six portages in the course of the day. nevertheless we pursued our laborious way with good cheer, and without a murmur from our canadian boatmen, who kept their spirits up by singing their _voyageur_ songs. at last, at about nine o'clock in the evening, we arrived at fort william. fort william is situated on lake superior, at the mouth of the _kaministiquia_ river, about forty-five miles north of old _grand portage_. it was built in , when the two rival canadian companies were united, and was named in honor of mr. (now the honorable) william m'gillivray, principal agent of the northwest company. the proprietors, perceiving that the old fort of _grand portage_ was on the territory claimed by the american government, resolved to demolish it and build another on the british territory. no site appeared more advantageous than the present for the purposes intended; the river is deep, of easy access, and offers a safe harbor for shipping. it is true they had to contend with all the difficulties consequent on a low and swampy soil; but by incredible labor and perseverance they succeeded in draining the marshes and reducing the loose and yielding soil to solidity. fort william has really the appearance of a fort, with its palisade fifteen feet high, and that of a pretty village, from the number of edifices it encloses. in the middle of a spacious square rises a large building elegantly constructed, though of wood, with a long piazza or portico, raised about five feet from the ground, and surmounted by a balcony, extending along the whole front. in the centre is a saloon or hall, sixty feet in length by thirty in width, decorated with several pieces of painting, and some portraits of the leading partners. it is in this hall that the agents, partners, clerks, interpreters, and guides, take their meals together, at different tables. at each extremity of the apartment are two rooms; two of these are destined for the two principal agents; the other two to the steward and his department. the kitchen and servants' rooms are in the basement. on either side of this edifice, is another of the same extent, but of less elevation; they are each divided by a corridor running through its length, and contain each, a dozen pretty bed-rooms. one is destined for the wintering partners, the other for the clerks. on the east of the square is another building similar to the last two, and intended for the same use, and a warehouse where the furs are inspected and repacked for shipment. in the rear of these, are the lodging-house of the guides, another fur-warehouse, and finally, a powder magazine. the last is of stone, and has a roof covered with tin. at the angle is a sort of bastion, or look-out place, commanding a view of the lake. on the west side is seen a range of buildings, some of which serve for stores, and others for workshops; there is one for the equipment of the men, another for the fitting out of the canoes, one for the retail of goods, another where they sell liquors, bread, pork, butter, &c., and where a treat is given to the travellers who arrive. this consists in a white loaf, half a pound of butter, and a gill of rum. the _voyageurs_ give this tavern the name of _cantino salope_. behind all this is another range, where we find the counting-house, a fine square building, and well-lighted; another storehouse of stone, tin-roofed; and a _jail_, not less necessary than the rest. the _voyageurs_ give it the name of _pot au beurre_--the butter-tub. beyond these we discover the shops of the carpenter, the cooper, the tinsmith, the blacksmith, &c.; and spacious yards and sheds for the shelter, reparation, and construction of canoes. near the gate of the fort, which is on the south, are the quarters of the physician, and those of the chief clerk. over the gate is a guard-house. as the river is deep at its entrance, the company has had a wharf constructed, extending the whole length of the fort, for the discharge of the vessels which it keeps on lake superior, whether to transport its furs from fort william to the _saut ste. marie_, or merchandise and provisions from _saut ste. marie_ to fort william. the land behind the fort and on both sides of it, is cleared and under tillage. we saw barley, peas, and oats, which had a very fine appearance. at the end of the clearing is the burying-ground. there are also, on the opposite bank of the river, a certain number of log-houses, all inhabited by old canadian _voyageurs_, worn out in the service of the company, without having enriched themselves. married to women of the country, and incumbered with large families of half-breed children, these men prefer to cultivate a little indian corn and potatoes, and to fish, for a subsistence, rather than return to their native districts, to give their relatives and former acquaintance certain proofs of their misconduct or their imprudence. fort william is the grand depôt of the northwest company for their interior posts, and the general _rendezvous_ of the partners. the agents from montreal and the wintering partners assemble here every summer, to receive the returns of the respective outfits, prepare for the operations of the ensuing season, and discuss the general interests of their association. the greater part of them were assembled at the time of our arrival. the wintering hands who are to return with their employers, pass also a great part of the summer here; they form a great encampment on the west side of the fort, outside the palisades. those who engage at montreal to go no further than fort william or _rainy lake_, and who do not _winter_, occupy yet another space, on the east side. the winterers, or _hivernants_, give to these last the name of _mangeurs de lard_, or pork-eaters. they are also called _comers-and-goers_. one perceives an astonishing difference between these two camps, which are composed sometimes of three or four hundred men each; that of the pork-eaters is always dirty and disorderly, while that of the winterers is clean and neat. to clear its land and improve its property, the company inserts a clause in the engagement of all who enter its service as canoe-men, that they shall work for a certain number of days during their stay at fort william. it is thus that it has cleared and drained the environs of the fort, and has erected so many fine buildings. but when a hand has once worked the stipulated number of days, he is for ever after exempt, even if he remain in the service twenty or thirty years, and should come down to the fort every summer. they received us very courteously at fort william, and i perceived by the reception given to myself in particular, that thanks to the chinook dialect of which i was sufficiently master, they would not have asked better than to give me employment, on advantageous terms. but i felt a great deal more eagerness to arrive in montreal, than desire to return to the river columbia. a few days after we reached fort william, mr. keith made his appearance there from fort george, or astoria, with the news of the arrival of the "isaac todd" in the columbia river. this vessel, which was a dull sailer, had been kept back a long time by contrary winds in doubling cape horn, and had never been able to rejoin the vessels-of-war, her consorts, from which she was then separated. when she reached the _rendezvous_ at the island of juan fernandez, finding that the three ships-of-war had sailed, the captain and passengers, as they were short of provisions, determined to range the coast. entering the harbor of _monterey_,[ai] on the coast of california, in order to obtain provisions, they learned that there was an english vessel-of-war in distress, in the bay of _san francisco_.[aj] they repaired thither accordingly, and found, to their great surprise, that it was the sloop _raccoon_. this vessel, in getting out of the river columbia, had touched on the bar, with such violence, that a part of her false keel was carried away; and she had with difficulty made san francisco, with seven feet of water in the hold, although her crew had been constantly at the pumps. captain black, finding it impossible to repair his ship, had decided to abandon her, and to cross the continent to the gulf of mexico, thence to reach some of the british west india islands. however, on the arrival of the isaac todd, means were found to careen the vessel and repair the damage. the isaac todd then pursued her voyage and entered the columbia on the th of april, thirteen months after her departure from england. [footnote ai: a spanish mission or presidency, in about the th degree of latitude.] [footnote aj: another spanish presidency, in about the th degree of latitude, and the first european establishment to be met with south of the columbia. [these now obsolete notes are interesting as indicative of the period when they were written.--ed.]] chapter xxviii. departure from fort william.--navigation on lake superior.--michipicoton bay.--meeting a canoe.--batchawainon bay.--arrival at saut ste marie.--occurrences there.--departure.--lake huron.--french river.--lake nipissing.--ottawa river.--kettle falls.--rideau river.--long-saut.--arrival in montreal--conclusion. on the th of july, in the evening, mr. d. stuart notified me that he should start the next morning for montreal, in a light canoe. i immediately wrote to my relatives: but the next morning mr. stuart told me that i was to be myself the bearer of my letters, by embarking with him. i got ready my effects, and toward evening we quitted fort william, with fourteen stout _voyageurs_ to man our large canoe, and were soon floating on the bosom of the largest body of fresh water on the surface of the globe. we counted six passengers, namely, messrs. d. stuart, d. m'kenzie, j. m'donald, j. clarke, myself, and a little girl of eight or nine years, who came from kildonan, on red river. we passed the first night on one of the islands in _thunder bay_, so named on account of the frequent storms, accompanied with lightning and thunder, which burst over it at certain seasons of the year. on the d and d, we continued to range the southern coast of lake superior. the navigation of this superb lake would be extremely agreeable but for the thick fogs which reign during a part of the day, and do not permit a rapid progress. on the th, we dined at a small trading establishment called _le pic_, where we had excellent fish. on the th, we crossed _michipicoton bay_, which, at its entrance, may be nine miles wide, and twenty fathoms deep. as we were nearing the eastern point, we met a small canoe, having on board captain m'cargo, and the crew of one of the schooners owned by the company. mr. m'cargo informed us that he had just escaped from _saut ste. marie_, whither the americans had sent a detachment of one hundred and fifty men; and that having been obliged to abandon his schooner, he had set fire to her. in consequence of this news it was resolved that the canoe on which we were proceeding, should return to fort william. i embarked, with mr. stuart and two men, in captain m'cargo's canoe, while he and his crew took our places. in the haste and confusion of this exchange, which was made on the lake, they gave us a ham, a little tea and sugar, and a bag containing about twenty-five pounds of flour, but forgot entirely a kettle, knives, forks, and so on, all articles which mr. m'cargo had not time to take when he left _saut ste. marie_. we subsisted miserably in consequence for two days and a half that we continued to coast the lake before reaching any post. we moistened in the bag a little flour, and having kneaded it, made cakes, which we baked on flat stones by our camp fire. on the th, we reached batchawainon, where we found some women, who prepared us food and received us well. it is a poor little post, situated at the bottom of a sandy cove, which offers nothing agreeable to the eye. mr. frederic goedike, who resided here, was gone to see what had taken place at saut ste. marie. he returned the next day, and told us that the americans had come, with a force of one hundred and fifty men, under the command of major holmes; and that after having pillaged that they all considered worth taking, of the property of the n.w. company and that of a mr. johnston, they had set fire to the houses, warehouses, &c., belonging to the company and to that gentleman, and retired, without molesting any other person.[ak] our canoe arrived from fort william in the evening, with that of mr. m'gillivray; and on the morrow we all repaired to saut ste. marie, where we saw the ruins which the enemy had left. the houses, stores, and saw-mills of the company were still smoking. [footnote ak: the n.w. company having raised a regiment composed of their own servants, and known as the _voyageur corps_, and having also instigated to war, and armed, the indian tribes, over which they had influence, had brought on themselves this act of retaliation. mr. johnston also had engaged actively in the war against the united states.] the schooner was at the foot of the rapids; the americans had run her down, but she grounded on a ledge of rocks, whence they could not dislodge her, and so they had burnt her to the water's edge. _le saut de ste. marie_, or as it is shortly called, _saut ste. marie_, is a rapid at the outlet of lake superior, and may be five hundred or six hundred yards wide; its length may be estimated at three quarters of a mile, and the descent of the water at about twenty feet. at the lower extremity the river widens to about a mile, and here there are a certain number of houses. the north bank belongs to great britain; the southern to the united states. it was on the american side that mr. johnston lived. before the war he was collector of the port for the american government. on the same side resided a mr. nolin, with his family, consisting of three half-breed boys and as many girls, one of whom was passably pretty. he was an old indian trader, and his house and furniture showed signs of his former prosperity. on the british side we found mr. charles ermatinger, who had a pretty establishment: he dwelt temporarily in a house that belonged to nolin, but he was building another of stone, very elegant, and had just finished a grist mill. he thought that the last would lead the inhabitants to sow more grain than they did. these inhabitants are principally old canadian boatmen, married to half-breed or indian women. the fish afford them subsistence during the greater part of the year, and provided they secure potatoes enough to carry them through the remainder, they are content. it is to be regretted that these people are not more industrious, for the land is very fertile. on the st of august, an express was sent to _michilimackinac_ (mackinaw) to inform the commandant thereof what had happened at _saut ste. marie_. while expecting the return of the messenger, we put ourselves in a state of defence, in case that by chance the americans should make another irruption. the thing was not improbable, for according to some expressions which fell from one of their number who spoke french, their objects was to capture the furs of the northwest company, which were expected to arrive shortly from the interior. we invited some indians, who were camped on _pine point_, at some distance from the _saut_, to help us in case of need; which they promised to do. meanwhile we had no provisions, as everything had been carried off by the american forces, and were obliged to subsist on such brook trout as we could take with hook and line, and on wild raspberries. on the th, the express returned, without having been able to accomplish his mission: he had found the island of mackinaw so completely blockaded by the enemy, that it was impossible to reach it, without running the greatest risk of being made prisoner. on the th, we heard distinctly the discharges of artillery which our people were firing off at michilimackinac, although the distance was nearly sixty miles. we thought it was an attempt of the enemy to retake that post, but we afterward learned that it was only a royal salute in honor of the birthday of the prince regent. we learned, however, during our stay at saut ste. marie, that the americans had really made a descent upon the island, but were compelled to retire with a considerable loss. on the th, some of the partners arrived from fort william, preceding the flotilla which was coming down richly laden with furs. they sent on mr. decoigne in a light canoe, with letters to montreal, to order provisions to meet this brigade. on the st, the canoe on which i was a passenger, was sent to the mouth of _french_ river, to observe the motions of the enemy. the route lay between a range of low islands, and a shelvy beach, very monotonous and dreary. we remained at the entrance of the aforesaid river till the th, when the fleet of loaded canoes, forty-seven in number, arrived there. the value of the furs which they carried could not be estimated at less than a million of dollars: an important prize for the americans, if they could have laid their hands upon it. we were three hundred and thirty-five men, all well armed; a large camp was formed, with a breast-work of fur-packs, and we kept watch all night. the next morning we began to ascend french river, and were soon out of reach of the dreaded foe. french river flows from the n.e. and empties into lake huron, about one hundred and twenty miles from saut ste. marie. we reached lake nipissing, of which it is the outlet, the same evening, and encamped. we crossed that lake on the th, made a number of portages, and encamped again, not far from _mattawan_. on the th we entered, at an early hour, the river _ottawa_, and encamped, in the evening, at the _portage des deux joachims_. this is a grand river, but obstructed by many falls and rapids on its way to join the st. lawrence; which caused us to make many portages, and so we arrived on the st at _kettle falls_. the rock which here arrests the course of the _ottawa_, extends from shore to shore, and so completely cuts off the waters, that at the time we passed none was seen falling over, but sinking by subterranean channels, or fissures in the rock, it boiled up below, from seven or eight different openings, not unlike water in a huge caldron, whence the first explorers of the country gave it the name of _chaudière_ or caldron falls. mr. p. wright resided in this place, where he had a fine establishment and a great number of men employed in cultivating the land, and getting out lumber. we left the _chaudières_ a little before sunset, and passed very soon the confluence of the _rideau_ or _curtain river_. this river, which casts itself into the ottawa over a rock twenty-five by thirty feet high, is divided in the middle of the fall by a little island, which parts the waters into two white sheets, resembling a double curtain open in the middle and spreading out below. the _coup d'oeil_ is really picturesque; the rays of the setting sun, which struck the waters obliquely as we passed, heightened exceedingly their beauty, and rendered it worthy of a pencil more skilful than mine. we voyaged till midnight, when we stopped to let our men take a little repose. this rest was only for two hours. at sunrise on the st september, we reached _long-saut_, where, having procured guides, we passed that dangerous rapid, and set foot on shore near the dwelling-house of a mr. m'donell, who sent us milk and fruits for our breakfast. toward noon we passed the lake of the two mountains, where i began to see the mountain of my native isle. about two o'clock, we passed the rapids of st. ann.[al] soon after we came opposite _saut st. louis_ and the village of _caughnawago_, passed that last rapid of so many, and landed at montreal, a little before sunset. [footnote al: "far-famed and so well described," adds mr. franchere, in his own translation, but i prefer to leave the expression in its original striking simplicity, as he wrote it before he had heard of moore. every reader remembers:-- "soon as the woods on shore grow dim, we'll sing at st. ann's our parting hymn." _canadian boatman's song_.] i hastened to the paternal roof, where the family were not less surprised than overjoyed at beholding me. not having heard of me, since i had sailed from new york, they had believed, in accordance with the common report, that i had been murdered by the savages, with mr. m'kay and the crew of the tonquin: and certainly, it was by the goodness of providence that i found myself thus safe and sound, in the midst of my relations and friends, at the end of a voyage accompanied by so many perils, and in which so many of my companions had met with an untimely death. chapter xxix. present state of the countries visited by the author.--correction of mr. irving's statements respecting st. louis. the last chapter closes the original french narrative of my travels around and across the continent, as published thirty-three years ago. the translation follows that narrative as exactly as possible, varying from it only in the correction of a few not very important errors of fact. it speaks of places and persons as i spoke of them then. i would not willingly lose the verisimilitude of this natural and unadorned description, in order to indulge in any new turns of style or more philosophical reflections. but since that period many changes have occurred in the scenes which i so long ago visited and described. though they are well known, i may be pardoned for alluding to them. the natives of the sandwich islands, who were in a state of paganism at that time, have since adopted a form of christianity, have made considerable progress in imitating the civilization of europe, and even, at this moment, begin to entertain the idea of annexation to the united states. it appears, however, that the real natives are rapidly dwindling away by the effects of their vices, which an exotic and ill-assimilated civilization has rather increased than diminished, and to which religion has not succeeded in applying a remedy. at the mouth of the columbia, whole tribes, and among them, the _clatsops_, have been swept away by disease. here again, licentious habits universally diffused, spread a fatal disorder through the whole nation, and undermining the constitutions of all, left them an easy prey to the first contagion or epidemic sickness. but missionaries of various christian sects have labored among the indians of the columbia also; not to speak of the missions of the catholic church, so well known by the narrative of father de smet and others; and numbers have been taught to cultivate the soil, and thus to provide against the famines to which they were formerly exposed from their dependence on the precarious resources of the chase; while others have received, in the faith of christ, the true principle of national permanence, and a living germ of civilization, which may afterward be developed. emigration has also carried to the oregon the axe of the settler, as well as the canoe and pack of the fur-trader. the fertile valleys and prairies of the willamet--once the resort of the deer, the elk, and the antelope, are now tilled by the industrious husbandman. oregon city, so near old "astoria," whose first log fort i saw and described, is now an archiepiscopal see, and the capital of a territory, which must soon be a state of the union. of the regions east of the mountains described in my itinerary, little can be said in respect to improvement: they remain in the same wild state. the interest of the hudson's bay company, as an association of fur-traders, is opposed to agricultural improvements, whose operation would be to drive off and extinguish the wild animals that furnish their commerce with its object. but on lake superior steamboats have supplanted the birch-bark canoe of the indian and the fur-trader, and at saut ste. marie, especially on the american side, there is now every sign of prosperity. how remote and wild was the region beyond, through which i passed, may be estimated by the fact that in thirty-eight years the onward-rolling wave of our population has but just reached its confines. canada, although it has not kept pace with the united states, has yet wonderfully advanced in forty years. the valley of the ottawa, that great artery of the st. lawrence, where i thought it worth while to notice the residence of an enterprising farmer and lumber merchant, is now a populous district, well cultivated, and sprinkled with villages, towns, and cities. the reader, in perusing my first chapter, found a description of the city of new york in , and of the neighboring village of brooklyn. it would be superfluous to establish a comparison at this day. at that time, it will be observed, the mere breaking out of war between america and england was thought to involve the sacrifice of an american commercial establishment on the pacific, on the ground of its supplies being necessarily cut off (it was supposed), and of the united states government being unable to protect it from hostile attack. at present it suffices to remark that while new york, then so inconsiderable a port, is now perhaps the third city in the world, the united states also, are, undoubtedly, a first-rate power, unassailable at home, and formidable abroad, to the greatest nations. as in my preface i alluded to mr. irving's "astoria," as reflecting, in my opinion, unjustly, upon the young men engaged in the first expedition to the mouth of the columbia, it may suffice here to observe, without entering into particulars, that my narrative, which i think answers for its own fidelity, clearly shows that some of them, at least did not want courage, activity, zeal for the interests of the company, while it existed, and patient endurance of hardship. and although it forms no part of the narrative or my voyage, yet as subsequent visits to the west and an intimate knowledge of st. louis, enable me to correct mr. irving's poetical rather than accurate description of that place, i may well do it here. st. louis now bids fair to rival ere long the "queen of the west;" mr. irving describes her as a small trading place, where trappers, half-breeds, gay, frivolous canadian boatmen, &c., &c., congregated and revelled, with that lightness and buoyancy of spirit inherited from their french forefathers; the indolent creole of st. louis caring for little more than the enjoyment of the present hour; a motley population, half-civilized, half-barbarous, thrown, on his canvas, into one general, confused (i allow highly _picturesque_) mass, without respect of persons: but it is fair to say, with due homage to the talent of the sketcher, who has verged slightly on caricature in the use of that humor-loving pencil admired by all the world, that st. louis even then contained its noble, industrious, and i may say, princely merchants; it could boast its _chouteaus_, _soulands_, _céré_, _chéniers_, _vallées_, and _la croix_, with other kindred spirits, whose descendants prove the worth of their sires by their own, and are now among the leading business men, as their fathers were the pioneers, of the flourishing st. louis. with these remarks, which i make simply as an act of justice in connection with the general subject of the founding of "astoria," but in which i mean to convey no imputation on the intentional fairness of the accomplished author to whom i have alluded, i take a respectful leave of my readers. appendix.[am] in chapter xvii. i promised the reader to give him an account of the fate of some of the persons who left astoria before, and after its sale or transfer to the british. i will now redeem that pledge. [footnote am: we have thought it best to give this appendix, excepting some abbreviations rendered necessary to avoid repetition of what has been stated before, in mr. franchere's own words, particularly as a specimen of his own english style may be justly interesting to the reader.] messrs. ramsay crooks, r. m'lelland, and robert stuart, after enduring all sorts of fatigue, dangers and hair-breadth escapes with their lives--all which have been so graphically described by washington irving in his "astoria," finally reached st. louis and new york. mr. clapp went to the marquesas islands, where he entered into the service of his country in the capacity of midshipman under commodore porter--made his escape from there in company with lieutenant gamble of the marine corps, by directions of the commodore, was captured by the british, landed at buenos ayres, and finally reached new york. d. m'dougall, as a reward for betraying the trust reposed in him by mr. astor, was made a partner of the northwest company, crossed the mountains, and died a miserable death at _bas de la rivière_, winipeg. donald m'kenzie, his coadjutor, went back to the columbia river, where he amassed a considerable fortune, with which he retired, and lived in chautauque county in this state, where he died a few years since unknown and neglected:--he was a very selfish man, who cared for no one but himself. it remains only to speak of messrs. j.c. halsey, russell, farnham, and alfred seton, who, it will be remembered, embarked with mr. hunt on the "pedlar," in feb. . leaving the river about the st of april, they proceeded to the russian establishment at sitka, norfolk sound, where they fell in with two or three more american vessels, which had come to trade with the natives or to avoid the british cruisers. while there, a sail under british colors appeared, and mr. hunt sent mr. seton to ascertain who she was. she turned out to be the "forester," captain pigott, a repeating signal ship and letter-of-marque, sent from england in company of a fleet intended for the south seas. on further acquaintance with the captain, mr. seton (from whom i derive these particulars) learned a fact which has never before been published, and which will show the solicitude and perseverance of mr. astor. after despatching the "lark" from new york, fearing that she might be intercepted by the british, he sent orders to his correspondent in england to purchase and fit out a british bottom, and despatch her to the columbia to relieve the establishment. when mr. hunt learned this fact, he determined to leave mr. halsey at sitka, and proceeding himself northward, landed mr. farnham on the coast of _kamskatka_, to go over land with despatches for mr. astor. mr. farnham accomplished the journey, reached hamburg, whence he sailed for the west indies, and finally arrived at new york, having made the entire circuit of the globe. the "pedlar" then sailed to the southeast, and soon reached the coast of california, which she approached to get a supply of provisions. nearing one of the harbors, they descried a vessel at anchor inside, showing american colors. hauling their wind, they soon came close to the stranger, which, to their surprise, turned out to be the spanish corvette "santa barbara," which sent boats alongside the "pedlar," and captured her, and kept possession of the prize for some two months, during which they dropped down to _san blas_. here mr. hunt proposed to mr. seton to cross the continent and reach the united states the best way he could. mr. seton, accordingly, went to the isthmus of darien, where he was detained several months by sickness, but finally reached carthagena, where a british fleet was lying in the roads, to take off the english merchants, who in consequence of the revolutionary movements going on, sought shelter under their own flag. here mr. seton, reduced to the last stage of destitution and squalor, boldly applied to captain bentham, the commander of the squadron, who, finding him to be a gentleman, offered him every needful assistance, gave him a berth in his own cabin, and finally landed him safely on the island of jamaica, whence he, too, found his way to new york. of all those engaged in the expedition there are now but four survivors--ramsay crooks, esq. the late president of the american fur company; alfred seton, esq., vice-president of the sun mutual insurance company; both of new york city; benjamin pillet of canada; and the author, living also in new york. all the rest have paid the debt of nature, but their names are recorded in the foregoing pages. notwithstanding the illiberal remarks made by captain thorn on the persons who were on board the ill-fated tonquin, and reproduced by mr. irving in his "astoria"--these young men who were represented as "bar keepers or billiard markers, most of whom had fled from justice, &c."--i feel it a duty to say that they were for the most part, of good parentage, liberal education and every way were qualified to discharge the duties of their respective stations. the remarks on the general character of the voyageurs employed as boat-men and mechanics, and the attempt to cast ridicule on their "braggart and swaggering manners" come with a bad grace from the author of "astoria," when we consider that in that very work mr. irving is compelled to admit their indomitable energy, their fidelity to their employers, and their cheerfulness under the most trying circumstances in which men can be placed. with respect to captain thorn, i must confess that though a stern commander and an irritable man, he paid the strictest attention to the health of his crew. his complaints of the squalid appearance of the canadians and mechanics who were on board, can be abated of their force by giving a description of the accommodation of these people. the tonquin was a small ship; its forecastle was destined for the crew performing duty before the mast. the room allotted for the accommodation of the twenty men destined for the establishment, was abaft the forecastle; a bulk-head had been let across, and a door led from the forecastle into a dark, unventilated, unwholesome place, where they were all heaped together, without means of locomotion, and consequently deprived of that exercise of the body so necessary to health. add to that, we had no physician on board. in view of these facts, can the complaints of the gallant captain be sustained? of course mr. irving was ignorant of these circumstances, as well as of many others which he might have known, had some one suggested to him to ask a few questions of persons who were within his reach at the time of his publication. i have (i need scarcely say) no personal animosity against the unfortunate captain; he always treated me, individually, as well as i could expect; and if, in the course of my narrative, i have been severe on his actions, i was impelled by a sense of justice to my friends on board, as well as by the circumstance that such explanations of his general deportment were requisite to convey the historical truth to my readers. the idea of a conspiracy against him on board is so absurd that it really does not deserve notice. the threat, or rather the proposal made to him by mr. m'kay, in the following words--"if you say fight, fight it is"--originated in a case where one of the sailors had maltreated a canadian lad, who came to complain to mr. m'kay. the captain would not interpose his authority, and said in my presence, "let them fight out their own battles:"--it was upon that answer that mr. m'kay gave vent to the expression quoted above. i might go on with a long list of inaccuracies, more or less grave or trivial, in the beautifully written work of mr. irving, but it would be tedious to go through the whole of them. the few remarks to which i have given place above, will suffice to prove that the assertion made in the preface was not unwarranted. it is far from my intention to enter the lists with a man of the literary merit and reputation of mr. irving, but as a narrator of events of which i was an eyewitness, i felt bound to tell the truth, although that truth might impugn the historical accuracy of a work which ranks as a classic in the language. at the same time i entirely exonerate mr. irving from any intention of prejudicing the minds of his readers, as he doubtless had only in view to support the character of his friend: that sentiment is worthy of a generous heart, but it should not be gratified, nor would he wish to gratify it, i am sure, at the expense of the character of others. note by the editor. perhaps even contrary to the wish of mr. franchere, i have left the above almost word for word as he wrote it. it is a part of the history of the affairs related as well in mr. irving's astoria as in the present volume, that the reclamations of one of the clerks on that famous and unfortunate voyage of the tonquin, against the disparaging description of himself and his colleagues given in the former work, should be fairly recorded. at the same time, i can not help stating my own impression that a natural susceptibility, roused by those slighting remarks from captain thorn's correspondence, to which mr. irving as an historian gives currency, has somewhat blinded my excellent friend to the tone of banter, so characteristic of the chronicler of the knickerbockers, in which all these particulars are given, more as traits of the character of the stern old sea-captain, with his hearty contempt for land-lubbers and literary clerks, than as a dependable account of the persons on board his ship, some of whom might have been, and as we see by the present work, were, in fact, very meritorious characters, for whose literary turn, and faithful journalizing (which seems to have especially provoked the captain's wrath), now at the end of more than forty years, we have so much reason to be thankful. certainly mr. irving himself, who has drawn frequently on mr. franchere's narrative, could not, from his well-known taste in such matters, be insensible to the defoe-like simplicity thereof, nor to the picturesque descriptions, worthy of a professional pen, with which it is sprinkled. the end. ox-team days on the oregon trail [illustration: ezra meeker.] [illustration: signature: ezra meeker] _pioneer life series_ * * * * * ox-team days on the oregon trail by _ezra meeker_ in collaboration with _howard r. driggs_ professor of education in english university of utah [illustration] _illustrated with drawings by f. n. wilson and with photographs_ yonkers-on-hudson, new york _world book company_ world book company the house of applied knowledge established by caspar w. hodgson yonkers-on-hudson, new york prairie avenue, chicago the oregon trail--what suggestion the name carries of the heroic toil of pioneers! yet a few years' ago the route of the trail was only vaguely known. then public interest was awakened by the report that one of the very men who had made the trip to oregon in the old days was traversing the trail once more, moving with ox team and covered wagon from his home in the state of washington, and marking the old route as he went. the man with the ox team was ezra meeker. he went on to the capital, where mr. roosevelt, then president, met him with joy. then he traversed the long trail once more with team and wagon--back to that northwest which he had so long made his home. this book gives mr. meeker's story of his experiences on the oregon trail when it was new, and again when, advanced in years, he retraced the journey of his youth that americans might ever know where led the footsteps of the pioneers. the publication of this book in its pioneer life series carries forward one of the cherished purposes of world book company--to supply as a background to the study of american history interesting and authentic narratives based on the personal experiences of brave men and women who helped to push the frontier of our country across the continent. [illustration] pls:mdotd- copyright by world book company copyright in great britain _all rights reserved_ printed in u. s. a. an introduction to the author out in the state of washington recently, a veteran of more than ninety years stepped into an aëroplane with the mail pilot and flew from seattle to victoria in british columbia, and back again. the aged pioneer took the trip with all the zest of youth and returned enthusiastic over the adventure. this youthful veteran was ezra meeker, of oregon trail fame, who throughout his long, courageous, useful life has ever kept in the vanguard of progress. seventy years ago he became one of the trail-blazers of the farther west. in , with his young wife and child, he made the hazardous journey over plains and mountains all the way from iowa to oregon by ox team. then, after fifty-four years of struggle in helping to develop the country beyond the cascades, this undaunted pioneer decided to reblaze the almost lost oregon trail. an old "prairie schooner" was rebuilt, and a yoke of sturdy oxen was trained to make the trip. with one companion and a faithful dog, the veteran started out. it took nearly two years, but the ox-team journey from washington, the state, to washington, our national capital, was finally accomplished. the chief purpose of mr. meeker in this enterprise was to induce people to mark the famous old highway. to him it represented a great battle ground in our nation's struggle to win and hold the west. the story of the oregon trail, he rightly felt, is an american epic which must be preserved. through his energy and inspiration and the help of thousands of loyal men and women, school boys and school girls, substantial monuments have now been placed along the greater part of the old pioneer way. two years ago it was my privilege to meet the author in his home city. our mutual interest in pioneer stories brought us together in an effort to preserve some of them, and several days were spent in talking over the old times and visiting historic spots. everywhere we went there was a glowing welcome for "father meeker," as he was called by some of his home folks, while "uncle ezra" was the name used affectionately by others. the ovation given him when he arose to speak to the teachers and students of the high school in puyallup--the city he founded--was evidence of the high regard in which he is held by those who know him best. other boys and girls and older folk all over the country would enjoy meeting ezra meeker and hearing of his experiences. since this is not possible, the record of what he has seen and done is given to us in this little volume. the book makes the story of the oregon trail live again. this famous old way to the west was traced in the beginning by wild animals--the bear, the elk, the buffalo, the soft-footed wolf, and the coyote. trailing after these animals in quest of food and skins, came the indians. then followed the fur-trading mountaineers, the home-seeking pioneers, the gold seekers, the soldiers, and the cowboys. now railroad trains, automobiles, and even aëroplanes go whizzing along over parts of the old highway. every turn in the trail holds some tale of danger and daring or romance. most of the stories have been forever lost in the passing away of those who took part in this ox-team migration across our continent. for that reason the accounts that have been saved are the more precious. ezra meeker has done a signal service for our country in reblazing the oregon trail. he has accomplished an even greater work in helping to humanize our history and vitalize the geography of our land, by giving to us, through this little volume, a vivid picture of the heroic pioneering of the farther west. howard r. driggs contents introduction to the author v part one--from ohio to the coast . back to beginnings . boyhood days in old indiana . leaving the home nest for iowa . taking the trail for oregon . the westward rush . the pioneer army of the plains . indians and buffaloes on the plains . trailing through the mountain land . reaching the end of the trail part two--settling in the northwest country . getting a new start in the new land . hunting for another home site . cruising about on puget sound . moving from the columbia to puget sound . messages and messengers . blazing the way through natchess pass . climbing the cascade mountains . finding my people . indian war days . the stampede for the gold diggings . making a permanent home in the wilds . finding and losing a fortune . trying for a fortune in alaska part three--retracing the old oregon trail . a plan for a memorial to the pioneers . on the overland trail again . trailing on to the south pass . reviving old memories of the trail . a bit of bad luck . driving on to the capital . the end of the long trail the world's greatest trail worn deep and wide by the migration of three hundred thousand people, lined by the graves of twenty thousand dead, witness of romance and tragedy, the oregon trail is unique in history and will always be sacred to the memories of the pioneers. reaching the summit of the rockies upon an evenly distributed grade of eight feet to the mile, following the watercourse of the river platte and tributaries to within two miles of the summit of the south pass, through the rocky mountain barrier, descending to the tidewaters of the pacific, through the valleys of the snake and the columbia, the route of the oregon trail points the way for a great national highway from the missouri river to puget sound: a roadway of greatest commercial importance, a highway of military preparedness, a route for a lasting memorial to the pioneers, thus combining utility and sentiment. [illustration: signature: ezra meeker] part one from ohio to the coast [illustration: north america in ] this map shows the main divisions of north america as they were when ezra meeker was born. the shading in the arctic region shows how much there was still for the explorers to discover. the oregon country is shown as part of the united states, although the whole region was in dispute between the united states and great britain. in the united states itself the settled part of the country was east of the dotted line that runs from lake ontario to the gulf of mexico. west of this line was the indian country, with only a few forts as outposts of settlement. several territories had been organized, but oregon, missouri, and nebraska were little more than names for vast undetermined regions. [illustration: the old meeker homestead near elizabeth, new jersey.] chapter one back to beginnings i was born in huntsville, butler county, ohio, on december , . that was, at this writing, more than ninety years ago. my father's ancestors came from england in . in they settled near elizabeth city, new jersey, building there a very substantial house which stood till almost . more than a score of hardy soldiers from this family fought for the colonies in the war of independence. they were noted for their stalwart strength, steady habits, and patriotic ardor. both my parents were sincere, though not austere, christian people. father inherited to the full the sturdy traits of his ancestors. i well remember that for three years, during our life in indiana, he worked eighteen hours a day as a miller. for this hard service he received only twenty dollars a month and bran for the cow. yet out of the ordeal he came seemingly as strong and healthy as when he entered it. my mother's maiden name was phoebe baker. english and welsh strains of blood ran in her veins. her father settled in butler county, ohio, in the year , or thereabouts. my mother, like my father, could and did endure continuous long hours of severe labor without much discomfort. i have known her frequently to patch and mend our clothing until very late at night, and yet she would invariably be up in the morning by four to resume her labors. small wonder that with such parents and with such early surroundings i am able to say that for fifty-eight years i was never sick in bed a single day. i, too, have endured long hours of labor during my whole life, and i can truthfully say that i have always liked to do my work and that i never watched for the sun to go down to relieve me from the burden of labor. my mother said i was "always the busiest young 'un" she ever saw, by which she meant that i was restless from the beginning--born so. according to the best information obtainable, i was born in a log cabin, where the fireplace was nearly as wide as the cabin. the two doors on opposite sides permitted the horse, dragging the backlog, to enter at one and then to go out at the other. of course, the solid floor of split logs defied injury from such treatment. the skillet and the dutch oven were used instead of the cook stove to bake the pone or johnny cake, to parch the corn, or to fry the venison which was then obtainable in the wilds of ohio. a curtain at the farther end of the cabin marked the confines of a bedchamber for the "old folks." the older children climbed the ladder nailed to the wall to get to the loft floored with loose clapboards that rattled when trodden upon. the straw beds were so near the roof that the patter of the rain made music to the ear, and the spray of the falling water would often baptize the "tow-heads" left uncovered. [illustration: bringing in the backlog.] our diet was simple, and the mush pot was a great factor in our home life. a large, heavy iron pot was hung on the crane in the chimney corner, where the mush would slowly bubble and sputter over or near a bed of oak coals for half the afternoon. and such mush!--always made from yellow corn meal and cooked three hours or more. this, eaten with plenty of fresh, rich milk, furnished the supper for the children. tea? not to be thought of. sugar? it was too expensive--cost fifteen to eighteen cents a pound, and at a time when it took a week's labor to earn as much money as a day's labor would earn now. cheap molasses we had sometimes, but not often, meat not more than once a day, but eggs in abundance. everything father had to sell was low-priced, while everything mother must buy at the store was high. wheat brought twenty-five cents a bushel; corn, fifteen cents; pork, two and two and a half cents a pound, with bacon sometimes used as fuel by reckless, racing steamboat captains of the ohio and mississippi. my earliest recollection, curiously enough, is of my schoolboy days, although i had so few. i was certainly not five years old when a drunken, brutal teacher undertook to spank me because i did not speak a word plainly. that is the first fight of which i have any recollection. i could hardly remember that but for the witnesses, one of them my oldest brother, who saw the struggle. my teeth, he said, did excellent work and drew blood quite freely. what a spectacle--a half-drunken teacher maltreating his pupils! but then, that was the time before a free school system. it was the time when even the parson would not hesitate to take a "wee drop," and when, if the decanter was not on the sideboard, the jug and gourd served as well in the field or in the house. in our neighborhood, to harvest without whisky in the field was not to be thought of; nobody ever heard of a log-rolling or barn-raising without whisky. be it said to the everlasting honor of my father, that he set himself firmly against the practice. he said his grain should rot in the field before he would supply whisky to his harvest hands. i have only one recollection of ever tasting any alcoholic liquor in my boyhood days. i did, however, learn to smoke when very young. it came about in this way. my mother always smoked, as far back as i can remember. women smoked in those days, as well as men, and nothing was thought of it. well, that was before the time of matches,--leastwise, it was a time when it was necessary to economize in their use,--and mother, who was a corpulent woman, would send me to put a coal in her pipe. i would take a whiff or two, just to get it started, you know, and this soon developed into the habit of lingering to keep it going. but let me be just to myself. more than forty years ago i threw away my pipe and have never smoked since, and never will smoke again. my next recollection of school days was after father had moved to lockland, ohio, then ten miles north of cincinnati. it is now, i presume, a suburb of that city. i played hooky instead of going to school; but one day, while i was under the canal bridge, the noise of passing teams so frightened me that i ran home and betrayed myself. did my mother whip me? bless her dear soul, no! whipping of children, both at home and in the school-room, was then about as common as eating one's breakfast; but the family government of my parents was exceptional for that time, for they did not think it was necessary to rule by the rod. because my mind did not run to school work and because my disposition was restless, my mother allowed me to work at odd jobs for pay instead of compelling me to attend school. this cut down my actual school days to less than six months. it was, to say the least, a dangerous experiment, and one to be undertaken only by a mother who knew her child better than any other person could. i do not by any means advise other mothers to adopt such a course. in those days apprenticeship was quite common. it was not thought to be a disgrace for a boy to be "bound out" until he was twenty-one, especially if he was to be learning a trade. father took a notion he would bind me out to a mr. arthens, the mill owner at lockland, who was childless, and one day he took me with him to talk it over. when asked, finally, how i should like the change, i promptly replied that it would be all right if mrs. arthens would "do up my sore toes," whereupon there was such an outburst of merriment that i never forgot it. we must remember that boys in those days did not wear shoes in summer, and quite often not in winter either. but mother put an end to the whole matter by saying that the family must not be divided, and it was not. our pioneer home was full of love and helpfulness. my mother expected each child to work as well as to play. we were trained to take our part at home. the labor was light, to be sure, but it was service, and it brought happiness into our lives. for, after all, that home is happiest where every one helps. our move to indiana was a very important event in my boyhood days. this move was made during the autumn of , when i was nine years old. i vividly remember the trip, for i walked every step of the way from lockland, ohio, to attica, indiana, about two hundred miles. there was no room in the heavily laden wagon for me or for my brother oliver, aged eleven. it was piled so high with household goods that little space was left even for mother and the two babies, one yet in arms. but we lads did not mind riding on "shank's ponies." the horses walked so briskly that we had to stick to business to keep up with them. we did find time, though, to throw a few stones at the frisky squirrels, or to kill a garter snake, or to gather some flowers for mother and the little ones, or to watch the redheaded woodpeckers hammering at the trees. the journey was full of interest for two lively boys. our appearance was what might well be called primitive, for we went barefooted and wore "tow pants" and checkered "linsey-woolsey" shirts, with a strip of cloth for "galluses," as suspenders were at that time called. little did we think or care about appearance, bent as we were on having a good time--and that we surely had. [illustration: on the corduroy road.] one dreary stretch of swamp that kept us on the corduroy road behind the jolting wagon i remember well; this was near crawfordsville, indiana. it is now gone, the corduroy and the timber as well. in their places great barns and comfortable houses dot the landscape as far as the eye can reach. one habit that we boys acquired on that trip stuck to us all our lives, until the brother was lost at sea. when we followed behind the wagon, as we did part of the time, each took the name of the horse on his side of the road. i was "tip," on the off side; while brother was "top," on the near side. tip and top, a span of big, fat, gray horses that would run away "at the drop of the hat," were something to be proud of. this habit of oliver's walking on the near side and my walking on the off continued for years and through many a mile of travel. [illustration: plowing through the oak grubs on the wabash.] chapter two boyhood days in old indiana when we reached indiana we settled down on a rented farm. times were hard with us, and for a season all the members of the household were called upon to contribute their mite. i drove four yoke of oxen for twenty-five cents a day, and during part of the time boarded at home at that. this was on the wabash, where oak grubs grew, my father often said, "as thick as hair on a dog's back;" but they were really not so thick as that. we used to force the big plowshare through and cut grubs as big as my wrist. when we saw a patch of them ahead, i would halloo and shout at the poor oxen and lay on the whip; but father wouldn't let me swear at them. let me say here that i later discontinued this foolish fashion of driving, and always talked to my oxen in a conversational tone and used the whip sparingly. that reminds me of an experience i had later, in the summer when i was nineteen. uncle john kinworthy--a good soul he was, and an ardent quaker--lived neighbor to us in bridgeport, indiana. one day i went to his house with three yoke of oxen to haul into place a heavy beam for a cider-press. the oxen had to be driven through the front dooryard in full sight and hearing of uncle john's wife and three buxom quaker girls, who either stood in the door or poked their heads out of the window. the cattle would not go through the front yard past those girls. they kept doubling back, first on one side and then on the other. uncle johnny, noticing that i did not swear at the cattle, and attributing the absence of oaths to the presence of ladies, or maybe thinking, like a good many others, that oxen could not be driven without swearing at them, sought an opportunity, when the mistress of the house could not hear him, to say in a low tone, "if thee can do any better, thee had better let out the word." my father, though a miller by trade, early taught me some valuable lessons about farming that i never forgot. we--i say "we" advisedly, as father continued to work in the mill and left me in charge of the farm--soon brought the run-down farm to the point where it produced twenty-three bushels of wheat to the acre instead of ten, by the rotation of corn and clover and then wheat. but there was no money in farming at the prices then prevailing, and the land for which father paid ten dollars an acre would not yield a rental equal to the interest on the money. the same land has recently sold for six hundred dollars an acre. for a time i worked in the _journal_ printing office for s. v. b. noel, who published a free soil paper. a part of my duty was to deliver the papers to subscribers. they treated me civilly, but when i was caught in the streets of indianapolis with the free soil papers in my hand i was sure of abuse from some one, and a number of times narrowly escaped personal violence from the pro-slavery people. in the office i was known as the "devil," a term that annoyed me not a little. i worked with wood, the pressman, as a roller boy, and in the same room was a power press, the power being a stalwart negro who turned a crank. wood and i used to race with the power press, and then i would fly the sheets,--that is, take them off, when printed, with one hand and roll the type with the other. this so pleased noel that he advanced my wages to a dollar and a half a week. one of the subscribers to whom i delivered that anti-slavery paper was henry ward beecher, then pastor of the congregational church that faced the governor's circle. at that time he had not attained the fame that came to him later in life. i became attached to him because of his kind manner and the gentle words he always found time to give me. [illustration: carrying papers to henry ward beecher.] one episode of my life at this time i remember because i thought my parents were in the wrong. vocal music was taught in singing school, which was conducted almost as regularly as were the day schools. i was passionately fond of music. before the change of my voice came i had a fine alto voice and was a leader in my part of the class. this fact coming to the notice of the trustees of beecher's church, an effort was made to have me join the choir. mother first objected, because my clothes were not good enough. then an offer was made to clothe me suitably and pay me something besides. and now father objected, because he did not want me to listen to preaching of a sect other than that to which he belonged. the incident set me to thinking, and finally drove me, young as i was, into a more liberal faith, though i dared not openly espouse it. another incident that occurred while i was working in the printing office i have remembered vividly all these years. during the campaign of , the whigs held a gathering on the tippecanoe battle ground. it could hardly be called a convention; a better name for it would be a political camp meeting. the people came in wagons, on horseback, afoot--any way to get there--and camped, just as people used to do at religious camp meetings. the journeymen printers of the _journal_ office planned to go in a covered wagon, and they offered to make a place for the "devil" if his parents would let him go along. this was speedily arranged with mother, who always took charge of such matters. when the proposition came to noel's ears, he asked the men to print me some campaign songs. this they did with a will, wood running them off the press after the day's work while i rolled the type for him. my, wasn't i the proudest boy that ever walked the earth! visions of a pocketful of money haunted me almost day and night until we arrived on the battle field. but lo and behold, nobody would pay any attention to me! bands were playing here and there; glee clubs would sing and march, first on one side of the ground and then on the other; processions were parading and crowds surging, making it necessary to look out lest one be run over. although the rain would pour down in torrents, the marching and countermarching went on all the same and continued for a week. an elderly journeyman printer named may, who in a way stood sponsor for our party, told me that if i would get up on the fence and sing the songs, the people would buy them. sure enough, when i stood up and sang the crowds came, and i sold every copy i had. i went home with eleven dollars in my pocket, the richest boy on earth. in the year a letter came from grandfather baker in ohio to my mother, saying that he would give her a thousand dollars with which to buy a farm. the burning question with my father and mother was how to get the money out from ohio to indiana. they actually went in a covered wagon to ohio for it and hauled it home, all silver, in a box. this silver was nearly all foreign coin. prior to that time but a few million dollars had been coined by the united states government. grandfather baker had accumulated his money by marketing small things in cincinnati, twenty-five miles distant. i have heard my mother tell of going to market on horseback with grandfather many times, carrying eggs, butter, and even live chickens on the horse she rode. grandfather would not go into debt, so he lived on his farm a long time without a wagon. he finally became so wealthy that he was reputed to have a barrel of money--silver, of course. out of this store came the thousand dollars that he gave mother. it took nearly a whole day to count the money. at least one of nearly every coin from every nation on earth seemed to be there, and the "tables" had to be consulted in computing the value. i was working on the _journal_ at the time when the farm was bought, but it seemed that i was not cut out for a printer. my inclinations ran more to open-air life, so father placed me on the farm as soon as the purchase was made and left me in full charge of the work there, while he gave his time to milling. be it said that i early turned my attention to the girls as well as to the farm and married young, before i reached the age of twenty-one. this truly was a fortunate venture, for my wife and i lived happily together for fifty-eight years. [illustration] [illustration: the first railroad in indiana.] chapter three leaving the home nest for iowa in the early ' 's there lived near indianapolis two young people. their fathers were old-time farmers, keeping no "hired man" and buying very little "store goods." the girl could spin and weave, make delicious butter, knit soft, well-shaped socks, and cook as good a meal as any other country girl around. she was, withal, as buxom a lass as ever grew in indiana. the young man was a little uncouth in appearance, round-faced, rather stout in build--almost fat. he loved to hunt possums and coons in the woods round about. he was a little boisterous, always restless, and not especially polished in manners. yet he had at least one redeeming trait of character: he loved to work and was known to be as industrious a lad as any in the neighborhood. these two young people grew up to the age of manhood and womanhood, knowing but little of the world outside their home sphere. who can say that they were not as happy as if they had seen the whole world? had they not experienced the joys of the sugar camp while "stirring off" the lively, creeping maple sugar? both had been thumped upon the bare head by the falling hickory nuts in windy weather; had hunted the black walnuts half hidden in the leaves; had scraped the ground for the elusive beechnuts. they had ventured to apple parings together when not yet out of their 'teens. "i'm going to be a farmer when i get married," the lad quite abruptly said to the lass one day, without any previous conversation to lead up to the statement. his companion showed by her confusion that she had not mistaken what was in his mind. after a while she remarked, "yes, i want to be a farmer too. but i want to be a farmer on our own land." two bargains were confirmed then and there when the lad said, "we will go west and not live on pap's farm," and she responded, "nor in the old cabin, nor any cabin unless it's our own." so the resolution was made that they would go to iowa, get some land, and grow up with the country. about the first week of october, in , a covered wagon drew up in front of thomas sumner's house, then but four miles out from indianapolis on the national road. it was ready to be loaded for the start. eliza jane, thomas sumner's second daughter, the lass already described, was now the wife of the young man mentioned (the author). she also was ready for the journey. she had prepared supplies enough to last all the way,--cake and butter and pumpkin pies, jellies and the like, with plenty of substantials besides. the two young people had plenty of blankets, a good-sized dutch oven, an extra pair of shoes apiece, cloth for two dresses for the wife, and an extra pair of trousers for the husband. tears could not be restrained as the loading progressed and the realization faced the parents of both that the young people were about to leave them. "why, mother, we are only going to iowa, you know, where we can get a home that shall be our own. it's not so far away--only about five hundred miles." [illustration: a dutch oven.] "yes, i know, but suppose you get sick in that uninhabited country; who will take care of you?" notwithstanding this motherly solicitude, the young people could not fail to know that there was a secret feeling of approval in the good woman's breast. after a few miles' travel the reluctant final parting came. we could not then know that this loved parent would lay down her life a few years later in a heroic attempt to follow the wanderers to oregon. she rests in an unknown and unmarked grave in the platte valley. what shall i say of that october drive from the home near indianapolis to eddyville, iowa, in the delightful atmosphere of indian summer? it was an atmosphere of hope and content. we had the wide world before us; we had good health; and above all we had each other. at this time but one railroad entered indianapolis--it would be called a tramway now--from madison on the ohio river. when we cut loose from that embryo city we left railroads behind us, except where rails were laid crosswise in the wagon track to keep the wagon out of the mud. no matter if the road was rough--we could go a little slower, and shouldn't we have a better appetite for supper because of the jolting, and sleep the sounder? everything in the world looked bright. the great mississippi was crossed at burlington. after a few days of further driving, we arrived at eddyville, in iowa. though we did not realize it at the time, this was destined to be only a place to winter, a way station on our route to oregon. my first introduction to an iowa winter was in a surveyor's camp on the western borders of the state. this was a little north of kanesville, now council bluffs. i began as cook for the camp, but very soon changed this position for that of flagman. if there are any settlers now left of the iowa of that day, they will remember that the winter was bitter cold. on the way back from the surveying party to eddyville, just before christmas, i encountered one of the bitterest of those bitter days. a companion named vance rested with me overnight in a cabin. we had scant food for ourselves or for the mare we led. it was thirty-five miles to the next cabin; we must reach that place or lie out in the snow. so a very early start was made before daybreak, while the wind lay. the good woman of the cabin baked us some biscuits for a noon lunch, but they were frozen solid in our pockets before we had been out two hours. the wind rose with the sun, and with the sun two bright sun dogs--a beautiful sight to behold, but arising from conditions intolerable to bear. vance came near freezing to death, and would have done so had i not succeeded in arousing him to anger and getting him off the mare. [illustration: north america in by the general divisions of the continent had taken the shape that they have today. the states of texas and california and the territories of utah and new mexico had been added to the united states, all as a result of the war with mexico. the dispute with great britain over the oregon country had been settled by a compromise. the region just west of the missouri, known as the nebraska territory, was still beyond the frontier.] i vowed then and there that i did not like the iowa climate, and the oregon fever that had already seized me was heightened. the settlement of the northern boundary by treaty in had ended the dispute between the united states and great britain for ownership of the region north of the columbia. as a consequence, american settlers were beginning to cross the columbia in numbers, and stories were coming back of the wonderful climate, the rich soil, and the wealth of lumber. the oregon country of that day included the present states of oregon, washington, and idaho, and parts of montana and wyoming. it was a special consideration for us that if we went to oregon the government would give us three hundred and twenty acres of land, whereas in iowa we should have to purchase it. the price would be low, to be sure, but the land must be bought and paid for on the spot. there were no preëmption laws or beneficial homestead laws in force then, nor did they come until many years later. but what about going to oregon when springtime came? an event was pending that rendered a positive decision impossible for the moment. it was not until the first week of april, , when our first-born baby boy was a month old, that we could say we were going to oregon in . it would be a long, hard journey for such a little fellow, but as it turned out, he stood it like a young hero. [illustration] [illustration: crossing the muddy missouri.] chapter four taking the trail for oregon when we drove out of eddyville, headed for the oregon country, our train consisted of but one wagon, two yoke of four-year old steers, and one yoke of cows. we also had one extra cow. this cow was the only animal we lost on the whole journey; she strayed away in the river bottom before we crossed the missouri. now as to the members of our little party. william buck, who had joined us as partner for the expedition, was a man six years my senior. he had had some experience on the plains, and he knew what outfit was needed; but he had little knowledge in regard to a team of cattle. he was an impulsive man, and to some extent excitable; yet withal a man of excellent judgment and honest as god makes men. no lazy bones occupied a place in buck's body. he was scrupulously neat and cleanly in all his ways; courteous to every one; always in good humor and always looking upon the bright side of things. a better trail mate could not have been found. buck's skill in camp work and his lack of ability to handle the team naturally settled the division of the work between us. it was he who selected the outfit to go into the wagon, while i fitted up the wagon and bought the team. we had butter packed in the center of the flour, which was in double sacks; eggs packed in corn meal or flour, enough to last us nearly five hundred miles; fruit in abundance, and dried pumpkins; a little jerked beef, not too salt. last though not least, there was a demijohn of brandy "for medicinal purposes only," as buck said, with a merry twinkle of the eye. the little wife had prepared the homemade yeast cake which she knew so well how to make and dry, and we had light bread to eat all the way across. we baked the bread in a tin reflector instead of the heavy dutch oven so much in use on the plains. the butter in part melted and mingled with the flour, yet it did not matter much, as the "shortcake" that resulted made us almost glad the mishap had occurred. besides, did we not have plenty of fresh butter, from the milk of our own cows, churned every day in the can by the jostling of the wagon? then the buttermilk! what a luxury! i shall never, as long as i live, forget the shortcake and corn bread, the puddings and pumpkin pies, and above all the buttermilk. as we gradually crept out on the plains and saw the sickness due to improper food, or in some cases to its improper preparation, it was borne in upon me how blessed i was, with such a trail partner as buck and such a life partner as my wife. some trains were without fruit, and most of them depended upon saleratus for raising their bread. many had only fat bacon for meat until the buffalo supplied a change; and no doubt much of the sickness attributed to the cholera was caused by bad diet. i am willing to claim credit to myself for the team, every hoof of which reached the coast in safety. four steers and two cows were sufficient for our light wagon and the light outfit, not a pound of which but was useful (except the brandy) and necessary for our comfort. i had chosen steers that had never been under the yoke, though plenty of broken-in oxen could have been had, generally of that class that had been broken in spirit as well as to the yoke. the ox has had much to do with the settlement of the country. the pioneers could take care of an ox team in a new settlement so much cheaper than a horse team that this fact alone would have been conclusive; but aside from this, oxen were better for the work in the clearings or for breaking up the vast stretches of wild prairie sod. we used to work four or five yoke to the plow, and when dark came we unhitched and turned them on the unbroken sod to pasture for the night. i have often been asked how old an ox will live to be. i never knew of a yoke over fourteen years old, but i once heard of one that lived to be twenty-four. on the plains, oxen were better than horses for getting their feed and fording streams. there was another advantage, and a very important one, to oxen: the indians could not run them off at night as easily as they could horses. [illustration: the tin reflector used for baking.] the first day's drive out from eddyville was a short one. when we got to plodding along over the plains, we made from fifteen to twenty miles a day. that was counted a good day's drive, without unusual accidents or delays. as i now remember, this was the only day on the entire trip when the cattle were allowed to stand in the yoke at noontime, while the owners lunched and rested. when it was near nightfall we made our first camp. buck excitedly insisted that we must not unyoke the cattle. "what shall we do?" i asked. "they can't live in the yoke always." "yes, but if you unyoke here you will never catch them again," he said. one word brought on another until we were almost in a dispute, when a stranger, thomas mcauley, who was camped near by, stepped in. he said his own cattle were gentle; there were three men of his party, and they would help us yoke up in the morning. i gratefully accepted his offer and unyoked, and we had no trouble in starting off the next morning. after that, never a word with the least semblance of contention to it passed between buck and me. scanning mcauley's outfit in the morning, i was quite troubled to start out with him. his teams, principally cows, were light, and they were thin in flesh; his wagons were apparently light and as frail as the teams. but i soon found that his outfit, like ours, carried no extra weight, and he knew how to care for a team. he was, besides, an obliging neighbor, which was fully demonstrated on many trying occasions, as we traveled in company for more than a thousand miles, until his road to california parted from ours at the big bend of the bear river. of the trip through iowa little remains to be said further than that the grass was thin and washy, the roads muddy and slippery, and the weather execrable, although may had been ushered in long before we reached the little mormon town of kanesville (now council bluffs), a few miles above the place where we were to cross the missouri river. here my brother oliver joined us, having come from indianapolis with old-time comrades and friends. now, with the mcauleys and oliver's party, we mustered a train of five wagons. [illustration: a yoke of oxen.] it was here at kanesville that the last purchases were made, the last letter sent back to anxious friends. once across the missouri and headed westward, we should have to cross the rocky mountains to find a town again. we had now come to the beginning of the second stage of our long journey. we had reached the missouri river. from the western bank of the river we should strike out across the plains, through what is now nebraska and wyoming, to the crest of the continent. we should follow the ox-team trail along the north bank of the platte, and then up the north fork of the platte to the mountains. but first we must get across the missouri. "what on earth is that?" exclaimed one of the women, as we approached the landing for the ferry which crossed the river to a point a few miles below where omaha now stands. "it looks for all the world like a big white flatiron," answered another. [illustration: on this page and the following are shown the main trails that stretched across the continent, west of the missouri, in the years before the building of railroads. the oregon trail from kanesville to portland is marked with the heaviest line. the lighter line from huntsville to kanesville shows ezra meeker's early travels; this marks not a trail but a main-traveled road. people starting out from st. louis for the oregon country went by way of the santa fé trail about as far as fort leavenworth, then northwest to fort kearney on the platte river, where they joined the trail from kanesville. the santa fé trail was the earliest trail to be made; trading expeditions had gone from st. louis to santa fé since the early 's. the california trail and the oregon trail are the same as far as the big bend of the bear river, at which point the california trail goes off to the southwest.] [illustration] we drivers had little time for looking and for making comparisons. all our attention had to be given to our teams, for as we neared the landing we found the roads terribly cut up on account of the concentrated travel. it was indeed a sight long to be remembered. the "white flatiron" proved to be wagons with their tongues pointing to the landing. a center train with other parallel trains extended back in the rear, gradually covering a wider range the farther back from the river it went. several hundred wagons were thus closely interlocked, completely blocking the approach to the landing. all about were camps of every kind, some without any covering at all, others with comfortable tents. nearly everybody appeared to be intent on merrymaking, and the fiddlers and dancers were busy; but here and there were small groups engaged in devotional services. these camps contained the outfits, in great part, of the wagons in line; some of them had been there for two weeks with still no prospect of securing an early crossing. two scows only were engaged in crossing the wagons and teams. the muddy waters of the missouri had already swallowed up two victims. on the first day we were there, i saw a third victim go under the drift of a small island within sight of his shrieking wife. the stock had rushed to one side of the boat, submerging the gunwale, and had precipitated the whole load into the dangerous river. one yoke of oxen that had reached the farther shore deliberately reëntered the river with a heavy yoke on, and swam to the iowa side; there they were finally saved by the helping hands of the assembled emigrants. "what shall we do?" was the question passed around in our party, without answer. tom mcauley was not yet looked upon as a leader, as was the case later. "build a boat," said his sister margaret, a most determined maiden lady, the oldest of the party and as resolute and brave as the bravest. but of what should we build it? while a search for material was being made, one of our party, who had got across the river in search of timber, discovered a scow, almost completely buried, on the sandpit opposite the landing. the report seemed too good to be true. the next thing to do was to find the owner. we discovered him eleven miles down the river. "yes, if you will agree to deliver the boat safely to me after crossing your five wagons and teams, you may have it," said he. [illustration: digging out the scow.] the bargain was closed then and there. my, but that night didn't we make the sand fly from the boat! by morning we could begin to see the end of the job. then, while busy hands began to cut a landing on the perpendicular sandy bank of the iowa side, others were preparing sweeps. all was bustle and stir. meanwhile it had become noised around that another boat would be put on to ferry people over, and we were besieged with applications from detained emigrants. finally, the word coming to the ears of the ferrymen, they were foolish enough to undertake to prevent us from crossing without their help. a writ of replevin or some other process was issued,--i never knew exactly what,--directing the sheriff to take possession of the boat when it landed. this he attempted to do. i never before or since attempted to resist an officer of the law; but when that sheriff put in an appearance and we realized what his coming meant, there wasn't a man in our party that did not run to the nearby camp for his gun. it is needless to add that we did not need to use the guns. as if by magic a hundred other guns came in sight. the sheriff withdrew, and the crossing went on peaceably till all our wagons were safely landed. we had still another danger to face. we learned that an attempt would be made to take the boat from us, the action being not against us, but against the owner. thanks to the adroit management of mcauley and my brother oliver, we were able to fulfill our engagement to deliver the boat safely to the owner. we were now across the river, and it might almost be said that we had left the united states. when we set foot upon the right bank of the missouri river we were outside the pale of law. we were within the indian country, where no organized civil government existed. some people and some writers have assumed that on the plains each man was "a law unto himself" and free to do his own will,--dependent, of course, upon his physical ability to enforce it. nothing could be farther from the facts than this assumption, as evil-doers soon found out to their discomfort. it is true that no general organization for law and order was effected on the western side of the river. but the american instinct for fair play and a hearing for everybody prevailed, so that while there was no mob law, the law of self-preservation asserted itself, and the counsels of the level-headed older men prevailed. when an occasion called for action, a "high court" was convened, and woe betide the man that would undertake to defy its mandates after its deliberations were made public! an incident that occurred in what is now wyoming, well up on the sweetwater river, will illustrate the spirit of determination of the sturdy men of the plains. a murder had been committed, and it was clear that the motive was robbery. the suspected man and his family were traveling along with the moving column. men who had volunteered to search for the missing man finally found evidence proving the guilt of the person suspected. a council of twelve men was called, and it deliberated until the second day, meanwhile holding the murderer safely. what were they to do? here were a wife and four little children depending upon this man for their lives. what would become of his family if justice was meted out to him? soon there developed an undercurrent of opinion that it was probably better to waive punishment than to endanger the lives of the family; but the council would not be swerved from its resolution. at sundown of the third day the criminal was hanged in the presence of the whole camp. this was not done until ample provision had been made to insure the safety of the family by providing a driver to finish the journey. i came so near to seeing the hanging that i did see the ends of the wagon tongues in the air and the rope dangling therefrom. from necessity, murder was punishable with death. the penalty for stealing was whipping, which, when inflicted by one of those long ox lashes in the hands of an expert, would bring the blood from the victim's back at every stroke. minor offenses, or differences generally, were arbitrated. each party would abide by the decision as if it had come from a court of law. lawlessness was not common on the plains. it was less common, indeed, than in the communities from which the great body of the emigrants had been drawn, for punishment was swift and certain. the greater body of the emigrants formed themselves into large companies and elected captains. these combinations soon began to dissolve and re-form, only to dissolve again, with a steady accompaniment of contentions. i would not enter into any organized company, but neither could i travel alone. by tacit agreement our party and the mcauleys travelled together, the outfit consisting of four wagons and thirteen persons--nine men, three women, and the baby. yet although we kept apart as a separate unit, we were all the while in one great train, never out of sight and hearing of others. in fact, at times the road would be so full of wagons that all could not travel in one track, and this fact accounts for the double roadbeds seen in so many places on the trail. [illustration: giving chase to the buffaloes.] chapter five the westward rush we crossed the missouri on the seventeenth and eighteenth of may. the next day we made a short drive, and camped within hearing of the shrill steamboat whistle that resounded far over the prairie. the whistle announced the arrival of a steamer. this meant that a dozen or more wagons could be carried across the river at a time, and that a dozen or more trips could be made during the day, with as many more at night. very soon we were overtaken by this throng of wagons. they gave us some troubles, and much discomfort. the rush for the west was then at its height. the plan of action was to push ahead and make as big a day's drive as possible; hence it is not to be wondered at that nearly all the thousand wagons that crossed the river after we did soon passed us. "now, fellers, jist let 'em rush on. if we keep cool, we'll overcatch 'em afore long," said mcauley. and we did. we passed many a team, broken down as a result of those first few days of rush. people often brought these and other ills upon themselves by their own indiscretion. the traveling had not progressed far until there came a general outcry against the heavy loads and unnecessary articles. soon we began to see abandoned property. first it might be a table or a cupboard, or perhaps a bedstead or a cast-iron cookstove. then feather beds, blankets, quilts, and pillows were seen. very soon, here and there would be an abandoned wagon; then provisions, stacks of flour and bacon being the most abundant--all left as common property. it was a case of help yourself if you would; no one would interfere. in some places such a sign was posted,--"help yourself." hundreds of wagons were left and hundreds of tons of goods. people seemed to vie with each other in giving away their property. there was no chance to sell, and they disliked to destroy their goods. long after the end of the mania for getting rid of goods to lighten loads, the abandonment of wagons continued, as the teams became weaker and the ravages of cholera among the emigrants began to tell. it was then that many lost their heads and ruined their teams by furious driving, by lack of care, and by abuse. there came a veritable stampede--a strife for possession of the road, to see who should get ahead. it was against the rule to attempt to pass a team ahead; a wagon that had withdrawn from the line and stopped beside the trail could get into the line again, but on the march it could not cut ahead of the wagon in front of it. yet now whole trains would strive, often with bad blood, for the mastery of the trail, one attempting to pass the other. frequently there were drivers on both sides of the team to urge the poor, suffering brutes forward. [illustration: _united states geological survey_ the platte river. along this old stream the oregon trail wound its way for nearly five hundred miles.] we were on the trail along the north side of the platte river. the cholera epidemic struck our moving column where the throng from the south side of the platte began crossing. this, as i recollect, was near where the city of kearney now stands, about two hundred miles west of the missouri river. "what shall we do?" passed from one to another in our little family council. "now, fellers," said mcauley, "don't lose your heads, but do jist as you've been doing. you gals, jist make your bread as light as ever, and we'll take river water the same as ever, even if it is most as thick as mud, and boil it." we had all along refused to dig little wells near the banks of the platte, as many others did; for we had soon learned that the water obtained was strongly charged with alkali, while the river water was comparatively pure, except for the sediment, so fine as seemingly to be held in solution. "keep cool," mcauley continued. "maybe we'll have to lay down, and maybe not. anyway, it's no use frettin'. what's to be will be, 'specially if we but help things along." this homely yet wise counsel fell upon willing ears, as most of us were already of the same mind. we did just as we had been doing, and all but one of our party escaped unharmed. we had then been in the buffalo country for several days. some of the young men, keen for hunting, had made themselves sick by getting overheated and drinking impure water. such was the experience of my brother oliver. being of an adventurous spirit, he could not restrain his ardor, gave chase to the buffaloes, and fell sick almost to death. this occurred just at the time when we encountered the cholera panic. it must be the cholera that had taken hold of him, his companions argued. some of his party could not delay. "it is certain death," i said, "to take him along in that condition." they admitted this to be true. "divide the outfit, then," it was suggested. two of oliver's companions, the davenport brothers, would not leave him; so their portion of the outfit was set aside with his. this gave the three a wagon and a team. turning to buck, i said, "i can't ask you to stay with me." the answer came back as quick as a flash, "i'm going to stay with you without asking." and he did, too, though my brother was almost a total stranger to him. we nursed the sick man for four days amidst scenes of death and excitement such as i hope never again to see. on the fifth day we were able to proceed and to take the convalescent man with us. the experience of our camp was the experience of hundreds of others: there were countless incidents of friends parting; of desertion; of noble sacrifice; of the revelation of the best and the worst in man. in a diary of one of these pioneers, i find the following: "found a family consisting of husband, wife, and four small children, whose cattle we supposed had given out and died. they were here all alone, and no wagon or cattle in sight." they had been thrown out by the owner of a wagon and left on the road to die. from a nearby page of the same diary, i read: "here we met mr. lot whitcom, direct from oregon. told me a great deal about oregon. he has provisions, but none to sell; but gives to all he finds in want, and who are unable to buy." [illustration] [illustration: pioneers on the march.] chapter six the pioneer army of the plains during the ox-team days a mighty army of pioneers went west. in the year that we crossed ( ), when the migration was at its height, this army made an unbroken column fully five hundred miles long. we knew by the inscribed dates found on independence rock and elsewhere that there were wagons three hundred miles ahead of us, and the throng continued crossing the river for more than a month after we had crossed it. how many people this army comprised cannot be known; the roll was never called. history has no record of a greater number of emigrants ever making so long a journey as did these pioneers. there must have been three hundred and fifty thousand in the years of the great rush overland, from to . careful estimates of the total migration westward from to , when the first railroad across the continent was completed, make the number nearly half a million. the animals driven over the plains during these years were legion. besides those that labored under the yoke, in harness, and under saddle, there was a vast herd of loose stock. a conservative estimate would be not less than six animals to the wagon, and surely there were three loose animals to each one in the teams. sixteen hundred wagons passed us while we waited for oliver to recover. with these teams must have been nearly ten thousand beasts of burden and thirty thousand head of loose stock. is it any wonder that the old trail was worn so deep that even now in places it looks like a great canal? at one point near split rock, wyoming, i found the road cut so deep in the solid sandstone that the kingbolt of my wagon dragged on the high center. the pioneer army was a moving mass of human beings and dumb brutes, at times mixed in inextricable confusion, a hundred feet wide or more. sometimes two columns of wagons, traveling on parallel lines and near each other, would serve as a barrier to prevent loose stock from crossing; but usually there would be a confused mass of cows, young cattle, horses, and men afoot moving along the outskirts. here and there would be the drivers of loose stock, some on foot and some on horseback: a young girl, maybe, riding astride and with a younger child behind her, going here and there after an intractable cow, while the mother could be seen in the confusion lending a helping hand. as in a thronged city street, no one seemed to look to the right or to the left, or to pay much attention, if any, to others, all being bent only on accomplishing the task in hand. the dust was intolerable. in calm weather it would rise so thick at times that the lead team of oxen could not be seen from the wagon. like a london fog, it seemed thick enough to cut. then again, the steady flow of wind through the south pass would hurl the dust and sand like fine hail, sometimes with force enough to sting the face and hands. sometimes we had trying storms that would wet us to the skin in no time. one such i remember well, being caught in it while out on watch. the cattle traveled so fast that it was difficult to keep up with them. i could do nothing but follow, as it would have been impossible to turn them. i have always thought of this storm as a cloudburst. anyhow, in an incredibly short time there was not a dry thread left on me. my boots were as full of water as if i had been wading over boot-top depth, and the water ran through my hat as though it were a sieve. i was almost blinded in the fury of the wind and water. many tents were leveled by this storm. one of our neighboring trains suffered great loss by the sheets of water on the ground floating away camp equipage, ox yokes, and all loose articles; and they narrowly escaped having a wagon engulfed in the raging torrent that came so unexpectedly upon them. fording a river was usually tiresome, and sometimes dangerous. i remember fording the loup fork of the platte with a large number of wagons fastened together with ropes or chains, so that if a wagon got into trouble the teams in front would help to pull it out. the quicksand would cease to sustain the wheels so suddenly that the wagon would drop a few inches with a jolt, and up again the wheel would come as new sand was struck; then down again it would go, up and down, precisely as if the wagons were passing over a rough corduroy road that "nearly jolted the life out of us," as the women folks said after it was over, and no wonder, for the river at this point was half a mile wide. many of the pioneers crossed rivers in their wagon boxes and very few lost their lives in doing so. the difference between one of these prairie-schooner wagon boxes and that of a scow-shaped, flat-bottomed boat is that the wagon box has the ribs on the outside, while in a boat they are on the inside. the number of casualties in that army of emigrants i hesitate to guess at. shall we say that ten per cent fell on the way? many old plainsmen would think that estimate too low; yet ten per cent would give us five thousand lives as one year's toll paid for the peopling of the oregon country. mrs. cecilia mcmillen adams, late of hillsboro, oregon, kept a painstaking diary when she crossed the plains in . she counted the graves passed and noted down the number. in this diary, published in full by the oregon pioneer association, i find the following entries: june . passed seven new-made graves. june . passed eleven new graves. june . passed six new graves. june . we have passed twenty-one new graves today. june . passed thirteen graves today. june . passed ten graves. june . no report. june . passed seven graves. if we should go by the camping grounds, we should see five times as many graves as we do. this report of mrs. adams's, coupled with the facts that a parallel column from which we have no report was traveling up the south side of the river, and that the outbreak of cholera had taken place originally in this column coming from the southeast, fully confirms the estimate of five thousand deaths on the plains in . it is probably under rather than over the actual number. to the emigrants the fact that all the graves were new-made brought an added touch of sadness. the graves of previous years had disappeared, leveled by the storms of wind or rain, by the hoofs of the stock, or possibly by ravages of the hungry wolf. many believed that the indians had robbed the graves for the clothing on the bodies. whatever the cause, all, or nearly all, graves of previous years were lost, and we knew that the last resting places of those that we might leave behind would also be lost by the next year. one of the incidents that made a profound impression upon the minds of all was the meeting with eleven wagons returning, and not a man left in the entire train. all the men had died and had been buried on the way, and the women and children were returning to their homes alone from a point well up on the platte, below fort laramie. the difficulties of the return trip were multiplied on account of the throng moving westward. how those women succeeded in their attempt, or what became of them, we never knew. [illustration] [illustration: in an instant each indian had dropped to the side of his horse.] chapter seven indians and buffaloes on the plains our trail led straight across the indian lands most of the way. the redmen naturally resented this intrusion into their territory; but they did not at this time fight against it. their attitude was rather one of expecting pay for the privilege of using their land, their grass, and their game. as soon as a part of our outfits were landed on the right bank of the missouri river, our trouble with the indians began, not in open hostilities, but in robbery under the guise of beggary. the word had been passed around in our little party that not a cent's worth of provisions would we give up to the indians. we believed this policy to be our only safeguard from spoliation, and in that we were right. our women folks had been taken over the river with the first wagon and had gone on to a convenient camp site nearby. the first show of weapons came from that side of our little community, when some of the bolder pawnees attempted to pilfer around the wagons. no blood was shed, however, and indeed there was none shed by any of our party during the entire journey. [illustration: demanding pay for crossing.] soon after we had left the missouri river we came to a small bridge over a washout across the road, evidently constructed by some train just ahead of us. the indians had taken possession and were demanding pay for crossing. some parties ahead of us had paid, while others were hesitating; but with a few there was a determined resolution not to pay. when our party came up it remained for that fearless man, mcauley, to clear the way in short order, though the indians were there in considerable numbers. "you fellers come right on," said mcauley. "i'm goin' across that bridge if i have to run right over that injen settin' there." and he did almost run over the indian, who at the last moment got out of the way of his team. other teams followed in such quick succession and with such a show of guns that the indians withdrew and left the road unobstructed. once i came very near to getting into serious trouble with three indians on horseback. we had hauled my wagon away from the road to get water, i think, and had become separated from the passing throng. we were almost, but not quite, out of sight of any wagons or camps. the indians came up ostensibly to beg, but really to rob. they began first to solicit, and afterwards to threaten. i started to drive on, not thinking they would use actual violence, as there were other wagons certainly within a half mile. i thought they were merely trying to frighten me into giving up at least a part of my outfit. finally one of the indians whipped out his knife and cut loose the cow that i was leading behind the wagon. i did not have to ask for my gun. my wife, who had been watching from within the wagon, saw that the time had come to fight and handed my rifle to me from under the cover. before the savages had time to do anything further they saw the gun. they were near enough to make it certain that one shot would take deadly effect; but instead of shooting one indian, i trained the gun so that i might quickly choose among the three. in an instant each indian had dropped to the side of his horse and was speeding away in great haste. the old saying that "almost any one will fight when cornered" was exemplified in this incident; but i did not want any more such experiences, and consequently thereafter became more careful not to be separated from the other wagons. on the whole, we did not have much trouble with the indians in . the great numbers of the emigrants, coupled with the superiority of their arms, made them comparatively safe. it must be remembered, also, that this was before the treaty-making period, and the indians of the plains were not yet incensed against white men in general. herds of buffalo were more often seen than bands of indians. the buffalo trails generally followed the water courses or paralleled them. but sometimes they would lead across the country with scarcely any deviation from a direct course. when on the road a herd would persistently follow their leader, whether in the wild tumult of a stampede or in leisurely grazing as they traveled. a story is told, and it is doubtless true, of a chase in the upper regions of the missouri, where the leaders of the buffalo herd, either voluntarily or by pressure from the mass behind, leaped to their death over a perpendicular bluff a hundred feet high, overlooking the river. the herd followed blindly until not only hundreds but thousands lay struggling at the foot of the bluff. they piled one upon another till the space between the river and the bluff was bridged, and the last of the victims plunged headlong into the river. well up on the platte, but below fort laramie, we had the experience of a night stampede that struck terror to the heart of man and beast. it so happened that we had brought our cattle into camp that evening, a thing we did not usually do. we had driven the wagons into a circle, with the tongue of each wagon chained to the hind axletree of the wagon ahead. the cattle were led inside the circle and the tents were pitched outside. [illustration: a night out on the range.] usually i would be out on the range with the oxen at night, and if i slept at all, snuggled up close to the back of my good ox, dandy; but that night, with the oxen safe inside the enclosure, i slept in the wagon. william buck and my brother oliver were in a tent near by, sleeping on the ground. [illustration: _l. a. huffman_ a remnant of the buffalo herds that once roamed the plains.] suddenly there was a sound like an approaching storm. almost instantly every animal in the corral was on its feet. the alarm was given and all hands turned out, not yet knowing what caused the general commotion. the roar we heard was like that of a heavy railroad train passing at no great distance on a still night. as by instinct all seemed to know suddenly that it was a buffalo stampede. the tents were emptied of their inmates, the weak parts of the corral guarded, the frightened cattle looked after, and every one in the camp was on the alert to watch what was coming. in the darkness of the night we could see first the forms of the leaders, and then such dense masses that we could not distinguish one buffalo from the other. how long they were in passing we forgot to note; it seemed like an age. when daylight came the few stragglers yet to be seen fell under the unerring aim of the frontiersman's rifle. we were lucky, but our neighbors in camp did not escape loss. some were detained for days, gathering up their scattered stock, while others were unable to find their teams. some of the animals never were recovered. when not on the road, the buffalo were shy, difficult to approach, and hard to bag, even with the long-range rifles of the pioneers. but for over six hundred miles along the trail, a goodly supply of fresh meat was obtainable. [illustration: the prairie wagon used as a boat.] chapter eight trailing through the mountain land as the column of wagons passed up the platte in what is now western nebraska, there was some relief from the dust. the throng was visibly thinned out; some had pushed on beyond the congested district, while others had lagged behind. the dead, too, had left room upon the road. when we reached the higher lands of wyoming, our traveling became still more pleasant. the nights were cooler, and we had clearer, purer water. as we gradually ascended the sweetwater, life grew more tolerable and discomfort less acute. we were now nearing the crest of the continent. the climb was so gradual, however, as to be hardly observable. the summit of the rocky mountains, through the south pass, presents a wide, open, undulating country. the pass offers, therefore, an easy gateway to the west. passing pacific springs at the summit, we rolled over to big sandy creek. at this point we left the salt lake trail (known also as the mormon trail) and took the sublette cut-off over to bear river. this was a shorter trail to the oregon country, made by william sublette, one of the american fur traders of the early days. the earlier emigrants to oregon went on to fort bridger before leaving the salt lake route. [illustration: _howard r. driggs_ the big bend of the bear river in idaho.] the most attractive natural phenomenon encountered on the whole trip was found at the soda springs, near bear river in idaho. some of the springs, in fact, are right in the bed of the river. one of them, steamboat spring, was spouting at regular intervals as we passed. just after leaving soda springs our little company of friends separated. the mcauleys and william buck took the trail to california, while with oliver and the davenport brothers we went northwest to oregon. jacob, the younger of the brothers, fell sick and gradually grew worse as the journey grew harder. shortly after reaching portland the poor boy died. thomas mcauley settled in the hobart hills in california and became a respected citizen of that state. when last i heard of him he was eighty-eight years old. william buck has long since lain down to rest. a few years after we had parted on the big bend of the bear river, i heard from william in a way that was characteristic of the man. he had been back to "the states," as we then called the eastern part of our country, and returning to california by way of the isthmus of panama, he had brought fifty swarms of bees. three of these swarms he sent up to me in washington. as far as i know these were the first honey bees in that state. william buck was a man who was always doing a good turn for his friends. when snake river was reached, and in fact even before that, the heat again became oppressive, the dust stifling, and the thirst at times almost maddening. in some places we could see the water of the snake winding through the lava gorges; but we could not reach it, as the river ran in the inaccessible depths of the canyon. sickness again became prevalent, and another outbreak of cholera claimed many victims. there were but few ferries, and none at all in many places where crossings were to be made. even where there was a ferry, the charges were so high that they were out of reach of most of the emigrants. as for me, all my funds had been absorbed in procuring my outfit at eddyville, in iowa. we had not dreamed that there would be use for money on the plains, where there were neither supplies nor people. but we soon found out our mistake. the crossing of the snake river, although late in the journey, gave us the opportunity to mend matters. about thirty miles below salmon falls the dilemma confronted us of either crossing the snake river or having our teams starve on the trip down the river on the south bank. we found that some emigrants had calked two wagon beds and lashed them together, and were using this craft for crossing. but they would not help others across for less than three to five dollars a wagon, the party swimming their own stock. if others could cross in wagon beds, why couldn't we do likewise? without more ado all the old clothing that could possibly be spared was assembled, and tar buckets were scraped. old chisels and broken knives were hunted up, and a boat repairing and calking campaign began. very soon the wagon box rode placidly, even if not gracefully, on the waters of the snake river. my boyhood experience at playing with logs and leaky old skiffs in the waters of white river now served me well; i could row a boat. my first venture across the snake river was with the wagon gear run over the wagon box, the whole being gradually worked out into deep water. the load was so heavy that a very small margin was left to prevent the water from breaking over the sides, and some water did enter as light ripples on the surface struck the _mary jane_--for we had duly named our craft. i got over safely, but after that i took lighter loads, and i really enjoyed the work, with the change from the intolerable dust to the clear atmosphere of the river. some people were so infatuated with the idea of floating on the water that they were easily persuaded by an unprincipled trader at the lower crossing to dispose of their teams for a song and to embark in their wagon beds for a voyage down the river. a number of people thus lost everything they had, and some even lost their lives. after terrible hardships, the survivors reached the road again, to become objects of charity. i knew one survivor who was out seven days without food other than a scant supply of berries and vegetable growth and "a few crickets, but not many." we had no trouble to get the cattle across, although the river was wide. dandy would do almost anything i asked of him; so, leading him to the water's edge, with a little coaxing i got him into swimming water and guided him across with the wagon bed. the others all followed, having been driven into deep water after the leader. it seems almost incredible how passively obedient cattle will become after long training on such a journey. indeed, the ox is always patient, and usually quite obedient; but when oxen get heated and thirsty, they become headstrong and reckless, and won't obey. i have known them to take off the road to a water hole, when apparently nothing could stop them till they had gone so far into the mud and water that it was a hard job for them to get out again. we had not finished crossing when tempting offers came from others to cross them; but all our party said, "no, we must travel." the rule had been adopted to travel some distance every day that it was possible. "travel, travel, travel," was the watchword, and nothing could divert us from that resolution. on the third day we were ready to pull out from the river, with the cattle rested by the enforced wait. now the question was, what about the lower crossing? those who had crossed over the river must somehow get back. it was less than a hundred and fifty miles to the place where we must again cross to the south side (the left bank) of the river. i could walk that distance in three days, while it would take our teams ten. could i go on ahead, procure a wagon box, and start a ferry of my own? the thought brought an affirmative answer at once. with only food and a small blanket for load, i walked to the lower crossing. it may be ludicrous, but it is true, that the most i remember about that tramp is the jack rabbits. such swarms, as i traveled down the boise valley, i had never seen before and i never saw again. i soon obtained a wagon bed, and all day long for several days i was at work crossing people. i continued at this till our teams came up, and for a few days after that. i left the river with a hundred and ten dollars in my pocket. all but two dollars and seventy-five cents of this was gone before i arrived in portland. but we could not delay longer, even to make money. i thought i could see signs of failing strength in my young wife and the baby. not for mountains of gold would we jeopardize their lives. all along the way the baby and the little mother had been tenderly cared for. we used to clear away a space in the wagon bed for them to take a nap together. the slow swaying of the wagon over smooth, sandy stretches made a rock-a-by movement that would lull them off to dreamland and make them forget the weary way. when we left the lower crossing, the mother and baby were placed in a small wagon. a sprightly yoke of oxen was hitched to it that they might get an early start and keep out of the dust. what few delicacies the pioneers had were given to them. by this tender care the mother and child were enabled to continue to the end of the long journey, though the brave little mother was frail and weak from the wearisome struggle before we reached a resting place at last. [illustration: a nap in the wagon.] what became of that baby? he thrived and grew to manhood and he is now living, sixty-nine years of age, in california. some of his grandchildren are almost grown to manhood and womanhood. [illustration: _myers, boise, idaho_ thousand springs of the snake river, idaho.] [illustration: the travel-worn wanderers sing "home, sweet home."] chapter nine reaching the end of the trail after leaving the snake river we had one of the worst stretches of the trying journey. from the lower crossing of the snake river at old fort boise to the dalles is approximately three hundred and fifty miles over mountains and deserts. it became a serious question with many travelers whether there would be enough provisions left to keep them from starvation and whether their teams could muster strength to take the wagons in. many wagons were left by the wayside. everything that could possibly be spared shared the same fate. provisions, and provisions only, were religiously cared for. considering the weakened condition of both man and beast, it was small wonder that some ill-advised persons should take to the river in their wagon beds, many thus going to their death. [illustration: _benj. a. gifford_ the cataract of the columbia.] the dust got deeper every day. going through it was like wading in water as to resistance. often it would lie in the road fully six inches deep, so fine that a person wading through it would scarcely leave a track. and when disturbed, such clouds! no words can describe it. [illustration: _benj. a. gifford_ shifting sands of eastern oregon.] at length, after we had endured five long months of soul-trying travel and had covered about eighteen hundred miles, counting from the crossing of the missouri, we dragged ourselves on to the end of the overland trail at the dalles on the columbia river. from here my wife and i, with the baby, went by boat down the river, while oliver took the ox team on to portland by the land way. the dalles is a name given to the peculiar lava rock formation that strikes across the columbia, nearly two hundred miles from the mouth. these rocks throw the great stream into a fury of foaming rapids. an indian legend says that the bridge of the gods was once near the dalles, but that the bridge broke and fell. on the september day in when we reached the dalles, we found there a great crowd of travel-worn people. this assemblage was constantly changing. it was a coming-and-going congregation. [illustration: _gifford & prentiss_ where the columbia cuts through the cascades.] the appearance of this crowd of emigrants beggars description. their dress was as varied as pieces in a crazy quilt. here was a matronly dame in clean apparel, but without shoes; her husband perhaps lacked both shoes and hat. youngsters of all sizes were running about with scarcely enough clothing to cover their nakedness. some suits and dresses were so patched that it was impossible to tell what was the original cloth. the color of practically everybody's clothing was that of desert dust. every little while other sweat-streaked, motley-dressed homeseekers would straggle up to this end of the long trail. their thoughts went back to their old homes, or to the loved ones that they had laid away tenderly in the shifting sands of the plains. most of them faced the future with fortitude; the difficulties they had met and mastered had but steeled them to meet the difficulties ahead. there was an undercurrent of gladness in their souls with the thought that they had achieved the end of the overland trail. they were ready now to go on down the columbia to find their new homes in this great, unknown land of promise. almost every nationality was represented among them. all traces of race peculiarity and race prejudice, however, had been ground away in the mill of adversity. the trying times through which these pioneers had just passed had brought all to a kinship of feeling such as only trail and danger can beget. friendships, sincere and lasting, came as one of the sweet rewards of those days of common struggle and adversity. few of the pioneers are now left to talk over the old days; when any of them do meet, the greeting is one of brotherhood indeed. we camped but two days on the bank of the columbia river. when i say "we," let it be understood that i mean myself, my young wife, and the baby boy who was but seven weeks old when the start was made from eddyville. [illustration: _kiser bros._ st. peter's dome--one of the sentinels of the columbia.] i do not remember the embarking on the great scow for our trip down the columbia to the cascades. but incidents of the voyage come to me as vividly as if they had happened but yesterday. those who took passage felt that the journey was ended. the cattle had been unyoked for the last time; the wagons had been rolled to the last bivouac; the embers of the last camp fire had died out. we were entering now upon a new field with new present experiences, and with new expectancy for the morrow. the scow, or lighter, upon which we took passage was decked over, but without railing, offering a smooth surface upon which to pile our belongings. these, in the majority of cases, made but a very small showing. the whole deck surface of the scow was covered with the remnants of the homeseekers' outfits, which in turn were covered by the owners, either sitting or reclining upon their possessions, with but scant room to change position or move about in any way. there must have been a dozen families or more on the boat, or about sixty persons. these were principally women and children; the young men and some of the older ones were still struggling on the mountain trail to get the teams through to the west side of the cascade mountains. as we went floating down that wonderful old river, the deep depression of spirits that, for lack of a better name, we call "the blues," seized upon us. do you wonder why? we were like an army that had burned the bridges behind it. we had scant knowledge of what lay in the track before us. here we were, more than two thousand miles from home,--separated from it by a trackless, uninhabited waste of country. it was impossible for us to retrace our steps. go ahead we must, no matter what we were to encounter. then, too, we had for months borne the burden of duties that could not be avoided or delayed, until many were on the verge of collapse from strain and overwork. some were sick, and all were reduced in flesh from the urgent toil at camp duty and from lack of variety of food. such was the condition of the motley crowd of sixty persons as we slowly neared that wonderful channel through which the great columbia flows while passing the cascade range. for myself, i can truly say that the journey had not drawn on my vitality as it had with so many. true, i had been worked down in flesh, having lost nearly twenty pounds; but what weight i had left was the bone and sinew of my system. the good body my parents had given me carried me then and afterwards through many hardships without great distress. [illustration: _benj. a. gifford_ multnomah falls along the columbia; named after a famous indian chief.] in our company, a party of three, a young married couple and an unmarried sister, lounged on their belongings, listlessly watching the ripples on the water, as did also others of the party. but little conversation was passing. each seemed to be communing with himself or herself, but it was easy to see what were the thoughts occupying the minds of all. the young husband, it was plain to be seen, would soon complete that greater journey to the unknown beyond, a condition that weighed so heavily upon the ladies of the party that they could ill conceal their solicitude and sorrow. finally, to cheer up the sick husband and brother, the ladies began in sweet, subdued voices to sing the old familiar song of "home, sweet home," whereupon others of the party joined in the chorus with increased volume of sound. as the echo died away, at the moment of gliding under the shadow of the high mountain, the second verse was begun, but was never finished. if an electric shock had startled every individual of the party, there could have been no more simultaneous effect than when the second line of the second verse was reached, when instead of song, sobs and outcries of grief poured forth from all lips. it seemed as if there were a tumult of despair mingled with prayer. the rugged boatmen rested upon their oars in awe, and gave way in sympathy with the scene before them, until it could be truly said no dry eyes were left nor aching heart but was relieved. like the downpour of a summer shower that suddenly clears the atmosphere to welcome the bright shining sun that follows, so this sudden outburst of grief cleared away the despondency, to be replaced by an exalted, exhilarating feeling of buoyancy and hopefulness. the tears were not dried till mirth took possession--a real hysterical manifestation of the whole party, ending all depression for the rest of the trip. on this last stage of the journey other parties had much more trying experiences than ours. john whitacre, afterward governor of oregon, was the head of a party of nine that constructed a raft at the dalles out of dry poles hauled from the adjacent country. while their stock was started out over the trail, their two wagons were put upon the raft. with the women and children in the wagons, perched on the provisions and bedding, the start was made to float down the river to the cascades. they had hardly begun the journey when the waves swept over the raft. it was like a submerged foundation upon which their wagons stood. a landing a few miles out of the dalles averted a total wreck, and afforded opportunity to strengthen the buoyancy of the raft with extra timber carried upon the backs of the men for long distances. then the question arose, how should they know when they would reach the falls? would they be able to discover the falls in time to make a landing? their fears finally got the better of them and a line was run ashore; but instead of making a landing, they found themselves hard aground out of reach of land, except by wading a long distance. this occurred while they were many miles above the falls, or cascades. at last they gave up the raft and procured a scow. in this they reached the head of the cascades in safety. as we neared portland we felt that a long task had been completed. yet reaching the end of the overland trail did not mean that our pioneer struggles were over. before us lay still another task--the conquest of the new land. and it was no easy work, we were to learn, to find a home or make one in the western wilderness. part two settling in the northwest country [illustration: this is the region in which ezra meeker settled in , when it was all known as the oregon country and had not been divided into washington and oregon. the journey from portland to kalama, where the first cabin was built, is shown by line . the line marked shows the route followed in the journey to explore the puget sound region. the brothers went as far as port townsend, but turned back to make the second home at steilacoom. line is the trail through the natchess pass, the trail that ezra meeker followed to meet his father's party coming up through the blue mountains.] [illustration: looking for work on the good ship _mary melville_.] chapter ten getting a new start in the new land on the first day of october, , at about nine o'clock at night, with a bright moon shining, we reached portland. oliver met us; he had come ahead by the trail and had found a place for us to lodge. i carried my wife, who had fallen ill, in my arms up the steep bank of the willamette river and three blocks away to the lodging house, which was kept by a colored man. "why, suh, i didn't think yuse could do that, yuse don't look it," said my colored friend, as i placed my wife on the clean bed in a cozy little room. this was the first house we had been in for five months. from april until october we had been on the move. never a roof had been over our heads other than the wagon cover or tent, and no softer bed had we known than the ground or the bottom of the wagon. we had found a little steamer to carry us from the cascades to portland, along with most of the company that had floated in the scow down the river from the dalles. the great oregon country, then including the puget sound region, was large enough to swallow up a thousand such migrations. portland was no paradise at that time. it would be difficult to imagine a sorrier-looking place than the one that confronted us upon arrival. some rain had fallen, and more soon followed. with the stumps and logs and mud and the uneven stretches of ground, it was no easy matter to find a resting place. the tented city was continually enlarging. people seemed to be dazed; it was hard to find paying work; there was insufficient shelter to house all. the country looked a great field of forests and mountains. oliver and i had between us a cash capital of about three dollars. it was clear that we must find work at once, so at earliest dawn next day oliver took the trail leading down the river, to search for something to do. i had a possible opportunity for work and wages already in mind. as we were passing up the willamette, a few miles below portland, on the evening of our arrival, a bark lay seemingly right in our path as we steamed by. this vessel looked to our inexperienced eyes like a veritable monster, with hull towering high above our heads and masts reaching to the sky. probably not one of that whole party of frontiersmen had ever before seen a deep-sea vessel. the word went around that the bark was bound for portland with a cargo of merchandise and was to take a return cargo of lumber. as we passed her there flashed through my mind the thought that there might be opportunity for work on that vessel next day. sure enough, when morning came, the staunch bark _mary melville_ lay quietly in front of the mill. without loss of time my inquiry was made: "do you want any men on board this ship?" a gruff-looking fellow eyed me all over as much as to say, "not you anyhow." but he answered, "yes. go below and get your breakfast." i fairly stammered out, "i must go and see my wife first, and let her know where i am." thereupon came back a growl: "of course, that will be the last of you! that's the way with these newcomers, always hunting for work and never wanting it." this last aside to a companion, in my hearing. i swallowed my indignation, assured him that i would be back in five minutes, and went post-haste to impart the good news. put yourself in my place, you who have never come under the domination of a surly mate on a sailing vessel of seventy years ago. my ears fairly tingled with anger at the harshness of the orders, but i stuck to the work, smothering my rage at being berated while doing my very best. as the day went on i realized that the man was not angry; he had merely fallen into that way of talking. the sailors paid slight heed to what he said. before night the fellow seemed to let up on me, while increasing his tirades at the regular men. the second and third day wore off. i had blistered hands, but never a word about wages or pay. "say, boss, i'se got to pay my rent, and we'se always gits our pay in advance. i doan' like to ask you, but can't you git the old boss to put up somethin' on your work?" i could plainly see that my landlord was serving notice to pay or move. what should i do? suppose the old skipper should discharge me for asking for wages before the end of the week? but when i told him what i wanted the money for, the old man's eyes moistened. without a word he gave me more money than i had asked for, and that night the steward handed me a bottle of wine for the "missus." i knew that it came from the old captain. the baby's sunday visit to the ship, the sunday dinner in the cabin, the presents of delicacies that followed, even from the gruff mate, made me feel that under all this roughness lay a tender humanity. away out here, three thousand miles from home, the same sort of people lived as those i had left behind me. then came this message: st. helens, october th, . dear brother: come as soon as you can. have rented a house, sixty boarders. this is going to be the place. shall i send you money? oliver p. meeker. the mate importuned me to stay until the cargo was on board. i did stay until the last stick of lumber was stowed, the last pig in the pen, and the ship swinging off, bound on her outward voyage. i felt as if i had an interest in her. sure enough, i found st. helens to be the place. here was to be the terminus of the steamship line from san francisco. "wasn't the company building this wharf?" "they wouldn't set sixty men to work on the dock unless they meant business." "ships can't get up the willamette--that's nothing but a creek. the big city is going to be here." this was the talk that greeted my ears as i went looking about. we had carried my wife, this time in a chair, to our hotel--yes, our hotel!--and there we had placed her, and the baby too, of course, in the best room the house afforded. one january morning in , our sixty men boarders did not go to work at the dock building as usual. orders had come to suspend work. nobody knew why, or for how long. we soon learned that the steamship company had given up the fight against portland and would thenceforward run its steamers to that port. the dock was never finished and was allowed to fall into decay. with our boarders scattered, our occupation was gone, and our supplies were in great part rendered worthless to us by the change. meantime, snow had fallen to a great depth. the price of forage for cattle rose by leaps and bounds, and we found that we must part with half of our stock to save the rest. it might be necessary to provide feed for a month, or for three months; we could not tell. the last cow was given up that we might keep one yoke of oxen, so necessary for the work on a new place. the search for a claim began at once. after one day's struggle against the current of the lewis river, and a night standing in a snow and sleet storm around a camp fire of green wood, oliver and i found our ardor cooled a little. two hours sufficed to take us back home next morning. claims we must have, though. that was what we had come to oregon for. we were going to be farmers; wife and i had made that bargain before we closed the other more important contract. we were still of one mind as to both contracts. early in january of the snow began disappearing rapidly, and the search for claims became more earnest. finally, about the twentieth of january, i drove my stake for a claim. it included the site where the city of kalama now stands. with my mind's eye i can see our first cabin as vividly as on the day it was finished. it was placed among the trees on a hillside, with the door in the end facing the beautiful river. the rocky nature of the site permitted little grading, but it added to the picturesqueness. the great river, the columbia, was a mile wide at the point where our house stood. once a day at least it seemed to tire from its ceaseless flow and to take a nooning spell. this was when the tides from the ocean held back the waters of the river. immediately in front of our landing lay a small island of a few acres, covered with heavy timber and driftwood. this has long since been washed away, and ships now pass over the place in safety. the cabin was built of small, straight logs. the ribs projected a few feet to provide an open front porch--not for ornament, but for storage of dry wood and kindling. the walls were but a scant five feet high; the roof was not very steep; and there was a large stone fireplace and a chimney. the cabin was not large nor did it contain much in the way of furnishings; but it was home--our home. our home! what a thrill of joy that thought brought to us! it was the first home we had ever had. we had been married nearly two years, yet this was really our first abiding place, for all other dwellings had been merely way stations on our march from indianapolis to this cabin. the thought brought not only happiness but health to us. the glow returned to my wife's cheek, the dimple to the baby's. and such a baby! in the innocence of our souls we honestly thought we had the smartest, cutest baby on earth. scarcely had we settled in our new home before there came a mighty flood that covered the waters of the river with wrecks of property. oliver and i, with one of our neighbors, began to secure the logs that came floating down in great numbers. in a very short time we had a raft that was worth a good sum of money, could we but get it to market. [illustration: our first cabin home.] encouraged by this find, we immediately turned our attention to some fine timber standing close to the bank near by, and began hand-logging to supplement what we had already secured afloat. this work soon gave us ample means to buy our winter supplies, even though flour was fifty dollars a barrel. and yet, because of that same hand-logging work, my wife came very near becoming a widow one morning before breakfast; but she did not know of it until long afterwards. it occurred in this way. we did not then know how to scaffold up above the tough, swelled bases of the large trees, and this made it very difficult to chop them down. so we burned through them. we bored two holes at an angle to meet inside the inner bark, and when we got a fire started there the heart of the tree would burn through, leaving an outer shell of bark. one morning, as usual, i was up early. after lighting the fire in the stove and putting on the kettle, i hastened to the burning timber to start the logging fires afresh. as i neared a clump of three giants, two hundred and fifty feet tall, one began toppling over toward me. in my confusion i ran across the path where it fell. this tree had scarcely reached the ground when a second started to fall almost parallel to it, the two tops barely thirty feet apart and the limbs flying in several directions. i was between the two trees. if i had not become entangled in some brush, i should have been crushed by the second falling tree. it was an escape so marvelous as almost to lead one to think that there is such a thing as a charmed life. [illustration: a narrow escape.] in rafting our precious accumulations of timber down the columbia river to oak point, we were carried by the current past the place where we had expected to sell our logs at six dollars a thousand feet. following the raft to the larger waters, we finally reached astoria, where we sold the logs for eight dollars a thousand instead of six, thus profiting by our misfortunes. but this final success had meant an involuntary plunge off the raft into the river with my boots on, for me, and three days and nights of ceaseless toil and watching for all of us. we voted unanimously that we would have no more such work. the flour sack was nearly empty when i left home. we were expecting to be absent but one night, and we had been gone a week. there were no neighbors nearer our cabin than four miles, and no roads--scarcely a trail. the only communication was by the river. what about the wife and baby alone in the cabin, with the deep timber at the rear and a heavy jungle of brush in front? happily we found them all right upon our return. [illustration: a lesson in the art of clam baking.] chapter eleven hunting for another home site our enjoyment of this first home did not last long. hardly were we fairly settled, when news came that unsettled us again. in april of , the word had begun to pass around that we were to have a new territory to embrace the country north of the columbia river. its capital was to be on puget sound. here on the columbia we should be away off to one side, out of touch with the people who would shortly become a great separate commonwealth. it seemed advisable to look about a little, before making the move; so leaving the little wife and baby in the cabin home one bright morning in may, oliver and i each made a pack of forty pounds and took the trail, bound for puget sound. we camped where night overtook us, sleeping in the open air without shelter or cover other than that afforded by some friendly tree with drooping limbs. our trail first led us down near the right bank of the columbia to the cowlitz, thence up the latter river thirty miles or more, and then across the country nearly sixty miles to olympia. at this time there might have been, about puget sound, two thousand white people all told, while now there are nearer a million. but these people were so scattered we did not realize there were even that number, for the puget sound country is a big place--more than two hundred miles long and seventy-five miles wide--between two mountain ranges, with the cascades on the east and the olympics on the west. the waters of the sound, including all the channels and bays and inlets and shores of forty islands, make more than sixteen hundred miles of shore line--nearly as many miles as the oregon trail is long; that is, almost as many miles as we had the previous year traversed from the missouri river to the sound. our expectations had been raised high by the glowing accounts of puget sound. but a feeling of deep disappointment fell upon us when we could see in the foreground only bare, dismal mud flats, and beyond these a channel scarcely twice as wide as that of the great river we had left, bounded on either side by high, heavily timbered land. we wished ourselves back at our cabin on the columbia. should we turn around and go back? no; we had never done that since leaving our indiana home. but what was the use of stopping here? we wanted a place to make a farm, and we could not do it on such forbidding land as this. the dense forest stretching out before us was interesting enough to the lumberman, and for aught i knew there were channels for the ships; but i wanted to be neither lumberman nor sailor. my first camp on puget sound was not cheerful. olympia at the time contained about one hundred inhabitants. it had three stores, a hotel, a livery stable, a saloon, and one weekly newspaper. a glance at the advertising columns of this paper, _the columbian_ (the name which was expected to be that of the new territory), disclosed but a few local advertisers. "everybody knows everybody here," a resident remarked to me, "so what's the use of advertising?" we could not stay at olympia. we had pushed on past some good locations on the chehalis, and farther south, without locating. should we now retrace our steps? oliver said no, and my better judgment also said no, though i was sorely pressed with a feeling of homesickness. the decision was quickly made to see more of this puget sound. but how were we to see these--to us--unexplored waters? i declared that i would not go in one of those indian canoes, that we should upset it before we were out half an hour. i had to admit that the indians navigated the whole sound in these canoes and were safe, but i would not trust myself in a craft that would tip as easily as a siwash canoe. when i came to know the indians better and saw their performances in these frail craft, my admiration for the canoes was even greater than my distrust had been. neither oliver nor i had much experience in boating, and we had none in boat building. however, when we had discarded the idea of taking a canoe, we set to work with a hearty good will to build us a skiff. we made it out of light lumber, then easily obtained at tumwater. we determined to have the skiff broad enough not to upset easily, and long enough to carry us and our light cargo of food and bedding. as in the trip across the plains, we must provide our own transportation. here and there might be a vessel loading piles and square timber for the san francisco market, but not a steamer was then plying on the sound; there was not even a sailing craft that essayed to carry passengers. as the tide drew us off on the placid waters of the bay at olympia, with just a breath of air stirring, our little eighteen-foot craft behaved splendidly. the slight ripples jostling against the bow brought dreams of a pleasure trip, to make amends for the tiresome pack across the country. [illustration: a siwash indian in his canoe.] we floated lazily with the tide, sometimes taking a few strokes with the oars, and at other times whistling for the wind. the little town of olympia to the south became dimmed by distance. but we were no sooner fairly out of sight of the little village than the question came up which way to go. what channel should we take? "let the tide decide; that will carry us out toward the ocean." "no, we are drifting into another bay; that cannot be where we want to go." "why, we are drifting right back almost in the same direction from which we came, but into another bay! we'll pull this way to that point to the northeast." "but there seems a greater opening of water to the northwest." "yes, but i do not see any way out there." so we talked and pulled and puzzled, until finally it dawned upon us that the tide had turned and we were being carried back into south bay, to almost the very spot whence we had come. "the best thing we can do is to camp," said oliver. i readily assented. so our first night's camp was scarcely twelve miles from where we had started in the morning. it was a fine camping place. a beautiful pebbly beach extended almost to the water's edge even at low tide. there was a grassy level spit, a background of evergreen giant-fir timber, and clear, cool water gushing out from the bank near by. and such fuel for the camp fire!--broken limbs with just enough pitch to make a cheerful blaze and yet body enough to last well. we felt so happy that we were almost glad the journey had been interrupted. oliver was the carpenter of the party, the tent-builder, wood-getter, and general roustabout, while i, the junior, was "chief cook and bottle-washer." an encampment of indians being near, a party of them soon visited our camp and began making signs for trade. "_mika tik eh_[ ] clams?" said one of the matrons of the party. "what does she say, oliver?" "i'm blessed if i know, but it looks as if she wanted to sell some clams." after considerable dickering, with signs and gestures and words many times repeated, we were able to impart the information that we wanted a lesson in cookery. if she would show us how to cook the clams, we would buy some. this brought some merriment in the camp. the idea that there lived a person who did not know how to cook clams! without saying by your leave or anything else, the motherly looking native woman began tearing down our camp fire. [illustration: _edward s. curtis_ indians gathering clams on the beach.] "let her alone, and see what she's up to," said oliver, noticing that i was disturbed at such interference with my well-laid plans for bread-baking. she covered the hot pebbles and sand where the fire had been with a lighter layer of pebbles. upon these the clams were deposited. they were covered with fine twigs, and upon the twigs earth was placed. "_kloshe_,"[ ] she said. "_hyas kloshe_,"[ ] said her husband, who squatted near by, watching the proceedings with evident approval. "what did they say?" i asked. "i know what they said, but i don't know what they meant," responded oliver, "unless it was she had done a good job; and i think she has." thus began and ended our first lesson in the chinook jargon, and our first experience with a clam bake. this first clam bake gave us great encouragement. we soon learned that the bivalves were to be found in almost unlimited quantity and were widely distributed. the harvest was ready twice a day, when the tide was out, and we need have no fear of a famine even if cast away in some unfrequented place. "_ya-ka kloshe al-ta_,"[ ] said the indian woman, uncovering the steaming mass and placing the clams on a sliver found near by. "_de-late kloshe muck a muck alta._"[ ] without understanding her words, but knowing well what she meant, we fell to disposing of this, our first clam dinner. we divided with the indians the bread that had been baked and some potatoes that had been boiled. the natives soon withdrew to their own camp. before retiring for the night, we repaid the visit. to see the little fellows of the camp scud behind their mother when the strangers entered, and shyly peep out from their retreat, while the mother lovingly reassured them with kind and affectionate caresses, and finally coaxed them out from under cover, revealed something of the character of the natives that neither of us had realized before. we had been in indian country for nearly a year, but with guns by our side, if not in our hands, during nearly half the time. we had not stopped to study the indian character. we took it for granted that the indians were our enemies and watched them suspiciously; but here seemed to be a disposition to be neighborly and helpful. we took a lesson in chinook, and by signs and words held conversation until a late hour. when we were ready to leave they gave us a slice of venison, enough for several meals. upon offering to pay for it we were met with a shake of the head, and with the words, "_wake, wake, kul-tus pot-latch_," which we understood by their actions to mean they made us a present of it. we had made the indians a present first, it is true; but we did not expect any return, except perhaps goodwill. from that time on during the trip,--i may say, for all time since,--i found the indians of puget sound always ready to reciprocate acts of kindness. they hold in high esteem a favor granted, if it is not accompanied by acts showing it to be designed simply to gain an advantage. footnotes: [ ] you want. [ ] good. [ ] very good. [ ] good now; ready to serve now. [ ] exceedingly good to eat. [illustration: a fleet of siwash canoes.] chapter twelve cruising about on puget sound our second day's cruise about the sound took us past historic grounds. we went by old fort nisqually, one of the earliest posts of the hudson's bay company on puget sound. some houses had been built on the spot in or , though the fort, one fourth of a mile back from water, was not constructed until , just twenty years before our visit. as the tide and wind favored us, we did not stop. soon we came in sight of a fleet of seven vessels lying at anchor in a large bay, several miles in extent. the sight of those seven vessels lying in the offing made a profound impression upon our minds. we had never before seen so many ships at one place. curiously enough, among them was the good bark _mary melville_, with her gruff mate and big-hearted master, captain barston. upon the eastern slope of the shores of this bay lay the two towns, port steilacoom, and steilacoom city, both established in . a far larger trade centered here than at any other point on puget sound, and we decided on a halt to make ourselves acquainted with the surroundings. a mile and a half from the shore we found also fort steilacoom. it was simply the camp of a company of united states soldiers, quartered in wooden shells of houses and log cabins. intense rivalry ran between the two towns, upper and lower steilacoom, at this time. as a result things were booming. we were sorely tempted to accept the flattering offer of four dollars a day for common labor in a timber camp, but concluded not to be swerved from the search for a new homesite. during this visit we began seeing indians in considerable numbers. they seemed to be a listless lot, with no thought for the future, or even for the immediate present. the indians in those days seemed to work or play by spurts and spells. here and there we saw a family industriously pursuing some object; but as a class they seemed to me the laziest set of people on earth. that opinion was materially modified later, as i became better acquainted with their habits. i have found just as industrious people, both men and women, among the indians as among the whites. the workers, it may be said, are less numerous among the men; the women are all industrious. should we camp here and spy out the land, or should we go forward and see what lay before us? after a sober second thought, we realized that we had nothing to trade but labor; and we had not come as far as this to be laborers for hire. we had come to find a place to make a farm, and a farm we were going to have. again we set about searching for claims, and the more we searched the less we liked the look of things. finally, on the fourth day, after a long, wearisome tramp, we cast off at high tide, and in a dead calm, to continue our cruise. oliver soon dropped into a comfortable afternoon nap, leaving me in full command. as the sun shone warm and the tide was taking us rapidly in the direction we wanted to go, why shouldn't i doze a little too, even if we did miss some of the sightseeing? i was aroused from my nap by oliver's exclaiming, "what is that?" then, half to himself, "as i live, it's a deer swimming out here in the bay!" "it surely can't be," i responded, three quarters asleep. "that's what it is!" he asserted. we were wide awake now and gave chase. very soon we caught up with the animal and succeeded in throwing a rope over its horns. by this time we had drifted into the narrows, and we soon found we had something more important to do than to tow a deer. we were among the tide rips of the sound. turning the deer loose, we pulled our best for the shore, and found shelter in an eddy. a perpendicular bluff rose from the highwater mark, leaving no place for camp fire or bed. the tide seemed to roll in waves and with contending forces of currents and counter currents, yet all moving in a general direction. it was our first introduction to a genuine tide rip. the waters boiled as if in a veritable caldron, swelling up here and there in centers and whirling with dizzy velocity. a flat-bottomed boat like our little skiff, we thought, could not stay afloat there very long. just then some indian canoes came along, moving with the tide. we expected to see them swamped as they encountered the troubled waters; but to our astonishment they passed right through without taking a drop of water then there came two well-manned canoes creeping alongshore against the tide. i have said well-manned, but half the paddles, in fact, were wielded by women, and the post of honor, or that where most dexterity was required, was occupied by a woman. [illustration: _edward s. curtis_ sunset on the pacific.] "_me-si-ka-kwass kopa s'kookum chuck?_"[ ] said the maiden in the bow of the first canoe, as it drew alongside our boat, in which we were sitting. since our evening's experience at the clambake camp, we had been industriously studying the chinook language, and we could understand that she was asking if we were afraid of the rough waters. we responded, partly in english and partly in chinook, that we were, and besides that it was impossible for us to proceed against the strong current. "_ne-si-ka mit-lite_,"[ ] she replied; that is to say, she told us that the indians were going to camp with us and wait for the turn of the tide, and accordingly they landed near by. [illustration: _asahel curtis_ mt. rainier.] by the time the tide had turned, night had come. we hardly knew whether to camp in our boat or to start out on unknown waters in the dark. our indian visitors made preparations to proceed on their journey, and assured us it was all right ahead. they offered to show us to good camping grounds in a big bay where the current was not strong. sure enough, a short pull with a favorable current brought us to the narrows and into commencement bay, in sight of numerous camp fires in the distance. i remember that camp quite vividly; though i cannot locate it exactly, i know that it was on the water front within the present limits of the large and thriving city of tacoma. i well remember our supper of fresh salmon. of all the delicious fish known, give me the salmon caught by trolling in early summer in the deep waters of puget sound, the fish so fat that the excess of oil must be turned out of the pan while cooking. we had scarcely got our camp fire started before a salmon was offered us; i cannot recall what we paid, but i know it was not a high price, else we could not have purchased. the following day we could see mt. rainier, with its reflection in the placid waters of the bay. theodore winthrop, the observant traveler who came into these same waters a few months later and wrote of it as mt. tacoma, described it as "a giant mountain dome of snow, seeming to fill the aerial spaces as the image displaced the blue deeps of tranquil water." a wondrous sight it was and is, whatever the name. next day we entered the mouth of the puyallup river. we had not proceeded far up this stream before we were interrupted by a solid drift of monster trees and logs, extending from bank to bank up the river for a quarter of a mile or more. the indians told us that there were two other like obstructions a few miles farther up the river, and that the current was very strong. we secured the services of an indian and his canoe to help us up the river, and left our boat at the indians' camp near the mouth. it took a tugging of two days to go six miles. we had to unload our outfit three times to pack it over cut-off trails, and drag our canoe around the drifts. it was a story of constant toil with consequent discouragement, not ending until we camped on the bank of the river within the present limits of the thriving little city of puyallup. the puyallup valley at that time was a solitude. no white settlers were found, though it was known that two men had staked claims and had made some slight improvements. an indian trail led up the river from commencement bay, and another led westward to the nisqually plains. over these pack animals could pass, but wagon roads there were none; and whether a feasible route for one could be found, only time and labor could determine. we retraced our steps, and in the evening landed again at the mouth of the river after a severe day's toil. we were in no cheerful mood. oliver did not sing as usual while preparing for camp. neither did i have much to say; but i fell to work, mechanically preparing the much-needed meal. we ate in silence and then went to sleep. we had crossed the two great states of illinois and iowa, over hundreds of miles of unoccupied prairie land as rich as anything that ever "lay out of doors," on our way from indiana to oregon in search of land on which to make a home. here, at what we might call the end of our rope, we had found the land, but with conditions that seemed almost too adverse to overcome. it was a discouraging outlook, even if there had been roads. such timber! it seemed an appalling undertaking to clear this land, the greater part of it being covered with a heavy growth of balm and alder trees and a thick tangle of underbrush besides. when we fell asleep that night, it was without visions of new-found wealth. and yet later i did tackle a quarter-section of that heaviest timber land, and never let up until the last tree, log, stump, and root had disappeared, though of course, not all cleared off by my own hands. if we could have known what was coming four months later, we would have remained, in spite of our discouragement, and searched the valley diligently for the choicest locations. for in october following there came the first immigrants over the natchess pass trail into washington. they located in a body over nearly the whole valley, and before the year was ended had made a rough wagon road out to the prairies and to steilacoom, the county seat. we lingered at the mouth of the river in doubt as to what best to do. my thoughts went back to wife and baby in the lonely cabin on the columbia river, and again to that bargain we had made before marriage, that we were going to be farmers. how could we be farmers if we did not have land? under the donation act we could hold three hundred and twenty acres, but we must live on it for four years; it behooved us to look out and secure our location before the act expired, which would occur the following year. with misgivings and doubts, on the fourth day oliver and i loaded our outfit into our skiff and floated out on the receding tide, whither, we did not know. as we drew off from the mouth of the puyallup river, numerous parties of indians were in sight. some were trolling for salmon, with a lone indian in the bow of each canoe; others with poles were fishing for smelt; still others with nets seemed waiting for fisherman's luck. other parties were passing, those in each canoe singing a plaintive chant in minor key, accompanied by heavy strokes of the paddle handles against the sides of the canoe, as if to keep time. there were some fine voices to be heard, and though there were but slight variations in the sounds or words, the indians seemed never to tire in repeating, and i must confess we never tired of listening. during the afternoon, after we had traveled some twenty miles, we saw ahead of us larger waters, into which we entered, finding ourselves in a bay five or six miles wide, with no very certain prospect of a camping place. just then we espied a cluster of cabins and houses on a point to the east. there we made a landing, at what is now known as alki point, though it then bore the pretentious name of new york. we soon pushed on to the east shore, where the steam from a sawmill served as a guide, and landed at a point that cannot be far from the western limit of the present pioneer place, in seattle, near where the totem pole now stands. as we were not looking for a mill site or town site, we pushed on next day. we had gone but a few miles when a favorable breeze sprang up, bringing with it visions of a happy time sailing; but behind us lay a long stretch of open waters several miles wide, and ahead we could see no visible shelter and no lessening of width; consequently the breeze was not entirely welcome. in a short time the breeze stiffened, and we began to realize that we were in danger. we were afraid to attempt a landing on the surf-beaten shore; but finally, the wind increasing, the clouds lowering, and the rain coming down in torrents, we had to take the risk. letting down the sail, we headed our frail craft towards the shore. fortune favored us, for we found a good sandy beach upon which to land, though we got a thorough drenching while so doing. [illustration: _brown bros._ a rich haul of salmon.] here we were compelled to remain two or three days in a dismal camp, until the weather became more favorable. then launching our boat, we pulled for the head of whidbey's island, a few miles to the northwest. now i have a fish story to tell. i have always been shy about telling it, lest some smart fellow should up and say i was drawing on my imagination: i am not. when we had broken camp and were sailing along, we heard a dull sound like that often heard from the tide rips. as we rested on our oars, we could see that there was a disturbance in the water and that it was moving toward us. it extended as far as we could see, in the direction we were going. the sound increased and became like the roar of a heavy fall of rain or hail on water, and we became aware that it was a vast school of fish moving south, while millions were seemingly dancing on the surface of the water or leaping in the air. we could feel the fish striking against the boat in such vast numbers that they fairly moved it. the leap in the air was so high that we tried tipping the boat to catch some as they fell back, and sure enough, here and there one would drop into the boat. we soon discovered some indians following the school. they quickly loaded their canoes by using the barbed pole and throwing the impaled fish into their canoes. with an improvised net we too soon obtained all we wanted. when we began to go on we were embarrassed by the mass of fish moving in the water. as far as we could see there was no end to the school ahead of us; but we finally got clear of the moving mass and reached the island shore in safety, only to become weather-bound in the wilds once more. this camp did not prove so dreary as the last one, although it was more exposed to the swell of the big waters and the sweep of the wind. to the north we had a view of thirty miles or more, to where horizon and water blended, leaving it doubtful whether land was in sight or not. as we afterwards ascertained, we could see the famous san juan island, later the bone of contention between our government and great britain, when the northern boundary of the united states was settled. port townsend lay some ten miles from our camp, but was shut out from view by an intervening headland. we did not know the exact location of the town. like the lost hunters, "we knew where we were, but we didn't know where any place else was." not lost ourselves, the world was lost from us. three ships passed us while we were at this camp, one coming from out of space, as it seemed, a mere speck, and growing to a full-fledged deep-sea vessel, with all sails set, scudding before the wind. the other two were gracefully beating their way out against the stiff breeze to the open waters beyond. what prettier sight is there than a full-rigged vessel with all sails spread! the enthusiasm that rose as we gazed at the ships, coupled with a spirit of adventure, prompted us to go farther. [illustration: a deep-sea vessel sailing before the wind.] it was a calm, beautiful day when we reached port townsend. distance lends enchantment, the old adage says; but in this case the nearer we approached to the place, the greater our admiration. the shining, pebbly beach in front, the clear, level spot adjoining, with the beautiful open and comparatively level plateau in the background, and two or three vessels at anchor in the foreground, made a picture of a perfect city site. upon closer examination of the little town we found that the first impression, gained from a distance, was illusory. many shacks and camps, at first mistaken for the white men's houses, were found to be occupied by natives. they were a drunken, rascally rabble, spending their gains from the sale of fish and oil in a debauch that would last as long as their money held out. this seemed to be a more stalwart race of indians than those to the south, doubtless from the buffeting received in the larger waters. they would often go out even to the open sea on their fishing excursions in canoes manned by thirty men or more. after spending two or three days exploring the country, we turned back to the bay where lay the seven ships we had seen near steilacoom. we remembered the timber camps, the bustle and stir of the little new village, and the activity that we saw there, greater than anywhere else on the waters of the sound. most of all, my thoughts would go on to the little cabin on the columbia river. three days sufficed to land us back in the bay we sought, but the ships were gone. not a sailing craft of any kind was in sight of the little town, though the building activity was going on as before. the memory of those ships, however, remained with us and determined our minds on the important question where the trade center was to be. we decided therefore that our new home should be near steilacoom, and we finally staked out a claim on an island not far from that place. once the claim had been decided upon, my next desire naturally was to get home to my family. the expedition had taken thirty days, and of course there had been no news from my wife, nor had i been able to send back any word to her. footnotes: [ ] are you afraid of the rapid water? [ ] i will stay with you. [illustration: on the trail again with buck and dandy.] chapter thirteen moving from the columbia to puget sound "can i get home tonight?" i asked myself. it was an afternoon of the last week of june, in , and the sun was yet high. i was well up the left bank of the cowlitz river; how far i could not tell, for there were no milestones on the crooked, half-obstructed trail leading downstream. at best it would be a race with the sun, but the days were long, and the twilight was long, and i would camp that much nearer home if i made haste. my pack had been discarded on the sound. i had neither coat nor blanket. i wore a heavy woolen shirt, a slouch hat, and worn shoes; both hat and shoes gave ample ventilation. socks i had none; neither had i suspenders, an improvised belt taking their place. i was dressed for the race and was eager for the trial. at olympia i had parted with my brother, who had returned to stay at the claims we had taken, while i was to go home for the wife and baby, to remove them to our new home. i did not particularly mind the camping, but i did not fancy the idea of lying out so near home if by extra exertion i could reach the cabin before night. there was no friendly ox to snug up to for warmth, as in so many of the bivouacs on the plains; but i had matches, and there were many mossy places for a bed under the friendly shelter of drooping cedars. we never thought of catching cold from lying on the ground or on cedar boughs, or from getting a good drenching. after all, the cabin could not be reached, as the trail could not be followed at night. slackening pace at nightfall to cool my system gradually, i finally made my camp and slept as soundly as if on a bed of down. my consolation was that the night was short and i could see to travel by three o'clock. i do not look upon those years of camp and cabin life as years of hardship. to be sure, our food was plain as well as our dress; our hours of labor were long and the labor itself was frequently severe; the pioneers appeared rough and uncouth. yet underlying all this there ran a vein of good cheer, of hopefulness. we never watched for the sun to go down, or for the seven o'clock whistle, or for the boss to quicken our steps. the days were always too short, and interest in our work was always unabated. the cabin could not be seen until the trail came quite near it. when i caught sight of a curl of smoke i knew i was almost there. then i saw the cabin and a little lady in almost bloomer dress milking the cow. she never finished milking that cow, nor did she ever milk any cow when her husband was at home. there were so many things to talk about that we could scarcely tell where to begin or when to stop. much of the conversation naturally centered on the question of our moving to a new home. "why, at olympia, eggs were a dollar a dozen. i saw them selling at that. the butter you have there would bring you a dollar a pound as fast as you could weigh it out. i saw stuff they called butter sell for that. potatoes are selling for three dollars a bushel and onions at four. everything the farmer raises sells high." "who buys?" "oh, almost everybody has to buy. there are ships and timber camps and the hotels, and--" "where do they get the money?" "everybody seems to have money. some take it there with them. men working in the timber camps get four dollars a day and their board. at one place they paid four dollars a cord for wood to ship to san francisco, and a man can sell all the shingles he can make at four dollars a thousand. i was offered five cents a foot for piles. if we had buck and dandy over there we could make twenty dollars a day putting in piles." "where could you get the piles?" "off the government land, of course. all help themselves to what they want. then there are the fish and the clams and oysters, and--" "but what about the land for the claim?" that question was a stumper. the little wife never lost sight of that bargain made before we were married. now i found myself praising a country for the agricultural qualities of which i could not say much. but if we could sell produce higher, might we not well lower our standard of an ideal farm? the claim i had taken was described with a touch of apology, in quality falling so far below what we had hoped to acquire. however, we decided to move, and began to prepare for the journey. the wife, baby, bedding, ox yoke, and log chain were sent up the cowlitz in a canoe. buck and dandy and i took the trail. on this occasion i was ill prepared for a cool night camp, having neither blanket nor coat. i had expected to reach hard bread's hotel, where the people in the canoe would stop overnight. but i could not make it, so again i lay out on the trail. "hard bread's," an odd name for a hotel, was so called because the old widower that kept the place fed his patrons on hardtack three times a day. i found that my wife had not fared any better than i had on the trail, and in fact not so well. the floor of the cabin--that is, the hotel--was a great deal harder than the sand spit where i had passed the night. i had plenty of pure, fresh air, while she, in a closed cabin and in the same room with many others, had neither fresh air nor freedom from creeping things that make life miserable. with her shoes for a pillow, a shawl for covering, small wonder that she reported, "i did not sleep a wink last night." we soon arrived at the cowlitz landing, the end of the canoe journey. striking the tent that had served us so well on the plains and making a cheerful camp fire, we speedily forgot the hard experiences of the trail. fifty miles more of travel lay before us. and such a road! however, we had one consolation,--it would be worse in winter than at that time. our wagon had been left at the dalles and we had never seen or heard of it again. our cows were gone--given for provender to save the lives of the oxen during the deep december snow. so when we took account of stock, we had the baby, buck and dandy, a tent, an ox yoke and chain, enough clothing and bedding to keep us comfortable, a very little food, and no money. the money had all been expended on the canoe passage. should we pack the oxen and walk, and carry the baby, or should we build a sled and drag our things over to the sound, or should i make an effort to get a wagon? this last proposition was the most attractive, and so next morning, driving my oxen before me and leaving wife and baby to take care of the camp, i began the search for a wagon. that great-hearted pioneer, john r. jackson, did not hesitate a moment, stranger though i was, to say, "yes, you can have two if you need them." jackson had settled there eight years before, ten miles out from the landing, and now had an abundance around him. like all the earlier pioneers, he took a pride in helping others who came later. he would not listen to our proceeding any farther before the next day. he insisted on entertaining us in his comfortable cabin, and sent us on our way in the morning, rejoicing in plenty. without special incident we in due time arrived at the falls of the deschutes (tumwater) and on the shore of puget sound. here a camp must be established again. the wife and baby were left there while i drove the wagon back over the tedious road to jackson's and then returned with the oxen to tidewater. [illustration: a cat-and-clay chimney, made of small split sticks embedded in layers of clay mortar.] my feelings may well be imagined when, upon returning, i found wife, baby, and tent all gone. i knew that smallpox was raging among the indians, and that a camp where it was prevalent was less than a quarter of a mile away. the dread disease had terrors then that it does not now possess. could it be possible my folks had been taken sick and had been removed? [illustration] the question was soon solved. it appeared that i had scarcely got out of sight on my trip back with the oxen before one of those royal pioneer matrons had come to the camp. she pleaded and insisted, and finally almost frightened the little wife into going with her and sharing her house, which was near by, but out of danger from the smallpox. god bless those earlier pioneers! they were all good to us, sometimes to the point of embarrassment, in their generous hospitality. oliver was to have had the cabin ready by the time i returned. he not only had not done that, but had taken the boat and had left no sign to tell us where either brother or boat could be found. not knowing what else to do, i paddled over to the town of steilacoom. there i found out where the boat and the provisions had been left, and after an earnest parley succeeded in getting possession. with my canoe in tow i soon made my way back to where my little flock was, and speedily transferred all to the spot that was to be our island dwelling. we set up our tent, and felt at home once more. [illustration: crows breaking clams by dropping them on boulders.] steilacoom, three miles across the bay, had grown during my absence, and in the distance it looked like a city in fact as well as in name. mt. rainier looked bigger and taller than ever. even the songs of the indians sounded better; the canoes looked more graceful, and the paddles seemed to be wielded more expertly. everything looked cheerful; everything interested us, especially the crows, with their trick of breaking clams by rising in the air and dropping them on the boulders. there were so many new things to observe that for a time we almost forgot that we were nearly out of provisions and money and did not know what had happened to oliver. next morning oliver returned to the village. finding that the boat and provisions had been taken and seeing smoke in the bight, he surmised what had happened and came paddling across to the tent. he had received a tempting offer to help load a ship and had just completed his contract. as a result of this work, he was able to exhibit a slug of california gold and other money that looked precious indeed in our eyes. the building of our second cabin with its stone fireplace, cat-and-clay chimney, lumber floor, real window with glass in it, together with the high-post bedstead made out of tapering cedar saplings, the table fastened to the wall, the rustic chairs, seemed but like a play spell. no eight-hour day there--eighteen would be nearer the mark; we never tired. it was in this same year, , that congress cut off from oregon the region that now comprises the state of washington and all of idaho north of the snake river. the new district was called washington territory, so we who had moved out to the oregon country found ourselves living in washington. [illustration: bobby carried me safely over the sixty crossings and more.] chapter fourteen messages and messengers at last we were really settled and could begin the business for which we had come west; henceforth the quiet life of the farmer was to be ours, we thought. but again we had not reckoned with the unexpected. while we were working on our new cabin, we received a letter from father, saying: "boys, if oliver will come back to cross with us, we will go to oregon next year." the letter was nearly three months old when we received it. our answer was immediate: "oliver will be with you next spring." then came the question of money. would davenport, who had bought the columbia river claims, pay in the fall? could he? we decided that we must go to the timber camp to earn the money to pay the expenses of oliver's journey, that we must not depend altogether on the columbia river asset. "what shall we do with the things?" asked my wife. "lock them up in the cabin," suggested oliver. "and you go and stay with the dofflemires," i added. "not i," she returned. "i'm going along to cook." all our well-laid plans were thus suddenly changed. our clearing of the land was deferred; the chicken house, the inmates of which were to make us rich, was not built; the pigs were not bought to fatten on the clams, and many other pet schemes were dropped that oliver might go back east to bring father and mother across the plains. we struck awkward but rapid and heavy strokes in the timber camp established on the bluff overlooking the falls at tumwater. the little cook supplied the huckleberry pudding for dinner, with plenty of the lightest, whitest bread, and vegetables, meat, and fish served in style good enough for kings. such appetites! no coaxing was required to get us to eat a hearty meal. such sound sleep, such satisfaction! talk about hardships--it was all pleasure as we counted the eleven dollars a day that the tullis brothers paid us for cutting logs, at one dollar and seventy cents a thousand. we earned this every day. yes, we should be able to make money enough together to pay oliver's passage to iowa. it was to be a long journey--over to the columbia river, out from there by steamer to san francisco, then to the isthmus, then to new york. after that, by rail as far west as there was a railroad, then on foot to eddyville, iowa, where the start was again to be made. it would take oliver two months to reach eddyville, and then at least seven more to lead the newcomers over the trail from iowa to puget sound. oliver was soon speeding on his way, and again my wife and i were left without money and with but a scant supply of provisions. how we made out through the winter i can hardly remember, but we managed somehow and kept well and happy. soon after oliver's departure our second baby was born. in the latter part of august, , eight months after oliver had left us, james k. hurd, of olympia, sent me word that he had been out on the immigrant trail and had heard that some of my relatives were on the road, but that they were belated and short of provisions. he advised me to go to their assistance, to make sure of their coming directly over the cascade mountains, and not down the columbia river. how my people, with oliver's experience to guide them, should be in the condition described, was past my comprehension. however, i accepted the statement as true. i felt the particular importance of their having certain knowledge as to prevailing conditions of an over-mountain trip through the natchess pass. the immigrants of the previous year had encountered formidable difficulties in the mountains, narrowly escaping the loss of everything, if not facing actual starvation. i could not help feeling that possibly the same conditions still prevailed. the only way to determine the question was to go and see for myself, to meet my father's party and pilot them through the pass. [illustration: we struck awkward but rapid and heavy strokes.] but how could i go and leave wife and two babies on our island home? the summer had been spent in clearing land and planting crops, and my money was very low. to remove my family would cost something in cash, besides the abandonment of the season's work to almost certain destruction. without a moment's hesitation my wife said to go; she and mrs. darrow, who was with us as nurse and companion, would stay right where they were until i got back. i was not so confident of the outcome as she. at best the trip was hazardous, even when undertaken well-prepared and with company. as far as i could see, i might have to go on foot and pack my food and blanket on my back. i knew that i should have to go alone. some work had been done on the road during the summer, but i was unable to learn definitely whether any camps were yet in the mountains. at steilacoom there was a certain character, a doctor, then understood by few, and i may say not by many even to the end. yet, somehow, i had implicit confidence in him, though between him and me there would seem to have been a gulf that could not be closed. our habits of life were diametrically opposite. i would never touch a drop, while the doctor was always drinking--never sober, neither ever drunk. it was to this man that i entrusted the safe keeping of my little family. i knew my wife had such an aversion to people of his kind that i did not even tell her with whom i would arrange to look out for her welfare, but suggested another person to whom she might apply in case of need. when i spoke to the doctor about what i wanted, he seemed pleased to be able to do a kind act. to reassure me, he got out his field glasses and turned them on the cabin across the water, three miles distant. looking through them intently for a moment he said, "i can see everything going on over there. you need have no uneasiness about your folks while you are gone." and i did not need to have any concern. twice a week during all the time i was away an indian woman visited the cabin on the island, always with some little presents. she would ask about the babies and whether there was anything needed. then with the parting "_alki nika keelapie_,"[ ] she would leave. with a fifty-pound flour sack filled with hard bread, or navy biscuit, a small piece of dried venison, a couple of pounds of cheese, a tin cup, and half of a three-point blanket, all made into a pack of less than forty pounds, i climbed the hill at steilacoom and took the road leading to puyallup. the first night was spent with jonathan mccarty, whose cabin was near where the town of sumner now stands. mccarty said: "you can't cross the streams on foot; i'll let you have a pony. he's small, but sure-footed and hardy, and he'll carry you across the rivers anyhow." mccarty also said: "tell your folks this is the greatest grass country on earth. why, i am sure i harvested five tons of timothy to the acre this year." [illustration: twice a week the indian woman visited the cabin.] the next day found me on the road with my blanket under the saddle, my sack of hard bread strapped on behind. i was mounted to ride on level stretches of the road, or across streams, of which i had fully sixty crossings to make. white river on the upper reaches is a roaring torrent; the rush of waters can be heard for a mile or more from the high bluff overlooking the narrow valley. the river is not fordable except in low water, and then in but few places. the river bed is full of stones worn rounded and smooth and slippery, from the size of a man's head to large boulders, thus making footing for animals uncertain. after my first experience, i dreaded the crossings to come more than all else on the trip, for a misstep of the pony's might be fatal. the little fellow, bobby, seemed to be equal to the occasion. if the footing became too uncertain, he would stop stock still and pound the water with one foot, then reach out carefully until he could find secure footing, and finally move up a step or two. the water of the river is so charged with sediment that the bottom cannot be seen; hence the necessity of feeling the way. i soon learned that my pony could be trusted on the fords better than i. thereafter i held only a supporting, not a guiding, rein and he carried me safely over all the crossings on my way out. allan porter lived near the first crossing. as he was the last settler i should see and his the last place where i could get feed for my pony, other than grass or browse, i put up for the night under his roof. he said i was going on a "tom fool's errand," for my folks could take care of themselves, and he tried to dissuade me from proceeding on my journey. but i would not be turned back. the following morning i cut loose from the settlements and plunged into the deep forest of the mountains. the road, if it could be called a road, lay in the narrow valley of white river or on the mountains adjacent. in some places, as at mud mountain, it reached more than a thousand feet above the river bed. there were stretches where the forest was so dense that one could scarcely see to read at midday, while elsewhere large burned areas gave an opening for daylight. during the forenoon of this day, in one of those deepest of deep forests, bobby stopped short, his ears pricked up. just then i caught an indistinct sight of a movement ahead, and thought i heard voices; the pony made an effort to turn and bolt in the opposite direction. soon there appeared three women and eight children on foot, coming down the road in complete ignorance of the presence of any one but themselves in the forest. "why, stranger! where on earth did you come from? where are you going, and what are you here for?" asked the foremost woman of the party. mutual explanations followed. i learned that their teams had become exhausted and all the wagons but one had been abandoned, and that this one was on the road a few miles behind. they were entirely out of provisions and had had nothing to eat for twenty hours except what natural food they had gathered, and that was not much. they eagerly inquired the distance to food, which i thought they might possibly reach that night. meanwhile i had opened my sack of hard bread and had given each a cracker, at the eating of which the sound resembled pigs cracking dry, hard corn. neither they nor i had time to parley long. the women with their children, barefoot and ragged, bareheaded and unkempt, started down the mountain, intent on reaching food, while i went up the road wondering how often this scene was to be repeated as i advanced on my journey. [illustration: _edward s. curtis_ white river in the upper reaches is a roaring torrent.] a dozen biscuits of bread is usually a very small matter, but with me it might mean a great deal. how far should i have to go? when could i find out? what would be the plight of my people when found? or should i find them at all? might they not pass by and be on the way down the columbia river before i could reach the main immigrant trail? these and kindred questions weighed on my mind as i slowly ascended the mountain. [illustration] footnote: [ ] by and by i will return. [illustration: the boy led his mother across the log.] chapter fifteen blazing the way through natchess pass the natchess pass trail, along which i must make my way, had been blazed by a party of intrepid pioneers during the summer of . fifteen thousand dollars had been appropriated by congress to be expended for a military road through the pass. i saw some of the work, but do not remember seeing any of the men who were improving the road. i stuck close to the old trail, making my first camp alone, just west of the summit. i had reached an altitude where the night chill was keenly felt, and with only my light blanket missed the friendly contact of the faithful ox that had served me so well on the plains. my pony had nothing but browse for supper, and he was restless. nevertheless i slept soundly and was up early, refreshed and ready to resume the journey. such a road as i found is difficult to imagine. how the pioneer trail-blazers had made their way through it is a marvel. it seemed incredible that forests so tall and so dense could have existed anywhere on earth. curiously enough, the heavier the standing timber, the easier it had been to slip through with wagons, there being but little undecayed timber or down timber. in the ancient days, however, great giants had been uprooted, lifting considerable earth with the upturned roots. as time went on the roots decayed, making mounds two, three, or four feet high and leaving a corresponding hollow into which one would plunge; for the whole was covered by a dense, short evergreen growth that completely hid from view the unevenness of the ground. over these hillocks and hollows and over great roots on top of the ground, they had rolled their wagons. all sorts of devices had been tried to overcome obstructions. in many places, where the roots were not too large, cuts had been taken out. in other places the large timber had been bridged by piling up smaller logs, rotten chunks, brush, or earth, so that the wheels of the wagon could be rolled over the body of the tree. usually three notches would be cut on the top of the log, two for the wheels and one for the reach, or coupling pole, to pass through. in such places the oxen would be taken to the opposite side, and a chain or rope would be run to the end of the wagon tongue. one man drove, one or two guided the tongue, others helped at the wheels. in this way, with infinite labor and great care, the wagons would gradually be worked over all obstacles and down the mountain in the direction of the settlements. but the more numerous the difficulties, the more determined i became to push through at all hazards, for the greater was the necessity of acquainting myself with the obstacles to be encountered and of reaching my friends to encourage and help them. [illustration: _edward s. curtis_ in the heart of a cascade forest.] before me lay the summit of the great range, the pass, at five thousand feet above sea level. at this summit, about twenty miles north of mt. rainier in the cascade range, is a small stretch of picturesque open country known as summit prairie, in the natchess pass. in this prairie, during the autumn of , a camp of immigrants had encountered grave difficulties. a short way out from the camp, a steep mountain declivity lay squarely across their track. one of the women of the party exclaimed, when she first saw it, "have we come to the jumping-off place at last?" it was no exclamation for effect, but a fervent prayer for deliverance. they could not go back; they must either go ahead or starve in the mountains. stout hearts in the party were not to be deterred from making the effort to proceed. go around this hill they could not. go down it with logs trailed to the wagons, as they had done at other places, they dared not, for the hill was so steep the logs would go end over end and would be a danger instead of a help. the rope they had was run down the hill and turned out to be too short to reach the bottom. james biles, one of the leaders, commanded, "kill a steer." they killed a steer, cut his hide into strips, and spliced the strips to the rope. it was found to be still too short to reach to the bottom. the order went out: "kill two more steers!" and two more steers were killed, their hides cut into strips and the strips spliced to the rope, which then reached to the bottom of the hill. by the aid of that rope and the strips of the hides of those three steers, twenty-nine wagons were lowered down the mountain side to the bottom of the steep hill. only one broke away; it crashed down the mountain and was smashed into splinters. the feat of bringing that train of wagons in, with the loss of only one out of twenty-nine, is the greatest i ever knew or heard of in the way of pioneer travel. [illustration: by the aid of one short rope and the strips of the hides of three steers, twenty-nine wagons were lowered down the mountain side.] nor were the trials ended when the wagons had been brought down to the bottom of that hill. with snail-like movements, the cattle and men becoming weaker and weaker, the train crept along, making less progress each day, until finally it seemed that the oxen could do no more. it became necessary to send them forward on the trail ten miles, to a place where it was known that plenty of grass could be had. meanwhile the work on the road continued until the third day, when the last particle of food was gone. then the teams were brought back, the trip over the whole ten miles was made, and connell's prairie was reached at dark. in the struggle over that ten miles the women and children had largely to take care of themselves while the men tugged at the wagons. one mother and her children, a ten-year old boy, a child of four years, and a babe of eight months, in some way were passed by the wagons. these four were left on the right bank of the river when the others had crossed. a large fallen tree reached across the river, but the top on the farther side lay so close to the water that a constant trembling and swaying made it a dangerous bridge to cross on. none of the four had eaten anything since the day before, and but a scant supply then; but the boy resolutely shouldered the four-year-old child and deposited him safely on the other side. then came the little tot, the baby, to be carried across in his arms. last came the mother. "i can't go!" she exclaimed. "it makes me so dizzy!" "put one hand over your eyes, mother, and take hold of me with the other," said the boy. they began to move out sidewise on the log, half a step at a time. "hold steady, mother; we are nearly over." "oh, i am gone!" she cried, as she lost her balance and fell into the river. happily, they were so near the farther bank that the little boy was able to catch with one hand a branch that hung over the bank while he held on to his mother with the other hand, and so she was saved. it was then nearly dark, and without knowing how far it was to camp, the little party started on the road, tarrying on the bank of the river only long enough for the mother to wring the water out of her skirts. the boy carried the baby, while the four-year-old child walked beside his mother. after nearly two miles of travel and the ascent of a very steep hill, they caught the glimmer of camp lights; the mother fell senseless, utterly prostrated. the boy hurried his two little brothers into camp, calling for help to rescue his mother. the appeal was promptly responded to; she was carried into camp and tenderly cared for until she revived. there were one hundred and twenty-eight people in that train. among them, as a boy, was george himes, who for many years has been secretary of the oregon historical society. to him we are indebted for most of this story of pioneer heroism. [illustration: bobby and i went up the mountain in a zig-zag course.] chapter sixteen climbing the cascade mountains up through the natchess pass bobby and i took our lonely way, to reach and bring over this same difficult trail the party in which were my parents and my brothers and sisters. from the first chill night, following the sweat due to the climb of the day before, my muscles were a bit stiffened; but i was ready for the climb to the summit. bobby was of a different mind. as i have said, he had been restless during the night. i had just strapped the roll of blankets and hard bread securely behind the saddle, when he suddenly turned his face homeward and trotted off gaily, down the mountain. i could do nothing but follow him. the narrow cut of the road and impenetrable obstructions on either side prevented my heading off his rascally maneuvers. finally, on finding a nip of grass by the roadside, he slackened his gait, and after several futile attempts i managed to get a firm hold of his tail. after this we went down the mountain together, much more rapidly than we had come up the evening before. bobby forgot to use his heels, else he might for a longer time have been master of the situation. the fact was he did not want to hurt me, but was determined to go no farther into mountains where he could not get a supper. the contest was finally settled in my favor when i managed to catch hold of the rein. did i chastise him? not a bit. i did not blame him; we were partners, but it was a one-sided partnership, as he had no interest in the enterprise other than to get enough to eat as we went along, and when he saw no prospect of food, he rebelled. we were soon past our camping ground of the night before, and on our way up the mountain. bobby would not be led; if i tried to lead him, he would hold back for a while, then, making a rush up the steep ascent, he would be on my heels or toes before i could get out of the way. i would seize his tail with a firm grasp and follow. when he moved rapidly, i was helped up the mountain. when he slackened his pace, then came the resting spell. the engineering instinct of the horse tells him how to reduce grades by angles, and bobby led me up the mountains in zig-zag courses, i following always with the firm grasp of the tail that meant we would not part company, and we did not. by noon we had surmounted all obstacles and stood upon the summit prairie--one of them, for there are several. here bobby feasted to his heart's content, while for me it was the same old story--hardtack and cheese, with a small allotment of dried venison. to the south, apparently but a few miles distant, the old mountain, rainier, loomed up into the clouds fully ten thousand feet higher than where i stood, a grand scene to behold, worthy of all the effort expended to reach this point. but i was not attuned to view with ecstasy the grandeur of what lay before me; rather i scanned the horizon to ascertain, if i could, what the morrow might bring forth. this mountain served the pioneer as a huge barometer to forecast the weather. "how is the mountain this morning?" the farmer asked in harvest time. "has the mountain got his nightcap on?" the housewife inquired before her wash was hung on the line. the indian would watch the mountain with intent to determine whether he might expect _snass_ (rain), or _kull snass_ (hail), or _t'kope snass_ (snow), and seldom failed in his conclusions. so that day i scanned the mountain top, partially hid in the clouds, with forebodings verified at nightfall. a light snow came on just before night, which, with the high mountains on either side of the river, spread darkness rapidly. i was loath to camp. if i could safely have found my way, i would have traveled all night. the trail in places was very indistinct and the canyon was but a few hundred yards wide, with the tortuous river striking first one bluff and then the other, making numerous crossings necessary. finally i saw that i must camp. i crossed the river to an opening where the bear tracks were so thick that the spot seemed a playground for all these animals roundabout. the black bears on the western slope were timid and not dangerous; but i did not know about this species of the eastern slope. i found two good-sized trees that had fallen obliquely across each other. with my pony tethered as a sentinel, and my fire as an advance post, i went to bed, nearly supperless. i felt lonesome; but i kept my fire burning all night, and i slept soundly. early next morning found bobby and me on the trail. we were a little chilled by the cold mountain air and very willing to travel. towards nightfall i heard the welcome tinkling of a bell, and soon saw first the smoke of camp fires, and then a village of tents and grime-covered wagons. how i tugged at bobby's halter to make him go faster and then mounted him, without getting much more speed, can better be imagined than told. [illustration: a night camp in the mountains with a fire to keep off the bears.] could it be the camp i was searching for? it had about the number of wagons and tents that i expected to meet. no; i was doomed to disappointment. yet i rejoiced to find some one to camp with and talk to other than the pony. the greeting given me by those tired and almost discouraged travelers could not have been more cordial had they been my relatives. they had been toiling for nearly five months on the road across the plains, and now there loomed up before them this great mountain range to cross. could they do it? if they could not get over with their wagons, could they get the women and children through safely? i was able to lift a load of doubt and fear from their jaded minds. before i knew what was happening, i caught the fragrance of boiling coffee and fresh meat cooking. the good matrons knew without telling that i was hungry and had set to work to prepare me a meal, a sumptuous meal at that, taking into account the whetted appetite incident to a diet of hard bread straight, and not much of that either, for two days. we had met on the yakima river, at the place where the old trail crosses that river near the site of the present flourishing city of north yakima. [illustration: mountain wolves.] in this party were some of the people who next year lost their lives in the white river massacre. they were harvey h. jones, his wife, and three children, and george e. king, his wife, and one child. one of the little boys of the camp, john i. king, lived to write a graphic account of the tragedy in which his mother and stepfather and their neighbors lost their lives. another boy, a five-year-old child, was taken off, and after being held captive for nearly four months was then safely delivered over by the indians to the military authorities at fort steilacoom. i never think of those people but with sadness. their struggle, doubtless the supreme effort of their lives, was only to go to their death. i had pointed out to them where to go to get good claims, and they had lost no time, but had gone straight to the locality recommended and had set immediately to work preparing shelter for the winter. "are you going out on those plains alone?" mrs. jones asked me anxiously. when i told her that i would have the pony with me, she insisted, "well, i don't think it is safe." mr. jones explained that his wife was thinking of the danger from the ravenous wolves that infested the open country. the party had lost weakened stock from their forages right close to the camp. he advised me not to camp near the watering places, but to go up on the high ridge. i followed his advice with the result, as we shall see, of missing my road and losing considerable time, which meant not a little trouble and anxiety. [illustration: to dig under was the only way to pass the obstruction.] chapter seventeen finding my people on leaving my newly found friends i faced a discouraging prospect. the start for the high, arid table-lands bordering the yakima valley cut me loose from all communication. no more immigrants were met until i reached the main-traveled route beyond the columbia river. the road lay through a forbidding sage plain, or rather an undulating country, covered by shifting sands and dead grass of comparatively scant growth. as the sun rose, the heat became intolerable. the dust, in places, brought vivid memories of the trip across the plains. strive against it as i might, my eyes would strain at the horizon to catch a glimpse of the expected train. then an intolerable thirst seized upon me and compelled me to leave the road and descend into the valley for water. i dared not linger off the trail and take chances of missing the expected train. so i went through another stretch of travel, of heat, and of thirst, that lasted until during the afternoon, when i found water on the trail. tethering my pony for his much-needed dinner, i opened my sack of hard bread to count the contents; my store was half gone. i lay down in the shade of a small tree near the spring to take an afternoon nap. rousing before sundown, refreshed, bobby and i took the trail with new courage. when night came, i could not find it in my heart to camp. the cool of the evening invigorated the pony, and we pushed on. finding that the road could be followed, though but dimly seen, i kept on the trail until a late hour, when i unsaddled and hobbled the pony. the saddle blanket was brought into use, and i was soon off in dreamland forgetting all about the dust, the trail, or the morrow. in the morning i awoke to find that the pony had wandered far off on the hillside, so far, in fact, that it required close scanning to discover him. to make matters worse, his hobbles had become loosened, giving him free use of all his feet, and he was in no mood to take the trail again. coaxing was of no avail, driving would do no good. taking an opportunity to seize his tail, i followed him around about over the plain and through the sage brush at a rapid gait; finally he slackened pace and i again became master. [illustration: hobbling the pony.] for the life of me i could not be sure of the direction of the trail after all this roaming over the plain at bobby's heels, but i happened to take the right course. when the trail was found, there was the saddle to look for, and this was located with some difficulty. the sun was high when we started on our journey. a few hundred yards of travel brought uneasiness, as it was evident that we were not on the regular trail. not knowing but this was some cut-off, i went on until the columbia river bluff was reached and the great river was in sight, half a mile distant and several hundred feet lower. taking a trail down the bluff that seemed more promising than the wagon tracks, i began to search for the road at the foot of the bluff, only to find every semblance of a road gone. i lost more than a half-day's precious time, and again was thrown into anxiety lest i had missed the long-sought train. the next incident that i remember vividly was my attempt to cross the columbia, just below the mouth of the snake river. i had seen but few indians on the whole trip and, in fact, the camp i found there on the bank of the great river was the first i distinctly remember coming upon. i could not induce the indians to cross me over; they seemed surly and unfriendly. their behavior was so in contrast to that of the indians on the sound that i could not help wondering what it meant. no one, to my knowledge, lost his life at the hands of the indians that season, but the next summer all or nearly all the travelers who ventured into that country unprotected were murdered. that night i camped late, opposite wallula (old fort walla walla), in a sand storm of great fury. i tethered my pony this time, and rolled myself up in the blanket, only to find myself fairly buried in the drifting sand in the morning. it required a great effort to creep out of the blanket, and an even greater effort to free the blanket from the accumulated sand. by this time the wind had gone down and comparative calm prevailed. [illustration: i spent two hours calling across the river at the top of my voice.] then came the attempt to make myself heard across the wide river by the people of the fort. i traveled up and down the river bank for half a mile or so, in the hope of catching a favorable breeze to carry my voice to the fort, yet all to no avail. i sat upon the bank hopelessly discouraged, not knowing what to do. i must have been two hours hallooing at the top of my voice, until i was hoarse from the violent effort. finally, while sitting there wondering what to do, i spied a blue smoke arising from a cabin on the other side. soon after i saw a man; he immediately responded to my renewed efforts to attract attention. the trouble had been that the people were all asleep, while i was there in the early morning expending my breath for nothing. the man was shirley ensign, of olympia, who had established a ferry across the columbia river and had lingered to set over belated immigrants, if any should come along. he came across the river and gave me glad tidings. he had been out on the trail fifty miles or more and had met my people. they were camped some thirty miles away, he thought, and they would reach the ferry on the following day. but i could not wait there for them. procuring a fresh horse, i started out in a cheerful mood, determined to reach camp that night if i could possibly do so. sundown came, and there were no signs of camp. dusk came on, and still no signs. then i spied some cattle grazing on the upland, and soon came upon the camp in a ravine that had shut it from view. rejoicing and outbursts of grief followed. i inquired for my mother the first thing. she was not there. months before she had been buried in the sands of the platte valley. my younger brother also lay buried on the plains, near independence rock. the scene that followed is of too sacred memory to write about. when we came to consider how the party should proceed, i advised the over-mountain trip. but i cautioned them to expect some snow and much hard work. "how long will it take?" they asked. "about three weeks." this brought disappointment; they had thought they were about through with the journey. "you came to stay with us, didn't you?" "i want to; but what about my wife and the two babies, at the island?" father said some one must go and look after them. so oliver was sent ahead, while i was to take his place and help the immigrants through the natchess pass. in our train were fifty or more head of stock, seven wagons, and seventeen people. we made the trip across the divide in twenty-two days without serious mishap or loss. this was good time, considering the difficulties that beset our way at every step. every man literally "put his shoulder to the wheel." we were compelled often to take hold of the wheels to boost the wagons over the logs or to ease them down steep places. our force was divided into three groups,--one man to each wagon to drive; four to act as wheelmen; father and the women, on foot or horseback, to drive the stock. god bless the women folks of the plains! nobler, braver, more uncomplaining souls were never known. i have often thought that some one ought to write a just tribute to their valor and patience, a book of their heroic deeds. one day we encountered a newly fallen tree, cocked up on its own upturned roots, four feet from the ground. go around it we could not; to cut it out with our dulled, flimsy saw seemed an endless task. "dig down, boys," said father, and in short order every available shovel was out of the wagons. very soon the way was open fully four feet deep, and oxen and wagons passed under the obstruction. do you say that we endured great hardships? that depends upon the point of view. as to this return trip, i can truly say for myself that it was not one of hardship. i enjoyed overcoming the difficulties, and so did the greater number of the company. many of them, it is true, were weakened by the long trip across the plains; but better food was obtainable, and the goal was near at hand. it was a positive pleasure, therefore, to pass over the miles, one by one, assured that final success was a matter of only a very short time. when our little train at last emerged from the forests and came out into the nisqually plains, it was almost as if we had come into a noonday sun from a dungeon, so marked was the contrast. hundreds of cattle, sheep, and horses were quietly grazing, scattered over the landscape as far as one could see. the spirits of the tired party rose as they looked upon this scene, indicating a contentment and prosperity in which they might participate if they so desired. our cabin, eighteen feet square, could not hold all the visitors. however, it was an easy matter to set up the three tents they had brought with them, and for several days we held a true reunion. great was the feasting, with clam bakes, huckleberry pies and puddings, venison for meat, and fresh vegetables from our garden, at which the newcomers could not cease from marveling. the row of sweet peas that my wife had planted near the cabin helped to put heart into those travel-weary pioneers; where flowers could be planted, a home could be made. for a short time the little party halted to take breath and to look over the new country. this rest, however, could not last long. preparations must be made without delay for shelter from the coming storms of winter; the stock must be cared for, and other beginnings made for a new life of independence. after surveying the situation, father said the island home would not do. he had come two thousand miles to live neighbors; i must give up my claim and take up another near his, on the mainland. abandoning the results of more than a year's hard work, i acted upon his request, and across the bay we built our third cabin. [illustration: the night ride to the fort.] chapter eighteen indian war days one of the saddest chapters in the early history of washington territory was the trouble with the indians, which led finally to open war. on october , , word came that all the settlers living on white river had been killed by the indians and that the next day those in the puyallup valley would be massacred. at the risk of his life a friendly indian brought this news to us in the dead hours of the night. the massacre had occurred less than twenty miles from where we lived. for all we knew the indians might be on us at any moment. there were three men of us, and each had a gun. the first thing we did was to harness and hitch the team to the wagon. then we opened the gates to let the calves get to their mothers, turned the pigs loose, and opened the chicken-house door--all this without light. then the drive for our lives began, the women and babies lying close to the bottom of the wagon, the men with guns ready for action. we reached fort steilacoom unmolested. but we could not in safety stop there. the place was really no fort at all, only an encampment, and it was already filled with refugees from the surrounding settlements. so we pushed on into the town and stayed there until a blockhouse was built. this building was about fifty feet wide and nearly a hundred feet long. it was bullet-proof, without windows, and two stories high. a heavy door swung at the front entrance to the lower story, while an inclined walk from higher ground in the rear enabled us to reach the upper story; inside, a ladder served the purpose of a stairway between the two stories. the blockhouse proved a haven of safety during the indian trouble, not only to our own family but to many of our neighbors besides. seventy-five such houses were built during these troublous times. numbers of settlers did not go back to their homes for several years. the indians finally came in force just across the sound and defied the troops. they also prevented the soldiers from landing from the steamer sent against them. a few days later we heard the guns from fort nisqually, which, however, i have always thought was a false alarm. it was when a captive child was brought in that we began to feel the gravity of the situation. yet many of our fears turned out to be baseless. for instance, one day johnny boatman, a little boy not quite four years old, was lost. his mother was almost crazed, for word went out that the indians had stolen him. a day later the lad was found under a tree, asleep. he had simply wandered away. a perplexing feature of the whole affair came from the fact that there were two warring camps among the forces of both the indians and the whites. some of the indians were friendly; we had ample proof of that fact. some of the whites were against the harsh measures taken by those in charge. this dissension led to much unnecessary trouble and bloodshed. [illustration: the blockhouse, a haven of safety.] the war was brought on by the fact that the indians had been wronged. this seems certain. they had been robbed of their lands, by the treaties made in , and there had been atrocious murders of indians by irresponsible white men. the result was suffering and trouble for all of us. the war brought troops, many of whom were reckless men; the army then was not up to the standard of today. besides, there came in the wake of the soldiers a trail of gamblers and other disreputable people to vex and perplex us. in the blockhouses could be seen bullet marks which we knew did not come from indians. i remember a little drummer boy, known as scotty, who used frequently to come over to our home. he was a bright little fellow, and the colonel, finding it was agreeable to us, encouraged him to make these visits, perhaps to get him away a little from the rough life of the post. scotty had been living with a soldier there who, as report had it, used to get drunk and beat his wife. when my wife asked scotty one day if the soldier abused his wife, he replied, "well, i can't say exactly that he abuses her. he only cuffs and kicks her around the house sometimes." poor boy! he had seen so much rough living that he didn't know what abuse meant. not all the soldiers were of this drunken cast, of course. many brave and noble men were among the military forces. the indians, naturally, did not discriminate between good and bad soldiers. they hated and fought the troops, while at the same time they would often protect the pioneers, with whom they had been generally friendly. i had lived in peace with these indians and they had gained my confidence. as events subsequently showed, i held their friendship and confidence. at one time, during the war, a party of indians held me harmless within their power. they had said they would not harm those who had advocated their cause at the time the treaties were made. [illustration: the lost child.] soon after the outbreak noted, i disregarded the earnest entreaties of many persons and went back to my stock and to the cabin to care for the abandoned dairy and young cattle. i did not believe the indians would molest me, but took the precaution of having my rifle in a convenient place. i did not need to use it. when nightfall came i did withdraw from my cabin, not from fear of war parties, but of individual outlaws. the sole military experience of my life consisted in an expedition to the puyallup valley with a company of seventeen settlers soon after the outbreak described. the settlers of puyallup had left their homes the day after the massacre in such haste that they were almost destitute of clothing, bedding, and food, as well as shelter. a strong military force had penetrated the indian country--the upper puyallup valley and beyond. we knew of this, but did not know that the soldiers had retreated by another road, virtually driven out, the very day we went in armed with all sorts of guns and with scarcely any organization. we had gone into the indian stronghold not to fight indians, but to recover property. nevertheless, there would have been hot work if we had been attacked. the settlers knew the country as well as did the indians and were prepared to meet them on their own ground and in their own way. the indians were in great force but a few miles distant. they had scouts on our tracks, but did not molest us. we visited every settler's cabin and secured the belongings not destroyed. on the sixth day we came away with great loads of "plunder." all the while we were in blissful ignorance that the troops had been withdrawn, and that no protection lay between us and the indian forces. after this outbreak, indians and settlers about our neighborhood lived in peace, on the whole. to anyone who treated them fairly, the indians became loyal friends. mowich man, an indian whom i was to know during many years, was one of our neighbors. he frequently passed our cabin with his canoe and people. he was a great hunter, a crack shot, and an all-round indian of good parts. many is the saddle of venison that he brought me in the course of years. other pioneers likewise had special friends among the indians. some of mowich man's people were fine singers. his camp, or his canoe if he was traveling, was always the center for song and merriment. it is a curious fact that one seldom can get the indian music by asking for it, but rather must wait for its spontaneous outburst. indian songs in those days came from nearly every nook and corner and seemed to pervade the whole country. we often could hear the songs and accompanying stroke of the paddle long before we saw the floating canoes. [illustration: carrying a dairy to the new mining town.] chapter nineteen the stampede for the gold diggings hardly had we got fairly over the indian war when another wave of excitement broke up our pioneer plans again. on march , , the schooner _wild pigeon_ arrived at steilacoom with the news that the indians had discovered gold on fraser river, that they had traded several pounds of the precious metal with the hudson's bay company, and that three hundred people had left victoria and its vicinity for the new land of el dorado. furthermore, the report ran, the mines were exceedingly rich. the wave of excitement that went through the little settlement upon the receipt of this news was repeated in every town and hamlet of the whole pacific coast. it continued even around the world, summoning adventurous spirits from all civilized countries of the earth. everybody, women folk and all, wanted to go, and would have started pell mell had there not been that restraining influence of the second thought, especially powerful with people who had just gone through the mill of adversity. my family was still in the blockhouse that we had built in the town of steilacoom during the indian war. our cattle were peacefully grazing on the plains a few miles away. one of the local merchants, samuel mccaw, bundled up a few goods, made a flying trip up fraser river, and came back with fifty ounces of gold dust and the news that the mines were all that had been reported and more, too. this of course, added fuel to the flame. we all believed a new era had dawned upon us, similar to that of ten years before in california, which changed the world's history. high hopes were built, most of them to end in disappointment. not but that there were extensive mines, and that they were rich, and that they were easily worked; how to get to them was the puzzling question. the early voyagers had slipped up the fraser before the freshets came down from the melting snows to swell the torrents of that river. those going later either failed altogether and gave up the unequal contest, or lost an average of one canoe or boat out of three in the persistent attempt. how many lives were lost never will be known. contingents began to arrive in steilacoom from oregon, from california, and finally from "the states." steamers great and small began to appear, with little cargo but with passenger lists that were said to be nothing compared to those of ships coming in less than a hundred miles to the north of us. these people landing in whatcom in such great numbers must be fed, we agreed. if the multitude would not come to us to drink the milk of our cows and eat their butter, what better could we do than to take our cows to the place where we were told the multitude did not hesitate to pay a dollar a gallon for milk and any price one might ask for fresh butter! but how to get even to whatcom was the rub. all space on the steamers was taken from week to week for freight and passengers, and no room was left for cattle. in fact, the run on provisions for the gold rush was so great that at one time we were almost threatened with famine. finally our cattle, mostly cows, were loaded in an open scow and taken in tow alongside the steamer, the _sea bird_, i think it was. [illustration: a "shaker" used to wash out gold.] all went well enough until we arrived off the head of whidby island. here a choppy sea from a light wind began slopping over the scow and evidently would sink us despite our utmost efforts at bailing. when the captain would slow down the speed of his steamer, all was well; but the moment greater power was applied, over the gunwales would come the water. the dialogue that ensued between the captain and me was more emphatic than elegant. he dared not risk letting go of us, however, or of running us under, for fear of incurring the risk of heavy damages. i would not consent to be landed. so about the twentieth of june we were set adrift in bellingham bay and, tired and sleepy, landed on the beach. our cows must have feed, they must be milked, the milk must be marketed. there was no rest for us during another thirty-six hours. in fact, there was but little sleep for anybody on that beach at the time. several ocean steamers had just dumped three thousand people on the beach, and there was still a scramble to find a place to build a house or stretch a tent, or even to spread a blanket, for there were great numbers already there, landed by previous steamers. the staking of lots on the tide flats at night, when the tide was out, seemed to be a staple industry. a few days after my arrival four steamers came with an aggregate of more than two thousand passengers. many of these, however, did not leave the steamer; they took passage either to their port of departure--san francisco or victoria--or to points on the sound. the ebb tide had set in, and although many steamers came later and landed passengers, their return lists soon became large and the population began to diminish. taking my little dory that we had with us on the scow, i rowed to the largest steamer lying at anchor. so many small boats surrounded the steamer that i could not get within a hundred feet of it. all sorts of craft filled the intervening space, from the smallest indian canoe to large barges, the owner of each craft striving to secure customers. the great difficulty was to find a trail to the gold fields. this pass and that pass was tried without success. i saw sixty men with heavy packs on their backs start out in one company. every one of these had to come back after floundering in the mountains for weeks. the indians, among whom the spirit of war still smouldered, headed off some of the parties. the snows kept back others; and finally the british, watching their own interests, blocked the way through their land. as a result the boom burst, and people resought their old homes. it is doubtful if another stampede of such dimensions as that to the fraser in ever occurred where the suffering was so great, the prizes so few, and the loss of life proportionately so great. probably not one in ten that made the effort reached the mines, and of those who did the usual percentage drew the blanks inevitable in such stampedes. and yet the mines were immensely rich; many millions of dollars of gold came from the find in the lapse of years, and gold is still coming, though now more than sixty years have passed. while the losses of the people of the puget sound country were great, nevertheless good came out of the great stampede in the large accession of population that remained after the return tide was over. many people had become stranded and could not leave the country, but went to work with a will to make a living there. of these not a few are still honored citizens of the state that has been carved out of the territory of that day. [illustration] [illustration: carrie sees "a big cat" sharpening its claws.] chapter twenty making a permanent home in the wilds the days that followed our venture in the gold field were more peaceful and prosperous. soon after the indian war we had moved to a new claim. we began now to realize to the full our dream of earlier days, to settle on a farm and build a home. three neighbors were all we had, and the nearest lived nearly two miles away. two of them kept bachelor's hall. the thick, high timber made it impossible for us to see any of our neighbors' houses. we could reach only one by a road; to the others we might go by a trail. under such conditions we could not have a public school. this, however, did not keep us from having a school of our own. one day one of our farther-off neighbors, who lived more than four miles away, came to visit us. naturally the children flocked around him to hear his stories in broad scotch and to ply him with questions. in his turn, he began to ask them questions. one of these was, "when do you expect to go to school?" "oh, we have school now," responded the children. "we have school every day." "and pray, who is your teacher, and where is your schoolhouse?" "father teaches us at home every morning before breakfast. he hears the lessons then, and mother helps us too." "your father told me a while ago that you had your breakfast at six o'clock. what time do you get up?" "why, father sets the clock for half-past four, and that gives us an hour while mother gets breakfast, you know." boys and girls of today may pity those poor pioneer children who had to get up so early. they may as well dismiss such feelings from their hearts. the children were cheerful and healthy; they did some work during the day in addition to studying their lessons; and besides they went to bed earlier than some boys and girls do these days. in january the wreck of the steamer _northerner_ brought great sorrow to us, for my brother oliver was among those lost. the ship struck on an uncharted rock. during the stay at steilacoom in the time of the indian troubles, we had begun a trading venture, in a small way. the venture having proved successful, we invested all our savings in a new stock of merchandise, and this stock, not all paid for, went down with the ship. again we must start in life, and we moved to a new location, a homestead in the puyallup valley. here we lived and farmed for forty-one years, seeing the town of puyallup grow up on and around the homestead. in the puyallup valley there were more neighbors--two families to the square mile. yet no neighbors were in sight, because the timber and underbrush were so thick we could scarcely see two rods from the edge of our clearing. but the neighbors were near enough for us to provide a public school and build a schoolhouse. some of the neighbors took their axes to cut the logs, some their oxen to drag them, others their saws and cleaving tools to make clapboards for the roof. others again, more handy with tools, made the benches out of split logs, or, as we called them, puncheons. with willing hands to help, the schoolhouse soon received the finishing touches. the side walls were scarcely high enough for the doorway, so one was cut in the end. the door hung on wooden hinges, which squeaked a good deal when the door was opened or shut; but the children did not mind that. the roof answered well enough for the ceiling overhead, and a cut in one of the logs on each side made two long, narrow windows for light. the children sat with their faces to the walls, with long shelves in front of them, while the smaller tots sat on low benches near the middle of the room. when the weather would permit, the teacher left the door open to admit more light. there was no need to let in more fresh air, as the roof was quite open and the cracks between the logs let in plenty of it. sometimes we had a woman for teacher, and then the salary was smaller, as she boarded around. that meant some discomfort for her during part of the time, where the surroundings were not pleasant. one day little carrie, my daughter, started to go to school, but soon came running back out of breath. "mamma! mamma! i saw a great big cat sharpening his claws on a great big tree, just the way pussy does!" she said as soon as she could catch her breath. sure enough, upon examination, there were the marks of a cougar as high up on the tree as i could reach. it must have been a big one to reach so far up the tree. but the incident soon dropped out of mind and the children went to school on the trail as if nothing had happened. afterwards i met a cougar on a lonely trail in the woods near where auburn now stands. i had been attempting to drive some wild cattle home, but they were so unruly that they scattered through the timber and i was obliged to go on without them late in the day. the forest was so dense that it was hard to see the road even when the sun was shining; on a cloudy day it seemed almost like night, though i could see well enough to keep on the crooked trail. just before i got to stuck river crossing i came to a turn in the trail where it crossed the top of a big fir that had been turned up by the roots and had fallen nearly parallel with the trail. the big roots held the butt of the tree up from the ground. i think the tree was four feet in diameter a hundred feet from the butt, and the whole body, from root to top, was eighty-four steps long, or about two hundred and fifty feet. i didn't stop to step it then. but you may be sure i took some pretty long strides about that time; for just as i stepped over the fallen tree near the top, i saw something move on the big body near the roots. the thing was coming right towards me. in an instant i realized that it was a great cougar. he was pretty, but he did not look especially pleasing to me. i didn't know what to do. i had no gun with me, and i knew perfectly well there was no use to run. was i scared, did you say? did you ever have creepers run up your back and right to the roots of your hair, and nearly to the top of your head? did the cougar hurt me? if i had been hurt i shouldn't have been here to tell you this story. the fun of it was that the cougar hadn't seen me yet, but as soon as he did he scampered off as if the old harry himself were after him, while i sped off down the trail as if old beelzebub were after me. but no wild animals ever harmed us, and we did not die for want of food, clothing, or shelter, although we did have some experiences that were trying. before the clearings were large we sometimes were pinched for both food and clothing. i will not say we suffered much for either, though i know that some families at times lived on potatoes, straight. usually fish could be had in abundance, and there was considerable game--some bear and plenty of deer. [illustration: the christmas tree with its homemade gifts.] the clothing gave us more trouble, as but little money came to us for the small quantity of produce we had to spare. i remember one winter when we were at our wits' ends for shoes. we just could not get money to buy shoes enough to go around, but we managed to get leather to make each member of the family one pair. we killed a pig to get bristles for the wax-ends, cut the pegs from alder log and seasoned them in the oven, and made the lasts out of the same timber. those shoes were clumsy, to be sure; but they kept our feet dry and warm, and we felt thankful for them and sorry for some neighbors' children, who had to go barefooted even in quite cold weather. carrie once had a pair of nice white shoes "for best," i remember, that one of her brothers made for her, with buckskin uppers and light tan-colored soles. you must not think that we had no recreation and that we were a sorrowful set. there was never a happier lot of people than these same hard-working pioneers and their families. we had joy in our home life, and amusements as well as labor. music was our greatest pleasure. we never tired of it. "uncle john," as every one called him, the old teacher, was constantly teaching the children music; so it soon came about they could read their music as readily as they could their school books. no christmas ever went by without a christmas tree, at which the whole neighborhood joined. the fourth of july was never passed without a celebration. we made the presents for the tree if we could not buy them, and supplied the musicians, reader, and orator for the celebration. everybody had something to do and a voice in saying what should be done, and that very fact made all happy. [illustration: _brown bros._ a dairy farm in washington, where once the forest stood.] it was sixteen miles to our market town, steilacoom, over the roughest kind of road. nobody had horse teams at the start; we had to go with ox teams. we could not make the trip out and back in one day, and we did not have money to pay hotel bills. we managed in this way: we would drive out part of the way and camp; the next morning we would drive into town very early, do our trading, and if possible, drive back home the same day. if not able to do this, we camped on the road again. but if the night was not too dark we would reach home that night. and oh, what an appetite we would have, and how bright the fire would be, and how joyous the welcome in the cabin home! the trees and stumps are all gone now and brick buildings and other good houses occupy much of the land. as many people now live in that school district as lived both east and west of the mountains when the territory was created in march of . instead of going in ox teams, or even sleds, the people have carriages or automobiles; they can travel on any of the eighteen passenger trains that pass daily through puyallup, or on street cars to tacoma, and also on some of the twenty to twenty-four freight trains, some of which are a third of a mile long. such are some of the changes wrought in fifty years since pioneer life began in the puyallup valley. [illustration: a hop field with the hops ready for picking.] chapter twenty-one finding and losing a fortune our youthful dream of becoming farmers was now realized in fullest measure. the clearing was gradually enlarged, and abundant crops came to reward our efforts. the comfort and plenty we had hoped and struggled for was attained. next came a development in the family fortunes that we had not dreamed of. never had we thought to see the meeker family conducting a business that would require a london office. this unexpected prosperity came to us through the hop-growing industry, upon which we entered with all our force. the business was well started by the time of my father's death in , and in the fifteen years following the acreage planted to hops was increased until the crop-yield of , a yield of more than seventy-one tons, gave the puyallup valley the banner crop, as to quantity, of the united states--and, some persons asserted, of the world. the public, generally, gave me the credit of introducing hop culture into the northwest. therefore it seems fitting to tell here the story of the beginnings of an industry that came to have great importance. in march of , charles wood of olympia sent about three pecks of hop roots to steilacoom for my father, jacob r. meeker, who then lived on his claim in the puyallup valley. john v. meeker, my brother, passed by my cabin when he carried the sack of roots on his back from steilacoom to my father's home, a distance of about twenty miles, and from the sack i took roots enough to plant six hills of hops. as far as i know those were the first hops planted in the puyallup valley. my father planted the remainder, and in the following september harvested the equivalent of one bale of hops, pounds. this was sold for eighty-five cents a pound, or a little more than a hundred and fifty dollars for the bale. this sum was more money than had been received by any of the settlers in the puyallup valley, except perhaps two, from the products of their farms for that year. my father's near neighbors obtained a barrel of hop roots from california the next year, and planted them the following spring--four acres. i obtained what roots i could get that year, but not enough to plant an acre. the following year ( ) i planted four acres, and for twenty-six successive years thereafter we added to the area planted, until our holdings reached past the five-hundred-acre mark and our production was more than four hundred tons a year. none of us knew anything about the hop business, and it was entirely by accident that we engaged in it. but seeing that there were possibilities of great gain, i took pains to study hop culture, and found that by allowing our hops to mature thoroughly, curing them at a low temperature, and baling them while hot, we could produce hops that would compete with any product in the world. others of my neighbors planted them, and so did many people in oregon, until soon there came to be a field for purchasing and shipping hops. but the fluctuations in price were so great that in a few years many growers became discouraged and lost their holdings. [illustration: the site of the cabin home in puyallup is now pioneer park, ezra meeker's gift to the city that he founded. in it still stands the ivy vine that for fifty years grew over the cabin.] finally, during the failure of the world's hop crop in the year , there came to be unheard-of prices for hops, and fully one third of the crop of the puyallup valley was sold for a dollar a pound. i had that year nearly one hundred thousand pounds, which brought an average of seventy cents a pound. my first hop house was built in --a log house. it still stands in pioneer park in puyallup. we frequently employed more than a thousand people during harvest time. many of these were indians, some of whom would come for a thousand miles down the coast from british columbia and even the confines of alaska; they came in the great cedar-log canoes manned with twenty paddlers or more. for the most part i managed my indian workers very easily. once i had to tie up two of them to a tree for getting drunk; their friends came and stole away the prisoners--which was what i intended they should do. it was in , eighteen years after my arrival from across the plains, that i made my first return journey to the states. i had to go through the mud to the columbia river, then out over the bar to the pacific ocean, and down to san francisco. then there was the seven days' journey over the central and union pacific and connecting lines; this meant sitting bolt upright all the way, for there were no sleeping cars then, and no diners either. about i had come to realize that the important market for hops was in england, and e. meeker & co. began sending trial shipments, first seven bales, then the following year five hundred bales, then fifteen hundred. finally our annual shipments reached eleven thousand bales a year, or the equivalent in value of half a million dollars--said at that time to be the largest export hop business of any one concern in the united states. at one time i had two full trainloads between the pacific and the atlantic, on their way to london. i spent four winters in london dealing in the hop market. little as i had thought ever to handle an international business, still less had i thought ever to write a book. my first publication was an eighty-page pamphlet descriptive of washington territory, printed in . my first real book, _hop culture in the united states_, was published in . i mention this fact simply as one instance out of the many that could be given of the unexpected lines of development that life in the new land opened out to the pioneers. the hop business could not be called a venture; it was simply a growth. the conditions were favorable to us in that we could produce hops for the world's market at the lowest prices. we actually pressed the english growers so closely that more than fifteen thousand acres of hops were destroyed in that country. our great prosperity was not to last. one evening in , as i stepped out of my office and cast my eyes toward one group of hop houses, it struck me that the hop foliage of a field near by was off color--did not look natural. one of my clerks from the office said the same thing--the vines did not look natural. i walked down to the yards, a quarter of a mile away, and there first saw the hop louse. the yard was literally alive with lice, and they were destroying at least the quality of the hops. i issued a hop circular, sending it to more than six hundred correspondents all along the coast in california, oregon, washington, and british columbia, and before the week was out i began to receive samples from them, and letters asking what was the matter with the hops. it appeared that the attack of lice was simultaneous in oregon, washington, and british columbia, extending over a distance coastwise of more than five hundred miles, and even inland up the skagit river, where there was an isolated yard. this plague was like a clap of thunder out of a clear sky to us. i sent my second son, fred meeker, to london to learn the english methods of fighting the pest and to import some spraying machinery. we found to our cost, however, in the course of time, that the english methods did not suit our different conditions; for while we could kill the lice, we had to use so much spraying material on the dense foliage that, in killing them, we virtually destroyed the hops. instead of being able to sell our hops at the top price of the market, we saw our product fall to the foot of the list. the last crop i raised cost me eleven cents a pound and sold for three under the hammer at sheriff's sale. at that time i had advanced to my neighbors and others upon their hop crops more than a hundred thousand dollars, which was lost. these people simply could not pay, and i forgave the debt, taking no judgments against them, and i have never regretted the action. all my accumulations were swept away, and i quit the business--or, rather, the business quit me. after a long struggle with the hop plague, nearly all the hops were plowed up and the land in the puyallup valley and elsewhere was used for dairy farming, fruit growing, and general crops. it is actually of a higher value now than when it was bearing hops. [illustration: _united states forest service_ going up the chilkoot pass.] chapter twenty-two trying for a fortune in alaska after the failure of the hop business, i was left more or less at sea for some years. i tried various other projects--among them the raising of sugar beets. the country, we soon found, was not adapted to this industry. then i tried banking, likewise with little success. finally i decided to strike out for the mines of alaska. this adventure, taken when i was nearly three score and ten years of age, was full of exciting experiences. indeed, it left me richer only in experience. i had lived in the old oregon country forty-four years and had never seen a mine. mining had had no attraction for me. but when my accumulations had all been swallowed up, i decided to take a chance. in the spring of i made my first trip over the chilkoot pass, went down the yukon river to dawson in a flatboat, and ran the famous white horse rapids with my load of vegetables for the klondike miners. one may read most graphic descriptions of chilkoot pass; but the difficulties met by those earlier fortune-seekers who tried it were worse than the wildest fancy can picture. i started in with fifteen tons of freight and got through with nine. on one stretch of two thousand feet, i paid forty dollars a ton. some others paid even more. the trip part of the way reminded me of the scenes on the plains in , when the people and teams crowded each other on the several parallel trails. at the pass, most of the travel came upon one track, and that so steep the ascent could be made only by cutting steps in the ice and snow--fifteen hundred steps in all. frequently every step would be full, while crowds jostled each other at the foot of the ascent to get into the single file, each man carrying a hundred-pound pack on his back. after all sorts of trying experiences, i finally arrived in dawson, where i sold my fresh potatoes at thirty-six dollars a bushel and other things at proportionate prices. in two weeks i started up the river, homeward bound, with two hundred ounces of klondike gold in my belt. but four round trips in two years satisfied me that i did not want any more of such experiences. once, fortunately, i was detained for a couple of days, and thereby escaped an avalanche that buried fifty-two other people in the snow. i passed by the morgue the second day after the catastrophe on my way to the summit, doubtless over the bodies of many unknown dead, embedded so deeply in the snow that it was utterly impossible to recover them. the good ducking i received in my first passage through the white horse rapids made me resolve i would not go through there again. but i did it on the very next trip that same year, and came out of it dry. again, when going down the thirty-mile river, it did seem that we could not escape being dashed upon the rocks. but somehow or other we got through safely, though the bank was strewn with wrecks and the waters had swallowed up many victims. when the yukon proper was reached, the current was less swift, but the shoals were numerous. more than once we were "hung up" on the bar, each time uncertain how we should get off. no mishap resulted, except once when a hole was jammed into the scow, and we thought we were "goners" for sure; but we effected a landing so quickly that we unloaded our cargo dry. while i now blame myself for taking such risks, i must admit that i enjoyed it. i was sustained, no doubt, by high hopes of coming out with my "pile." but fate or something else was against me, for mining ventures swept all my gains away "slick as a mitten," as the old phrase goes. i came out over the rotten ice of the yukon in april of to stay, and to vow i never wanted to see another mine or visit another mining country. in two weeks after my arrival home my wife and i celebrated our golden wedding. there was nothing but a golden welcome home, even if i had not returned with my pockets filled with gold. since i was then past my allotted three score years and ten, it naturally seemed that my ventures were at an end. but for many of these years i had been cherishing a dream that i felt must come true to round out my days most satisfactorily. i longed to go back over the old oregon trail and mark it for all time for the children of the pioneers who blazed it, and for the world. how that dream was made to come true is the story to be told in the succeeding part of this book of pioneer stories. part three retracing the old oregon trail [illustration: with the development of railroad construction it was thought that roads would go out of use except for local communication. but since the advent of motor vehicles, transcontinental highways have again become of great importance. for many reasons it is highly desirable that there should be good roads clear across the continent. two have been proposed, and in sections meet the requirements of a great transcontinental highway; but neither is yet completed. one is the oregon highway, which follows the old oregon trail. this is the route over which ezra meeker traveled by ox-team in and on which many monuments have been erected to commemorate the pioneers of the 's and ' 's. the other is the lincoln highway, shown by the lighter line on this map.] [illustration: out on the trail again.] chapter twenty-three a plan for a memorial to the pioneers the ox is passing--in fact, has passed. the old-time spinning wheel and the hand loom, the quaint old cobbler's bench with its handmade lasts and shoe pegs, the heavy iron mush pot on the crane in the chimney corner,--all have gone. the men and women of sixty years or more ago are passing, too. all are laid aside for what is new in the drama of life. while these old-time ways and scenes and actors have had their day, yet the experiences and the lessons they taught are not lost to the world. the difference between a civilized and an untutored people lies in the application of experiences. the civilized man builds upon the foundations of the past, with hope and ambition for the future. the savage has neither past nor aspiration for the future. to keep the flame of patriotism alive, we must keep the memory of the past vividly before us. it was with these thoughts in mind that the expedition to mark the old oregon trail was undertaken. there was this further thought, that on this trail heroic men and women had fought a veritable battle--a battle that wrested half a continent from the native race and from another mighty nation contending for mastery in unknown regions of the west. to mark the field of that battle for future generations was a duty waiting for some one; i determined to be the one to fulfill it. the journey back over the old oregon trail by ox team was made during my seventy-seventh year. on january , , i left my home in puyallup, washington, and on november , , just twenty-two months later to the day, i reached washington, our national capital, with my cattle and my old prairie schooner. not all of this time was spent in travel, of course; a good deal of it was taken up in furthering the purpose of the trip by arranging for the erection and dedication of monuments to mark the trail. to accomplish the purpose of marking the trail would have been enough to make the journey worth while to me, besides all the interest of freshening my recollections of old times and reviving old memories. there is not space in this book to dwell on all the contrasts that came to my mind constantly,--of the uncleared forests with the farms and orchards of today, of the unbroken prairie lands with the ranches and farms and cities that now border the old trail from the rockies to the mississippi. there is nothing like an ox-team journey, i maintain, to make a person realize this country, realize its size, the number of its people, and the variety of conditions in which they live and of occupations by which they live. i wish i could share with every boy and girl in the country the panorama view that unrolled itself before me in this journey from tidewater to tidewater. the ox team was chosen as a typical reminder of pioneer days. the oregon trail, it must be remembered, is essentially an ox-team trail. no more effective instrument, therefore, could have been chosen to attract attention, arouse enthusiasm, and secure aid in forwarding the work, than this living symbol of the old days. indeed, too much attention, in one sense, was attracted. i had scarcely driven the outfit away from my own dooryard before the wagon and wagon cover, and even the map of the old trail on the sides of the cover, began to be defaced. first i noticed a name or two written on the wagon bed, then a dozen or more, all stealthily placed there, until the whole was so closely covered that there was no room for more. finally the vandals began carving initials on the wagon bed and cutting off pieces to carry away. eventually i put a stop to such vandalism by employing special police, posting notices, and nabbing some offenders in the very act. give me indians on the plains to contend with; give me fleas or even the detested sage-brush ticks to burrow into the flesh; but deliver me from cheap notoriety seekers! i had decided to take along one helper, and a man by the name of herman goebel went as far as the dalles with the outfit. there william marden joined me for the journey across the plains. marden stayed with me for three years, and proved to be faithful and helpful. and now a word as to my oxen. the first team consisted of one seven-year-old ox, twist, and one unbroken five-year-old range steer, dave. when we were ready to start, twist weighed , pounds and dave , . this order of weight was soon changed. in three months' time twist gained pounds and dave lost . all this time i fed them with a lavish hand all the rolled barley i dared give and all the hay they would eat. [illustration: preparing to cross a river; unyoking the oxen.] dave would hook and kick and perform every other mean trick. besides, he would stick his tongue out from the smallest kind of exertion. he had just been shipped in off the montana cattle range and had never had a rope on him, unless it was when he was branded. like a great over-grown booby of a boy, he was flabby in flesh, and he could not endure any sort of exertion without discomfort. at one time i became very nearly discouraged with him. yet this was the ox that made the round trip. he bore his end of the yoke from the tidewaters of the pacific to the tidewaters of the atlantic, at the battery, new york city, and on to washington city to meet the president. he finally became subdued, though not conquered. at times he became threatening with his horns, and i never did trust his heels. [illustration: taking off the wagon box.] the other ox, twist, died suddenly on august , , and was buried within a few rods of the trail. it was two months to a day after his death before i could find a mate for the dave ox, and then i had to take another five-year-old steer off the cattle range of nebraska. this steer, dandy, evidently had never been handled; but he came of good stock and, with the exception of awkwardness, gave me no serious trouble. dandy was purchased out of the stockyard at omaha. he then weighed , pounds, and the day before he went to see the president he tipped the scales at the , -pound notch. dandy proved to be a faithful, serviceable ox. on the journey dave had to be shod fourteen times, i think, and he always struggled to get away. once, on the summit of the rocky mountains, we had to throw dave and tie him hard and fast before we could shoe him. it takes two shoes to one foot for an ox, instead of one as for a horse, though the fastening is the same; that is, by nailing into the hoof. at one time dandy's hoofs became so worn that i could not fasten a shoe on him, and so i had what we called leather boots put on, that left a track like an elephant's; but he could not pull well with them on. [illustration: calking the wagon box to turn it into a boat.] besides the oxen we had a dog, jim. more will be told of him later. an authentic prairie schooner, a true veteran of the plains, was out of the question. in building the new one, use was made of parts of three old wagons. the woodwork of the wagon had to be new throughout except for one hub, which had done service across the plains in . this hub and the bands, boxes, and other iron parts were from two old-time wagons that had crossed the plains in . they differed somewhat in size and shape; hence the hubs of the fore and hind wheels did not match. [illustration: launching the schooner to cross the river.] the axles were of wood, with the old-time linchpins and steel skeins, which called for the use of tar and the tar bucket instead of axle grease. why? because if grease were used, the spokes would work loose, and soon the whole wheel would collapse. the bed was of the old prairie-schooner style, with the bottom boat-shaped and the ribs on the outside. my first camp for the return journey over the old trail was made in my own dooryard at puyallup. this was maintained for several days to give the wagon and team a trial. after the weak points had been strengthened and everything pronounced to be in order, i left home for the long trip. [illustration: _brown bros._ great changes had taken place along the old trail through washington and oregon; here are strawberries growing where the forest stood in .] the first drive was to seattle through the towns of sumner, auburn, and kent. in seattle i had a host of friends and acquaintances, and i thought that there i could arouse interest in my plan and secure some aid for it. nothing came of the effort. my closest friends, on the contrary, tried to dissuade me from going; and, i may say, actually tried to convince others that it would be an act of friendship not to lend any aid to the enterprise. i knew, or thought i knew, that my strength would warrant undertaking the ordeal; i felt sure i could make the trip successfully. but my friends remained unconvinced; so after spending two weeks in seattle i shipped my outfit by steamer to tacoma, only to meet the same spirit there. one pleasant incident broke the monotony. henry hewitt, of tacoma, drove up alongside my team and said, "meeker, if you get broke out there on the plains, just telegraph me for money to come back on." "no," i said, "i'd rather hear you say to telegraph for money to go on with." "all right," came the response, "have it that way, then." henry drove off, perhaps not giving the conversation a second thought until he received my telegram two months later, telling him that i had lost an ox and wanted him to send me two hundred dollars. the money was immediately wired to me. somehow no serious thought of turning back ever entered my mind. when i had once resolved to make the trip, nothing but utter physical disability could deter me. i felt on this point just as i did when i first crossed the plains in . from tacoma i shipped again by steamer to olympia. the end of the old trail is but two miles distant from olympia at tumwater, the extreme southern point of puget sound. here the first american party of homeseekers to washington rested and settled in . at this point i set a post, and afterwards arranged for a stone to be placed to mark the spot. on the twentieth of february i went to tenino, south of olympia, on the train. my outfit was drawn to this place by a horse team, the oxen being taken along under yoke. dave was still not an ox, but an unruly steer. i dared not intrust driving him to other hands, yet i had to go ahead to arrange for the monument and the lecture. the twenty-first of february was a red-letter day. at tenino i had the satisfaction of helping to dedicate the first monument erected to mark the old trail. the stores were closed, and the school children in a body came over to the dedication. the monument was donated by the tenino quarry company; it is inscribed "old oregon trail: - ." [illustration: _brown bros._ a prosperous fruit farm along the trail.] in the evening i addressed a good-sized audience, and sixteen dollars was received to help on the good work. the spirit of the people, more than the money, was encouraging. at chehalis, washington, the commercial club undertook to erect and dedicate a monument. john r. jackson was the first american citizen to settle north of the columbia river. one of the daughters, mrs. ware, accompanied by her husband, indicated the spot where the monument should be erected, and a post was planted. a touching incident was that mrs. ware was requested to put the post in place and hold it while her husband tamped the earth around it. at toledo, the place where the pioneers left the cowlitz river on the trail to the sound, another marker was placed by the citizens. [illustration: the first boulder marked on the old trail; near the dalles of the columbia.] from toledo i shipped the whole outfit by steamer down the cowlitz river, and took passage with my assistants to portland, thus reversing the order of travel in . we used steam instead of the brawn of stalwart pioneers and indians to propel the boat. on the evening of march the first i pitched my tent in the heart of the city of portland, on a grassy vacant lot. on the morning of the tenth of march i took steamer with my outfit, bound up the columbia for the dalles. how wondrous the change! fifty-four years before, i had come floating down this same stream in a flatboat with a party of poor, heartsick pioneers; now i made the trip enjoying cushioned chairs, delicious foods, fine linens, magazines and books--every luxury of civilized life. that night i arrived at the dalles, and drove nearly three quarters of a mile to a camping ground near the park. the streets were muddy, and the cattle were impatient and walked very fast, which made it necessary for me to tramp through the mud at their heads. we had no supper or even tea, as we did not build a fire. it was clear that night, but raining in the morning. prior to leaving home i had written to the ladies of the landmark committee at the dalles. what should they do but provide a monument already inscribed and in place, and notify me that i had been selected to deliver the dedicatory address! the weather of the next day treated us to some hardships that i had missed on the first overland journey. ice formed in the camp half an inch thick, and the high wind joined forces with the damper of our stove, which had got out of order, to fill the tent with smoke and make life miserable. the fierce, cold wind also made it necessary to postpone the dedication for a day and finally to carry it out with less ceremony than had been planned. nevertheless, i felt that the expedition was now fairly started. we had reached the point where the real journey would begin, and the interest shown in the plan by the towns along the way had been most encouraging. [illustration: the dalles, on the columbia river.] chapter twenty-four on the overland trail again it was the fourteenth of march when i drove out of the dalles to make the long overland journey. by rail, it is miles from the dalles to omaha, where our work of marking the old trail was to end. by wagon road the distance is greater, but not much greater--probably miles. the load was very heavy, and so were the roads. with a team untrained to the road and one of the oxen unbroken, with no experienced ox driver to assist me, and the grades heavy, small wonder if a feeling of depression crept over me. on some long hills we could move only a few rods at a time, and on level roads, with the least warm sun, the unbroken ox would poke out his tongue. [illustration: _brown bros._ an apple orchard in washington.] we were passing now through the great farming district of eastern oregon. the desert over which we had dragged ourselves in those long-ago days has been largely turned into great wheat fields. as we drew into camp one night a young man approached, driving eight harnessed horses. he told me that he had harrowed in thirty-five acres of wheat that day, and that it was just a common day's work to plow seven acres of land. [illustration: _brown bros._ where a wheat farm of today has taken the place of the unbroken prairie in eastern oregon.] i recalled my boyhood days when father spoke approvingly if i plowed two acres a day, and when to harrow ten acres was the biggest kind of a day's work. i also recalled the time when we cut the wheat with a sickle, or maybe with a hand cradle, and threshed it out with horses on the barn floor. sometimes we had a fanning mill, and how it would make my arms ache to turn the crank! at other times, if a stiff breeze sprang up, the wheat and chaff would be shaken loose and the chaff would be blown away. if all other means failed, two stout arms at either end of a blanket or a sheet would move the sheet as a fan to clean the wheat. now we see the great combination harvester garner thirty acres a day, and thresh it as well and sack it ready for the mill or warehouse. there is no shocking, no stacking or housing: all in one operation, the grain is made ready for market. [illustration: _brown bros._ in spite of the wide-spreading farms and fruit orchards, there are still forests in washington and oregon, and lumbering is still a great industry.] as we journeyed eastward, the blue mountains came into distant view. half a day's brisk travel brought us well up toward the snow line. the country became less broken, the soil seemed better, the rainfall had been greater. we began to see red barns and comfortable farmhouses, still set wide apart, though, for the farms are large. in the walla walla valley the scene is different. smaller farms are the rule and orchards are to be seen everywhere. we now passed the historic spot where the whitman massacre occurred in . soon afterward we were in camp in the very heart of the thriving city of walla walla. it was near here that i had met my father when i crossed by the natchess pass trail in . another day's travel brought us to pendleton, oregon. here the commercial club took hold with a will and provided funds for a stone monument. on the last day of march it was dedicated with appropriate ceremonies. that evening i drove out to the indian school in a fierce rainstorm to talk to the teachers and pupils about the oregon trail. a night in the wagon without fire and with only a scant supper sent my spirits down to zero. nor did they rise when i learned next morning that the snow had fallen eighteen inches deep in the mountains. however, with this news came a warm invitation from the school authorities to use a room they had allotted to us, with a stove, and to help ourselves to fuel. that cheered us up greatly. there was doubt whether we could cross the blue mountains in all this snow. i decided to investigate; so i took the train. about midnight i was landed in the snow at meacham, with no visible light in the hotel and no track beaten to it. morning confirmed the report of the storm; twenty inches of snow had fallen in the mountains. an old mountaineer told me, "yes, it is possible to cross, but i warn you it will be a hard job." it was at once arranged that the second morning thereafter his team should leave meacham on the way to meet me. "but what about a monument, mr. burns?" i said. "meacham is a historic place, with lee's encampment in sight." (it was in that the reverend jason lee had crossed the continent with wyeth's second expedition.) "we have no money," came the quick reply, "but we've got plenty of muscle. send us a stone and i'll warrant you the foundation will be built and the monument put in place." a belated train gave opportunity to return at once to pendleton, where an appeal for aid to provide an inscribed stone for meacham was responded to with alacrity. the stone was ordered, and a sound night's sleep followed. i quote from my journal. "camp no. , april , . we are now on the snow line of blue mountains ( p.m.), and am writing this by our first really out-of-doors camp fire, under the spreading boughs of a friendly pine tree. we estimate we have driven twelve miles; started from the school at a.m. the first three or four miles over a beautiful farming country; then we began climbing the foothills, up, up, up, four miles, reaching first snow at three o'clock." true to promise, the mountaineer's team met us on the way to meacham, but not till we had reached the snow. we were axle-deep in it and had the shovel in use to clear the way, when burns came upon us. by night we were safely encamped at meacham, with the cheering news that the monument had arrived and could be dedicated the next day. the summit of the mountain had not been reached, and the worst tug lay ahead of us. but casting thoughts of this from mind, all hands turned to the monument, which by eleven o'clock was in place. twist and dave stood near it, hitched up, and ready for the start as soon as the order was given. everybody in town was there, the little school coming in a body. after the speech we moved on to battle with the snow, and finally won our way over the summit. [illustration: a monument to the old trail, on the high school grounds at baker city, oregon.] the sunshine that was let into our hearts at la grande was also refreshing. "yes, we will have a monument," the people responded. and they got one, too, dedicating it while i tarried. we had taken with us an inscribed stone to set up at an intersection near the mouth of ladd's canyon, eight miles out of la grande. the school near by came in a body. the children sang "columbia, the gem of the ocean," after which i talked to the assemblage for a few moments, and the exercises closed with all singing "america." each child brought a stone and cast it upon the pile surrounding the base of the monument. the citizens of baker city lent a willing ear to the suggestion to erect a monument on the high-school grounds, although the trail is six miles off to the north, and a fine granite shaft was provided for the high-school grounds and was dedicated. a marker was set on the trail. eight hundred school children contributed an aggregate of sixty dollars to place a children's bronze tablet on this shaft. two thousand people participated in the ceremony of dedication. news of these events was now beginning to pass along the line ahead. as a result the citizens in other places began to take hold of the work with a will. old mount pleasant, durkee, huntington, and vale were other oregon towns that followed the good lead and erected monuments to mark the old trail. a most gratifying feature of the work was the hearty participation in it of the school children. [illustration: _howard r. driggs_ a sheep herder's wagon in the sage-covered hills of wyoming near the oregon trail.] chapter twenty-five trailing on to the south pass the snake river was crossed just below the mouth of the boise, about where, almost fifty-four years before, we had made our second crossing of the river. we were landed on the historic site of old fort boise, established by the hudson's bay company in september, . this fort was established for the purpose of preventing the success of the american venture at fort hall, a post established earlier in by nathaniel j. wyeth. wyeth's venture proved a failure, and the fort soon passed to his rival, the hudson's bay company. thus for the time being the british had rule of the whole of that vast region known as the inland empire, then the oregon country. some relics of the old fort at boise were secured. arrangements were made for planting a doubly inscribed stone to mark the trail and the site of the fort, and afterwards, through the liberality of the citizens of boise city, a stone was ordered and put in place. [illustration: _brown bros._ sheep ready for shipment at caldwell, idaho.] at boise, the capital of idaho, there were nearly twelve hundred contributions to the monument fund by the pupils of the public schools. the monument stands on the state house grounds and is inscribed as the children's offering to the memory of the pioneers. more than three thousand people attended the dedication service. the spirit of coöperation and good will towards the enterprise that was manifested at the capital city prevailed all through idaho. from parma, the first town we came to on the western edge, to montpelier, near the eastern boundary, the people of idaho seemed anxious to do their part in marking the old trail. besides the places already named, twin falls, american falls, pocatello, and soda springs all responded to the appeal by erecting monuments to mark the old trail. one rather exciting incident happened near montpelier. a vicious bull attacked my ox team, first from one side and then the other. then he got in between the oxen and caused them nearly to upset the wagon. i was thrown down in the mix-up, but fortunately escaped unharmed. [illustration: the monument to the trail at boise, idaho.] this incident reminded me of a scrape one of our neighboring trains got into on the platte in , with a wounded buffalo. the train had encountered a large herd of these animals, feeding and traveling at right angles to the road. the older heads of the party, fearing a stampede of their teams, had ordered the men not to molest the buffaloes, but to give their whole attention to the care of the teams. one impulsive young fellow would not be restrained; he fired into the herd and wounded a large bull. the maddened bull charged upon a wagon filled with women and children and drawn by a team of mules. he became entangled in the harness and was caught on the wagon-tongue between the mules. the air was full of excitement for a while. the women screamed, the children cried, and the men began to shout. but the practical question was how to dispatch the bull without shooting the mules as well. trainmen forgot their own teams and rushed to the wagon in trouble. the guns began to pop and the buffalo was finally killed. the wonder is that nobody was harmed. from cokeville to pacific springs, just west of the summit of the rocky mountains at south pass, by the road and trail we traveled, is one hundred and fifty-eight miles. ninety miles of this stretch is away from the sound of the locomotive, the click of the telegraph, or the voice of the "hello girl." the mountains here are from six to seven thousand feet above sea level, with scanty vegetable growth. the country is still almost a solitude, save as here and there a sheep herder or his wagon may be discerned. the sly coyote, the simple antelope, and the cunning sage hen still hold sway as they did when i first traversed the country. the old trail is there in all its grandeur. [illustration: monument at pocatello, idaho.] "why mark that trail!" i exclaimed. miles and miles of it are worn so deep that centuries of storm will not efface it; generations may pass and the origin of the trail may become a legend, but these marks will remain. we wondered to see the trail worn fifty feet wide and three feet deep, and we hastened to photograph it. but after we were over the crest of the mountain, we saw it a hundred feet wide and fifteen feet deep. the tramp of thousands upon thousands of men and women, the hoofs of millions of animals, and the wheels of untold numbers of vehicles had loosened the soil, and the fierce winds had carried it away. in one place we found ruts worn a foot deep into the solid rock. the mountain region was as wild as it had been when i first saw it. one day, while we were still west of the rocky mountains, in wyoming, two antelopes crossed the road about a hundred yards ahead of us, a buck and a doe. the doe soon disappeared, but the buck came near the road and stood gazing at us in wonderment, as if to ask, "who the mischief are you?" [illustration: deep ruts had been worn in the solid rock of the trail through the mountain country.] our dog jim soon scented him, and away they went up the mountain side until jim got tired and came back to the wagon. then the antelope stopped on a little eminence on the mountain, and for a long distance we could see him plainly against a background of sky. at another time we actually got near enough to get a shot with our kodaks at two antelopes; but they were too far off to make good pictures. our road was leading us obliquely up a gentle hill, gradually approaching nearer to one of the antelopes. i noticed that he would come toward us for a while and then turn around and look the other way for a while. then we saw what at first we took to be a kid, or young antelope; but soon we discovered that it was a coyote wolf, prowling on the track of the antelope, and watching both of us. just after the wagon had stopped, i saw six big, fat sage hens feeding not more than twice the length of the wagon away, just as i had seen them in . [illustration: jim, the collie that made the journey from washington to washington.] the dog, jim, had several other adventures with animals on the way. first of all, he and dave did not get along very well. once dave caught jim under the ribs with his right horn, which was bent forward and stood out nearly straight, and tossed him over some sage brush near by. sometimes, if the yoke prevented him from getting a chance at jim with his horn, he would throw out his nose and snort, just like a horse that has been running at play and stops for a moment's rest. but jim would manage to get even with him. sometimes we put loose hay under the wagon to keep it out of the storm, and jim would make a bed on it. then woe betide dave if he tried to get any of that hay! i saw jim one day catch the ox by the nose and draw blood. you may readily imagine that the war was renewed between them with greater rancor than ever. they never did become friends. one day jim got his foot under the wheel of our wagon, and i was sure it was broken, but it was not; yet he nursed it for a week by riding in the wagon. he never liked to ride in the wagon except during a thunderstorm. once a sharp clap of thunder frightened jim so that he jumped from the ground clear into the wagon while it was in motion and landed at my feet. how in the world he could do it i never could tell. jim had some exciting experiences with wild animals, too. he was always chasing birds, jack rabbits, squirrels, or anything in the world that could get into motion. one day a coyote crossed the road just a few rods behind the wagon, and jim took after him. it looked as if jim would overtake him, and, being dubious of the result of a tussle between them, i called jim back. no sooner had he turned than the coyote turned, too, and made chase, and there they came, nip and tuck, to see who could run the faster. i think the coyote could, but he did not catch up until they got so near the wagon that he became frightened and scampered away up the slope of a hill. at another time a young coyote came along, and jim played with him awhile. but by and by the little fellow snapped at jim and made jim angry, and he bounced on the coyote and gave him a good trouncing. before we sheared him, jim would get very warm when the weather was hot. whenever the wagon stopped he would dig off the top earth or sand that was hot, to have a cool bed to lie in; but he was always ready to go when the wagon started. cokeville was the first town reached in wyoming. it stands on smith's fork, near where that stream empties into bear river. it is also at the western end of the sublette cut-off trail from bear river to big sandy creek, the cut-off that we had taken in . [illustration: _brown bros._ coal mining is one of the industries that have grown up in wyoming.] the people of the locality resolved to have a monument at this fork in the old trail, and arrangements were made to erect one out of stone from a local quarry. this good beginning made in the state, we went on, climbing first over the rim of the great basin, then up and across the rockies. i quote again from my journal: "pacific springs, wyoming, camp no. , june , . odometer, . [miles registered from the dalles, oregon.] arrived at p.m., and camped near halter's store and the post office. ice found in camp during the night." on june we were still camped at pacific springs. i had searched for a suitable stone for a monument to be placed on the summit of the range, and, after almost despairing of finding one, had come upon exactly what was wanted. the stone lay alone on the mountain side; it is granite, i think, but mixed with quartz, and is a monument hewed by the hand of nature. [illustration: _chas. s. hill_ wyoming oil wells.] immediately after dinner we hitched the oxen to mr. halter's wagon. with the help of four men we loaded the stone, after having dragged it on the ground and over the rocks a hundred yards or so down the mountain side. we estimated its weight at a thousand pounds. there being no stonecutter at pacific springs to inscribe the monument, the clerk at the store formed the letters on stiff pasteboard. he then cut them out to make a paper stencil, through which the shape of the letters was transferred to the stone by crayon marks. the letters were then cut out with a cold chisel, deep enough to make a permanent inscription. the stone was so hard that it required steady work all day to cut the twenty letters and figures: the oregon trail, - . we drove out of pacific springs at a little after noon and stopped at the summit to dedicate the monument. then we left the summit and drove twelve miles to the point called oregon slough, where we put up the tent after dark. the reader may think of the south pass of the rocky mountains as a precipitous defile through narrow canyons and deep gorges. nothing is farther from the fact. one can drive through this pass for several miles without realizing that the dividing line between the waters of the pacific and those of the atlantic has been passed. the road is over a broad, open, undulating prairie, the approach is by easy grades, and the descent, going east, is scarcely noticeable. all who were toiling west in the old days looked upon this spot as the turning point of their journey. there they felt that they had left the worst of the trip behind them. poor souls that we were! we did not know that our worst mountain climbing lay beyond the summit of the rockies, over the rugged western ranges. [illustration] [illustration: nooning beside the prairie schooner.] chapter twenty-six reviving old memories of the trail the sight of sweetwater river, twenty miles out from south pass, revived many pleasant memories and some that were sad. i could remember the sparkling, clear water, the green skirt of undergrowth along the banks, and the restful camps, as we trudged along up the stream so many years ago. and now i saw the same channel, the same hills, and apparently the same waters swiftly passing. but where were the camp fires? where was the herd of gaunt cattle? where the sound of the din of bells? the hallooing for lost children? or the little groups off on the hillside to bury the dead? all were gone. an oppressive silence prevailed as we drove to the river and pitched our camp within a few feet of the bank, where we could hear the rippling waters passing and see the fish leaping in the eddies. we had our choice of a camping place just by the skirt of a refreshing green brush with an opening to give full view of the river. it had not been so fifty-four years before, with hundreds of camps ahead of you. the traveler then had to take what he could get, and in many cases that was a place far back from the water and removed from other conveniences. [illustration: _united states geological survey_ devil's gate, on the sweetwater river, one of the many beautiful streams in the uplands of wyoming. the pioneer trail followed the course of this river.] the sight and smell of carrion, so common in camping places during that first journey, also were gone. no bleached bones, even, showed where the exhausted dumb brute had died. the graves of the dead pioneers had all been leveled by the hoofs of stock and the lapse of time. the country remains as it was in ' . there the trail is to be seen miles and miles ahead, worn bare and deep, with but one narrow track where there used to be a dozen, and with the beaten path that vegetation has not yet recovered from the scourge of passing hoofs and tires of wagons years ago. as in , when the summit was passed i felt that my task was much more than half done, though half the distance was scarcely compassed. on june , at about ten o'clock, we encountered a large number of big flies that ran the cattle nearly wild. i stood on the wagon tongue for miles to reach them with the whipstock. the cattle were so excited that we did not stop at noon, but drove on. by half-past two we camped at a farmhouse, the split rock post office, the first we had found in a hundred miles of travel since leaving pacific springs. the devil's gate, a few miles distant, is one of the two best-known landmarks on the trail. here, as at split rock, the mountain seems to have been split apart, leaving an opening a few rods wide, through which the sweetwater river pours in a veritable torrent. the river first approaches to within a few hundred feet of the gap, then suddenly curves away from it, and after winding through the valley for half a mile or so, a quarter of a mile away, it takes a straight shoot and makes the plunge through the canyon. those who have had the impression that the emigrants drove their teams through this gap are mistaken, for it's a feat no mortal man has done or can do, any more than he could drive up the falls of the niagara. this year, on my trip, i did clamber through on the left bank, over boulders head high, under shelving rocks. i ate some ripe gooseberries from the bushes growing on the border of the river, and plucked some beautiful wild roses, wondering the while why those wild roses grew where nobody would see them. the gap through the mountains looked familiar as i spied it from the distance, but the roadbed to the right i had forgotten. i longed to see this place; for here, somewhere under the sands, lies all that was mortal of my brother, clark meeker, drowned in the sweetwater in . [illustration: _united states geological survey_ devil's gate, on the sweetwater river, one of the famous landmarks on the old trail.] independence rock is the other most famous landmark. we drove over to the rock, a distance of six miles from the devil's gate, and camped at ten o'clock for the day. this famous boulder covers about thirty acres. we groped our way among the inscriptions, to find some of them nearly obliterated and many legible only in part. we walked all the way around the stone, nearly a mile. the huge rock is of irregular shape, and it is more than a hundred feet high, the walls being so precipitous that ascent to the top is possible in only two places. unfortunately, we could not find fremont's inscription. of this inscription fremont writes in his journal of the year : "august . yesterday evening we reached our encampment at rock independence, where i took some astronomical observations. here, not unmindful of the custom of early travelers and explorers in our country, i engraved on this rock of the far west a symbol of the christian faith. among the thickly inscribed names, i made on the hard granite the impression of a large cross. it stands amidst the names of many who have long since found their way to the grave and for whom the huge rock is a giant gravestone." on independence day, , we left independence rock. our noon stop was on fish creek, eleven miles away. the next night we camped on the north platte river. fifty-four years before, i had left the old stream about fifteen miles below here on my way to the west. next day, while nooning several miles out from casper, we heard the whistle of a locomotive. it was the first we had heard for nearly three hundred miles. as soon as lunch was over, i left the wagon and walked to casper ahead of the team to select a camping ground, secure feed, and get the mail. a special meeting of the commercial club of casper was held that evening, and i laid the matter of building a monument before the members. they resolved to build one, opened the subscription at once, and appointed a committee to carry the work forward. since then a monument twenty-five feet high has been erected at a cost of fifteen hundred dollars. glen rock is a small village, but the ladies there met and resolved they would have "as nice a monument as casper's." one enthusiastic lady said, "we will inscribe it ourselves, if no stonecutter can be had." at douglas also an earnest, well-organized effort to erect the monument was well in hand before we drove out of town. as we journeyed on down the platte, we passed thrifty ranches and thriving little towns. it was haying time, and the mowers were busy cutting alfalfa. the hay was being stacked. generous ranchers invited us to help ourselves to their garden stuff. all along the way was a spirit of good cheer and hearty welcome. fort laramie brings a flood of reminiscences to the western pioneer and his children. this old post, first a trappers' stockade, then in a soldiers' encampment, stood at the end of the black hills and at the edge of the plains. here the laramie river and the platte meet. [illustration: _brown bros._ the desert before irrigation.] the fort was a halfway station on the trail. from the time we crossed the missouri in may, , until we reached the old fort, no place name was so constantly in the minds of the emigrants as that of fort laramie. here, in ' , we eagerly looked for letters that never came. perhaps our friends and relatives had not written; perhaps they had written, but the letters were lost or sidetracked somewhere in "the states." as for hearing from home, for that we had to wait patiently until the long journey should end; then a missive might reach us by way of the isthmus, or maybe by sailing vessel around cape horn. there is no vestige of the old traders' camp or the first united states fort left. the new fort--not a fort, but an encampment--covers a space of thirty or forty acres, with all sorts of buildings and ruins. one of the old barracks, three hundred feet long, was in good preservation in , being utilized by the owner, joseph wilde, for a store, post office, hotel, and residence. the guard house with its grim iron door and twenty-inch concrete walls is also fairly well preserved. one frame building of two stories, we were told, was transported by ox team from kansas city at a cost of one hundred dollars a ton. the old place is crumbling away, slowly disappearing with the memories of the past. [illustration: _brown bros._ the desert after irrigation.] from fort laramie onward into western nebraska we passed through a succession of thriving cities. the platte has been turned to splendid service through the process of irrigation. great canals lead its life-giving waters out to the thirsty plains that now "blossom as the rose." rich fields of grain and hay and beets cover the valley. great sugar factories, railroads, business blocks, and fine homes tell of the prosperity that has leaped out of the parched plains we trailed across. scott's bluff, however, is one of the old landmarks that has not changed. it still looms up as of old on the south side of the river about eight hundred feet above the trail. the origin of the name, scott's bluff, is not definitely known. tradition says: "a trapper named scott, while returning to the states, was robbed and stripped by the indians. he crawled to these bluffs and there famished. his bones were afterwards found and buried." these quoted words were written by a passing emigrant on the spot, june , . another version of the tale is that scott fell sick and was abandoned by his traveling companions. after having crawled almost forty miles, he finally died near the bluff that bears his name. this occurred prior to . from the bluff we drove as directly as possible to a historic grave, two miles out from the town and on the railroad right of way. in this grave lies a pioneer mother who died august , , nearly six weeks after i had passed over the ground. some thoughtful friend had marked her grave by standing a wagon tire upright in it. but for this, the grave, like thousands and thousands of others, would have passed out of sight and mind. the tire bore this simple inscription: "rebecca winters, aged years." the hoofs of stock tramped the sunken grave and trod it into dust, but the arch of the tire remained to defy the strength of thoughtless hands that would have removed it. finally the railroad surveyors came along. they might have run the track over the lonely grave but for the thoughtfulness of the man who wielded the compass. he changed the line, that the resting place of the pioneer mother should not be disturbed, and the grave was protected and enclosed. the railroad officials did more. they telegraphed word of the finding of this grave to their representative in salt lake city. he gave the story to the press; the descendants of the pioneer mother read it, and they provided a monument, lovingly inscribed, to mark the spot. [illustration: _united states geological survey_ chimney rock, an old sentinel on the trail in western nebraska.] about twenty miles from scott's bluff stands old chimney rock. it is a curious freak of nature, and a famous landmark on the trail. it covers perhaps twelve acres, and rises coneshaped for two hundred feet to the base of the spire-like rock, the "chimney," that rests upon it and rises a full hundred feet more. a local story runs that an army officer trained a cannon on this spire, shot off about thirty feet from the top, and for this was court-martialed and dishonorably discharged from the army. i could get no definite confirmation of the story, though it was repeated again and again. it seems incredible that an intelligent man would do such an act, and if he did it, he deserved severe punishment. it is saddening to think of the many places where equally stupid things have been done to natural wonders. coming through idaho, i had noticed that at soda springs the hand of the vandal had been at work. that interesting phenomenon, steamboat spring, the wonderment of all of us in , with its intermittent spouting, had been tampered with and had ceased to act. [illustration: going up the steep, rocky sides of little canyon.] chapter twenty-seven a bit of bad luck "old oregon trail monument expedition, brady island, nebraska, august , , camp no. . odometer, , / . yesterday morning twist ate his breakfast as usual and showed no signs of sickness until we were on the road two or three miles, when he began to put his tongue out and his breathing became heavy. but he leaned on the yoke more heavily than usual and determined to pull the whole load. i finally stopped, put him on the off side, gave him the long end of the yoke, and tied his head back with the halter strap to the chain; but to no purpose, for he pulled by the head very heavily. i finally unyoked, gave him a quart of lard, a gill of vinegar, and a handful of sugar, but all to no purpose, for he soon fell down and in two hours was dead." such is the record in my journal of this noble animal's death. i think he died from eating some poisonous plant. when we started, twist weighed pounds. after we had crossed two ranges of mountains, had wallowed in the snows of the blue mountains, followed the tortuous, rocky canyon of burnt river, and gone through the deep sands of the snake, this ox had gained pounds, and weighed pounds. while laboring under the short end of the yoke that gave him fifty-five per cent of the draft and an increased burden, he would keep his end of the yoke a little ahead, no matter how much the mate might be urged to keep up. there are pronounced individualities in animals as well as in men. i might have said virtues, too--and why not? if an animal always does his duty and is faithful and industrious, why not recognize this character, even if he is "nothing but an ox"? to understand the achievements of this ox it is necessary to know the burden that he carried. the wagon weighed pounds, had wooden axles and wide track, and carried an average load of pounds. along with an unbroken four-year old steer, a natural-born shirk, twist had hauled the wagon miles, and he was in better working trim just before he died than when the trip began. and yet, am i sure that at some points i did not abuse him? what about coming up out of little canyon, or rather up the steep, rocky steps of stones like stairs, when i used the goad, and he pulled a shoe off his feet? was i merciful then, or did i exact more than i ought? i can see him yet, in my mind, on his knees, holding the wagon from rolling into the canyon till the wheel could be blocked and the brakes set. then, when bidden to start the load, he did not flinch. he was the best ox i ever saw, without exception, and his loss nearly broke up the expedition. his like i could not find again. he had a decent burial. a headboard marks his grave and tells of the aid he rendered in this expedition to perpetuate the memory of the old oregon trail. [illustration: twist, a noble animal.] what should i do--abandon the work? no. but i could not go on with one ox. so a horse team was hired to take us to the next town, gothenburg, thirteen miles distant. the lone ox was led behind the wagon. again i hired a horse team to haul the wagon to lexington. at lexington i thought the loss of the ox could be repaired by buying a pair of heavy cows and breaking them in to work, so i purchased two out of a band of two hundred cattle. "why, yes, of course they will work," i said, in reply to a bystander's question. "i have seen whole teams of cows on the plains in ' . yes, we will soon have a team," i declared with all the confidence in the world, "only we can't go very far in a day with a raw team, especially in this hot weather." but one cow would not go at all! we could neither lead her nor drive her. put her in the yoke, and she would stand stock still, just like a stubborn mule. hitch the yoke by a strong rope behind the wagon with a horse team to pull, and she would brace her feet and actually slide along, but would not lift a foot. i never saw such a brute before, and hope i never shall again. i have broken wild, fighting, kicking steers to the yoke and enjoyed the sport, but from a sullen, tame cow, deliver me! "won't you take her back and give me another?" i asked the seller. "yes, i will give you that red cow,"--one i had rejected as unfit,--"but not one of the others." "what is this cow worth to you?" "thirty dollars." so i dropped ten dollars, having paid forty for the first cow. besides, i had lost the better part of a day and experienced a good deal of vexation. if i could only have had twist back again! the fact gradually became apparent that the loss of that fine ox was almost irreparable. i could not get track of an ox anywhere, nor even of a steer large enough to mate the dave ox. besides, dave always was a fool. twist would watch my every motion, and mind by the wave of the hand, but dave never minded anything except to shirk hard work. twist seemed to love his work and would go freely all day. it was brought home to me more forcibly than ever that in the loss of the twist ox i had almost lost the whole team. when i drove out from lexington behind a hired horse team that day, with the dave ox tagging on behind and sometimes pulling on his halter, and with an unbroken cow in leading, it may easily be guessed that the pride of anticipated success died out, and deep discouragement seized upon me. i had two yokes, one a heavy ox yoke, the other a light cow's yoke; but the cow, i thought, could not be worked alongside the ox in the ox yoke, nor the ox with the cow in the cow yoke. i was without a team, but with a double encumbrance. yes, the ox has passed, for in all nebraska i was unable to find even one yoke. i trudged along, sometimes behind the led cattle, wondering in my mind whether or not i had been foolish to undertake this expedition to perpetuate the memory of the old oregon trail. had i not been rebuffed at the first by a number of business men who pushed the subject aside with, "i have no time to look into it"? hadn't i been compelled to pass several towns where not even three persons could be found to act on the committee? and then there was the experience of the constant suspicion that there was some graft to be discovered, some lurking speculation. all this could be borne in patience; but when coupled with it came the virtual loss of the team, is it strange that my spirits went down below a normal point? [illustration: _brown bros._ the railroad bridge at omaha, crossing the missouri where in we went over by ferry.] then came the compensatory thought of what had been accomplished. four states had responded cordially. back along the line of more than fifteen hundred miles already stood many sentinels, mostly granite, to mark the trail and keep alive the memory of the pioneers. moreover, i recalled the enthusiastic reception in so many places, the outpouring of contributions from thousands of school children, the willing hands of the people that built these monuments, and the more than twenty thousand people attending the dedication ceremonies. these heartening recollections made me forget the loss of twist, the recalcitrant cow, and the dilemma that confronted me. i awakened from my reverie in a more cheerful mood. [illustration: _brown bros._ sugar-beet factories were seen when we left behind us the open ranges of the wyoming country and came into the sugar-beet section in nebraska.] "do the best you can," i said to myself, "and don't be cast down." my spirits rose almost to the point of exultation again. we soon reached the beautiful city of kearney, named after old fort kearney, which stood across the river, and were given a fine camping place in the center of the town. it was under the shade trees that line the streets, and we had a fresh-cut greensward upon which to pitch our tents. people came in great numbers to visit the camp and express their appreciation of our enterprise. later a monument was erected in this city. [illustration: _brown bros._ in the corn lands of nebraska.] at grand island i found public sentiment in favor of taking action. it was decided, however, that the best time for the dedication would be in the following year, upon the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the settlement. i was a little disappointed in the delay, but felt that good seed was sown. grand island, with its stately rows of shade trees, its modest, tasteful homes, the bustle and stir on its business streets, with the constant passing of trains, shrieking of whistles, and ringing of bells, presented a striking contrast to the scene i saw that june day in when i passed over the ground near where the city stands. vast herds of buffalo then grazed on the hills or leisurely crossed our track and at times obstructed our way, and herds of antelope watched from vantage points. but now the buffalo and antelope have disappeared; the indian likewise is gone. instead of the parched plain of , with its fierce clouds of dust rolling up the valley and engulfing whole trains, we saw a landscape of smiling, fruitful fields, inviting groves of trees, and contented homes. from grand island i went to fremont, nebraska, to head the procession in the semi-centennial celebration in honor of the founding of that city. in the procession i worked the ox and cow together. from fremont i went on to lincoln. all the while i was searching for an ox or a steer large enough to mate the dave ox, but without avail. finally, after looking over a thousand head of cattle in the stockyards of omaha, i found a five-year-old steer, dandy, which i broke in on the way to indianapolis. this ox proved to be very satisfactory. he never kicked or hooked, and was always in good humor. dave and dandy made good team-mates. "as dumb as an ox" is a very common expression, dating back as far as my memory goes. in fact, the ox is not so "dumb" as a casual observer might think. dave and dandy knew me as far as they could see; sometimes when i went to them in the morning, dave would lift his head, bow his neck, stretch out his body, and perhaps extend a foot, as if to say, "good morning to you; glad to see you." dandy was driven on the streets of a hundred cities and towns, and i never knew him to be at a loss to find his way to the stable or watering-trough, once he had been there and was started on a return trip. i arrived at indianapolis on january , , eleven months and seven days from the date of departure from my home at puyallup, twenty-six hundred miles away. [illustration: _brown bros._ along the erie canal, part of the national highway to the west.] chapter twenty-eight driving on to the capital after passing the missouri, and leaving the trail behind me, i somehow had a foreboding that i might be mistaken for a faker and looked upon as an adventurer, and i shrank from the ordeal. my hair had grown long on the trip across; my boots were somewhat the worse for wear, and my old-fashioned clothes (understood well enough by pioneers along the trail) were dilapidated. i was not the most presentable specimen for every sort of company. already i had been compelled to say that i was not a "corn doctor" or any kind of doctor; that i did not have patent medicine to sell; and that i was not soliciting contributions to support the expedition. the first of march, , found me on the road going eastward from indianapolis. i had made up my mind that washington should be the objective point. for my main purpose--to secure the building of a memorial highway--congress, i felt, would be a better field to work in than out on the hopelessly long stretch of the trail, where one man's span of life would certainly pass before the work could be accomplished. but i thought it well to make a campaign of education to get the work before the general public so that congress might know about it. therefore a route was laid out to occupy the time until the first of december, just before congress would again assemble. the route lay through indianapolis, dayton, cleveland, columbus, buffalo, albany, new york, trenton, philadelphia, and baltimore, to washington. for the most part i received a warm welcome all along the route. dayton treated me generously. mayor badger of columbus wrote giving me the freedom of the city; and mayor tom johnson wrote to his chief of police to "treat mr. meeker as the guest of the city of cleveland," which was done. at buffalo, a benefit performance for one of the hospitals, in the shape of a circus, was in preparation. a part of the elaborate program was an attack by indians on an emigrant train, the "indians" being representative young men of the city. at this juncture i arrived in the city, and was besought to go and represent the train, for which they would pay me. "no, not for pay," i said, "but i will go." so there was quite a realistic show in the ring that afternoon and evening, and the hospital received more than a thousand dollars' benefit. near oneida some one said that i had better take to the towpath on the canal to save distance and to avoid going over the hill. it was against the law, he added, but everybody did it and no one would object. so, when we came to the forks of the road, i followed the best-beaten track and was soon traveling along on the level, hard, but narrow way, the towpath. all went well that day. we were not so fortunate the next day, however, when a boat with three men, two women, and three long-eared mules was squarely met, the mules being on the towpath. the mules took fright, got into a regular mixup, broke the harness, and went up the towpath at a two-forty gait. as i had walked into oneida the night before, i did not see the sight or hear the war of words that followed. the men ordered marden to "take that outfit off the towpath." his answer was that he could not do it without upsetting the wagon. the men said if he couldn't they would do it quick enough. they started toward the wagon, evidently intent upon executing their threat, meanwhile swearing at the top of their voices while the women scolded in chorus, one of them fairly shrieking. my old muzzle-loading rifle that we had carried across the plains lay handy. when the men started toward him, marden picked up the rifle to show fight and called on the dog jim to take hold of the men. as he raised the gun to use it as a club, one of the boatmen threw up his hands, bawling at the top of his voice, "don't shoot! don't shoot!" he forgot to mix in oaths and slunk out of sight behind the wagon. the others also drew back. jim showed his teeth, and a truce followed. with but little inconvenience the mules were taken off the path, and the ox team was driven past. the fun of it was that the gun that had spread such consternation hadn't been loaded for more than twenty-five years. the sight of it alone was enough for the three stalwart braves of the canal. it took new york to cap the climax--to bring me all sorts of experiences, sometimes with the police, sometimes with the gaping crowds, and sometimes at the city hall. [illustration: _brown bros._ in the great automobile factory near cleveland, ohio, the old prairie schooner came into vivid contrast with the new means of following the trail.] mayor mcclellan was not in the city when i arrived; but the acting mayor said that while he could not grant me a permit to come in, he would have the police commissioner instruct his men not to molest me. either the instructions were not general enough, or else the men paid no attention; for when i got down as far as st street on amsterdam avenue, a policeman interfered and ordered my driver to take the team to the police station, which he very properly refused to do. it was after dark and i had just gone around the corner to engage quarters for the night when this occurred. returning, i saw the young policeman attempt to move the team, but as he didn't know how, they wouldn't budge a peg, whereupon he arrested my driver and took him away. another policeman tried to coax me to drive the team down to the police station. i said, "no, sir, i will not." he couldn't drive the team to the station, and i wouldn't, and so there we were. to arrest me would make matters worse, for the team would be left on the street without any one to care for it. finally the officer got out of the way, and i drove the team to the stable. he followed, with a large crowd tagging after him. soon the captain of the precinct arrived, called his man off, and ordered my driver released. it appeared that there was an ordinance against allowing cattle to be driven on the streets of new york. of course, this was intended to apply to loose cattle, but the policemen interpreted it to mean any cattle, and they had the clubs to enforce their interpretation. i was in the city and couldn't get out without subjecting myself to arrest, according to their view of the law; and in fact i didn't want to get out. i wanted to drive down broadway from one end to the other, and i did, a month later. all hands said nothing short of an ordinance by the board of aldermen would clear the way; so i tackled the aldermen. the _new york tribune_ sent a man over to the city hall to intercede for me; the _new york herald_ did the same thing. and so it came about that the aldermen passed an ordinance granting me the right of way for thirty days, and also endorsed my work. i thought my trouble was over when that ordinance was passed. not so; the mayor was absent, and the acting mayor could not sign an ordinance until after ten days had elapsed. the city attorney came in and said the aldermen had exceeded their authority, as they could not legally grant a special privilege. then the acting mayor said he would not sign the ordinance; but if i would wait until the next meeting of the aldermen, if they did not rescind the ordinance, it would be certified, as he would not veto it. considering that no one was likely to test the legality of the ordinance, he thought i would be safe in acting as though it were legal. just thirty days from the time i had the bother with the policemen, and having incurred two hundred and fifty dollars of extra expense, i drove down broadway from st street to the battery, without getting into any serious scrape, except with one automobilist who became angered, but afterwards was "as good as pie." thirty days satisfied me with new york. the crowds were so great that congestion of traffic always followed my presence, and i would be compelled to move. one day when i went to city hall park to have my team photographed with the greeley statue, i got away only by the help of the police, and even then with great difficulty. [illustration: in wall street, new york city.] a trip across brooklyn bridge to brooklyn was also made, and then, two days before leaving the city, i came near to meeting a heavy loss. somehow i got sandwiched in on the east side of new york in the congested district of the foreign quarter and at nightfall drove into a stable, put the oxen in the stalls and, as usual, the dog jim in the wagon. the next morning jim was gone. the stableman said he had left the wagon a few moments after i had and had been stolen. the police accused the stablemen of being parties to the theft, in which i think they were right. money could not buy that dog. he was an integral part of the expedition: always on the alert; always watchful of the wagon during my absence, and always willing to mind what i bade him do. he had had more adventures on this trip than any other member of the outfit. first he was tossed over a high brush by the ox dave; then, shortly after, he was pitched headlong over a barbed wire fence by an irate cow. next came a fight with a wolf; following this, came a narrow escape from a rattlesnake in the road. also, a trolley car ran on to him, rolling him over and over again until he came out as dizzy as a drunken man. i thought he was a "goner" that time for sure, but he soon straightened up. finally, in the streets of kansas city, he was run over by a heavy truck while fighting with another dog. the other dog was killed outright, while jim came near to having his neck broken. he lost one of his best fighting teeth and had several others broken. i sent him to a veterinary surgeon, and curiously enough he made no protest while having the broken teeth repaired or extracted. there was no other way to find jim than to offer a reward. i did this, and feel sure i paid twenty dollars to one of the parties to the theft. the fellow was brazen enough, also, to demand pay for keeping him. that was the time when i got up and talked pointedly. but i had my faithful dog back, and i kept him more closely by me while i was making the rest of my tour. six years later it chanced that i lost jim. while we were waiting at a station, i let him out of the car for a few minutes. the train started unexpectedly and jim was left behind. a good reward was offered for him, but nobody ever came to collect it. [illustration: welcomed by president roosevelt at the capitol.] chapter twenty-nine the end of the long trail i was glad enough to get out of the crowds of new york. it had given me some rich experiences, but that big city is no place for ox teams. it was good to get away from the jam and the hurry out on to the country roads. on the way to philadelphia, between newark and elizabeth city, new jersey, at a point known as lyon's farm, the old meeker homestead stood, built in the year . here the meeker tribe, as we call ourselves, came out to greet me, nearly forty strong. on the way through maryland we saw a good many oxen, some of them driven on the road. the funny part of it was to have the owners try to trade their scrawny teams for dave and dandy, offering money to boot, or two yoke for one. they had never before seen such large oxen as dave and dandy, and for that matter i never had myself. dandy was of unusual size, and dave was probably the largest trained ox in the united states then; he was sixteen hands high and eight feet in girth. i reached washington, the capital, just twenty-two months to the day from the time i left home in washington, the state. as soon as arrangements could be made i went to see president roosevelt. senator piles and representative cushman, of the washington congressional delegation, introduced me to the president in the cabinet room. mr. roosevelt manifested a lively interest in the work of marking the trail. he did not need to be told that the trail was a battlefield, or that the oregon pioneers who moved out and occupied the oregon country while it was yet in dispute between great britain and the united states were heroes. when i suggested that they were "the winners of the farther west," he fairly snatched these words from my lips. he went even further than i had dreamed of or hoped for, in invoking government aid to carry on the work. addressing senator piles, the president said with emphasis: "i am in favor of this work to mark this trail. if you will bring before congress a measure to accomplish it, i am with you and will give my support to do it thoroughly." mr. roosevelt thought the suggestion of a memorial highway should first come from the states through which the trail runs. however, it would be possible to get congressional aid to mark the trail. in any event, he felt it ought to be done speedily. unexpectedly the president asked, "where is your team? i want to see it." upon being told that it was nearby, without ceremony, and without his hat, he was soon alongside, asking questions faster than they could be answered, not idle questions, but such as showed his intense desire to get real information, bottom facts. president roosevelt was a man who loved the pioneers and who understood the true west. his warm welcome remains in my heart as one of the richest rewards of the many that have come as compensation for my struggle to carry out my dream. on the eighth of january, , i left washington, shipping my outfit over the allegheny mountains to mckeesport, pennsylvania. from mckeesport i drove to pittsburgh, and there put the team into winter quarters to remain until the fifth of march. thence i shipped by boat on the ohio river to cincinnati, stopping in that city but one day, and from there i shipped by rail to st. louis, missouri. my object now was to retrace the original trail from its beginnings to where it joined the oregon trail, over which i had traveled. this trail properly ran by water from st. louis to independence, thence westward along the platte to fort laramie. at pittsburgh and adjacent cities i was received cordially and encouraged to believe that the movement to make a great national highway had taken a deep hold in the minds of the people. i was not so much encouraged in st. louis. the city officers were unwilling to do anything to further the movement, but before i left the city, the automobile club and the daughters of the american revolution did take formal action indorsing the work. st. louis had really been the head and center of the movement that finally established the original oregon trail. it was from here that lewis and clark started on the famous expedition of - that opened up the northwest. here was where wyeth, bonneville, and others of the early travelers on the trail had outfitted. [illustration: _brown bros._ the homeward trip took us through the great industrial cities of the middle states, among them pittsburgh.] the drive from st. louis to jefferson city, the capital of the state of missouri, was tedious and without result other than that of reaching the point where actual driving began in early days. governor folk signified his approval of the work, and i was given a cordial hearing by the citizens. on the fourth of april i arrived at independence, missouri, which is generally understood to be the eastern terminus of the santa fé trail. i found, however, that many of the pioneers had shipped farther up the missouri, some driving from atchison, some from leavenworth, others from st. joseph. at a little later period, multitudes had set out from kanesville (now council bluffs), where whitman and parker made their final break with civilization and boldly turned their faces westward for the unknown land of oregon. the santa fé and oregon trails from independence and kansas city were identical for forty miles or thereabouts, out to the town of gardner, kansas. from there the santa fé trail bore on to the west and finally to the southwest, while the oregon trail bore steadily on to the northwest and encountered the platte valley below grand island in what is now nebraska. at the forks of the road, the historian chittenden says, "a simple signboard was seen which carried the words 'road to oregon,' thus pointing the way for two thousand miles. no such signboard ever before pointed the road for so long a distance, and probably another such never will." i determined to make an effort to find the spot where this historic sign once stood, and if possible to plant a marker there. friends in kansas city, one of whom i had not met for sixty years, took me by automobile to gardner, where, after a search of a couple of hours, two old residents were found who were able to point out the spot. these men were mr. v. r. ellis and mr. william j. ott, aged respectively seventy-seven and eighty-two years, whose residence in the near vicinity dated back nearly fifty years. the point is at the intersection of washington street and central street in the town of gardner. i planned to drive up the missouri and investigate the remaining five prongs of the trail--leavenworth, atchison, st. joseph, kanesville, and independence. i drove to topeka, the capital city of kansas, where i arrived the eleventh of may ( ). there the trail crosses the kansas river under the very shadow of the state house, not three blocks away; yet only a few knew of it. on the twenty-third of may the team arrived at st. joseph, missouri, a point where many pioneers had outfitted in early days. while public sentiment there was in hearty accord with the work of marking the trail, yet plainly it would be a hard tug to get the people together on a plan to erect a monument. "times were very tight to undertake such a work," came the response from so many that no organized effort was made. [illustration: the ox-team pioneer of tries the airplane trail in .] the committee of congress in charge of the bill appropriating fifty thousand dollars to mark the trail, by this time had taken action and had made a favorable report. such a report was held to be almost equivalent to the passage of a bill. so, all things considered, the conclusion was reached to suspend operations, ship the team home, and for the time being take a rest from the work. i had been out from home twenty-eight months, lacking but five days; hence it is small wonder that i concluded to listen to the inner longings to get back to home and home life. on the twenty-sixth of may i shipped the outfit by rail from st. joseph to portland, oregon, where i arrived on the sixth day of june, , and went into camp on the same grounds i had used in march, , on my outward trip. as i returned home over the oregon short line i crossed the old trail in many places. this time, however, it was with dave and dandy quietly chewing their cud in the car, while i enjoyed all the luxuries of an overland train. i began vividly to realize the wide expanse of country covered, as we passed first one and then another of the camping places. i was led to wonder whether or not i should have undertaken the work if i could have seen the trail stretched out, as i saw it like a panorama from the car window. i sometimes think not. all of us at times undertake things that look bigger after completion than they did in our vision of them. we go into ventures without fully counting the cost. perhaps that was the case, to a certain extent, in this venture; the work did look larger from the car window than from the camp. nevertheless, i have no regrets to express or exultation to proclaim. the trail has not yet been fully or properly marked. we have made a good beginning, however, and let us hope the end will soon become an accomplished fact. monumenting the old oregon trail means more than the mere preservation in memory of that great highway; it means the building up of loyalty, of patriotism, as well as the teaching of our history in a form never to be forgotten. words can not express my deep feeling of gratitude for the royal welcome given me by the citizens of portland. i was privileged to attend the reunion of the two thousand pioneers who had just assembled for their annual meeting. the drive from portland to seattle is also one long to be remembered; my friends and neighbors met me with kindliest welcome. on the eighteenth day of july, , i drove into the city of seattle and the long journey was ended. my dream of retracing the way over the old trail had come true. [illustration] the white indian boy by e. n. wilson _in collaboration with howard r. driggs_ everyone who knew "uncle nick" wilson was always begging him to tell about pioneer days in the northwest. when "uncle nick" was eight years old, the wilson family crossed the plains by ox team. when he was only twelve, he slipped away from home to travel north with a band of shoshones with whom he wandered about for two years, sharing all the experiences of indian life. later, after he had returned home, he was a pony express rider, he drove a stage on the overland route, and he acted as guide in an expedition against the gosiute indians. "uncle nick" knew pioneer life and he knew the heart of the indian. so mr. driggs persuaded him to write his recollections and helped him to make his story into a book that is a true record of pioneering and of indian life with its hardships and adventures. _the white indian boy_ is an exciting, true story that has interested many boys and girls and contributed to their understanding of the early history of the west. _cloth. xii + pages. illustrated. price $ . _ world book company yonkers-on-hudson, new york prairie avenue, chicago [illustration] the bullwhacker _adventures of a frontier freighter_ by william francis hooker _edited by howard r. driggs_ bullwhacking is an occupation about which most persons know little in these days, but one that demanded courage out in wyoming territory fifty years ago. the bullwhacker drove ox teams to outlying army posts and indian reservations far from railroads, when the pioneers were pushing our frontier west of the missouri. mr. hooker was one of these bullwhackers and his book is a true account of his adventures while driving frontier freighters. he tells one of the choice stories of america's making and in a way that makes the old west, with the indian, the cowboy, and the outlaw, live again. pioneer adventures are here recounted in an entertaining way, and they are convincing because the author is one of the few surviving men who whacked bulls and he knows of what he is writing. used as an historical reader, this book will make vivid to pupils of the upper grades an adventurous period of our history. _cloth. xvi + pages. illustrated. price $ . _ world book company yonkers-on-hudson, new york prairie avenue, chicago [illustration] frontier law _a story of vigilante days_ by william j. mcconnell _in collaboration with howard r. driggs_ the restoring of law and order on our western frontier in the sixties was the work of courageous men with firm hands. it was one of the stirring periods in the evolution of our government. mr. mcconnell, who was first a captain of a band of vigilantes before he was senator and then governor, gives in this book his own experiences in bringing the control of territorial affairs into the hands of law-abiding citizens. in straight-forward fashion he tells of his journey from michigan to the coast, of mining in california, of homesteading in oregon, of prospecting in idaho. most unusual and interesting is his account of the struggle against outlawry and the establishment of orderly government. through this life story of a real american boy rings a clear note of americanism with love of liberty, respect for law, and a willingness to face squarely the issues of life. it is one of the very few first-hand accounts of the vigilantes and it will bring the events of those days, with the great lessons that they teach, nearer to the young student of our history. _cloth. xii + pages. illustrated. price $ . _ world book company yonkers-on-hudson, new york prairie avenue, chicago [illustration] deadwood gold _a story of the black hills_ by george w. stokes _in collaboration with howard r. driggs_ the life and work of the pioneer miners who opened up the golden treasures of the black hills form a stirring chapter in the history of the winning of the west. the story as told in this book is a vivid one, made more valuable and interesting because colonel stokes writes of his own experiences. he was one of the first to reach the new gold diggings in the seventies, and he saw the whole development from the early exciting days, on during the mad rush to deadwood, to the discovery of some of the greatest gold mines in the world. there is in this volume much historical and geographical information. especially does the book give a realistic picture of many aspects of the gold mining process and of the activities associated with the great gold rushes of all times. serving as a supplementary reader in intermediate grades, this true story of american adventure will hold the interest of boys and girls. _cloth. xii + pages. illustrated. price $ . _ world book company yonkers-on-hudson, new york prairie avenue, chicago * * * * * transcriber's notes: page vii, " " changed to " ." page , "eatablished" changed to "established" (established in ) page , "britian" changed to "britain" (between great britain and the) page , "fe" changed to "fé" (of the santa fé trail) page , "sante fe" changed to "santa fé" (the santa fé and oregon trails) page , "fe" changed to "fé" (santa fé trail bore) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) the log school-house on the columbia a tale of the pioneers of the great northwest by hezekiah butterworth author of the zigzag books illustrated [illustration] new york d. appleton and company [illustration: _gretchen at the potlatch feast._] preface. a year or more ago one of the librarians in charge of the young people's books in the boston public library called my attention to the fact that there were few books of popular information in regard to the pioneers of the great northwest. the librarian suggested that i should write a story that would give a view of the heroic lives of the pioneers of oregon and washington. soon after this interview i met a distinguished educator who had lately returned from the columbia river, who told me the legend of the old chief who died of grief in the grave of his son, somewhat in the manner described in this volume. the legend had those incidental qualities that haunt a susceptible imagination, and it was told to me in such a dramatic way that i could not put it out of my mind. a few weeks after hearing this haunting legend i went over the rocky mountains by the canadian pacific railway, and visited the columbia river and the scenes associated with the indian story. i met in washington, yesler, denney, and hon. elwood evans, the historian; visited the daughter of seattle, the chief, "old angeline"; and gathered original stories in regard to the pioneers of the puget sound country from many sources. in this atmosphere the legend grew upon me, and the outgrowth of it is this volume, which, amid a busy life of editorial and other work, has forced itself upon my experience. h.b. worcester street, boston, july , contents. chapter i. gretchen's violin ii. the chief of the cascades iii. "boston tilicum" iv. mrs. woods's tame bear, little "roll over" v. the nest of the fishing eagle vi. the mountain lion vii. the "smoke-talk" viii. the black eagle's nest of the falls of the missouri ix. gretchen's visit to the old chief of the cascades x. mrs. woods meets little "roll over" again xi. marlowe mann's new robinson crusoe xii. old joe meek and mr. spaulding xiii. a warning xiv. the potlatch xv. the traumerei again xvi. a silent tribe xvii. a desolate home and a desolate people xviii. the lifted cloud--the indians come to the schoolmaster historical notes. i. vancouver ii. the oregon trail iii. governor stevens iv. seattle the chief v. whitman's ride for oregon vi. mount saint helens list of illustrations. gretchen at the potlatch feast e. j. austen (frontispiece) indians spearing fish at salmon falls "here were mountains grander than olympus." the north puyallup glacier, mount tacoma in the midst of this interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin a. e. pope the eagle soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons e.j. austen the mountain lion d. carter beard an indian village on the columbia afar loomed mount hood a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn at the cascades of the columbia multnomah falls in earlier years. redrawn by walter c. greenough the old chief stood stoical and silent. e. j. austen middle block-house at the cascades chapter i. gretchen's violin. an elderly woman and a german girl were walking along the old indian trail that led from the northern mountains to the columbia river. the river was at this time commonly called the oregon, as in bryant's poem: "where rolls the oregon, and no sound is heard save its own dashings." the girl had a light figure, a fair, open face, and a high forehead with width in the region of ideality, and she carried under her arm a long black case in which was a violin. the woman had lived in one of the valleys of the oregon for several years, but the german girl had recently arrived in one of the colonies that had lately come to the territory under the missionary agency of the rev. jason lee. there came a break in the tall, cool pines that lined the trail and that covered the path with glimmering shadows. through the opening the high summits of mount st. helens glittered like a city of pearl, far, far away in the clear, bright air. the girl's blue eyes opened wide, and her feet stumbled. "there, there you go again down in the hollow! haven't you any eyes? i would think you had by the looks of them. well, gretchen, they were placed right in the front of your head so as to look forward; they would have been put in the top of your head if it had been meant that you should look up to the sky in that way. what is it you see?" "oh, mother, i wish i was--an author." "an author! what put that into your simple head? you meant to say you would like to be a poet, but you didn't dare to, because you know i don't approve of such things. people who get such flighty ideas into their loose minds always find the world full of hollows. no, gretchen, i am willing you should play on the violin, though some of the methody do not approve of that; and that you should finger the musical glasses in the evening--they have a religious sound and soothe me, like; but the reading of poetry and novels i never did countenance, except methody hymns and the 'fool of quality,' and as for the writing of poetry, it is a boston notion and an ornary habit. nature is all full of poetry out here, and what this country needs is pioneers, not poets." there came into view another opening among the pines as the two went on. the sun was ascending a cloudless sky, and far away in the cerulean arch of glimmering splendors the crystal peaks and domes of st. helens appeared again. the girl stopped. "what now?" said the woman, testily. "look--yonder!" "look yonder--what for? that's nothing but a mountain, a great waste of land all piled up to the sky, and covered with a lot of ice and snow. i don't see what they were made for, any way--just to make people go round, i suppose, so that the world will not be too easy for them." "oh, mother, i do not see how you can feel so out here! i never dreamed of anything so beautiful!" "feel so out here! what do you mean? haven't i always been good to you? didn't i give you a good home in lynn after your father and mother died? wasn't i a mother to you? didn't i nurse you through the fever? didn't i send for you to come way out here with the immigrants, and did you ever find a better friend in the world than i have been to you?" "yes, mother, but--" "and don't i let you play the violin, which the methody elder didn't much approve of?" "yes, mother, you have always been good to me, and i love you more than anybody else on earth." there swept into view a wild valley of giant trees, and rose clear above it, a scene of overwhelming magnificence. "oh, mother, i can hardly look at it--isn't it splendid? it makes me feel like crying." the practical, resolute woman was about to say, "well, look the other way then," but she checked the rude words. the girl had told her that she loved her more than any one else in the world, and the confession had touched her heart. "well, gretchen, that mountain used to make me feel so sometimes when i first came out here. i always thought that the mountains would look _peakeder_ than they do. i didn't think that they would take up so much of the land. i suppose that they are all well enough in their way, but a pioneer woman has no time for sentiments, except hymns. i don't feel like you now, and i don't think that i ever did. i couldn't learn to play the violin and the musical glasses if i were to try, and i am sure that i should never go out into the woodshed to try to rhyme _sun_ with _fun_; no, gretchen, all such follies as these i should _shun_. what difference does it make whether a word rhymes with one word or another?" to the eye of the poetic and musical german girl the dead volcano, with its green base and frozen rivers and dark, glimmering lines of carbon, seemed like a fairy tale, a celestial vision, an ascent to some city of crystal and pearl in the sky. to her foster mother the stupendous scene was merely a worthless waste, as to wordsworth's unspiritual wanderer: "a primrose by the river's brim, a yellow primrose was to him, and it was nothing more." she was secretly pleased at gretchen's wonder and surprise at the new country, but somehow she felt it her duty to talk querulously, and to check the flow of the girl's emotions, which she did much to excite. her own life had been so circumscribed and hard that the day seemed to be too bright to be speaking the truth. she peered into the sky for a cloud, but there was none, on this dazzling oregon morning. the trail now opened for a long way before the eyes of the travelers. far ahead gleamed the pellucid waters of the columbia, or oregon. half-way between them and the broad, rolling river a dark, tall figure appeared. "gretchen?" "what, mother?" "gretchen, look! there goes the yankee schoolmaster. came way out here over the mountains to teach the people of the wilderness, and all for nothing, too. that shows that people have souls--some people have. walk right along beside me, proper-like. you needn't ever tell any one that i ain't your true mother. if i ain't ashamed of you, you needn't be ashamed of me. i wish that you were my own girl, now that you have said that you love me more than anybody else in the world. that remark kind o' touched me. i know that i sometimes talk hard, but i mean well, and i have to tell you the plain truth so as to do my duty by you, and then i won't have anything to reflect upon. "just look at him! straight as an arrow! they say that his folks are rich. come out here way over the mountains, and is just going to teach school in a log school-house--all made of logs and sods and mud-plaster, adobe they call it--a graduate of harvard college, too." a long, dark object appeared in the trees covered with bark and moss. behind these trees was a waterfall, over which hung the crowns of pines. the sunlight sifted through the odorous canopy, and fell upon the strange, dark object that lay across the branching limbs of two ancient trees. gretchen stopped again. "mother, what is that?" "a grave--an indian grave." the indians bury their dead in the trees out here, or used to do so. a brown hawk arose from the mossy coffin and winged its way wildly into the sunny heights of the air. it had made its nest on the covering of the body. these new scenes were all very strange to the young german girl. the trail was bordered with young ferns; wild violets lay in beds of purple along the running streams, and the mountain phlox with its kindling buds carpeted the shelving ways under the murmuring pines. the woman and girl came at last to a wild, open space; before them rolled the oregon, beyond it stretched a great treeless plain, and over it towered a gigantic mountain, in whose crown, like a jewel, shone a resplendent glacier. just before them, on the bluffs of the river, under three gigantic evergreens, each of which was more than two hundred feet high, stood an odd structure of logs and sods, which the builders called the sod school-house. it was not a sod school-house in the sense in which the term has been applied to more recent structures in the treeless prairie districts of certain mid-ocean states; it was rudely framed of pine, and was furnished with a pine desk and benches. along the river lay a plateau full of flowers, birds, and butterflies, and over the great river and flowering plain the clear air glimmered. like some sun-god's abode in the shadow of ages, st. helens still lifted her silver tents in the far sky. eagles and mountain birds wheeled, shrieking joyously, here and there. below the bluffs the silent salmon-fishers awaited their prey, and down the river with paddles apeak drifted the bark canoes of cayuses and umatillas. [illustration: _indians spearing fish at salmon falls._] a group of children were gathered about the open door of the new school-house, and among them rose the tall form of marlowe mann, the yankee schoolmaster. he had come over the mountains some years before in the early expeditions organized and directed by dr. marcus whitman, of the american board of missions. whether the mission to the cayuses and walla wallas, which dr. whitman established on the bend of the columbia, was then regarded as a home or foreign field of work, we can not say. the doctor's solitary ride of four thousand miles, in order to save the great northwest territory to the united states, is one of the most poetic and dramatic episodes of american history. it has proved to be worth to our country more than all the money that has been given to missionary enterprises. should the puget sound cities become the great ports of asia, and the ships of commerce drift from seattle and tacoma over the japan current to the flowery isles and china; should the lumber, coal, minerals, and wheat-fields of washington, oregon, montana, and idaho at last compel these cities to rival new york and boston, the populous empire will owe to the patriotic missionary zeal of dr. whitman a debt which it can only pay in honor and love. dr. whitman was murdered by the indians soon after the settlement of the walla walla country by the pioneers from the eastern states. mr. mann's inspiration to become a missionary pioneer on the oregon had been derived from a boston schoolmaster whose name also the northwest should honor. an inspired soul with a prophet's vision usually goes before the great movements of life; solitary men summon the march of progress, then decrease while others increase. hall j. kelley was a teacher of the olden time, well known in boston almost a century ago. he became possessed with the idea that oregon was destined to become a great empire. he collected all possible information about the territory, and organized emigration schemes, the first of which started from st. louis in , and failed. he talked of oregon continually. the subject haunted him day and night. it was he who inspired rev. jason lee, the pioneer of the willamette valley. lee interested senator linn, of missouri, in oregon, and this senator, on december , , introduced the bill into congress which organized the territory. some of the richly endowed new schools of oregon would honor history by a monumental recognition of the name of hall j. kelley, the old schoolmaster, whose dreams were of the columbia, and who inspired some of his pupils to become resolute pioneers. boston was always a friend to washington and oregon. where the old schoolmaster now rests we do not know. probably in a neglected grave amid the briers and mosses of some old cemetery on the atlantic coast. when marlowe mann came to the northwest he found the indian tribes unquiet and suspicious of the new settlements. one of the pioneers had caused a sickness among some thievish indians by putting emetic poison in watermelons. the indians believed these melons to have been conjured by the white doctor, and when other sickness came among them, they attributed it to the same cause. the massacre at waülaptu and the murder of whitman grew in part out of these events. mr. mann settled near the old chief of the cascades. he sought the indian friendship of this chief, and asked him for his protection. "people fulfill the expectation of the trust put in them--indians as well as children," he used to say. "a boy fulfills the ideals of his mother--what the mother believes the boy will be, that he will become. treat a thief as though he were honest, and he will be honest with you. we help people to be better by believing in what is good in them. i am going to trust the friendship of the old chief of the cascades, and he will never betray it." it was summer, and there was to be a great indian potlatch feast under the autumn moon. the potlatch is a feast of gifts. it is usually a peaceful gathering of friendly tribes, with rude music and gay dances; but it bodes war and massacre and danger if it end with the dance of the evil spirits, or the devil dance, as it has been known--a dance which the english government has recently forbidden among the northwestern tribes. the indians were demanding that the great fall potlatch should end with this ominous dance of fire and besmearings of blood. the white people everywhere were disturbed by these reports, for they feared what might be the secret intent of this wild revel. the settlers all regarded with apprehension the october moon. the tall schoolmaster watched the approach of mrs. woods and gretchen with a curious interest. the coming of a pupil with no books and a violin was something unexpected. he stepped forward with a courtly grace and greeted them most politely, for wherever marlowe mann might be, he never forgot that he was a gentleman. "this is my gal what i have brought to be educated," said mrs. woods, proudly. "they think a great deal of education up around boston where i came from. where did you come from?" "from boston." "so i have been told--from harvard college. can i speak with you a minute in private?" "yes, madam. step aside." "i suppose you are kinder surprised that i let my gal there, gretchen, bring her violin with her; but i have a secret to tell ye. gretchen is a kind of a poet, makes rhymes, she does; makes _fool_ rhyme with _school_, and such things as that. now, i don't take any interest in such things. but she does play the violin beautiful. learned of a german teacher. now, do you want to know why i let her bring her violin? well, i thought it might _help_ you. you've got a hard lot of scholars to deal with out here, and there are injuns around, too, and one never knows what they may do. "well, schoolmaster, you never heard nothin' like that violin. it isn't no evil spirit that is in gretchen's violin; it's an angel. i first noticed it one day when husband and i had been havin' some words. we have words sometimes. i have a lively mind, and know how to use words when i am opposed. well, one day when husband and i had been havin' words, which we shouldn't, seein' we are methody, gretchen began to cry, and went and got her violin, and began to play just like a bird. and my high temper all melted away, and my mind went back to the old farm in new england, and i declare, schoolmaster, i just threw my apron over my head and began to cry, and i told gretchen never to play that tune again when i was talking to husband for his good. "well, one day there came a lot of injuns to the house and demanded fire-water. i am methody, and don't keep any such things in the house. husband is a sober, honest man. now, i've always noticed that an injun is a coward, and i think the best way to get along with injuns is to appear not to fear them. so i ordered the stragglers away, when one of them swung his tommyhawk about my head, and the others threatened to kill me. how my heart did beat! gretchen began to cry; then she ran all at once for her violin and played the very same tune, and the injuns just stood like so many dumb statues and listened, and, when the tune was over, one of them said 'spirits,' and they all went away like so many children. "now, i thought you would like to hear my gal play between schools, and, if ever you should get into any trouble with your scholars or injuns or anybody, just call upon gretchen, and she will play that tune on the violin." "what wonderful tune is it, madam?" "i don't know. i don't know one tune from another, though i do sing the old methody hymns that i learned in lynn when i am about my work. i don't know whether she knows or not. she learned it of a german." "i am glad that you let her bring the instrument. i once played the violin myself in the orchestra of the boston handel and haydn society." "did you? then you like it. i have a word or two more to say about gretchen. she's a good gal, and shows her bringing up. teach her reading, writing, and figures. you needn't teach her no grammar. i could always talk without any grammar, in the natural way. i was a bound-girl, and never had much education. i have had my ups and downs in life, like all the rest of the world. you will do the best you can for gretchen, won't you?" "yes, my dear madam, and for every one. i try to make every one true to the best that is in them. i am glad to have gretchen for a scholar. i will speak to her by and by." how strange was the scene to gretchen! she remembered the winding rhine, with its green hills and terraced vineyards and broken-walled castles; basel and the singing of the student clubs in the gardens on summer evenings; the mountain-like church at strasburg; and the old streets of mayence. she recalled the legends and music of the river of song--a river that she had once thought to be the most beautiful on earth. but what were the hills of the rhine to the scenery that pierced the blue sky around her, and how light seemed the river itself to the majestic flow of the columbia! yet the home-land haunted her. would she go back again? how would her real parents have felt had they known that she would have found a home here in the wilderness? why had providence led her steps here? her mother had been a pious lutheran. had she been led here to help in some future mission to the indian race? "dreaming?" said mrs. woods. "well, i suppose it can't be helped. if a body has the misfortune to be kiting off to the clouds, going up like an eagle and coming down like a goose, it can't be helped. there are a great many things that can't be helped in this world, and all we can do is to make the best of them. some people were born to live in the skies, and it makes it hard for those who have to try to live with them. job suffered some things, but--i won't scold out here--i have my trials; but it may be they are all for the best, as the scripture says." these forbearing remarks were not wholly meant for gretchen's reproval. mrs. woods liked to have the world know that she had her trials, and she was pleased to find so many ears on this bright morning open to her experiences. she liked to say to gretchen things that were meant for other ears; there was novelty in the indirection. she also was accustomed to quote freely from the scriptures and from the methodist hymnbook, which was almost her only accomplishment. she had led a simple, hard-working life in her girlhood; had become a follower of jason lee during one of the old-time revivals of religion; had heard of the methodist emigration to oregon, and wished to follow it. she hardly knew why. though rough in speech and somewhat peculiar, she was a kind-hearted and an honest woman, and very industrious and resolute. mr. lee saw in her the spirit of a pioneer, and advised her to join his colony. she married mr. woods, went to the dalles of the columbia, and afterward to her present home upon a donation claim. chapter ii. the chief of the cascades. marlowe mann was a graduate of harvard in the classic period of the college. he had many scholarly gifts, and as many noble qualities of soul as mental endowments. he was used to the oratory of henry ware and young edward everett, and had known charles sumner and wendell phillips at college, when the greek mind and models led the young student in his fine development, and made him a pericles in his dreams. but the young student of this heroic training, no matter how well conditioned his family, usually turned from his graduation to some especial mission in life. "i must put myself into a cause," said young wendell phillips. charles sumner espoused the struggle of the negro for freedom, and said: "to this cause do i offer all i have." marlowe mann was a member of the historic old south church, like phillips in his early years. there was an enthusiasm for missions in the churches of boston then, and he began to dream of oregon and the mysterious empire of the great northwest, as pictured by the old schoolmaster, kelley; just at this time came dr. whitman to the east, half frozen from his long ride, and asked to lead an emigration to walla walla, to save the northern empire to the territory of the states. he heard the doctor's thrilling story of how he had unfurled the flag over the open bible on the crags that looked down on the valleys of the oregon, and his resolution was made. he did not follow dr. whitman on the first expedition of colonists, but joined him a year or two afterward. he built him a log-cabin on the columbia, and gave his whole soul to teaching, missionary work among the indians, and to bringing emigrants from the east. the country thrilled him--its magnificent scenery, the grandeur of the columbia, the vastness of the territory, and the fertility of the soil. here were mountains grander than olympus, and harbors and water-courses as wonderful as the Ægean. he was almost afraid to map the truth in his extensive correspondence with the east, lest it should seem so incredible as to defeat his purpose. [illustration: _the north puyallup glacier, mount tacoma._] when the log school-house was building, mr. mann had gone to the old chief of the cascades and had invited him to send his indian boy to the school. he had shown him what an advantage it would be to the young chief to understand more thoroughly chinook and english. he was wise and politic in the matter as well as large-hearted, for he felt that the school might need the friendliness of the old chief, and in no way could it be better secured. "the world treats you as you treat the world," he said; "and what you are to the world, the world is to you. tell me only what kind of a neighborhood you come from, and i will tell you what kind of a neighborhood you are going to; we all see the world in ourselves. i will educate the boy, and his father will protect the school. the indian heart is hot and revengeful, but it is honest and true. i intend to be honest with the indians in all things, and if there should occur a dance of the evil spirits at the potlatch, no harm will ever come to the log school-house; and i do not believe that such a dance with evil intent to the settlers will ever take place. human nature is all one book everywhere." as he stood there that morning, with uncovered head, an unexpected event happened. the children suddenly said: "look!" and "umatilla!" out of the forest came an aged indian, of gigantic stature--umatilla, one of the chiefs of the cascades; and beside him walked his only son, the light of the eagle's plume, or, as he had been named by the english, benjamin. umatilla, like massasoit, of the early colonial history of plymouth, was a remarkable person. surrounded by warlike tribes, he had been a man of peace. he was a lover of nature, and every shining cloud to his eye was a chariot. he personified everything, like the ancient greeks. he talked in poetic figures; to him the sky was alive, every event had a soul, and his mind had dwelt upon the great truths of nature until he had become more of a philosopher than a ruler. he had been the father of a large family, but six of his sons had died of the plague, or rather of the treatment which the medicine-men had used in the disease, which was to sweat the victims in hot earthen ovens, and then plunge them into the columbia. his whole heart in his old age was fixed upon his only son, benjamin. the two were seldom separated. to make the boy happy was the end of the old chief's life. the two approached the courtly schoolmaster. "white master," said the old chief, "i have brought to you the light of the eagle's plume. he is my heart, and will be the heart of my people when my suns are all passed over and my stars gone out. will you teach him to be a good chief? i want him to know english, and how to worship the master of life. will you take him to your school lodge?" the tall master bowed low, and took the indian boy by the hand. the boy was a princely youth. his figure would have held the eye of a sculptor in long admiration. the chisel of a phidias could hardly have exceeded such a form. his features were like the roman, his eye quick and lustrous, and his lips noble and kindly. he wore a blanket over his shoulders, gathered in a long sash, ornamented with shells, about his loins, and a crest of eagle plumes and shells on his head indicated his rank and dignity. he could speak some words of chinook, and english imperfectly. he had mingled much with the officers of the hudson bay company, and so had learned many of the customs of civilization. "i am honored," said the courtly, tall schoolmaster, "in having such a youth for my pupil. chief of the umatillas, i thank thee. all that is good in me will i give to your noble boy. i live with my eye upon the future; the work of my life is to lead people to follow their better natures and to be true to their best selves. there is a good angel in all men here"--he put his hand on his heart--"it leads men away from evil; it seeks the way of life; its end is yonder with the infinite. chief of the umatillas, i will try to teach the young man to follow it. do you understand?" the aged chief bowed. he caught the meaning of the thought, if not of the rather formal words. he comprehended the idea that the tall schoolmaster believed goodness to be immortal. the regions of the cascades were indeed beautiful with their ancient forests and gleaming mountain walls, but he had been taught to believe that the great master of life had provided eternal scenes that transcended these for those who were worthy to receive them. an unexpected turn came to this stately and pacific interview. mrs. woods was piqued at the deference that the tall schoolmaster had shown to the chief and his son. she walked about restlessly, cut a rod from one of the trees with a large knife which she always carried with her, and at last called the master aside again. "say, mister, here. you ain't going to take that young injun into your school, are you? there'll be trouble, now, if you do. know injuns--you don't. you are young, but 'tain't best for you to eat all your apples green. i've always been very particular about the company i keep, if i was born poor and have had to work hard, and never studied no foreign languages. i warn you!" she raised her voice, and benjamin heard what she had said. he suspected her ill-will toward him from her manner, but he comprehended the meaning of her last words. he at first looked puzzled and grieved, then suddenly his thin lips were pressed together; the passion of anger was possessing him, soon to be followed by the purpose of revenge. mrs. woods saw that she had gone too far in the matter, and that her spirit and meaning had been discovered by the son of the chief. the danger to which she had exposed herself made her nervous. but she began to act on her old principle never to show fear in the presence of an indian. "here, mister, i must go now," she said, in a loud voice. "take this rod, and govern your school like a man. if i were a teacher, i'd make my scholars smart in more ways than one." she held out the rod to the master. there was a movement in the air like a flash. benjamin, with noiseless feet, had slipped up behind her. he had conceived the idea that the offer of the rod somehow meant enmity to him. he seized the rod from behind the woman, and, sweeping it through the air, with kindled eye and glowing cheeks, wheeled before the master. "boston tilicum, don't you dare!" "boston tilicum" was the chinook for an american, and the chinook or trade language had become common to all the tribes on the columbia. the early american traders on the northern pacific coast were from boston. he raised the rod aloft defiantly like a young champion, and presented a heroic figure, which excited the tremulous admiration and wonder of the little group. he then pointed it toward mrs. woods, and said contemptuously in chinook: "cloochman!" (woman). the scene changed to the comical. mrs. woods snatched off her broad sun-bonnet, revealing her gray hair, and assumed an appearance of defiance, though her heart was really trembling with fear. "i ain't afraid of no injuns," she said, "and i don't take any impudence from anybody. i've had to fight the whole world all my life, and i've always conquered. there--now--there!" she whipped the rod out of the young indian's hand. benjamin's eyes blazed. "closche nanitch" (look out), he said. "i am an umatilla. siwash (indian) will remember. there are hawks in the sky." "kamooks" (dog), returned mrs. woods, defiantly. "kamooks." she would have said "cultus" had she dared. "cultus" is the most insulting word that can be applied to an indian, and, when it is used, it invites the most deadly revenge. the word had come to her lips, but she had not the courage to invoke the consequences of such a taunt. but the young indian further excited her. he shook the rod at her, and her passion mastered her prudence. she struggled with herself, and was silent for a few moments. but, suddenly catching the young indian's eye, which had in it a savage triumph, she exclaimed: "cultus umatilla--" the old chief stepped forward and lifted his hands. "pil-pil" (blood), said benjamin. "there are hawks in the air--" "be still!" said the chief. "--they whet their beaks," continued benjamin. "potlatch!" the whole company were filled with excitement or terror. gretchen trembled, and began to cry. three indians were seen coming down the trail, and the sight seemed to fill benjamin with a mysterious delight. mrs. woods saw them with secret fear, and the master with apprehension. several of the children began to cry, and there was a look of pain, terror, or distress on all the faces. suddenly gretchen stepped apart from the group and lifted to her shoulder her violin. a hunting strain rose on the bright morning air. it seemed like the flight of a singing bird. the chief's arms dropped. the music arose like a sweet memory of all that is good and beautiful. the three indians stopped to listen. the music became more sweet and entrancing. the anger went out of benjamin's face, and there came better feelings into his soul. the music breathed of the rhine, of vineyards and festivals, but he understood it not; to him it recalled the mysterious legends of the umatillas, the mysteries of life, and the glory of the heroes who slept on the island of the dead or amid the sweetly sighing branches of the trees. the air was the _traumerei_. when the music ceased there was a long silence. in it mrs. woods turned away slowly, with a word of advice to gretchen that under other circumstances would have appeared amusing: "behave yourself like a lady," she said, "and remember your bringing up. good-morning to ye all." the little group watched her as she moved safely away. a little black bear crossed her path as she was entering the wood, and stopped on the way. but her steps were growing rapid, and, as she did not seem to regard him as a matter of any consequence, he turned and ran. the company smiled, and so the peril of the morning seemed to pass away. the scene would have been comical but for the painful look in the kindly face of the old chief of the cascades. he had come toward the school-house with high hopes, and what had happened caused him pain. the word "potlatch," spoken by the indian boy, had caused his brow to cloud and his face to turn dark. "we will all go into the house," said the master. "umatilla, will you not honor us with a visit this morning?" "no--me come this afternoon for the boy; me wait for him outside. boston tilicum, let me speak to you a little. i am a father." "yes, and a good father." "i am a father--you no understand--boston tilicum--father. i want you to teach him like a father--not you understand?" "yes, i understand." "father--teacher--you, boston tilicum." "yes, i understand, and i will be a father teacher to your benjamin." "i die some day. you understand?" "yes, i understand." "you understand, boston tilicum, you understand. what i want my boy to become that i am for my boy. that you be." "yes, umatilla, i believe an indian's word--you may trust mine. i will be to your boy what you may have him become. the indian is true to his friends. i believe in _you_. i will be true." the old chief drew his blanket round him proudly. "boston tilicum," said he, "if ever the day of trouble comes, i will protect you and the log school-house. you may trust my word. indian speak true." the tall schoolmaster bowed. "nika atte cepa" (i like you much), said the chief. "potlatch shall no harm you. klahyam klahhye--am!" (good-by). mrs. woods hurried homeward and tried to calm her excited mind by singing a very heroic old hymn: "come on, my partners in distress, my comrades in the wilderness, who still your bodies feel." the blue skies gleamed before her, and overhead wheeled a golden eagle. to her it was an emblem, a good omen, and her spirit became quiet and happy amid all the contradictions of her rough life. she sat down at last on the log before her door, with the somewhat strange remark: "i do hate injuns; _nevertheless_--" mrs. woods was accustomed to correct the wrong tendencies of her heart and tongue by this word "nevertheless," which she used as an incomplete sentence. this "nevertheless" seemed to express her better self; to correct the rude tendencies of her nature. had she been educated in her early days, this tendency to self-correction would have made her an ideal woman, but she owed nearly all her intellectual training to the sermons of the rev. jason lee, which she had heard in some obscure corner of a room, or in methodist chapel, or under the trees. her early experience with the indians had not made her a friend to the native races, notwithstanding the missionary labors of the rev. jason lee. the first indian that made her a visit on the donation claim did not leave a favorable impression on her mind. this indian had come to her door while she was engaged in the very hard work of sawing wood. he had never seen a saw before, and, as it seemed to him to be a part of the woman herself, he approached her with awe and wonder. that the saw should eat through the wood appeared to him a veritable miracle. mrs. woods, unaware of her visitor, paused to take breath, looked up, beheld the tall form with staring eyes, and started back. "medicine-woman--conjure!" said the indian, in chinook. mrs. woods was filled with terror, but a moment's thought recalled her resolution. she lifted her hand, and, pointing to the saw in the wood, she said, with a commanding tone: "saw!" the indian obeyed awkwardly, and wondering at the progress of the teeth of the saw through the wood. it was a hot day; the poor indian soon became tired, and stopped work with a beating heart and bursting veins. "saw--saw!" said mrs. woods, with a sweep of her hands, as though some mysterious fate depended upon the order. the saw went very hard now, for he did not know how to use it, and the wood was hard, and the indian's only thought seemed to be how to escape. mrs. woods held him in her power by a kind of mental magnetism, like that which queen margaret exercised over the robber. "water!" at last gasped the indian. "saw--saw!" said mrs. woods; then turned away to bring him water. when she looked around again, an unexpected sight met her eyes. the indian was flying away, taking the saw with him. she never beheld either again, and it was a long time before any indian appeared at the clearing after this odd event, though mrs. woods ultimately had many adventures among the wandering siwashes. a saw was no common loss in these times of but few mechanical implements in oregon, and mrs. woods did not soon forgive the indian for taking away what he probably regarded as an instrument of torture. "i do hate injuns!" she would often say; but quite likely would soon after be heard singing one of the hymns of the missionaries at the dalles: "o'er columbia's wide-spread forests haste, ye heralds of the lamb; teach the red man, wildly roaming, faith in immanuel's name," which, if poor poetry, was very inspiring. chapter iii. boston tilicum. marlowe mann--"boston tilicum," as the siwashes called all the missionaries, teachers, and traders from the east--sat down upon a bench of split log and leaned upon his desk, which consisted of two split logs in a rough frame. a curious school confronted him. his pupils numbered fifteen, representing germany, england, sweden, new england, and the indian race. "the world will some day come to the yankee schoolmaster," he used to say to the bowery halls of old cambridge; and this prophecy, which had come to him on the banks of the charles, seemed indeed to be beginning to be fulfilled on the columbia. he opened the school in the same serene and scholarly manner as he would have done in a school in cambridge. "he is not a true gentleman who is not one under all conditions and circumstances," was one of his views of a well-clothed character; and this morning he addressed the school with the courtesy of an old college professor. "i have come here," he said, "with but one purpose, and that is to try to teach you things which will do you the most good in life. that is always the best which will do the most good; all else is inferior. i shall first teach you to obey your sense of right in all things. this is the first principle of a true education. you will always know the way of life if you have this principle for your guide. "conscience is the first education. a man's spiritual nature is his highest nature, and his spiritual concerns transcend all others. if a man is spiritually right, he is the master of all things. i would impress these truths on your minds, and teach them at the beginning. i have become willing to be poor, and to walk life's ways alone. the pilot of the argo never returned from colchis, but the argo itself returned with the golden fleece. it may be so with my work; if so, i will be content. i have selected for our scripture lesson the 'incorruptible seed.'" he rose and spoke like one before an august assembly; and so it was to him, with his views of the future of the great empire of the northwest. a part of the pupils could not comprehend all that he said any more than they had understood the allusion to the pilot of the argo; but his manner was so gracious, so earnest, so inspired, that they all felt the spirit of it, and some had come to regard themselves as the students of some great destiny. "older domes than the pyramids are looking down upon you," he said, "and you are born to a higher destiny than were ever the children of the pharaohs." "with the exception of gretchen, not one of the pupils fully understood the picturesque allusion. like the reference to the pilot of the argo, it was poetic mystery to them; and yet it filled them with a noble curiosity to know much and a desire to study hard, and to live hopefully and worthily. like the outline of some unknown mountain range, it allured them to higher outlooks and wider distances. "he talked to us so grandly," said gretchen to mrs. woods one evening, "that i did not know half that he was saying; but it made me feel that i might be somebody, and i do intend to be. it is a good thing to have a teacher with great expectations." "yes," said mrs. woods, "when there is so little to expect. people don't take a lot of nothing and make a heap of something in this world. it is all like a lot of feathers thrown against the wind. _nevertheless_ it makes one happier to have prospects, if they are far away. i used to; but they never came to nothing, unless it was to bring me way out here." the log school-house was a curious place. the children's benches consisted of split logs on pegs, without backs. the sides of the building were logs and sods, and the roof was constructed of logs and pine boughs. all of the children were barefooted, and several had but poor and scanty clothing. yet the very simplicity of the place had a charm. benjamin sat alone, apart from the rest. it was plain to be seen that he was brooding over the painful event of the morning. gretchen had grown cheerful again, but the bitter expression on the young indian's face seemed to deepen in intensity. mr. mann saw it. to quiet his agitation, he began his teaching by going to him and sitting down beside him on the rude bench and opening to him the primer. "you understand english?" said mr. mann. "a little. i can talk chinook." in the chinook vocabulary, which was originally the trade language of all the tribes employed by the hudson bay company in collecting furs, most of the words resemble in sound the objects they represent. for example, a wagon in chinook is chick-chick, a clock is ding-ding, a crow is kaw-kaw, a duck, quack-quack, a laugh, tee-hee; the heart is tum-tum, and a talk or speech or sermon, wah-wah. the language was of english invention; it took its name from the chinook tribes, and became common in the northwest. nearly all of the old english and american traders in the northwest learned to talk chinook, and to teach chinook was one of the purposes of the school. "can you tell me what that is?" asked mr. mann, pointing to the letter a in the primer. "fox-trap." "no; that is the letter a." "how do you know?" our digger of greek roots from cambridge was puzzled. he could not repeat the story of cadmus to this druid of the forest or make a learned talk on arbitrary signs. he answered happily, however, "wise men said so." "me understand." "that is the letter b." "yes, aha! boston tilicum, you let her be. old woman no good; me punish her. knock-sheet--stick her" (club her). mr. mann saw at once the strange turn that the young indian's mind had taken. he was puzzled again. "no, benjamin; i will teach you what to do." "teach me how to club her? you are good! boston tilicum, we will be brothers--you and i. she wah-wah, but she is no good." "that is c." "aha! _she_ heap wah-wah, but _she_ no good." "now, that is a, b, and that is c. try to remember them, and i will come soon and talk with you again." "you wah-wah?" "yes," said mr. mann, doubtful of the indian's thought. "she wah-wah?" "yes." "you heap wah-wah. you good. she heap wah-wah. she no good. potlatch come; dance. she wah-wah no more. i wah-wah." mr. mann was pained to see the revengeful trend of the indian's thought. the hints of the evil intention of the potlatch troubled him, but his faith in the old chief and the influence of his own integrity did not falter. gretchen was the most advanced scholar in the school. her real mother had been an accomplished woman, and had taken great pains with her education. she was well instructed in the english branches, and had read five books of virgil in latin. her reading had not been extensive, but it had embraced some of the best books in the english language. her musical education had been received from a german uncle, who had been instructed by herr wieck, the father of clara schumann. he had been a great lover of schumann's dreamy and spiritual music, and had taught her the young composer's pieces for children, and among them romance and the traumerei. he had taught her to play the two tone poems together in changing keys, beginning with the traumerei and returning again to its beautiful and haunting strains. gretchen interpreted these poems with all the color of true feeling, and under her bow they became enchantment to a musical ear and a delight to even as unmusical a soul as mrs. woods. gretchen's chief literary pleasure had been the study of the german poets. she had a poetic mind, and had learned to produce good rhymes. the songs of uhland, heine, and schiller delighted her. she had loved to read the strange stories of hoffman, and the imaginative works of baron fouqué. she used to aspire to be an author or poet, but these aspirations had received no countenance from mrs. woods, and yet the latter seemed rather proud to regard her ward as possessing a superior order of mind. "if there is anything that i do despise," mrs. woods used to say, "it is books spun out of the air, all about nothin'! dreams were made for sleep, and the day was made for work. i haven't much to be proud of in this world. i've always been a terror to lazy people and to injuns, and if any one were to write my life they'd have some pretty stirring stories to tell. i have no doubt that i was made for something." although mrs. woods boasted that she was a terror to indians, she had been very apprehensive of danger since the whitman colony massacre. she talked bravely and acted bravely according to her view of moral courage, but with a fearful heart. she dreaded the approaching potlatch, and the frenzy that calls for dark deeds if the dance of the evil spirits should conclude the approaching feast. there was a sullen look in benjamin's face as he silently took his seat in the log school-house the next morning. mr. mann saw it, and instinctively felt the dark and mysterious atmosphere of it. he went to him immediately after the opening exercises, and said: "you haven't spoken to me this morning; what troubles you?" the boy's face met the sympathetic eye of the master, and he said: "i was happy on the morning when i came--sun; _she_ hate indian, talk against him to you; make me unhappy--shade; think i will have my revenge--_pil-pil_; then music make me happy; you make me happy; night come, and i think of her--she hate indian--shade. me will have my revenge--_pil-pil_. she say i have no right here; she have no right here; the land all belong to umatilla; then to me; i no have her here. look out for the october moon--potlatch--dance--_pil-pil_." "i will be a friend to you, benjamin." "yes, boston tilicum, we will be friends." "and i will teach you how to be noble--like a king. you felt good when i was kind to you?" "yes, boston tilicum." "and when the music played?" "yes, boston tilicum." "then you must be good to her; that will make her feel good toward you. do you see?" there came a painful look into the young indian's face. "i good to her, make her good? she good to me make me good? she no good to me. she say i no right here. the land belong to umatilla. she must go. you stay. look out for the october moon. she wah-wah no more." "it is noble to be good; it makes others good." "then why isn't _she_ good? she make me ugly; you make me good. i think i will punish her--_pil-pil_; then you speak kind, and the music play, then i think i will punish her not. then dark thoughts come back again; clouds come again; hawks fly. what me do? me am two selves; one self when i think of you, one when i think of her. she say i have no right. she have no right. all right after potlatch. i wah-wah; she wah-wah no more." "be good yourself, benjamin. be kind to her; make her kind. you do right." the young indian hesitated, then answered: "i do as you say. you are friend. i'll do as i feel when the music play. i try. so you say." the cloud passed. the teacher paid the indian boy special attention that morning. at noon gretchen played von weber's wild hunt of lutzow, which drove napoleon over the rhine. the rhythm of the music picturing the heroic cavalry enchanted benjamin, and he said: "play it over again." after the music came a foot-race among the boys, which benjamin easily won. the afternoon passed quietly, until in the cool, lengthening shadows of the trail the resolute form of mrs. woods appeared. benjamin saw her, and his calm mood fled. he looked up at the master. "i is come back again--my old self again. she say i no business here; she no business here. she wah-wah." the master laid his hand on the boy's shoulder kindly and bent his face on his. "i do as you say," the boy continued. "i will not speak till my good self come again. i be still. no wah-wah." he dropped his eyes upon a page in the book, and sat immovable. he was a noble picture of a struggle for self-control in a savage and untutored heart. mrs. woods asked for gretchen at the door, and the master excused the girl, thanking her for the music that had delighted the school at the noon-hour. as she was turning to go, mrs. woods cast a glance toward benjamin, and said to the master in an undertone: "he's tame now--quiet as a purring cat. the cat don't lick cream when the folks are around. but he'll make trouble yet. an injun is a injun. i hate injuns, though parson lee says i am all wrong. when you have seen as many of 'em as i have, you'll know more than you do now." benjamin did not comprehend the words, but he felt that the woman had said something injurious to him. the suspicion cut him to the quick. his black eye sparkled and his cheek burned. the scholars all seemed to be sorry at the impression that mrs. woods's muttered words had left in his mind. he had struggled for two days to do his best--to follow his best self. school closed. benjamin rose like a statue. he stood silent for a time and looked at the slanting sun and the dreamy afternoon glories of the glaciers, then moved silently out of the door. the old chief met him in the opening, and saw the hurt and troubled look in his face. "what have you been doing to my boy?" he said to the master. "has he not been good?" "very good; i like him," said mr. mann. "he is trying to be good here," pointing to his heart. "the good in him will grow. i will help him." the old chief and the boy walked away slowly out of the shadows of the great trees and up the cool trail. the tall master followed them with his eye. in the departing forms he saw a picture of the disappearing race. he knew history well, and how it would repeat itself on the great plateau and amid the giant forests of the oregon. he felt that the old man was probably one of the last great chiefs of the umatillas. on one of the peninsulas of the oregon, the so-called islands of the dead, the old warriors of the tribes were being gathered by the plagues that had come to the territories and tribal regions ever since the hudson bay company established its posts on the west of the mountains, and astoria had been planted on the great river, and settlers had gathered in the mountain-domed valley of the willamette. wherever the white sail went in the glorious rivers, pestilence came to the native tribes. the indian race was perceptibly vanishing. only one son of seven was left to umatilla. what would be the fate of this boy? the master went home troubled over the event of the afternoon. he was asking the indian to be better than his opponent, and she was a well-meaning woman and nominally a christian. his first thought was to go to mrs. woods and ask her to wholly change her spirit and manners, and, in fact, preach to her the same simple doctrine of following only one's better self that he had taught to the young prince. but he well knew that she had not a teachable mind. he resolved to try to reach the same result through gretchen, whom she upbraided with her tongue but loved in her heart. mrs. woods had come to regard it as her appointed mission to abuse people for their good. she thought it tended toward their spiritual progress and development. she often said that she felt "called to set things right, and not let two or three people have their own way in everything"--a view of life not uncommon among people of larger opportunities and better education. benjamin came to school the next morning silent and sullen, and the master went to him again in the same spirit as before. "she say i no right here," he said. "she suffer for it. she wah-wah. look out for the october moon." "no, you are a better indian now." "yes; sometimes." "the better indian harms no one--one's good self never does evil. you are to be your good self, and please me." the young indian was silent for a time. he at last said, slowly: "but me know who will." "do what, benjamin?" "make her suffer--punish." "who?" "i know a bad indian who will. he say so." "you must not let him. you are son of a chief." "i will try. i no wah-wah now." at noon benjamin was light-hearted, and led the sports and games. he was very strong, and one of his lively feats was to let three or four children climb upon his back and run away with them until they tumbled off. he seemed perfectly happy when he was making the others happy, and nothing so delighted him as to be commended. he longed to be popular, not from any selfish reason, but because to be liked by others was his atmosphere of contentment. he was kindly above most indians, a trait for which his father was famous. he was even kindly above many of the white people. the next morning he came to school in good humor, and a curious incident occurred soon after the school began. a little black bear ventured down the trail toward the open door, stopping at times and lifting up its head curiously and cautiously. it at last ventured up to the door, put its fore feet on the door-sill, and looked into the room. "kill it!" cried one of the boys, a recent emigrant, in the alarm. "kill it!" "what harm it do?" said the indian boy. "me drive it away." the young indian started toward the door as at play, and shook his head at the young bear, which was of the harmless kind so well known in the northwest, and the bear turned and ran, while the indian followed it toward the wood. the odd event was quite excusable on any ground of rule and propriety in the primitive school. "it no harm; let it go," said the boy on his return; and the spirit of the incident was good and educational in the hearts of the school. the charm of his life was gretchen's violin. it transfigured him; it changed the world to him. his father was a forest philosopher; the boy caught a like spirit, and often said things that were a revelation to mr. mann. "why do you like the violin so much?" said the latter to him one day. "it brings to me the thing longed for--the thing i long to know." "why, what is that?" "i can't tell it--i feel it here--i sense it--i shall know--something better--yonder--the thing we long for, but do not know. don't you long for it? don't you feel it?" the tall schoolmaster said "yes," and was thoughtful. the poor indian had tried to express that something beyond his self of which he could only now have a dim conception, and about which even science is dumb. mr. mann understood it, but he could hardly have expressed it better. the boy learned the alphabet quickly, and began to demand constant attention in his eagerness to learn. mr. mann found that he was giving more than the allotted time to him. to meet the case, he appointed from time to time members of the school "monitors," as he called them, to sit beside him and help him. one day he asked gretchen to do this work. the boy was delighted to be instructed by the mistress of the violin, and she was as pleased with the honor of such monitorial duties to the son of a chief. but an unexpected episode grew out of all this mutual good-will and helpful kindness. benjamin was so grateful to gretchen for the pains that she took with his studies that he wished to repay her. he had a pretty little cayuse pony which he used to ride; one day after school he caused it to be brought to the school-house, and, setting gretchen upon it, he led it by the mane up the trail toward her home, a number of the pupils following them. on the way the merry-making party met mrs. woods. she was as astonished as though she had encountered an elephant, and there came into her face a look of displeasure and anger. "what kind of doings are these, i would like to know?" she exclaimed, in a sharp tone, standing in the middle of the way and scanning every face. "riding out with an injun, gretchen, are you? that's what you are doing. girl, get off that horse and come with me! that is the kind of propriety that they teach out in these parts, is it? and the master came from harvard college, too! one would think that this world was just made to enjoy one's self in, just like a sheep pasture, where the lambs go hopping and skipping, not knowing that they were born to be fleeced." she hurried gretchen away excitedly, and the school turned back. benjamin was disappointed, and looked more hurt than ever before. on the way he met his old father, who had come out to look for him, and the rest of the scholars dispersed to their homes. that evening, after a long, vivid twilight, such as throws its splendor over the mountain ranges in these northern latitudes, mrs. woods and gretchen were sitting in their log-house just within the open door. mr. woods was at the block-house at walla walla, and the cabin was unprotected. the light was fading in the tall pines of the valleys, and there was a deep silence everywhere, undisturbed by so much as a whisper of the chinook winds. mrs. woods's thoughts seemed far away--doubtless among the old meadows, orchards, and farm-fields of new england. gretchen was playing the musical glasses. suddenly mrs. woods's thoughts came back from their far-away journeys. she had seen something that disturbed her. she sat peering into a tract of trees which were some three hundred feet high--one of the great tree cathedrals of the northwestern forests. suddenly she said: "gretchen, there are injuns in the pines. watch!" gretchen looked out, but saw nothing. the shadows deepened. "i have twice seen injuns passing from tree to tree and hiding. why are they there? there--look!" a sinewy form in the shadows of the pines appeared and disappeared. gretchen saw it. "they mean evil, or they would not hide. gretchen, what shall we do?" mrs. woods closed the door and barred it, took down the rifle from the side of the room, and looked out through a crevice in the split shutter. there was a silence for a time; then mrs. woods moved and said: "they are coming toward the house, passing from one tree to another. they mean revenge--i feel it--revenge on me, and benjamin--he is the leader of it." the flitting of shadowy forms among the pines grew alarming. nearer and nearer they came, and more and more excited became mrs. woods's apprehensions. gretchen began to cry, through nervous excitement, and with the first rush of tears came to her, as usual, the thought of her violin. she took up the instrument, tuned it with nervous fingers, and drew the bow across the strings, making them shriek as with pain, and then drifted into the air the music of the traumerei. "fiddling, gretchen--fiddling in the shadow of death? i don't know but what you are right--that tune, too!" the music trembled; the haunting strain quivered, rose and descended, and was repeated over and over again. "there is no movement in the pines," said mrs. woods. "it is growing darker. play on. it does seem as though that strain was stolen from heaven to overcome evil with." gretchen played. an hour passed, and the moon rose. then she laid down the violin and listened. "oh, gretchen, he is coming! i know that form. it is benjamin. he is coming alone. what shall we do? he is--right before the door!" gretchen's eye fell upon the musical glasses, which were among the few things that she had brought from the east and which had belonged to her old german home. she had tuned them early in the evening by pouring water into them, as she had been taught to do in her old german village, and she wet her fingers and touched them to the tender forest hymn: "now the woods are all sleeping." "he has stopped," said mrs. woods. "he is listening--play." the music filled the cabin. no tones can equal in sweetness the musical glasses, and the trembling nerves of gretchen's fingers gave a spirit of pathetic pleading to the old german forest hymn. over and over again she played the air, waiting for the word of mrs. woods to cease. "he is going," said mrs. woods, slowly. "he is moving back toward the pines. he has changed his mind, or has gone for his band. you may stop now." mrs. woods watched by the split shutter until past midnight. then she laid down on the bed, and gretchen watched, and one listened while the other slept, by turns, during the night. but no footstep was heard. the midsummer sun blazed over the pines in the early morning; birds sang gayly in the dewy air, and gretchen prepared the morning meal as usual, then made her way to the log school-house. she found benjamin there. he met her with a happy face. "bad indian come to your cabin last night," said he. "he mean evil; he hate old woman. she wah-wah too much, and he hate. bad indian hear music--violin; he be pleased--evil hawks fly out of him. good indian come back. one is tied to the other. one no let the other go. what was that low music i hear? baby music! chinook wind in the bushes! quail--mother-bird singing to her nest! i love that music. "say, you play at potlatch, frighten away the hawks; mother-birds sing. no devil dance. say, i have been good; no harm old wah-wah. will you--will you play--play that tin-tin at potlatch under the big moon?" a great thought had taken possession of the young indian's mind, and a great plan--one worthy of a leader of a peace congress. gretchen saw the plan in part, but did not fully comprehend it. she could only see that his life had become a struggle between good and evil, and that he was now following some good impulse of his better nature. chapter iv. mrs. woods's tame bear. mrs. woods was much alone during this summer. her husband was away from home during the working days of the week, at the saw and shingle mill on the columbia, and during the same days gretchen was much at school. the summer in the mountain valleys of washington is a long serenity. the deep-blue sky is an ocean of intense light, and the sunbeams glint amid the cool forest shadows, and seem to sprinkle the plains with gold-dust like golden snow. notwithstanding her hard practical speech, which was a habit, mrs. woods loved nature, and, when her work was done, she often made little journeys alone into the mountain woods. in one of these solitary excursions she met with a little black cub and captured it, and, gathering it up in her apron like a kitten, she ran with it toward her cabin, after looking behind to see if the mother bear was following her. had she seen the mother of the cunning little black creature in her apron pursuing her, she would have dropped the cub, which would have insured her escape from danger. but the mother bear did not make an early discovery of the loss in her family. she was probably out berrying, and such experiences of stolen children were wholly unknown to the bear family in washington before this time. the indians would not have troubled the little cub. the black bear of the cascades is quite harmless, and its cubs, like kittens, seem to have a sense of humor unusual among animals. for a white child to see a cub is to desire it to tame for a pet, and mrs. woods felt the same childish instincts when she caught up the little creature, which seemed to have no fear of anything, and ran away with it toward her home. it was saturday evening when she returned, and she found both mr. woods and gretchen waiting to meet her at the door. they were surprised to see her haste and the pivotal turning of her head at times, as though she feared pursuit from some dangerous foe. out of breath, she sank down on the log that served for a step, and, opening her apron cautiously, said: "see here." "where did you get that?" said mr. woods. "i stole it." "what are you going to do with it?" "raise it." "what for?" "for company. i haven't any neighbors." "but what do you want it for?" "it is so cunning. it just rolled over in the trail at my feet, and i grabbed it and ran." "but what if the mother-bear should come after it?" asked gretchen. "i would shoot her." "that would be a strange way to treat your new neighbors," said mr. woods. mr. woods put a leather strap around the neck of the little bear, and tied the strap to a log in the yard. the little thing began to be alarmed at these strange proceedings, and to show a disposition to use its paws in resistance, but it soon learned not to fear its captors; its adoption into the shingle-maker's family was quite easily enforced, and the pet seemed to feel quite at home. there was some difficulty at first in teaching the cub to eat, but hunger made it a tractable pupil of the berry dish, and mrs. "woods was soon able to say: "there it is, just as good as a kitten, and i would rather have it than to have a kitten. it belongs to these parts." poor mrs. woods! she soon found that her pet did "belong to these parts," and that its native instincts were strong, despite her moral training. she lost her bear in a most disappointing way, and after she supposed that it had become wholly devoted to her. she had taught it to "roll over" for its dinner, and it had grown to think that all the good things of this world came to bears by their willingness to roll over. whenever any member of the family appeared at the door, the cub would roll over like a ball, and expect to be fed, petted, and rewarded for the feat. "i taught it that," mrs. woods used to say. "i could teach it anything. it is just as knowing as it is cunning, and lots of company for me out here in the mountains. it thinks more of me than of its old mother. you can educate anything." as the cub grew, mrs. woods's attachment to it increased. she could not bear to see its freedom restrained by the strap and string, and so she untied the string from the log and let it drag it about during the day, only fastening it at night. "there is no danger of its running away," said she; "it thinks too much of me and the berry dish. i've tamed it completely; it's as faithful to its home as a house-cat, and a great deal more company than a cat or dog or any other dumb animal. the nicest bird to tame is a blue-jay, and the best animal for company is a cub. i do believe that i could tame the whole race of bears if i only had 'em." mrs. woods had a pet blue-jay that she had taken when young from its nest, and it would do many comical things. it seemed to have a sense of humor, like a magpie, and to enjoy a theft like that bird. she finally gave it the freedom of the air, but it would return at her call for food and eat from her hand. the blue-jay is naturally a very wild bird, but when it is tamed it becomes very inquisitive and social, and seems to have a brain full of invention and becomes a very comical pet. mrs. woods called her pet bear little roll over. one day a visitor appeared at the emigrant's cabin. a black she-bear came out of the woods, and, seeing the cub, stood up on her haunches in surprise and seemed to say, "how came you here?" it was evidently the mother of the cub. the cub saw its mother and rolled over several times, and then stood up on its haunches and looked at her, as much as to say, "where did you come from, and what brought you here?" in the midst of this interesting interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin. she saw the mother-bear. true to her new england instincts, she shook her homespun apron and said: "shoo!" she also saw that the little bear was greatly excited, and under the stress of temptation. "here," said she, "roll over." the cub did so, but in the direction of its mother. mrs. woods hurried out toward it to prevent this ungrateful gravitation. the mother-bear seemed much to wonder that the cub should be found in such forbidden associations, and began to make signs by dipping her fore paws. the cub evidently understood these signs, and desired to renew its old-time family relations. "here," said mrs. woods, "you--you--you mind now; roll over--roll over." [illustration: _in the midst of this interview mrs. woods appeared at the door of the cabin._] the cub did so, true to its education in one respect, but it did not roll in the direction of its foster-mother, but rolled toward its own mother. it turned over some five or more times, then bounded up and ran toward the she-bear. the latter dropped her fore feet on the earth again, and the two bears, evidently greatly delighted to find each other, quickly disappeared in the woods. as the cub was about to enter the bushes it turned and gave a final glance at mrs. woods and rolled over. this was too much for mrs. woods's heart. she said: "after all i have done for ye, too! oh, little roll over, little roll over, i wouldn't have thought it of you!" she surveyed the empty yard, threw her apron over her head, as stricken people used to do in lynn in the hour of misfortune, and sat down on the log at the door and cried. "i never have had any confidence in injuns," she said, "since my saw walked off. but i did have some respect for bears. i wonder if i shall ever meet that little cre'tur' again, and, if i do, if it will roll over. this world is all full of disappointments, and i have had my share. maybe i'll get it back to me yet. nevertheless--" mrs. woods often talked of little roll over and its cunning ways; she hoped she would some time meet it again, and wondered how it would act if she should find it. chapter v. the nest of the fishing eagle. benjamin continued to attend the school, but it was evident that he did so with an injured heart, and chiefly out of love for the old chief, his father. he had a high regard for his teacher, whose kindness was unfailing, and he showed a certain partiality for gretchen; but he was as a rule silent, and there were dark lines on his forehead that showed that he was unhappy. he would not be treated as an inferior, and he seemed to feel that he was so regarded by the scholars. he began to show a peculiar kind of contempt for all of the pupils except gretchen. he pretended not to see them, hear them, or to be aware of their presence or existence. he would pass through a group of boys as though the place was vacant, not so much as moving his eye from the direct path. he came and went, solitary and self-contained, proud, cold, and revengeful. but this indifference was caused by sensitiveness and the feeling that he had been slighted. the dark lines relaxed, and his face wore a kindly glow whenever his teacher went to his desk--if the split-log bench for a book-rest might be so called. "i would give my life for gretchen and you," he said one day to mr. mann; and added: "i would save them all for you." there was a cluster of gigantic trees close by the school-house, nearly two hundred feet high. the trees, which were fir, had only dry stumps of limbs for a distance of nearly one hundred feet from the ground. at the top, or near the top, the green leaves or needles and dead boughs had matted together and formed a kind of shelf or eyrie, and on this a pair of fishing eagles had made their nest. the nest had been there many years, and the eagles had come back to it during the breeding season and reared their young. for a time after the opening of the school none of the pupils seemed to give any special attention to this high nest. it was a cheerful sight at noon to see the eagles wheel in the air, or the male eagle come from the glimmering hills and alight beside his mate. one afternoon a sudden shadow like a falling cloud passed by the half-open shutter of the log school-house and caused the pupils to start. there was a sharp cry of distress in the air, and the master looked out and said: "attend to your books, children; it is only the eagle." but again and again the same swift shadow, like the fragment of a storm-cloud, passed across the light, and the wild scream of the bird caused the scholars to watch and to listen. the cry was that of agony and affright, and it was so recognized by benjamin, whose ear and eye were open to nature, and who understood the voices and cries of the wild and winged inhabitants of the trees and air. he raised his hand. "may i go see?" the master bowed silently. the boy glided out of the door, and was heard to exclaim: "look! look! the nest--the nest!" the master granted the school a recess, and all in a few moments were standing without the door peering into the tall trees. the long dry weather and withering sun had caused the dead boughs to shrink and to break beneath the great weight of the nest that rested upon them. the eagle's nest was in ruins. it had fallen upon the lower boughs, and two young half-fledged eaglets were to be seen hanging helplessly on a few sticks in mid-air and in danger of falling to the ground. it was a bright afternoon. the distress of the two birds was pathetic, and their cries called about them other birds, as if in sympathy. the eagles seldom descended to any point near the plain in their flight, but mounted, as it were, to the sun, or floated high in the air; but in their distress this afternoon they darted downward almost to the ground, as though appealing for help for their young. while the school was watching this curious scene the old chief of the umatillas came up the cool highway or trail, to go home with benjamin after school. the eagles seemed to know him. as he joined the pitying group, the female eagle descended as in a spasm of grief, and her wing swept his plume. she uttered a long, tremulous cry as she passed and ascended to her young. "she call," said the old chief. "she call me." "i go," said benjamin, with a look at his father. "yes, go--she call. she call--the god overhead he call. go!" a slender young pine ran up beside one of the giant trees, tall and green. in a moment benjamin was seen ascending this pine to a point where he could throw himself upon the smallest of the great trees and grasp the ladder of the lower dead branches. up and up he went in the view of all, until he had reached a height of some hundred and fifty feet. the eagles wheeled around him, describing higher circles as he ascended. he reached the young eagles at last, but passed by them. what was he going to do? there was a shelf of green boughs above him, which would bear the weight of a nest. he went up to them at a distance of nearly two hundred feet. he then began to gather up the fallen sticks of the old nest, and to break off new sticks and to construct a new nest. the old chief watched him with pride, and, turning to the master, said: "ah-a--that is my boy. he be me. i was he once--it is gone now--what i was." when benjamin had made a nest he descended, and at the peril of his own life, on the decayed limbs, he rescued the two young eagles that were hanging with heads downward and open beaks. he carried them up to the new nest and placed them in it, and began to descend. but a withered bough that he grasped was too slender for his weight, and broke. he grasped another, but that too gave way. he tried to drop into the top of the tall young pine below him, but, in his effort to get into position to do so, limb after limb of dead wood broke, and he came falling to the earth, amid the startled looks of the chief and the cries of the children. the ground was soft, and his body lay for a time half imbedded in it. he was senseless, and blood streamed from his nose and reddened his eyes. the old chief seized his arm and tried to raise him, but the effort brought no sign of life, and his body was lowered slowly back again by the agonized father, who sat down and dropped his head on his son's breast. mr. mann brought water and wet the boy's lips and bathed his brow. he then placed his hand over the boy's heart and held it there. there was a long silence. the old chief watched the teacher's hand. he seemed waiting for a word of hope; but mr. mann did not speak. the old chief lifted his head at last, and said; appealingly: "boston tilicum, you do not know how i feel! you do not know--the birds know--_you_ do not know!" the teacher rubbed the boy's breast and arms, and said: "he will revive." "what, boston tilicum?" "he will _live_." "my boy?" "yes." the dark face brightened. the old man clasped the boy's hand and drew it to his breast. the children attempted to brush the earth out of the young hero's dark, matted hair, but the old chief said, mysteriously: "no touch him! he is mine." at last a convulsive movement passed over the boy's body. the teacher again pressed his hand on the heart of his pupil, and he quickly exclaimed: "it beats." the fiery sun gleamed from the snowy mountains. there were cool murmurs of winds in the trees, and they sent forth a resinous odor into the air. the balm dropped down like a messenger of healing. presently the boy's eyes opened and gazed steadily into the blue air. the eagles were wheeling about the trees. the boy watched them, as though nothing had passed. they were making narrowing circles, and at last each alighted on the new nest beside their young. he turned his face slowly toward his father. "saved!" he said. "they are happy. i fell. let's go." he rose up. as he did so the male eagle rose from his nest and, uttering a glad scream, wheeled in the sky and made his way through the crimson haze toward the fishing grounds of the lower columbia. the chief's eye followed him for a time; then the old man turned a happy face on the schoolmaster and children and said: "i know how he feels--the manitou overhead--he made the hearts of all; yours--the birds--mine. he is glad!" there was something beautiful and pathetic in the old chief's sense of the common heart and feeling of all conscious beings. the very eagles seemed to understand it; and master mann, as he turned away from the school-house that day, said to gretchen: "i myself am being taught. i am glad to learn all this large life. i hope that you will one day become a teacher." gretchen went home that afternoon with a glad heart. benjamin did not return to the school again for several days, and when he came back it seemed to be with a sense of humiliation. he seemed to feel somehow that he ought not to have fallen from the tree. the fourth of july came, and master mann had invited the school to come together on the holiday for patriotic exercises. he had one of the pupils read the declaration of independence on the occasion, and gretchen played the president's march on the violin. he himself made an historical address, and then joined in some games out of doors under the trees. he brought to the school-house that day an american flag, which he hung over the desk during the exercises. when the school went out to play he said: "i wish i could hang the flag from a pole, or from the top of one of the trees." benjamin's face brightened. "i will go," he said; "i will go _up_." "hang it on the eagle's nest," said one of the pupils. "the eagle is the national bird." mr. mann saw that to suspend the national emblem from the eagle's nest would be a patriotic episode of the day, and he gave the flag to benjamin, saying: "beware of the rotten limbs." "i no woman," said benjamin; and, waving the flag, he moved like a squirrel up the trees. he placed the flag on the nest, while the eagles wheeled around him, screaming wildly. he descended safely, and made the incident an object lesson, as mr. mann repeated the ode to the american eagle, found at that time in many reading-books. while mr. mann was doing so, and had reached the line-- "bird of columbia, well art thou," etc., one of the eagles swept down to the nest and seized the banner in his talons. he rose again into the air and circled high, then with a swift, strong curve of the wings, came down to the nest again, and, seizing the flag, tore it from the nest and bore it aloft to the sky. [illustration: _the eagle soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons._] it was a beautiful sight. the air was clear, the far peaks were serene, and the glaciers of mount hood gleamed like a glory of crystallized light. the children cheered. the bird soared away in the blue heavens, and the flag streamed after him in his talons. he dropped the flag at last over a dark, green forest. the children cheered again. it was miles away. "i go find it," said benjamin; and he darted away from the place and was not seen until the next day, when he returned, bringing the flag with him. marlowe mann never forgot that fourth of july on the columbia. chapter vi. the mountain lion. one morning, as mrs. woods sat in her door picking over some red whortleberries which she had gathered in the timber the day before, a young cow came running into the yard, as if for protection. mrs. woods started up, and looked in the direction from which the animal had come running, but saw nothing to cause the alarm. the cow looked backward, and lowed. mrs. woods set down her dish of red berries, took her gun, and went out toward the timber where the cow had been alarmed. there was on the edge of the timber a large fir that the shingle-maker had felled when he first built his house or shack, but had not used, owing to the hardness of the grain. it lay on the earth, but still connected with its high stump, forming a kind of natural fence. around it were beds of red phlox, red whortleberry bushes, and wild sunflowers. the horny stump and fallen tree had been made very interesting to mrs. woods in her uneventful life by a white squirrel that often had appeared upon it, and made a pretty picture as it sat eating in the sun, its head half covered with its bushy tail. white squirrels were not common in the timber, and this was the only one that mrs. woods had ever seen. "i wish that i could contrive to catch that there white squirrel," she said to gretchen one day; "it would be a sight of company for me when you are gone. the bear used me mean, but i kind o' like all these little children of natur'. but i don't want no injuns, and no more bears unless _he_ comes back again. the schoolmaster may like injuns, and you may, but i don't. think how i lost my saw; injun and all went off together. i can seem to see him now, goin'." as mrs. woods drew near the fallen tree she looked for the white squirrel, which was not to be seen. suddenly the bushes near the stump moved, and she saw the most evil-looking animal that she had ever met drawing back slowly toward the fallen tree. it was long, and seemed to move more like an immense serpent than an animal. it had a catlike face, with small ears and spiteful eyes, and a half-open mouth displaying a red tongue and sharp teeth. its face was sly, malicious, cruel, and cowardly. it seemed to be such an animal as would attack one in the dark. it was much larger than a dog or common black bear. mrs. woods raised her gun, but she thought that she was too far from the house to risk an encounter with so powerful an animal. so she drew back slowly, and the animal did the same defiantly. she at last turned and ran to the house. "gretchen," she said, "what do you think i have seen?" "the white squirrel." "no; a tiger!" "but there are no tigers here; so the chief said." "but i have just seen one, and it had the meanest-looking face that i ever saw on any living creature. it was all snarls. that animal is dangerous. i shall be almost afraid to be alone now." "i shall be afraid to go to school." "no, gretchen, you needn't be afraid. i'll go with you mornin's and carry the gun. i like to walk mornin's under the trees, the air does smell so sweet." that night, just as the last low tints of the long twilight had disappeared and the cool, dewy airs began to move among the pines, a long, deep, fearful cry was heard issuing from the timber. mrs. woods started up from her bed and called, "gretchen!" the girl had been awakened by the cry, which might have been that of a child of a giant in pain. "did you hear that?" asked mrs. woods. "let's get up and go out," said gretchen. presently the same long, clear, pitiable cry, as if some giant distress, was repeated. "it seems human," said mrs. woods. "it makes me want to know what it is. yes, let us get up and go out." the cry was indeed pleading and magnetic. it excited pity and curiosity. there was a strange, mysterious quality about it that drew one toward it. it was repeated a third time and then ceased. there was a family by the name of bonney who had taken a donated claim some miles from the woodses on the columbia. they had two boys who attended the school. early the next morning one of these boys, named arthur, came over to the woodses in great distress, with a fearful story. "something," he said, "has killed all of our cattle. they all lie dead near the clearing, just as though they were asleep. they are not injured, as we can see; they are not shot or bruised, nor do they seem to be poisoned--they are not swelled--they look as though they were alive--but they are cold--they are just dead. did you hear anything in the timber last night?" "yes," said mrs. woods. "wasn't it mysterious? lost your cattle, boy? i am sorry for your folks. mabbie (may be) 'tis injuns." "no; father says that he can find no injury on them." "'tis awful mysterious like," said mrs. woods, "cattle dyin' without anything ailin' 'em! i've always thought this was a good country, but i don't know. tell your folks i'm sorry for 'em. can i do anything for you? i'll come over and see ye in the course of the day." that night the same strange, wild, pleading cry was repeated in the timber. "there's something very strange about that sound," said mrs. woods. "it makes me feel as though i must run toward it. it draws me. it makes me feel curi's. it has haunted me all day, and now it comes again." "do you suppose that the cry has had anything to do with the death of mr. bonney's cattle?" asked gretchen. "i don't know--we don't understand this country fully yet. there's something very mysterious about the death of those cattle. you ought to have seen 'em. they all lie there dead, as though they had just lost their breath, and that was all." the next night was silent. but, on the following morning, a boy came to the school with a strange story. he had been driving home his father's cows on the evening before, when an animal had dropped from a great tree on the neck of one of the cows, which struggled and lowed for a few minutes, then fell, and was found dead. the boy and the other cattle had run away on the sudden appearance of the animal. the dead cow presented the same appearance as the cows of mr. bonney had done. when the old chief appeared at the school-house with benjamin that morning, the school gathered around him and asked him what these things could mean. he replied, in broken chinook, that there was a puma among them, and that this animal sucked the blood of its victims. the puma or cougar or panther, sometimes spelled _painter_, is the american lion. it is commonly called the mountain lion in the northwest. it belongs to the cat family, and received the name of lion from its tawny color. when its appetite for blood has been satisfied, and its face is in repose, it is a very beautiful animal; but when seeking its prey it presents a mean, cowardly, stealthy appearance, and its face is a picture of cruelty and evil. it will destroy as many as fifty sheep in a night, sucking their blood and leaving them as though they had died without any external injury. this terrible animal is easily tamed if captured young, and, strange to say, becomes one of the most affectionate and devoted of pets. it will purr about the feet and lick the hands of its master, and develop all the attractive characteristics of the domestic cat. "we must have a puma-hunt," said the chief, "now--right away." "not to-day?" said the teacher. "yes," said the chief, "now--he eat your children. find boy dead some day, just like cow. he drop down from a tree on a papoose. benjamin and i will go hunt." [illustration: _the mountain lion._] the two disappeared. for several days they did not return. but, one morning, a party of indians in hunting-gear came riding up to the school-house, full of gay spirits and heroic pride. behind them came the old chief on foot, moving slowly, as though tired, and with him was benjamin. the indian boy had a brown skin of an animal on his shoulder--a raw hide with very beautiful fur. the old chief came into the school-room with an air of pride, and stood for a few minutes silent before the master. his face, though wrinkled, was really beautiful and noble, in the light of the happy intelligence that awaited communication. he at last looked each pupil in the face and then said: "we have killed the puma. school no fear now." he took the skin of the animal from benjamin's shoulder, and held it up before the eyes of all. "boston tilicum, who killed the animal?" he said. "it was you?" asked the teacher. "no--not me, not me, no!" "the braves?" "no--not the braves. no." the old chief paused, and then said: "boston tilicum, it was benjamin. treat him well. he is good to me--he mean well. he likes you--he die for you. tell the boys it was benjamin." he turned away slowly, with a bearing of pride. the indian boy gave the puma's skin to the master, and took his seat in silence. there was a spirit in the strange scene that was touching, and the master's lip quivered as he took the old chief's hand that bright morning, as a parting sign of gratitude and good-will. he felt the innate brotherhood of all human hearts, and returned to his desk happy in his calling and work; and seeing that the natural rights of all men were secured; and that the human heart has the same impulses everywhere, as he had never seen these truths before. that night gretchen told the story of the puma to mrs. woods, who had learned the leading incidents of it in the afternoon as she came to meet the girl in the trail, on the way from school. chapter vii. the smoke-talk. one day in september mrs. woods was at work in her cabin, and gretchen was at school. mrs. woods was trying to sing. she had a hard, harsh voice always, and the tune was a battle-cry. the hymn on which she was exercising her limited gifts was not one of the happy tunes of methodism, which early settlers on the columbia loved to sing. it was a very censorious rhyme and took a very despondent view of the human heart: "the pure testimony poured forth from the spirit cuts like a two-edgèd sword; and hypocrites now are most sorely tormented because they're condemnèd by the word." she made the word "hypocrites" ring through the solitary log-cabin--she seemed to have the view that a large population of the world were of this class of people. she paused in her singing and looked out of the door. "there's one honest woman alive," she remarked to herself. "thank heaven, _i_ never yet feared the face of clay!" a tall, dark form met her eye--a great shadow in the scintillant sunlight. it was an aged indian, walking with a staff. he was coming toward the cabin. "umatilla!" she said. "what can he want of me?" the old chief approached, and bowed and sat down on a log that answered for a door-step. "i walk with a staff now," he said. "my bow has drifted away on the tide of years--it will never come back again. i am old." "you have been a good man," said mrs. woods, yielding to an impulse of her better nature. she presently added, as though she had been too generous, "and there aren't many good injuns--nor white folks either for that matter." "i have come to have a smoke-talk with you," said the old chief, taking out his pipe and asking mrs. woods to light it. "listen! i want to go home. when a child is weary, i take him by the hand and point him to the smoke of his wigwam. he goes home and sleeps. i am weary. the great spirit has taken me by the hand; he points to the smoke of the wigwam. there comes a time when all want to go home. i want to go home. umatilla is going home. i have _not_ spoken." the smoke from his pipe curled over his white head in the pure, clear september air. he was eighty or more years of age. he had heard the traditions of juan de fuca, the greek pilot, who left his name on the straits of the puget sea. he had heard of the coming of vancouver in his boyhood, the english explorer who named the seas and mountains for his lieutenants and friends, puget, baker, ranier, and townsend. he had known the forest lords of the hudson bay company, and of astoria; had seen the sail of gray as it entered the columbia, and had heard the preaching of jason lee. the murder of whitman had caused him real sorrow. umatilla was a man of peace. he had loved to travel up and down the columbia, and visit the great bluffs of the puget sea. he lived for a generation at peace with all the tribes, and now that he was old he was venerated by them all. "you are a good old injun," said mrs. woods, yielding to her better self again. "i don't say it about many people. i do think you have done your best--considering." "i am not what i want to be," said umatilla. "it is what we want to be that we shall be one day; don't you think so? the great spirit is going to make me what i want to be--he will make us all what we want to be. my desires are better than i--i will be my desires by and by. my staff is in my hand, and i am going home. the old warriors have gone home. they were thick as the flowers of the field, thick as the stars of the night. my boys are gone home--they were swift as the hawks in the air. benjamin is left to the umatillas. he is no butcher-bird; no forked tongue--he will remember the shade of his father. my heart is in his heart. i am going home. i have _not_ spoken." he puffed his pipe again, and watched an eagle skimming along on the great over-sea of september gold. the indian language is always picturesque, and deals in symbols and figures of speech. it is picture-speaking. the indians are all poets in their imaginations, like children. this habit of personification grows in the indian mind with advancing years. every old indian speaks in poetic figures. umatilla had not yet "spoken," as he said; he had been talking in figures, and merely approaching his subject. there was a long pause. he then laid down his pipe. he was about to speak: "woman, open your ears. the great spirit lives in women, and old people, and little children. he loves the smoke of the wigwam, and the green fields of the flowers, and the blue gardens of stars. and he loves music--it is his voice, the whisper of the soul. "he spoke in the pine-tops, on the lips of the seas, in the shell, in the reed and the war-drum. then _she_ came. he speaks through _her_. i want _her_ to speak for me. my people are angry. there are butcher-birds among them. they hate you--they hate the cabin of the white man. the white men take away their room, overthrow their forests, kill their deer. there is danger in the air. "the october moon will come. it will grow. it will turn into a sun on the border of the night. then come potlatch. my people ask for the dance of the evil one. i no consent--it means graves. "let me have _her_ a moon--she play on the air. she play at the potlatch for me. she stand by my side. the great spirit speak through her. indians listen. they will think of little ones, they will think of departed ones, they will think of the hunt--they will see graves. then the night will pass. then the smoke will rise again from white man's cabin. then i die in peace, and go home to the great spirit and rest. will you let me have her? i _have_ spoken." mrs. woods comprehended the figurative speech. the old chief wished to take gretchen to his wigwam for a month, and have her play the violin on the great night of the potlatch. he hoped that the influence of the music would aid him in preventing the dance of the evil spirits, and a massacre of the white settlers. what should she say? "i will talk with gretchen," she said. "you mean well. i can trust you. we will see." he rose slowly, leaning on his staff, and emptied his pipe. it required a resolute will now to cause his withered limbs to move. but his steps became free after a little walking, and he moved slowly away. poor old chief of the cascades! it was something like another sermon on the mount that he had spoken, but he knew not how closely his heart had caught the spirit of the divine teacher. when gretchen came home from school, mrs. woods told her what had happened, and what the old chief had asked. mr. woods had returned from the block-houses. he said: "gretchen, go! your _traumerei_ will save the colony. go!" gretchen sat in silence for a moment. she then said: "i can trust umatilla. i will go. i want to go. something unseen is leading me--i feel it. i do not know the way, but i can trust my guide. i have only one desire, if i am young, and that is to do right. but is it right to leave you, mother?" "mother!" how sweet that word sounded to poor mrs. woods! she had never been a mother. tears filled her eyes--she forced them back. "yes, gretchen--go. i've always had to fight my way through the world, and i can continue to do so. i've had some things to harden my heart; but, no matter what you may do, gretchen, i'll always be a mother to _you_. you'll always find the latch-string on the outside. you ain't the wust girl that ever was, if i did have a hand in bringing you up. yes--go." "your heart is right now," said gretchen; "and i want to speak to you about benjamin. he told me a few days ago that he hated you, but that no one should ever harm you, because he loved the master." "he did, did he?" said mrs. woods, starting up. "well, i hate him, and i'll never forgive him for tellin' you such a thing as that." "but, mother, don't you love _the_ master, and won't you be friendly and forgiving to benjamin, for _his_ sake? i wish you would. it would give you power; i want you to do so." "i'll think about it, gretchen. i don't feel quite right about these things, and i'm goin' to have a good talk with father lee. the boy has some good in him." "i wish you would tell him that." "why?" "sympathy makes one grow so." "that's so, gretchen. only praise a dog for his one good quality, and it will make a good dog of him. i 'spect 'tis the same with folks. but my nature don't break up easy. i shall come out right some time. i tell you i'm goin' to have a talk with father lee. it is his preachin' that has made me what i am, and may be i'll be better by and by." mrs. woods, with all her affected courage, had good reason to fear an indian outbreak, and to use every influence to prevent it. the very mention of the potlatch filled her with recent terror. she well knew the story of the destruction of whitman and a part of his missionary colony. _that_ was a terrible event, and it was a scene like that that the new settlers feared, at the approaching potlatch; and the thought of that dreadful day almost weakened the faith of mr. mann in the indians. we must tell you the old-time history of the tragedy which was now revived in the new settlement. _the conjured melons._ most people who like history are familiar with the national story of marcus whitman's "ride for oregon"[a]--that daring horseback trip across the continent, from the columbia to the missouri, which enabled him to convince the united states government not only that oregon could be reached, but that it was worth possessing. exact history has robbed this story of some of its romance, but it is still one of the noblest wonder-tales of our own or any nation. monuments and poetry and art must forever perpetuate it, for it is full of spiritual meaning. lovers of missionary lore have read with delight the ideal romance of the two brides who agreed to cross the rocky mountains with their husbands, whitman and spaulding; how one of them sang, in the little country church on departing, the whole of the hymn-- "yes, my native land, i love thee," when the voices of others failed from emotion. they have read how the whole party knelt down on the great divide, beside the open bible and under the american flag, and took possession of the great empire of the northwest in faith and in imagination, and how history fulfilled the dream. at the time of the coming of the missionaries the cayuse indians and nez-percés occupied the elbow of the columbia, and the region of the musical names of the wallula, the walla walla, and waülaptu. they were a superstitious, fierce, and revengful race. they fully believed in witchcraft or conjuring, and in the power to work evil through familiar spirits. everything to them and the neighboring tribes had its good or evil spirit, or both--the mountains, the rivers, the forest, the sighing cedars, and the whispering firs. the great plague of the tribes on the middle columbia was the measles. the disease was commonly fatal among them, owing largely to the manner of treatment. when an indian began to show the fever which is characteristic of the disease, he was put into and inclosed in a hot clay oven. as soon as he was covered with a profuse perspiration he was let out, to leap into the cold waters of the columbia. usually the plunge was followed by death. there was a rule among these indians, in early times, that if the "medicine-man" undertook a case and failed to cure, he forfeited his own life. the killing of the medicine-man was one of the dramatic and fearful episodes of the columbia. returning from the east after his famous ride, whitman built up a noble mission station at waülaptu. he was a man of strong character, and of fine tastes and ideals. the mission-house was an imposing structure for the place and time. it had beautiful trees and gardens, and inspiring surroundings. mrs. whitman was a remarkable woman, as intelligent and sympathetic as she was heroic. the colony became a prosperous one, and for a time occupied the happy valley of the west. one of the vices of the cayuse indians and their neighbors was stealing. the mission station may have overawed them for a time into seeming honesty, but they began to rob its gardens at last, and out of this circumstance comes a story, related to me by an old territorial officer, which may be new to most readers. i do not vouch for it, but only say that the narrator of the principal incidents is an old territorial judge who lives near the place of the whitman tragedy, and who knew many of the survivors, and has a large knowledge of the indian races of the columbia. to his statements i add some incidents of another pioneer: "the thieving cayuses have made 'way with our melons again," said a young farmer one morning, returning from the gardens of the station. "one theft will be followed by another. i know the cayuses. is there no way to stop them?" one of the missionary fraternity was sitting quietly among the trees. it was an august morning. the air was a living splendor, clear and warm, with now and then a breeze that rippled the leaves like the waves of the sea. he looked up from his book, and considered the question half-seriously, half-humorously. "i know how we used to prevent boys from stealing melons in the east," said he. "how?" "put some tartar emetic in the biggest one. in the morning it would be gone, but the boys would never come after any more melons." the young farmer understood the remedy, and laughed. "and," added he, "the boys didn't have much to say about melons after they had eaten _that_ one. the subject no longer interested them. i guess the indians would not care for more than one melon of that kind." "i would like to see a wah-wah of indian thieves over a melon like that!" said the gardener. "i declare, i and the boys will do it!" he went to his work, laughing. that day he obtained some of the emetic from the medical stores of the station, and plugged it into three or four of the finest melons. next morning he found that these melons were gone. the following evening a tall indian came slowly and solemnly to the station. his face had a troubled look, and there was an air of mystery about his gait and attitude. he stopped before one of the assistant missionaries, drew together his blanket, and said: "some one here no goot. you keep a conjurer in the camp. indian kill conjurer. conjurer ought die; him danger, him no goot." the laborers gathered round the stately indian. they all knew about the nauseating melons, and guessed why he had come. all laughed as they heard his solemn words. the ridicule incensed him. "you one conjurer," he said, "he conjure melons. one moon, two moons, he shall die." the laborers laughed again. "half moon, more moons, he shall suffer--half moon, more moons," that is, sooner or later. the missionary's face grew serious. the tall indian saw the change of expression. "braves sick." he spread out his blanket and folded it again like wings. "braves double up _so_"--he bent over, opening and folding his blanket. "braves conjured; melon conjured--white man conjure. indian kill him." there was a puzzled look on all faces. "braves get well again," said the missionary, incautiously. "then you _know_," said the indian. "you know--you conjure. make sick--make well!" he drew his blanket again around him and strode away with an injured look in his face, and vanished into the forests. "i am sorry for this joke," said the missionary; "it bodes no good." november came. the nights were long, and there was a perceptible coolness in the air, even in this climate of april days. joe stanfield, a half-breed canadian and a member of whitman's family, was observed to spend many of the lengthening evenings with the cayuses in their lodges. he had been given a home by whitman, to whom he had seemed for a time devoted. joe lewis, an indian who had come to whitman sick and half-clad, and had received shelter and work from him, seems to have been on intimate terms with stanfield, and the two became bitter enemies to the mission and sought to turn the cayuses against it, contrary to all the traditions of indian gratitude. in these bright autumn days of a great calamity fell upon the indians of the columbia. it was the plague. this disease was the terror of the northwestern tribes. the cayuses caught the infection. many sickened and died, and whitman was appealed to by the leading indians to stay the disease. he undertook the treatment of a number of cases, but his patients died. the hunter's moon was now burning low in the sky. the gathering of rich harvests of furs had begun, and british and american fur-traders were seeking these treasures on every hand. but at the beginning of these harvests the cayuses were sickening and dying, and the mission was powerless to stay the pestilence. a secret council of cayuses and half-breeds was held one night under the hunter's moon near walla walla, or else on the umatilla. five crows, the warrior, was there with joe lewis, of whitman's household, and joe stanfield, alike suspicious and treacherous, and old mungo, the interpreter. sitkas, a leading indian, may have been present, as the story i am to give came in part from him. joe lewis was the principal speaker. addressing the cayuses, he said: "the moon brightens; your tents fill with furs. but death, the robber, is among you. who sends death among you? the white chief (whitman). and why does the white chief send among you death, the robber, with his poison? that he may possess your furs." "then why do the white people themselves have the disease?" asked a cayuse. none could answer. the question had turned joe lewis's word against him, when a tall indian arose and spread his blanket open like a wing. he stood for a time silent, statuesque, and thoughtful. the men waited seriously to hear what he would say. it was the same indian who had appeared at the mission after the joke of the plugged melons. "brothers, listen. the missionaries are conjurers. they conjured the melons at waülaptu. they made the melons sick. i went to missionary chief. he say, 'i make the melons well.' i leave the braves sick, with their faces turned white, when i go to the chief. i return, and they are well again. the missionaries conjure the melons, to save their gardens. they conjure you now, to get your furs." the evidence was conclusive to the cayuse mind. the missionaries were conjurers. the council resolved that all the medicine-men in the country should be put to death, and among the first to perish should be whitman, the conjurer. such in effect was the result of the secret council or councils held around waülaptu. whitman felt the change that had come over the disposition of the tribes, but he did not know what was hidden behind the dark curtain. his great soul was full of patriotic fire, of love to all men, and zeal for the gospel. he was nothing to himself--the cause was everything. he rode hither and thither on the autumn days and bright nights, engaged in his great work. he went to oregon city for supplies. "mr. mckinley," he said to a friend, "a cayuse chief has told me that the indians are about to kill all the medicine-men, and myself among them. i think he was jesting." "dr. whitman," said mckinley, "a cayuse chief never jests." he was right. the fateful days wore on. the splendid nights glimmered over mount hood, and glistened on the serrated mountain tents of eternal snow. the indians continued to sicken and die, and the universal suspicion of the tribes fell upon whitman. suddenly there was a war-cry! the mission ran with blood. whitman and his wife were the first to fall. then horror succeeded horror, and many of the heroic pioneers of the columbia river perished. "the jesuits have been accused of causing the murder of whitman," said one historian of washington to me. "they indignantly deny it. i have studied the whole subject for years with this opinion, that the indian outbreak and its tragedies had its origin, and largely gathered its force, from the terrible joke of the conjured melons. "that was the evidence that must have served greatly to turn the indian mind against one of the bravest men that america has produced, and whose name will stand immortal among the heroes of washington and oregon." i give this account as a local story, and not as exact history; but this tradition was believed by the old people in washington. when any one in the new settlement spoke of the potlatch, this scene came up like a shadow. would it be repeated? footnotes: [footnote a: see historical notes.] chapter viii. the black eagle's nest. in the log school-house, lewis and clarke's expedition was used as a reading-book. master mann had adopted it because it was easy to obtain, and served as a sort of local geography and history. in this book is an account of a great black eagle's nest, on the falls of the missouri; and the incident seemed intensely to interest the picturesque mind of benjamin. "let us go see," said benjamin, one day after this poetic part of lewis and clarke's narrative had been read. "what do you mean?" asked mr. mann. "i carry canoe, and we go and find him!" "what?" "the black eagle's nest." "why?" "i'll get a plume--wear it here. please father. i love to please father." there was to be a few weeks' vacation in a part of september and october, and benjamin's suggestion led mr. mann to plan an excursion to the falls of the missouri at that time. the old chief would be glad to have benjamin go with him and help hunt, and carry the canoe. they would follow the salmon river out of the columbia, to a point near the then called jefferson river, and so pass the mountains, and launch themselves on the missouri, whence the way would be easy to the falls. the dream of this expedition seemed to make benjamin perfectly happy. he had already been over a part of this territory, with his father, on a visit to the friendly tribes. the mid-autumn in the valleys of the columbia and missouri rivers is serene, and yet kindles, with a sort of fiery splendor. the perfect days of america are here. master mann and benjamin started on their expedition with a few indians, who were to see them to the jefferson river and there leave them. the yankee schoolmaster had a prophetic soul, and he felt that he was treading the territory of future empires. launched on the missouri, the thought of what the vast plains might become overwhelmed him at times, and he would lie silent in his boat, and pray and dream. the soul of the indian boy seemed as bright as the golden air of the cloudless days, during most of the time on the salmon river, and while passing through the mountains. but he would sometimes start up suddenly, and a shade would settle on his face. master mann noticed these sudden changes of mood, and he once said to him: "what makes you turn sad, benjamin?" "potlatch." "but that is a dance." "hawks." "i think not, benjamin!" "you do not know. they have a bitter heart. my father does not sleep. it is you that keeps him awake. he loves you; you love me and treat me well; he loves you, and want to treat you well--see. _she_ make trouble. indians meet at night--talk bitter. they own the land. they have rights. they threaten. father no sleep. sorry." _the falls of the missouri._ the falls of the missouri are not only wonderful and beautiful, but they abound with grand traditions. before we follow our young explorer to the place, let us give you, good reader, some views of this part of montana as it was and as it now appears. we recently looked out on the island that once lifted the great black eagle's nest over the plunging torrent of water--the nest famous, doubtless, among the indians, long before the days of lewis and clarke. we were shown, in the city of great falls, a mounted eagle, which, it was claimed, came from this nest amid the mists and rainbows. the fall near this island, in the surges, is now known as the black eagle's fall. this waterfall has not the beauty or the grandeur of the other cataracts--the rainbow falls and the great falls--a few miles distant. but it gathers the spell of poetic tradition about it, and strongly appeals to the sense of the artist and the poet. the romancer would choose it for his work, as the black eagles chose it for their home. near it is one of the most lovely fountains in the world, called the giant spring. "close beside the great missouri, ere it takes its second leap, is a spring of sparkling water like a river broad and deep." the spring pours out of the earth near the fall in a great natural fountain, emerald-green, clear as crystal, bordered with water-cresses, and mingles its waters with the clouded surges of the missouri. if a person looks down into this fountain from a point near enough for him to touch his nose to the water, all the fairy-like scenes of the silver springs and the waukulla spring in florida appear. the royal halls and chambers of undine meet the view, with gardens of emeralds and gem-bearing ferns. it kindles one's fancy to gaze long into these crystal caverns, and a practical mind could hardly resist here the poetic sense of fouqué that created undine. the black eagle falls, with its great nest and marvelous fountains, was a favorite resort of the blackfeet indians and other indian tribes. it is related in the old traditions that the piegans, on one of their expeditions against the crows, rested here, and became enchanted with the fountain: "hither came the warrior piegans on their way to fight the crow; stood upon its verge, and wondered what could mean the power below." the piegans were filled with awe that the fountain rose and fell and gurgled, as if in spasms of pain. they sent for a native medicine-man. "why is the fountain troubled?" they asked. "this," said the indian prophet, "is the pure stream that flows through the earth to the sun. it asks for offerings. we cast the spoils of war into it, and it carries them away to the sun's _tepee_, and the sun is glad, and so shines for us all." the blackfeet worshiped the sun. the sun river, a few miles above this cataract, was a medicine or sacred river in the tribal days, and it was in this region of gleaming streams and thundering waterfalls that the once famous sun-dances were held. there was a barbarous splendor about these sun-dances. the tribes gathered for the festival in the long, bright days of the year. they wore ornaments of crystal, quartz, and mica, such as would attract and reflect the rays of the sun. the dance was a glimmering maze of reflections. as it reached its height, gleaming arrows were shot into the air. above them, in their poetic vision, sat the sun in his _tepee_. they held that the thunder was caused by the wings of a great invisible bird. often, at the close of the sun-dance on the sultry days, the clouds would gather, and the thunder-bird would shake its wings above them and cool the air. delightful times were these old festivals on the missouri. at evening, in the long northern twilights, they would recount the traditions of the past. some of the old tales of the blackfeet, piegans, and chippewas, are as charming as those of la fontaine. the rainbow falls are far more beautiful than those of the black eagle. they are some six miles from the new city of great falls. a long stairway of two hundred or more steps conducts the tourist into their very mist-land of rocks and surges. here one is almost deafened by the thunder. when the sun is shining, the air is glorious with rainbows, that haunt the mists like a poet's dream. the great fall, some twelve miles from the city, plunges nearly a hundred feet, and has a roar like that of niagara. it is one of the greatest water-powers of the continent. the city of great falls is leaping into life in a legend-haunted region. its horizon is a borderland of wonders. afar off gleam the highwood mountains, with roofs of glistening snow. buttes (hills with level tops) rise like giant pyramids here and there, and one may almost imagine that he is in the land of the pharaohs. bench lands diversify the wide plains. ranches and great flocks are everywhere; armies of cattle; creeks shaded with cottonwood and box-elder; birds and flowers; and golden eagles gleaming in the air. the rockies wall the northern plains. the belt mountain region near great falls is a wonder-land, like the garden of the gods in colorado, or the goblin land near the yellowstone. it would seem that it ought to be made a state park. here one fancies one's self to be amid the ruins of castles, cathedrals, and fortresses, so fantastic are the shapes of the broken mountain-walls. it is a land of birds and flowers; of rock roses, wild sunflowers, golden-rods; of wax-wings, orioles, sparrows, and eagles. here roams the stealthy mountain lion. this region, too, has its delightful legends. one of these legends will awaken great curiosity as the state of montana grows, and she seems destined to become the monarch of states. in sieur de la verendrye, the french governor of quebec, sent out an expedition, under his sons and brother, that discovered the rocky mountains, which were named _la montana roches_. on the th of may, , this expedition visited the upper missouri, and planted on an eminence, probably in the near region of great falls, a leaden plate bearing the arms of france, and raised a monument above it, which the verendryes named _beauharnois_. it is stated that this monument was erected on a river-bluff, between bowlders, and that it was twenty feet in diameter. there are people who claim to have discovered this monument, but they fail to produce the leaden plate with the arms of france that the explorers buried. the search for this hidden plate will one day begin, and the subject is likely greatly to interest historical societies in montana, and to become a very poetic mystery. into this wonder-land of waterfalls, sun-dances, and legends, our young explorers came, now paddling in their airy canoe, now bearing the canoe on their backs around the falls. mr. mann's white face was a surprise to the native tribes that they met on the way, but benjamin's brightness and friendly ways made the journey of both easy. they came to the black eagle falls. the great nest still was there. it was as is described in the book of the early explorers. it hung over the mists of the rapids, and, strangely enough, there were revealed three black plumes in the nest. benjamin beheld these plumes with a kind of religious awe. his eyes dilated as he pointed to them. "they are for me," he said. "one for me, one for father, and one for you. i'll get them all." he glided along a shelf of rocks toward the little island, and mounted the tree. the black eagles were yet there, though their nest was empty. he passed up the tree under the wings of the eagles, and came down with a handful of feathers. "the book was true," said he. they went to medicine river, now called the sun river, and there witnessed a sun-dance. it was a scene to tempt a brilliant painter or poet. the chiefs and warriors were arrayed in crystals, quartz, and every bright product of the earth and river that would reflect the glory of the sun. they returned from where the city of great falls is now, back to the mountains and to the tributaries of the columbia. benjamin appeared before his father, on his return, with a crest of black eagle's plumes, and this crest the young indian knight wore until the day of his death. "i shall wear mine always," he said to his father. "you wear yours." "yes," said his father, with a face that showed a full heart. "both together," said benjamin. "both together," replied umatilla. "always?" said benjamin. "always," answered the chief. the indians remembered these words. somehow there seemed to be something prophetic in them. wherever, from that day, umatilla or young eagle's plume was seen, each wore the black feather from the great eagle's nest, amid the mists and rainbows or mist-bows of the falls of the missouri. it was a touch of poetic sentiment, but these indian races of the columbia lived in a region that was itself a school of poetry. the potlatch was sentiment, and the sun-dance was an actual poem. many of the tents of skin abounded with picture-writing, and the stories told by the night fires were full of picturesque figures. gretchen's poetic eye found subjects for verse in all these things, and she often wrote down her impressions, and read them to practical mrs. woods, who affected to ignore such things, but yet seemed secretly delighted with them. "you have _talons_" she used to say, "but they don't amount to anything, anyway. nevertheless--" the expedition to the falls of the missouri, and the new and strange sights which benjamin saw there, led him to desire to make other trips with the schoolmaster, to whom he became daily more and more attached. in fact, the indian boy came to follow his teacher about with a kind of jealous watchfulness. he seemed to be perfectly happy when the latter was with him, and, when absent from him, he talked of him more than of any other person. in the middle of autumn the sky was often clouded with wild geese, which in v-shaped flocks passed in long processions overhead, _honking_ in a trumpet-like manner. sometimes a flock of snowy geese would be seen, and the laughing goose would be heard. "where do they go?" said mr. mann one day to benjamin. the boy told him of a wonderful island, now known as whidby, where there were great gatherings of flocks of geese in the fall. "let's go see," said he. "the geese are thicker than the bushes there--the ponds are all alive with them there--honk--honk--honk! let's go see." "when the school is over for the fall we will go," said mr. mann. the indian boy's face beamed with delight. he dreamed of another expedition like that to the wonderful falls. he would there show the master the great water cities of the wild geese, the emigrants of the air. the thought of it made him dance with delight. often at nightfall great flocks of the canada geese would follow the columbia towards the sea. benjamin would watch them with a heart full of anticipation. it made him supremely happy to show the master the wonderful things of the beautiful country, and the one ambition of his heart now was to go to the lakes of the _honks_. chapter ix. gretchen's visit to the old chief of the cascades. "go to the chief's lodge, gretchen, and stay until the potlatch, and i will come to visit you." such were the words of mrs. woods, as her final decision, after long considering the chief's request. the forest lodge of the old chief of the cascades was picturesque without and within. outwardly, it was a mere tent of skins and curious pictography, under the shadows of gigantic trees, looking down on the glistening waters of the columbia; inwardly, it was a museum of relics of the supposed era of the giant-killers, and of the deep regions of the tooth and claw; of potlatches, masques and charms of _medas_ and _wabenoes_; of curious pipes; of odd, curious feathers, and beautiful shells and feather-work and pearls. but, though all things here were rude and primitive, the old chief had a strong poetic sense, and the place and the arrangement of everything in it were very picturesque in its effect, and would have delighted an artist. on a hill near were grave-posts, and a sacred grove, in which were bark coffins in trees. near by was an open field where the indian hunters were accustomed to gather their peltries, and where visiting bands of indians came to be hospitably entertained, and feasts were given _à la mode de sauvage_. from the plateau of the royal lodge ran long forest trails and pathways of blazed trees; and near the opening to the tent rose two poles, to indicate the royal rank of the occupant. these were ornamented with ideographic devices of a historical and religious character. the family of umatilla consisted of his squaw, an old woman partly demented, and benjamin, who was now much of the time away with the schoolmaster. the old chief was very kind to his unfortunate wife, and treated her like a child or a doll. benjamin was about to take as his bride an indian girl whom the english called fair cloud, and she was a frequent visitor at the tent. to this patriarchal family gretchen came one day, bringing her violin. fair cloud was there to receive her, and the crazy old squaw seemed to be made happy by the sight of her white face, and she did all that she could in her simple way to make her welcome. she gave her ornaments of shells, and pointed out to her a wabeno-tree, in whose tops spirits were supposed to whisper, and around which indian visitors sometimes danced in the summer evenings. the indian maid was eager to hear the violin, but the old chief said: "it is the voice of the merciful; let it be still--the god should not speak much." he seemed to wish to reserve the influence of the instrument for the potlatch, to make it an object of wonder and veneration for a time, that its voice might be more magical when it should be heard. there was a kind of tambourine, ornamented with fan-like feathers, in the lodge. fair cloud used to play upon it, or rather shake it in a rhythmic way. there was also a war-drum in the lodge, and an indian called blackhoof used to beat it, and say: "i walk upon the sky, my war-drum 'tis you hear; when the sun goes out at noon, my war-drum 'tis you hear! "when forkèd lightnings flash, my war-drum 'tis you hear. i walk upon the sky, and call the clouds; be still, my war-drum 'tis you hear!" the tribes of the oregon at this time were numerous but small. they consisted chiefly of the chinooks, vancouvers, the walla wallas, the yacomars, the spokans, the cayuses, the nez-percés, the skagits, the cascades, and many tribes that were scarcely more than families. they were for the most part friendly with each other, and they found in the oregon or columbia a common fishing-ground, and a water-way to all their territories. they lived easily. the woods were full of game, and the river of salmon, and berries loaded the plateaus. red whortleberries filled the woodland pastures and blackberries the margins of the woods. the climate was an almost continuous april; there was a cloudy season in winter with rainy nights, but the japanese winds ate up the snows, and the ponies grazed out of doors in mid-winter, and spring came in february. it was almost an ideal existence that these old tribes or families of indians lived. [illustration: _an indian village on the columbia._] among the early friends of these people was dick trevette, whose tomb startles the tourist on the columbia as he passes mamaloose, or the island of the dead. he died in california, and his last request was that he might be buried in the indian graveyard on the columbia river, among a race whose hearts had always been true to him. the old chief taught gretchen to fish in the columbia, and the withered crone cooked the fish that she caught. strange visitors came to the lodge, among them an indian girl who brought her old, withered father strapped upon her back. the aged indian wished to pay his last respects to umatilla. indians of other tribes came, and they were usually entertained at a feast, and in the evening were invited to dance about the whispering tree. the song for the reception of strangers, which was sung at the dance, was curious, and it was accompanied by striking the hand upon the breast over the heart at the words "here, here, here": "you resemble a friend of mine, a friend i would have in my heart-- here, here, _here_. "my heart is linked to thine; you are like a friend of mine-- here, here, _here_. "are we not brothers, then; shall we not meet again-- here, here, _here_? "mi, yes, we brothers be, so my fond heart sings to thee-- here, here, _here_. "ah! yes, we brothers be; will you not answer me-- here, here, _here_?" gretchen was happy in the new kind of life. she did not fear the indians; in fact, the thing that she feared most was the promised visit of mrs. woods. she was sure that her foster-mother's spirit would change toward the indians, but the change had not yet come. one evening the schoolmaster came to call. he was bent upon a mission, as always. the family gave him a seat outside of the tent, and gathered around him, and they talked until the stars came out and were mirrored in the columbia. one of the first questions asked by the old chief was, "is eagle's plume (benjamin) brave?" (a good scholar). "yes, brave at times; he must learn to be brave always. he must always keep his better self. the world would be good if people would learn to keep their better selves. do you see?" "yes." "a chief should conquer himself first; obey the will of the great manitou--do you see?" "yes, but how can we know his will?" "it is his will that we be our best minds. forgive, and so make bad people good, and return good for bad. do you see?" "yes, boy, do you see?" (to benjamin). "yes, yes, i see what white man means. but white man do not so. he cheat--he kill." "_boston tilicum_, what do you say?" asked the chief. "white man does not follow his best heart when he cheats and kills. it is wrong. all men should be brothers--see?" "yes, i have tried to be a brother. i have no shed blood--i live in peace--like yonder river. the stars love to shine on the peaceful river. benjamin will learn. i go away when the swallows go, and no more come when the swallows bring the spring on their wings again. teach benjamin to be his good self all the time; make him good _here_." all the indian visitors who came to the place examined the violin cautiously, and the indian hunters seemed to regard gretchen with suspicion. when any asked her to play for them, the old chief would answer: "not now, but at the potlatch--then it speak and you will hear; you will hear what it says." but, of all the people that came to the lodge, no one could have been more curious than mrs. woods. she had been living in terror of the threatened events of the october feast, and yet she wished to make the indians believe that she was indifferent to their ill-will, and that she possessed some hidden power that gave her security. she approached the lodge slowly on the occasion of her visit, picking red whortleberries by the way. benjamin watched her nervous motions, and felt that they implied a want of respect, and he grew silent and looked stoical. gretchen went out to meet her, and brought her to the old chief. [illustration: _afar loomed mount hood._] it was a beautiful day, one of those long dreams of golden splendor that glorify the banks of the oregon. eccentric victor trevette and his indian wife were at the lodge, and the company were joined by the rev. jason lee, who had come up the columbia in the interests of the mission in the willamette valley. seattle[b] was there, from the willamette, then young, and not yet the titular chief of governor stevens.[c] it was a company of diverse spirits--trevette, the reputed gambler, but the true friend of the indian races; lee, who had beheld oregon in his early visions, and now saw the future of the mountain-domed country in dreams; sharp-tongued but industrious and warm-hearted mrs. woods; the musical german girl, with memories of the rhine; and the indian chief and his family. the columbia rolled below the tall palisades, the opposite bank was full of cool shadows of overhanging rocks, sunless retreats, and dripping cascades of glacier-water. afar loomed mount hood in grandeur unsurpassed, if we except tacoma, inswathed in forests and covered with crystal crowns. the chinook winds were blowing coolly, coming from the kuro siwo, or placid ocean-river from japan; odoriferous, as though spice-laden from the flowery isles of the yellow sea. warm in winter, cool in summer, like the gulf winds of floridian shores, the good angel of the puget sea territories is the chinook wind from far asia, a mysterious country, of which the old chief and his family knew no more than of the blessed isles. "it is a day of the great manitou," said the old chief. "he lights the sun, and lifts his wings for a shadow, and breathes on the earth. he fills our hearts with peace. i am glad." "i only wish my people in the east knew how wonderful this country is," said jason lee. "i am blamed and distrusted because i leave my mission work to see what great resources here await mankind. i do it only for the good of others--something within me impels me to do it, yet they say i neglect my work to become a political pioneer. as well might they censure joshua." "as a missionary," said the old hunter, "you would teach the indians truth; as a pioneer, you would bring colonies here to rob them of their lands and rights. i can respect the missionary, but not the pioneer. see the happiness of all these tribal families. benjamin is right--mrs. woods has no business here." "adventurer," said mrs. woods, rising upon her feet, "i am a working-woman--i came out here to work and improve the country, and you came here to live on your injun wife. the world belongs to those who work, and not to the idle. it is running water that freshens the earth. husband and i built our house with our own hands, and i made my garden with my own hands, and i have defended my property with my own hands against bears and injuns, and have kept husband to work at the block-house to earn money for the day of trouble and helplessness that is sure some day to come to us all. i raise my own garden-sass and all other sass. i'm an honest woman, that's what i am, and have asked nothing in the world but what i have earned, and don't you dare to question my rights to anything i possess! i never had a dollar that i did not earn, and that honestly, and what is mine is mine." "be careful, woman," said the hunter. "it will not be yours very long unless you have a different temper and tongue. there are black wings in the sky, and you would not be so cool if you had heard the things that have come to my ears." mrs. woods was secretly alarmed. she felt that her assumed boldness was insincere, and that any insincerity is weakness. she glanced up a long ladder of rods or poles which were hung with potlatch masks--fearful and merciless visages, fit to cover the faces of crime. she had heard that umatilla would never put on a mask himself, although he allowed the custom at the tribal dances. mrs. woods dropped her black eyes from the ominous masks to the honest face of the chief. "there," said she, lifting her arm, "there sits an honest man. he never covered his heart with a mask--he never covered his face with a mask. he has promised me protection. he has promised to protect the school. i can trust a man who never wears a mask. most people wear masks--death takes the masks away; when death comes to umatilla, he will find great umatilla only, fearless and noble--honest and true, but no mask. he never wore a mask." "but, woman," said umatilla, "you are wearing a mask; you are afraid." "yes, but i can trust your word." "you seek to please me for your own good." "yes--but, umatilla, i can trust your word." "the word of umatilla was never broken. death will come to umatilla for his mask, and will go away with an empty hand. i have tried to make my people better.--brother lee, you have come here to instruct me--i honor you. listen to an old indian's story. sit down all. i have something that i would say to you." the company sat down and listened to the old chief. they expected that he would speak in a parable, and he did. he told them in chinook the story of _the wolf brother._ an old indian hunter was dying in his lodge. the barks were lifted to admit the air. the winds of the seas came and revived him, and he called his three children to him and made his last bequests. "my son," he said, "i am going out into the unknown life whence i came. give yourself to those who need you most, and always be true to your younger brother." "my daughter," he said, "be a mother to your younger brother. give him your love, or for want of it he may become lonely and as savage as the animals are." the two older children promised, and the father died at sunset, and went into the unknown life whence he came. the old indian had lived apart from the villages of men for the sake of peace; but now, after his death, the oldest son sought the villages and he desired to live in them. "my sister," he said, "can look out for my little brother. i must look out for myself." but the sister tired of solitude, and longed to go to the villages. so one day she said to her little brother: "i am going away to find our brother who has taken up his abode in the villages. i will come back in a few moons. stay you here." but she married in the villages, and did not return. the little brother was left all alone, and lived on roots and berries. he one day found a den of young wolves and fed them, and the mother-wolf seemed so friendly that he visited her daily. so he made the acquaintance of the great wolf family, and came to like them, and roam about with them, and he no longer was lonesome or wished for the company of men. one day the pack of wolves came near the villages, and the little boy saw his brother fishing and his sister weaving under a tree. he drew near them, and they recognized him. "come to us, little brother," said they, sorry that they had left him to the animals. "no--no!" said he. "i would rather be a wolf. the wolves have been kinder to me than you. "my brother, my brother, i am turning-- am turning into a wolf. you made me so! "my sister, my sister, i am turning-- i am turning into a wolf. you made me so!" "o little brother, forgive me," said the sister; "forgive me!" "it is too late now. see, i _am_ a wolf!" he howled, and ran away with the pack of wolves, and they never saw him again. * * * * * "jason lee, be good to my people when i am gone, lest they become like the little brother. "victor trevette, be good to my people when i am gone, lest they become like the little brother." the tall form of marlowe mann now appeared before the open entrance of the lodge. the yankee schoolmaster had been listening to the story. the old chief bent his eye upon him, and said, "and, boston tilicum, do you be good to benjamin when i am gone, so that he shall not become like the little brother." "you may play, gretchen, now--it is a solemn hour; the voices of the gods should speak." gretchen took her violin. standing near the door of the tent, she raised it to her arm, and the strains of some old german music rose in the glimmering air, and drifted over the columbia. "i think that there are worlds around this," said the old chief. "the great spirit is good." the sun was going down. high in the air the wild fowls were flying, with the bright light yet on their wings. the glaciers of mount hood were flushed with crimson--a sea of glass mingled with fire. it was a pastoral scene; in it the old history of oregon was coming to an end, after the mysteries of a thousand years, and the new history of civilization was beginning. evening came, and the company dispersed, but the old chief and gretchen sat down outside of the tent, and listened to the murmuring music of the dalles of the columbia, and breathed the vital air. the columbia is a mile wide in some places, but it narrows at the dalles, or shelves and pours over the stone steps the gathered force of its many tides and streams. across the river a waterfall filled the air with misty beauty, and a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn--the remnant of some great upheaval in the volcanic ages. [illustration: _a castellated crag arose solitary and solemn._] the red ashes of the sunset lingered after the fires of the long day had gone down, and the stars came out slowly. the old chief was sad and thoughtful. "sit down by my feet, my child," he said to gretchen, or in words of this meaning. "i have been thinking what it is that makes the music in the violin. let us talk together, for something whispers in the leaves that my days are almost done." "let me get the violin and play to you, father; we are alone." "yes, yes; get the music, child, and you shall play, and we will talk. you shall sit down at my feet and play, and we will talk. go, my little spirit." gretchen brought her violin, and sat down at his feet and tuned it. she then drew her bow, and threw on the air a haunting strain. "stop there, little spirit. it is beautiful. but what made it beautiful?" "my bow--don't you see?" gretchen drew her bow, and again lifted the same haunting air. "no--no--my girl--not the bow--something behind the bow." "the strings?" "no--no--something behind the strings." "my fingers--so?" "no--no--something behind the fingers." "my head--_here_?" "no--something behind that." "my heart?" "no--no--something behind that." "i?" "yes--you, but something behind that. i have not seen it, my girl--your spirit. it is that that makes the music; but there is something behind that. i can feel what i can not see. i am going away, girl--going away to the source of the stream. then i will know everything good is beautiful--it is good that makes you beautiful, and the music beautiful. it is good that makes the river beautiful, and the stars. i am going away where all is beautiful. when i am gone, teach my poor people." gretchen drew his red hand to her lips and kissed it. the chief bent low his plumed head and said: "that was so beautiful, my little spirit, that i am in a haste to go. one moon, and i will go. play." gretchen obeyed. when the strain died, the two sat and listened to the murmuring of the waters, as the river glided down the shelves, and both of them felt that the spirit of eternal goodness with a father's love watched over everything. the old chief rose, and said again: "when i am gone to my fathers, teach my poor people." he added: "the voice of the good spirits ask it--the all-good asks it--i shall go away--to the land whence the light comes. you stay--teach. you will?" "yes," said gretchen--a consciousness of her true calling in life coming upon her, as in an open vision--"i will be their teacher." the old chief seemed satisfied, and said: "it is well; i am going away." much of the chief's talk was acted. if he wished to speak of a star, he would point to it; and he would imitate a bird's call to designate a bird, and the gurgle of water when speaking of a running stream. he spoke chinook freely, and to see him when he was speaking was to learn from his motions his meaning. footnotes: [footnote b: see historical notes.] [footnote c: see historical notes.] chapter x. mrs. woods meets little roll over again. one day rev. jason lee came up from the cascades, in a boat, to visit mr. and mrs. woods on their donation claim. mr. lee at this tine was inspired with missionary zeal for the indians, and he remembered mrs. woods kindly as an ignorant but earnest and teachable woman, whom the influence of his preaching had brought to his spiritual flock. he knew her needs of counsel and help, he pitied her hard and lonely life, and he came to visit her from time to time. he had once given her a copy of wesley's hymns, and these hymns she had unconsciously learned, and delighted to quote on all occasions. her favorite hymn in the collection was written by thomas olivers, one of wesley's coadjutors, beginning-- "the god of abrah'm praise." she used to sing it often about her work; and one approaching the cabin, might often have heard her trying to sing to the old hebrew melody of _leoniel_--a tune perhaps as old as the jewish temple itself--such sublime thoughts as these-- "the god of abrah'm praise, at whose supreme command from earth i rise, and seek the joys at his right hand; i all on earth forsake, its wisdom, fame, and power; and him my only portion make, my shield and tower. "he by himself hath sworn, i on his oath depend; i shall, on eagles' wings upborne, to heaven ascend: i shall behold his face, i shall his power adore, and sing the wonders of his grace forever more." another favorite hymn, in an easy metre, was john wesley's triumphant review of life in his middle age. the tune, although marked in the music-books c.p.m., and thus indicating some difficulty, was really as simple as it was lively, and carried the voice along like the music of a meadow stream: "how happy is the pilgrim's lot, how free from every anxious thought, from worldly hope and fear! confined to neither court nor cell, his soul disdains on earth to dwell-- he only sojourns here." mrs. woods was singing as usual about her work, when jason lee rapped at her door. "father lee," said mrs. woods, "can i trust my eyes!--come again to see me, away out here in the timber? well, you are welcome. i have got something on my mind, and i have long been wanting to have a talk with you. how is the mission at the dalles?" "it is prospering, but i regard it as my duty to leave it and go back to the east; and this may be my farewell visit, though i expect to come back again." "why, father lee, what has changed your mind? you surely can not think it your duty to leave this great country in the oregon! you are needed here if anywhere in this world." "yes, but it is on account of this country on the oregon being great, as you call it, that i must go away. it was once my calling in life to become a missionary to the indians of oregon, and to see this wonderful land. the same voice that called me to that work calls me again to go back to tell the people of the east of their great opportunity here. i owe it to my country's future to do this. i have eaten the grapes of a promised land, and i must return to my own people with the good report. i believe that the best life of america will yet be here--it seems to be so revealed to me. my mission was to the indians; it is now to induce colonies to come to the oregon." "well, each heart knows its own calling and duty, and none of us are led alike. father lee, gretchen has been reprovin' me, though she shouldn't, perhaps, being a girl. she was sassy to me, but she meant well. she is a well-meanin' girl, though i have to be hard on her sometimes--it is my duty to be, you know. "well, some months ago, more than a year, an injun ran away with my best saw, and that gave me a prejudice against the injuns, i suppose. afterward, young eagle's plume--benjamin, the chief's boy--insulted me before the school by takin' a stick out of my hand, and i came to dislike him, and he hates me. there are many injuns in the timber now, and they all cast evil looks at me whenever i meet them, and these things hint that they are goin' to capture me at the potlatch and carry me away. i hate injuns. "but gretchen has told me a thing that touches my feelin's. she says that benjamin he says that he will protect me on account of his love for the master; and that, on account of my love for the good master of us all and his cause, i ought to show a different spirit toward the injuns. what do you think?" "gretchen is right, although a girl should be modest with her elders. hatred only multiplies itself; when one overcomes his evil passions he gains others, and loses nothing. do you see?" "but i am always good to those i like and those who treat me well. think how i used to take care of the sick folk on our way out here, and what i have tried to do for gretchen!" "'if ye love them that love you, what thank have ye?' all people love those who love them--the savages do. to give up one's evil desires, and to help others by returning love for hate, is the true life. the best friends in the world that we can have are those that we have drawn to our hearts by forgiveness. do something good to every indian that hates you, and you will never be carried away captive." "but whitman, remember whitman: he showed the right spirit, and the injuns killed _him_!" "his death was caused by a misapprehension, and it made him a martyr. his work lives. men live in their work." "well, father lee, if benjamin can overcome his evil feelin's for his master, i ought to do so for mine, as gretchen says. my bad spirit in this matter has long troubled me; it has caused a cloud to come over me when singin' hymns. i will give it all up now--i will give up everything, and just follow the better spirit. i want to do right, so that i can sing hymns." when father lee left the cabin, mrs. woods accompanied him to his boat on the river. as they were passing along under the tall spruces whose tops glimmered in the sun, and whose cool shadows made the trail delightful and refreshing, a black she-bear suddenly rose up before them, and a cub started up by her side. the great bear and the little bear both stood on their haunches, with their fore-feet outstretched like arms, as in great surprise. mrs. woods stopped and threw up her arms, and parson lee drew back. mrs. woods looked at the little bear, and the little bear at her. "roll over, roll over!" she suddenly exclaimed. a strange event followed, very strange indeed in the eyes of the startled missionary. the little bear rolled itself into a ball, and began to turn over and over, and to come toward them in its somersaults. the mother bear made a peculiar noise, dropped upon her four feet and ran off into the timber; and the little one, hearing the noise and movement, leaped up and followed her. "what _does_ that mean?" asked the missionary, in astonishment. "that is little roll over. i taught him that trick myself. he was once a pet of mine, and he ran away." "extraordinary!" said the missionary; "and it seems to me, if you have such a good influence over bears, you might do a great deal of good among the indians." "and i will," said mrs. woods. "i mean to live so i can sing hymns, and feel right about it." on the return home, mrs. woods looked everywhere for her pet bear. she did not fear the old bear, for these animals are generally harmless if unmolested. she called, "roll over! roll over!" when she came to the place where she had had the adventure. but there was no answer except from the blue jays that piped out their shrill call in the tall trees. mrs. woods came home to have a long battle with herself. her idea of happiness seemed to be the freedom to sing hymns with a clear conscience, and the poor pioneer woman's philosophy was not very far from right. chapter xi. marlowe mann's new robinson crusoe. besides the narrative of lewis and clarke, which was used in the school as a reader, mr. mann made use of another book in his teaching which greatly delighted his pupils and often awakened their sympathies. it was called "john e. jewett and thompson." it presented a picture of life on the coast early in the century. the strange story was much as follows: _the robinson crusoe of vancouver._ about the year the ship boston, from boston, mass., went to hull, england, to secure a cargo of goods to carry to the indians on the northwest coast of america to trade for furs. she was a general trading-vessel, such as roamed the seas of the world adventurously at that time, and often made fortunes for the merchants of new york, boston, and other atlantic port cities. she was commanded by captain john salter, a clever man and a natural story-teller, whose engaging pictures of travel were sure to fascinate the young. while in england this man met a lad by the name of john rogers jewett, who listened eagerly to his romantic adventures, and who desired to embark with him for america, and was allowed by his parents to make the voyage. the ship sailed around cape horn to nootka island, one of the islands on the west coast of vancouver island between the forty-ninth and fiftieth parallel. here the whole crew, with the exception of young jewett and a man by the name of thompson, were massacred by the indians, and the strange and tragic narrative of the survivors was an american and english wonder-tale seventy years ago. mr. jewett published the account of his capture and sufferings, under the title of "john r. jewett and thompson," or, to copy the title of the quaint old book before me, "a narrative of the adventures and sufferings of john r. jewett, only survivor of the crew of the ship boston, during a captivity of nearly three years among the savages of nootka sound." the book was issued from london, england, and from middletown, conn. after robinson crusoe, perhaps no book was more eagerly read by our grandfathers in their boyhood than this. the indian king of nootka was maquina. he used to visit the ship, sometimes wearing a wooden mask over his face representing some wild beast. such masks are still to be found among the indians of vancouver. maquina was at first very friendly to captain salter, but one day the latter offended him, and he resolved to have his revenge by killing him and the crew, and destroying the ship. accordingly, one morning, after he had been capering on deck and blowing a rude whistle, he said to the captain: "when do you intend to sail?" "to-morrow," replied the captain. "you love salmon--much in friendly cove; go, then, and catch some," said the chief. the captain thought it very desirable to have a large supply of fish on board, so he assented to the chief's proposal, and, after dinner with the latter, he sent away a jolly-boat or yawl with nine men to fish in friendly cove. a series of tragedies followed. "i went down to my vise-bench in the steerage," says mr. jewett, in his narrative, "where i was employed in cleaning muskets. i had not been there more than an hour, when i heard a great bustle and confusion on deck. i ran up the steerage stairs, but scarcely was my head above deck when i was caught by the hair by one of the savages. my hair was short, and i fell from his hold into the steerage. as i was falling, he struck me with an axe and cut a deep gash in my forehead. i remained in a state of suspense for some time, when maquina himself appeared at the hatch and ordered me to come up. what a terrific spectacle met my eyes! six naked savages stood in a circle around me, covered with the blood of my murdered comrades! i thought that my last moment had come, and commended my soul to my maker. "'john,' said the chief, 'i speak--you no say no; you say no--daggers come. will you become my slave and fight for me?' i answered, 'yes.' then he told me that he would spare my life. "taking me by the hand, he led me to the quarter-deck, where the most horrid sight presented itself; the heads of our unfortunate captain and his crew, to the number of twenty-five, were arranged in a line. "maquina then ordered me to get the ship under way for friendly cove. we were there received by the inhabitants of the village with loud shouts of joy and a horrible drumming of sticks upon the roofs and sides of their houses. maquina took me on shore to his house." young jewett became a favorite of the chief's son, and was made a member of the tribe. he was compelled to marry an indian princess, and his search for his wife is a wonderful romance, and really very poetic, as the marriage customs of the tribes are associated with a rustic festival worthy of a painter and poet. the young princess chosen was beautiful, and served him with the most affectionate devotion, but he could not love her, because he had been compelled to marry her. the most remarkable incidents of this strange narrative are associated with the fate of those who were engaged in the massacre of the officers and crew of the boston, and which show that the experience of retribution is a law common to all peoples and lands. the principal chief or sub-chief among the warriors was tootooch. he had married maquina's sister. he ranked next to maquina in all things pertaining to war, and he had been the foremost leader and the most merciless of conquerors in the destruction of the boston. he killed two men on shore, presumably with his own hand. insanity is not common among the indians. but a terrible mania took possession of this ambitious warrior. "while in the enjoyment of the highest health," says mr. jewett, "he was suddenly seized with delirium, in which he fancied that he saw the ghosts of the two men that he had murdered." the avenging vision followed him wherever he went. he was filled with terror at all times, and at last refused to eat to sustain his life. the indians forced food into his mouth. maquina was informed of the terrible state of the warrior's mind by his sister, tootooch's wife. he went to the haunted man's house, taking mr. thompson and mr. jewett with him. "we found him raving about the two murdered men, hall and wood," says jewett. "maquina placed provisions before him, but he would not eat." at last the distressed _tyee_, induced by hunger, put forth his hand to touch the food. but he suddenly drew it back, saying that hall and wood were there. "they will not let me eat," said he, with a look of despair and terror. maquina pointed to thompson and jewett. "is it they who have bewitched you?" he asked. "_wik_ (no); john _klashish_ (is good), thompson _klashish_ (is good)." he arose and piteously put his hand on jewett's shoulder, and, pointing to the food offered him, he said, "eat." "eat it yourself," replied mr. jewett. "hall and wood are not there." "you can not see them," he answered; "i can. i know that you can not see them." "what do you do in your own country in such cases as this?" asked maquina. "we confine the person and whip him," said jewett. the chief ordered that the haunted warrior should be confined and whipped; but the pain did not relieve the warrior's mind of the terrible vision of the two men that he had killed. he grew more wild. he would torture his slaves for diversion. his wife fled from him. the vision continued until he became completely exhausted, and death came with a merciful face. "early in june," says mr. jewett, "tootooch, the crazy chief, died. the whole village set up a loud cry. the body was laid on a plank, and the head bound with a red fillet. it was then wrapped in an otter-skin robe and placed in a large coffin, which was ornamented with rows of white shells. it was buried by night in a cavern." the _tyees_ or chiefs had discussed often the policy of putting mr. jewett and mr. thompson to death, and so end all evidence of the destruction of the boston in the event of new ships appearing on the coast. but the spectacle of tootooch staring at the ghosts of the men that he had killed, and wasting away amid days and nights of horror, made them fear that the other warriors engaged in the massacre would become affected in the like way, and deterred them from any further violence. jewett was at last rescued by a trading-ship, and was taken to the columbia river, where he arrived shortly after the visit of lewis and clarke, of the famous expedition that bears these names. he finally came to new england and settled in middletown, conn. his history gives a very picturesque view of the habits and customs of the indians on the northwest coast nearly a century ago. the book can be found in antiquarian libraries, and should be republished in the interest of american folk-lore. the truth of the incidents gives the whole narrative a vivid and intense interest; it reads like de foe. chapter xii. old joe meek and mr. spaulding. one day a man in a buckskin habit came to the door of the school-house and looked in upon the school. his face was that of a leader of men, hard and powerful; one could see that it feared nothing, and that it looked with contempt on whatever was artificial, affected, or insincere. his form had the strength and mettle of a pioneer. he rapped a loud, hard rap, and said, in a sturdy tone: "may i come in?" the master welcomed him cordially and courteously, and said: "this is mr. meek, i believe?" "yes, old joe meek, the pioneer--you have heard of me." "yes, yes," said mr. mann. "you have caught the spirit of oregon--you are oregon. you have made the interest of this great country your life; i honor you for it. i feel the same spirit coming over me. what we do here is done for a thousand years, for here the great life of the anglo-saxon race is destined to come. i can see it; i feel it. the morning twilight of time is about me. i can hear the oregon calling--calling; to teach here is a glorious life; the whole of humanity is in it. i have no wish to return to the east again." "stranger, give me your hand." the new england schoolmaster took the hard hand of the old pioneer, and the two stood there in silence. the children could not understand the great, soul-expanding sympathy that made these two men friends. they gazed on mr. meek's buckskin jacket and trousers with curiosity, for they were picturesque with their furs, belts, and weapons, and he looked like a warrior or a forest knight clad in armor. he wore the same buckskin suit when he appeared in washington as the delegate to congress from oregon. it was at the time of polk and dallas, and not a person in washington probably knew him when he made his appearance at the congressional hotel. the people at the hotel stared at him as the children did now. he went into the great dining-room with the other congressmen, but alone and unknown. the colored waiters laughed at him as he took his seat at the table. the other people at the table were served, but no one came near him. at last he turned and faced a hurrying colored man, and, in a voice that silenced the room, said: "waiter, come here!" the waiter rolled up his eyes and said, "sir?" "have you any big meat to-day?" "yes, sir." "any bear?" "any bear? bear? no, sir." "any buffalo?" "any buffalo--buffalo? where did you come from? no, sir." "well, waiter you may bring me what you have." the waiter went away with white teeth, and a smile and titter passed around the table. the waiter returned with the usual first course of the meal, and was about to hurry away, when the old pioneer took out his pistol and laid it down on the table, saying: "waiter, you stand there, i may want you; and if anybody wants to know who i am, tell him i am hon. joseph meek, the delegate of the people of oregon." when it was known who mr. meek was, he was met by mr. dallas, the courtly vice-president. "i will attend you to the reception this afternoon, where you will meet the wives of the congressmen," said he. "i will call for you at three." the vice-president called, and was surprised to find mr. meek still in his buckskins. "you do not intend to go in that habit to the reception?" said he. "yes," said mr. meek, "or else not go at all. in the first place, i have nothing else to wear, and what is good enough for me to wear among the people of oregon is good enough for their representative here." we have given, in these two anecdotes, very nearly mr. meek's own words. a few days after the visit of this most extraordinary man, another visitor came. she was an earnest-looking woman, on an indian pony, and there was a benevolence in her face and manner that drew the whole school into immediate sympathy with her. the lady was mrs. spaulding, one of the so-called "brides of oregon." her husband had come to the territory with dr. whitman and his bride. the long missionary journey was the bridal tour of mrs. whitman and mrs. spaulding. they were the first white women who crossed the rocky mountains. it was related of mrs. spaulding, who had a beautiful voice, and was a member of a church quartet or choir in a country town in new york, as a leading singer, that, just before leaving the place for her long horseback journey of more than two thousand miles, she sang in the church the hymn beginning-- "yes, my native land, i love thee," in such an affecting manner as to silence the rest of the choir, and melt the congregation to tears: "home, thy joys are passing lovely, joys no stranger's heart can tell; happy scenes and happy country, can i bid you all farewell? can i leave thee, far in heathen lands to dwell?" this lady addressed the school, and spoke feelingly of the condition of the indian race, and of the field for the teacher in the valleys of the columbia. gretchen listened to the address with open heart. there are moments of revelation when a knowledge of one's true calling in life comes to the soul. faith as a blind but true guide vanishes, and the eye sees. such was the hour to gretchen. she had often felt, when playing on the violin, that the inspiration that gave such influence to her music should be used in teaching the tribes that were so susceptible to its influence. this feeling had grown in the playing and singing of a school-song, the words of which were written by mrs. hunter, an english lady, and the wife of the famous dr. hunter, which showed the heroism and fortitude of the indian character: "the sun sets at night and the stars shun the day, but glory remains when the light fades away; begin, ye tormentors, your threats are in vain, for the son of alknoomook will never complain." the tune or melody was admirably adapted to the violin. benjamin loved to hear it sung, and gretchen was pleased to sing and to play it. mr. mann asked gretchen to play for mrs. spaulding, and she chose this simple but expressive melody. he then asked the school to sing, and he selected the words of "yes, my native land, i love thee," to the music of rousseau's dream. mrs. spaulding could hardly keep from joining in the tune and hymn, then well known to all the missionary pioneers. at the words-- "in the desert let me labor, on the mountain let me tell," her beautiful voice rose above the school, and gretchen's fingers trembled as she played the air. as the lady rode away, gretchen felt tears coming into her eyes. the school was dismissed, and the pupils went away, but gretchen lingered behind. she told benjamin to go to the lodge, and that she would follow him after she had had a talk with the master. "that song is beautiful," said gretchen. "'in the desert let me labor.' that is what i would like to do all my life. do you suppose that i could become a teacher among the indians like mrs. spaulding? it would make me perfectly happy if i could. if i were to study hard, would you help me to find such a place in life?" gretchen's large eyes, filled with tears, were bent earnestly on the face of mr. mann. "yes," he said, "and if i can inspire you only to follow me in such work, it will repay me for an unknown grave in the forests of the columbia." gretchen started; she trembled she knew not why, then buried her face in her arms on the rude log desk and sobbed. she raised her head at last, and went out, singing-- "in the desert let me labor." it was a glorious sundown in autumn. the burning disk of the sun hung in clouds of pearl like an oriel-window in a magnificent temple. black shadows fell on the placid waters of the columbia, and in the limpid air under the bluffs indians fished for salmon, and ducks and grebes sported in river weeds. marlowe mann went away from the log school-house that night a happy man. he had seen that his plans in life were already budding. he cared little for himself, but only for the cause to which he devoted his life--to begin christian education in the great empire of oregon. but how unexpected this episode was, and how far from his early dreams! his spirit had inspired first of all this orphan girl from the rhine, who had been led here by a series of strange events. this girl had learned faith from her father's prayers. on the rhine she had never so much as heard of the columbia--the new rhine of the sundown seas. chapter xiii. a warning. one evening, as gretchen was sitting outside of the lodge, she saw the figure of a woman moving cautiously about in the dim openings of the fir-trees. it was not the form of an indian woman--its movement was mysterious. gretchen started up and stood looking into the darkening shadows of the firs. suddenly the form came out of the clearing--it was mrs. woods. she waved her hand and beckoned to gretchen, and then drew back into the forest and disappeared. gretchen went toward the openings where mrs. woods had so suddenly and strangely appeared. but no one was there. she wondered what the secret of the mysterious episode could be. she returned to the lodge, but said nothing about what she had seen. she passed a sleepless night, and resolved to go to see her foster-mother on the following day. so, after school the next afternoon, she returned to her old home for a brief visit, and to gain an explanation of the strange event of the evening before. she found mrs. woods very sad, and evidently troubled by some ominous experience. "so you saw me?" was her first salutation. "i didn't dare to come any further. they did not see me--did they?" "but, mother, why did you go away--why did you come to the lodge?" "o gretchen, husband has been at home from the shingle-mill, and he has told me something dreadful!" "what, mother?" "there's a conspiracy!" "where?" "among the injuns. a friendly injun told husband in secret that there would be no more seen of the log school-house after the potlatch." "don't fear, mother; the chief and benjamin will protect that." "but that isn't all, gretchen. oh, i am so glad that you have come home! there are dark shadows around us everywhere. i can feel 'em--can't you? the atmosphere is all full of dark faces and evil thoughts. i can't bear to sleep alone here now. gretchen, there's a plot to capture the schoolmaster." "don't fear, mother. i know umatilla--he will never permit it." "but, gretchen, the injun told husband something awful." "what?" "that the schoolmaster would one day perish as dr. whitman did. dr. whitman was stricken down by the injun whom he regarded as his best friend, and he never knew who dealt the blow. he went out of life like one smitten by lightning. o gretchen!" "but, mother, i do not fear. the indians thought that dr. whitman was a conjurer. we make people true, the master says, by putting confidence in them. i believe in the old chief and in benjamin, and there will no evil ever come to the schoolmaster or the log school-house." "gretchen, are you sure? then i did not bring you away out here for nothing, did i? you may be the angel of deliverance of us all. who knows? but, gretchen, i haven't told you all yet." mrs. woods's face clouded again. "the injun told husband that some of the warriors had formed a plot against _me_, and that, if they were to capture me, they would torture me. gretchen, i am afraid. don't you pity me?" "mother, i know my power over the chief and benjamin, and i know the power of a chief's sense of honor. i do pity you, you are so distressed. but, mother, no evil will ever come to you where i am, nor the school where i am. i am going to be a teacher among these indians, if i live; i feel this calling, and my work will somehow begin here." "a teacher among the injuns! you? you a teacher? are anvils going to fly? here i am, a poor lone woman, away out here three thousand miles from home, and tremblin' all over, at every sound that i hear at night, for fear i shall be attacked by injuns, and you are dreamin', with your head all full of poetry, of goin' away and leavin' me, the best friend that you ever had on the earth, as good as a mother to you; of goin' away--of leavin' me, to teach a lot of savages! gretchen, i knew that the world was full of empty heads, but i never realized how empty the human heart is until now! been a mother to you, too!" "o mother, i never thought of leavin' you unless you wished it." "what did you think was goin' to become of me? i never kissed any child but you, and sometimes, when you are real good, i feel just as though i was your mother." "i thought that you would help me." "help you, what doin'?" "to teach the indians." "to teach the injuns--indians you call 'em! i'd like to teach one injun to bring back my saw! i never tried to teach but one injun--and he was _him_. you can't make an eagle run around a door-yard like a goose, and you can't teach an injun to saw wood--the first thing you know, the saw will be missin'.--but how i am runnin' on! i do have a good deal of prejudice against the savages; nevertheless--" "i knew, mother, that you would say 'nevertheless.' it seems to me that word is your good spirit. i wish you would tell me what thought came to your mind when you said that word." "'nevertheless?'" "yes." "well, the master--" "he said--" "yes--preach the gospel to every creature! i suppose that meant injuns and all." "yes--he said '_teach_'--so the schoolmaster explained it." "did he? well, i ought to obey it in spirit--hadn't i?--or at least not hinder others. i might help you teach it if i could get into the right spirit. but what put that thought into your head?" "mrs. spaulding, the missionary, has been to visit the school. she sang so beautifully! these were the words: "'in the desert let me labor, on the mountain let me tell.' "when she sung that, it all came to me--what i was--what i was sent into the world to do--what was the cause of your loving me and bringing me out here--i saw a plan in it all. then, too, it came to me that you would at first not see the calling as i do, but that you would say _nevertheless_, and help me, and that we would work together, and do some good in the world, you and i. oh! i saw it all." "gretchen, did you see all that? do you think that the spirit has eyes, and that they see true? but how could i begin? the injuns all hate me." "make them love you." "how?" "say _nevertheless_ to them." "well, gretchen, you are a good girl, and i am sorry for the hard things that i have said. i do not feel that i have shown just the right spirit toward benjamin. but he has said that he will not do me any harm, for the sake of his master, and i am willin' to give up my will for my master. it is those that give up their desires that have their desires in this world, and anybody who does an injury to another makes for himself a judgment-day of some sort. you may tell benjamin that i am real sorry for bein' hard to him, and that, if he will come over and see me, i'll give him a carved pipe that husband made. now, gretchen, you may go, and i'll sit down and think a spell. i'll be dreadful lonely when you're gone." gretchen kissed her foster-mother at the door, and said: "your new spirit, mother, will make us both so happy in the future! we'll work together. what the master teaches me, i'll teach you." "what--books?" "yes." "o gretchen, your heart is real good! but see here--my hair is gray. oh, i am sorry--what a woman i might have been!" gretchen lay down in the lodge that night beside the dusky wife of the old chief. the folds of the tent were open, and the cool winds came in from the columbia, under the dim light of the moon and stars. the _tepee_, or tent, was made of skins, and was adorned with picture-writing--indian poetry (if so it might be called). overhead were clusters of beautiful feathers and wings of birds. the old chief loved to tell her stories of these strange and beautiful wings. there were the wings of the condor, of the bald and the golden eagle, of the duck-hawk, pigeon-hawk, squirrel-hawk, of the sap-sucker, of the eider duck, and a zenaider-like dove. higher up were long wings of swans and albatrosses, heads of horned owls, and beaks of the laughing goose. through the still air, from some dusky shallow of the river came the metallic calls of the river birds, like the trumpeting swan. the girl lay waking, happy in recalling the spirit with which her foster-mother had accepted her plan of life. suddenly her sensitive spirit became aware of something unusual and strange at the opening of the tent. there was a soft, light step without, a guarded footfall. then a tall, dark shadow distinctly appeared, with a glitter of mother-of-pearl ornaments and a waving of plumes. it stood there like a ghost of a vivid fancy, for a time. gretchen's heart beat. it was not an unusual thing for an indian to come to the _tepee_ late in the evening; but there was something mysterious and ominous in the bearing and atmosphere of this shadowy visitor. the form stepped within the opening of the tent, and a voice whispered, "umatilla, awake!" the old chief raised himself on his elbow with an "ugh!" "come out under the moon." the old chief arose and went out, and the two shadowy forms disappeared among a column of spruces on the musical banks of the columbia. gretchen could not sleep. the two indians returned late, and, as they parted, gretchen heard umatilla's deep voice say, "no!" her fears or instincts told her that the interview had reference to plots which were associated with the great potlatch, now near at hand. she had heard the strange visitor say, "the moon is growing," and there was something shadowy in the very tone in which the words were spoken. mrs. woods sat down in her home of bark and splints all alone after gretchen's departure. "she offers to teach me," she said to herself. "i am so sorry that i was not able to teach her. i never read much, any way, until i came under the influence of the methody. i might have taught her spiritual things--any one can have spiritual knowledge, and that is the highest of all. but i have loved my own will, and to give vent to my temper and tongue. i will change it all. there are times when i am my better self. i will only talk and decide upon what is best in life at such times as these. that would make my better nature grow. when i am out of sorts i will be silent-like. heaven help me! it is hard to begin all these things when one's hair is turnin' gray, and i never knew any one's gray hair to turn young again." she sat in the twilight crying over herself, and at last sang the mournful minor measures of a very quaint old hymn with a peculiar old history: "from whence doth this union arise that hatred is conquered by love? it fastens our souls in such ties as distance and time can't remove." the october moon came up larger and larger night by night. it stood on the verge of the horizon now in the late afternoon, as if to see the resplendent setting of the sun. one wandered along the cool roads at the parting of day between the red sun in the west and the golden moon in the east, and felt in the light of the two worlds the melancholy change in the atmospheres of the year. the old volcanoes glistened, for a wintry crust was widening over their long-dead ovens. mount saint helens, as the far range which led up to the relic of the ancient lava-floods that is now known by that name was called by the settlers, was wonderfully beautiful in the twilights of the sun and moon. mount hood was a celestial glory, and the shadows of the year softened the glimmering glories of the columbia. the boatman's call echoed long and far, and the crack of the flint-lock gun leaped in its reverberations from hill to hill as though the air was a succession of hollow chambers. water-fowl filled the streams and drifted through the air, and the forests seemed filled with young and beautiful animals full of happy life. chapter xiv the potlatch. a potlatch among the tribes of the northwest means a feast at which some wealthy indian gives away to his own people or to a friendly tribe all that he has. for this generosity he becomes a councilor or wise man, or judge, an attendant on the chief in public affairs, and is held in especial honor during the rest of his life. to attain this honor of chief man or councilor, many an ambitious young indian labors for years to amass wampum, blankets, and canoes. the feast at which he exchanges these for political honors is very dramatic and picturesque. it is usually held at the time of the full moon, and lasts for several days and nights. one of the principal features is the _tamanous_, or spirit-dance, which takes place at night amid blazing torches and deafening drums. a chief rarely gives a potlatch; he has no need of honors. but umatilla desired to close his long and beneficent chieftainship with a gift-feast. he loved his people, and there seemed to him something noble in giving away all his private possessions to them, and trusting the care of his old age to their hearts. his chief men had done this, and had gained by it an influence which neither power nor riches can attain. this supreme influence over the hearts of his people he desired to possess. the gift-feast was held to be the noblest service that an indian could render his race. at the great potlatch he would not only give away his private goods, but would take leave of the chieftainship which he had held for half a century. it was his cherished desire to see benjamin made chief. his heart had gone into the young heart of the boy, and he longed to see the light of the eagle's plume, sitting in his place amid the councilors of the nation and so beginning a new history of the ancient people. [illustration: _at the cascades of the columbia_.] the full moon of october is a night sun in the empires of the columbia and the puget sea. no nights in the world can be more clear, lustrous, and splendid than those of the mellowing autumn in the valleys of mount saint helens, mount hood, and the columbia. the moon rises over the crystal peaks and domes like a living glory, and mounts the deep sky amid the pale stars like a royal torch-bearer of the sun. the columbia is a rolling flood of silver, and the gigantic trees of the centuries become a ghostly and shadowy splendor. there is a deep and reverent silence everywhere, save the cry of the water-fowl in the high air and the plash of the cascades. even the chinook winds cease to blow, and the pine-tops to murmur. it was such a night that the potlatch began. on an open plateau overlooking the columbia the old chief had caused a large platform to be built, and on this were piled all his canoes, his stores of blankets, his wampum, and his regal ornaments and implements of war. around the plateau were high heaps of pine-boughs to be lighted during the spirit-dance so as to roll a dark cloud of smoke under the bright light of the high moon, and cause a weird and dusky atmosphere. the sun set; the shadows of night began to fall, but the plateau was silent. not a human form was to be seen anywhere, not even on the river. stars came out like lamps set in celestial windows, and sprinkled their rays on the crimson curtains of the evening. the glaciers on mount hood began to kindle as with silver fires. the east seemed like a lifting gate of light. the great moon was rising. hark! at the first ray of the moon there are heard low, mysterious sounds everywhere. the forests are full of them--calls, like the coyote's bark, or bird-calls, or secret signals. they are human voices. they answer each other. there are thousands of voices calling and answering. the full moon now hangs low over the forests, golden as the morning sun in the mists of the calm sea. there is a piercing cry and a roll of war-drums, and suddenly the edges of the forest are full of leaping and dancing forms. the plateau is alive as with an army. pipes play, shells rattle, and drums roll, and the fantastic forms with grotesque motions pass and repass each other. up the columbia comes a fleet of canoes like a cloud passing over the silvery ripples. the river is all alive with human forms, and airy paddles and the prows of tilting boats. the plateau swarms. it is covered with waving blankets and dancing plumes. all is gayety and mirth. there is another roll of drums, and then silence. the circling blankets and plumes become motionless. the chief of the cascades is coming, and with him is benjamin and his young bride, and gretchen. the royal party mount the platform, and in honor of the event the torch-dance begins. a single torch flashes upon the air; another is lighted from it, another and another. a hundred are lighted--a thousand. they begin to dance and to whirl; the plateau is a dazzling scene of circling fire. gretchen recalled the old _fêtes_ amid the vineyards of the rhine in her childhood. hither and thither the circles move--round and round. there is poetry in this fire-motion; and the great army of fire-dancers become excited under it, and prepared for the frenzy of the spirit-dance that is to follow. the torches go out. the moon turns the smoke into wannish clouds of white and yellow, which slowly rise, break, and disappear. there is another roll of drums. wild cries are heard in the forests. the "biters" are beginning their hunt. who are the biters? they are indians in hides of bears and wolves, who run on their hands and feet, uttering terrible cries, and are followed by women, who, to make the scene more fearful, pretend to hold them back, and restrain them from violence. the spirit-dance is held to be a sacred frenzy, and before it begins the biters are charged to hunt the woods for any who have not joined the army of dancers, and, if such are found, to bite them and tear their flesh with their teeth. they also guard the dance like sentinels, and fly at one who attempts to leave it before it is done. the frenzied shrieks of these human animals, and of the women who follow them, produce a wonderful nervous effect upon the listening multitudes. all feel that they are about to enter into the ecstatic spiritual condition of departed souls, and are to be joined by the shades of the dead heroes and warriors of tradition and story. each dancer has a masque. it may be an owl's head with mother-of-pearl eyes, or a wooden pelican's beak, or a wolf's head. it may be a wooden animal's face, which can be pulled apart by a string, and reveal under it an effigy of a human face, the first masque changing into great ears. the museum at ottawa, canada, contains a great number of such masques, and some missionaries in the northwest make curious collections of them. the whirling begins. everywhere are whirling circles--round and round they go. the sight of it all would make a spectator dizzy. cries arise, each more and more fearful; the whole multitude are at last shrieking with dizzy heads and wildly beating pulses. the cries become deafening; an almost superhuman frenzy passes over all; they seem to be no longer mortal--the armies of the dead are believed to be about them; they think that they are reveling in the joys of the heroes' paradise. one by one they drop down, until the whole assembly is exhausted. at midnight the great fires are kindled, and throw their lights and shadows over the frenzied sleepers. such was the _tamanous_-dance, and so ended the first night of the feast. on the second night the old chief gave away his private possessions, and on the third the wedding ceremony was performed. the wild and inhuman death-dance, which the tribe demanded, was expected to end the festival at the going down of the shadowy moon. could it be prevented after the traditions of unknown centuries, and at a time when the historical pride of the warriors was awakened to celebrate the barbarous deeds of their ancestors? the wedding was simple. it consisted chiefly in gifts to the bride, multoona. the girl was fantastically dressed, with ornaments of shells and feathers, and she followed the young prince demurely. after the ceremony of the bridal gifts came the fire-fly dance, in which light-torches gleamed out in vanishing spirals here and there, and over all the plain. then followed the _tamanous_ or spirit dance, in which a peculiar kind of frenzy is excited, as has been described. the excitement was somewhat less than usual this night, on account of the great orgies which were expected to follow. the third and great night of the potlatch came. it was the night of the full october moon. the sun had no sooner gone down in the crimson cloud-seas among the mountains, than the moon, like another sun, broad and glorious, lifted its arch in the distant blue of the serene horizon. the indians gathered on the glimmering plain in the early shadows of evening, besmeared with yellow ochre and war-paint. every head was plumed. there was a savagery in their looks that had not been seen before. the wild dancers began their motions. the spirit or _tamanous_ dance awakened a frenzy, and all were now impatient for the dance of the evil spirits to begin. the moon hung low over the plateau and the river. the fires were kindled, and the smoke presently gave a clouded gold color to the air. the biters were out, running hither and thither after their manner, and filling the air with hideous cries. all was expectation, when the old chief of the cascades stepped upon the platform, and said: "listen, my children--listen, o sons of the warriors of old. twice four times sixty seasons, according to the notch-sticks, have the wings of wild geese cleaved the sky, and all these years i have lived in peace. my last moon has arisen--i have seen the smile of the great spirit, and i know that the last moon hangs over my head. "warriors, listen! you have always obeyed me. obey me once more. dance not the dance of the evil spirits to-night. let me die in peace. let not blood stain my last days. i want you to remember the days of umatilla as the days of corn and maize and the pipes of peace. i have given you all i have--my days are done. you will respect me." there were mutterings everywhere, suppressed cries of rage, and sharp words of chagrin and disappointment. the old chief saw the general dissatisfaction, and felt it like a crushing weight upon his soul. "i am going to light the pipe of peace," said he, "and smoke it now before you. as many of you as love umatilla, light the pipes of peace." not a light glimmered in the smoky air. there were words of hate and suppressed cries everywhere. a circle was forming, it widened, and it seemed as though the dreaded dance was about to begin in spite of the command of the old chief. suddenly a form in white stood beside umatilla. it was gretchen. a white arm was raised, and the martial strain of the "wild hunt of lutzow" marched out like invisible horsemen, and caused every indian to listen. then there were a few sharp, discordant strains, and then the _traumerei_ lifted its spirit-wings of music on the air. [music: tranmerei. by robert schumann, simplified by f. brandeis.] [music] [music] the murmurs ceased. the plain grew still. "romance" followed, and then the haunting strain of the _traumerei_ rose again. it ceased. lights began to glimmer here and there. peace-pipes were being lighted. "you have saved your people," said umatilla. "play it again." again and again the dream-music drifted out on the air. the plain was now filled with peace-pipes. when the last blended tones died away, the whole tribe were seated on the long plateau, and every old warrior was smoking a pipe of peace. gretchen saw that her spirit, through the violin, had calmed the sea. she was sure now that she had rightly read her mission in life. amid the scene of glimmering peace-pipes, a heavenly presence seemed near her. she had broken the traditions of centuries by the sympathetic thrill of four simple strings. she felt that von weber was there in spirit, and schumann. she felt that her father's soul was near her; but, more than all, she felt that she was doing the work of the great commission. she bowed her head on the instrument, thought of poor, terrorized mrs. woods in her lonely home, and wept. a seen and unseen world had come to her--real life. she saw her power; the gates of that mysterious kingdom, in which the reborn soul is a new creation, had been opened to her. her spirit seemed to rise as on new-created wings, and the world to sink beneath her. she had spiritual sight, ears, and senses--a new consciousness of divine happiness. her purpose became strong to live for the soul alone, and she sung, over and over again, amid the silence of the peace-pipes and the rising of those puffs of smoke in the silver illumination of the high moon-- "in the deserts let me labor, on the mountains let me tell." chapter xv. the traumerei again. an hour passed in this mysterious and strange tranquillity--the noon hour of night. the warriors seemed contented and satisfied. many of them were old; some of them remembered the coming of the first ships to the columbia, and a few of them the long visit of vancouver. they knew the wisdom of umatilla, and seemed proud that his will had been so readily obeyed. but not so with the biters. they were young, and they had plotted on this night to begin hostilities against the settlers. their plan had been to burn the log school-house and the house of the woodses, and to make a captive of mrs. woods, whose hostile spirit they wished to break and punish. soon after the quiet scene at midnight they began to be restless. their cries arose here and there about the margin of the plateau and along the river. the old chief knew their feelings, and saw the stormy ripples here and there. he arose slowly, and called: "my people, draw near." the tribe gathered about the platform. the young braves knew what the old chief was about to say, and their cries of discontent grew loud and multiplied. "the log school-house!" shrieked one, in a voice of rage. "_pil-pil!_" cried another. "_pil-pil!_" echoed many voices. a tumult followed, and gretchen started up from her reverie, and heard among the restless murmurs the name of mrs. woods. she felt a nervous terror for a moment, but her spiritual sense and faith, which had come to her like a new-born life, returned to her. she arose on the platform and took her violin, and looked down upon the sea of dusky faces in the smoky moonlight. she drew her bow. the music quivered. there was a lull in the excited voices. she played low, and there followed a silence. the old chief came heavily up on the platform with a troubled face and stood beside her. "play the beautiful air." she played the _traumerei_ again. the chief arose, as the last strain died away, and said: "my people, listen." the plateau was silent. the columbia could be heard flowing. the trees seemed listening. benjamin came upon the platform, reeling, and seemed about to speak to his father, but the old chief did not heed. "my people, listen," repeated the chief. a wild shriek of pain rent the air, and benjamin dropped at the feet of his father. it was his voice that uttered the cry of agony and despair as he fell. what had happened? the boy lay on the platform as one dead. the old chief bent over him and laid his hand on his face. he started back as he did so, for the face was cold. but the boy's eyes pitifully followed every movement of his father. gretchen sunk down beside the body, and drew her hand across his forehead and asked for water. benjamin knew her. soon his voice came again. he looked wistfully toward gretchen and said: "i shall never go to find the black eagle's nest again. it is the plague. my poor father!--my poor father!" "send for the medicine-man," said the chief. "quick!" hopping-bear, the old medicine-man, came, a dreadful figure in eagle's plumes and bear-skins. to affect the imagination of the people when he was going to visit the sick, he had been accustomed to walk upon his two hands and one foot, with the other foot moving up and down in the air. he believed that sickness was caused by obsession, or the influence of some evil spirit, and he endeavored, by howlings, jumpings, and rattling of snake-skins, to drive this imaginary spirit away. but he did not begin his incantations here; he looked upon benjamin with staring eyes, and cried out: "it is the plague!" the old chief of the cascades lifted his helpless face to the sky. "the stars are gone out!" he said. "i care for nothing more." the boy at times was convulsed, then lay for a time unconscious after the convulsions, then consciousness would return. in one of these moments of consciousness he asked of gretchen: "where is boston tilicum?" "he is not here--he does not know that you are sick." "run for him; tell him i can't go to the missouri with him. i can't find the black eagle's nest. run!" his mind was dreaming and wandering. gretchen sent a runner to bring the schoolmaster to the dreadful scene. a convulsion passed over the boy, but he revived again. "have faith in heaven," said gretchen. "there is one above that will save you." "one above that will save me! are you sure?" "yes," said gretchen. she added: "mother is sorry for what she said to you." "i am sorry," said the boy, pathetically. he was lost again in spasms of pain. when he revived, marlowe mann had come. the boy lifted his eyes to his beloved teacher vacantly; then the light of intelligence came back to them, and he knew him. "i can't go," he said. "we shall never go to the lakes of the honks together. boston tilicum, i am going to die; i am going away like my brothers--where?" it was near the gray light of the morning, and a flock of wild geese were heard trumpeting in the air. the boy heard the sound, and started. "boston tilicum!" "what can i do for you?" "boston tilicum, listen. do you hear? what taught the honks where to go?" "the great father of all." "he leads them?" "yes." "he will lead me?" "yes." "and teach me when i am gone away. i can trust him. but my father--my father! boston tilicum, he loves me, and he is old." flock after flock of wild geese flew overhead in the dim light. the boy lay and listened. he seemed to have learned a lesson of faith from the instincts of these migratory birds. he once turned to the master and said, almost in gretchen's words: "there is one above that will save me." as the morning drew nearer, the air seemed filled with a long procession of canadian geese going toward the sea. the air rang with their calls. the poor boy seemed to think that somehow they were calling to him. there was silence at last in the air, and he turned toward gretchen his strangely quiet face, and said, "play." gretchen raised her bow. as she did so a sharp spasm came over him. he lifted his hand and tried to feel of one of the feathers from the black eagle's nest. he was evidently wandering to the falls of the missouri. his hand fell. he passed into a stertorous sleep, and lay there, watched by the old chief and the silent tribe. just as the light of early morn was flaming through the tall, cool, dewy trees, the breathing became labored, and ceased. there he lay in the rising sun, silent and dead, with the helpless chief standing statue-like above him, and the tribe, motionless as a picture, circled around him, and with gretchen at his feet. "make way!" said the old chief, in a deep voice. he stepped down from the platform, and walked in a kingly manner, yet with tottering steps, toward the forest. gretchen followed him. he heard her step, but did not look around. "white girl, go back," he said; "i want to be alone." he entered the forest slowly and disappeared. just at night he was seen coming out of the forest again. he spoke to but a single warrior, and only said: "bury him as the white men bury; open the blanket of the earth; and command the tribe to be there--to-morrow at sundown. take them all away--i will watch. where is the white girl?" "she has gone home," said the indian. "then i will watch alone. take them all away--i want to be alone. it is the last night of the chief of the umatillas. it is the last watch of the stars. my blood is cold, my heart beats slow--it will not be long!" the chief sat all night by the body. in the morning he went to his lodge, and the tribe made the preparations for the funeral, and opened a grave in the earth. chapter xvi. a silent tribe. it was sunset on the bluffs and valleys of the columbia. through the tall, dark pines and firs the red west glowed like the lights in an oriel or mullioned window. the air was voiceless. the columbia rolled silently in the shadows with a shimmering of crimson on its deep middle tides. the long, brown boats of the salmon-fishers sat motionless on the tide. among the craft of the fishermen glided a long, airy canoe, with swift paddles. it contained an old umatilla indian, his daughter, and a young warrior. the party were going to the young chief's funeral. [illustration: _multnomah falls._] as the canoe glided on amid the still fishermen of other tribes, the indian maiden began to sing. it was a strange song, of immortality, and of spiritual horizons beyond the visible life. the umatillas have poetic minds. to them white tacoma with her gushing streams means a mother's breast, and the streams themselves, like the falls of the distant shoshone, were "falling splendors." she sang in chinook, and the burden of her song was that horizons will lift forever in the unknown future. the chinook word _tamala_ means "to-morrow"; and to-morrow, to the indian mind, was eternal life. the young warrior joined in the refrain, and the old indian listened. the thought of the song was something as follows: "aha! it is ever to-morrow, to-morrow-- tamala, tamala, sing as we row; lift thine eye to the mount; to the wave give thy sorrow; the river is bright, and the rivulets flow; tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "happy boat, it is ever to-morrow, to-morrow-- tamala, whisper the waves as they flow; the crags of the sunset the smiles of light borrow, and soft from the ocean the chinook winds blow: tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "aha! the night comes, but the light is to-morrow-- tamala, tamala, sing as we go; the waves ripple past, like the heart-beats of sorrow, and the oar beats the wave to our song as we row: tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go-- tamala! tamala! "for ever and ever horizons are lifting-- tamala, tamala, sing as we row; and life toward the stars of the ocean is drifting, through death will the morrow all endlessly glow-- tamala, tamala, ever and ever; the morrows will come and the morrows will go, tamala! tamala!" the paddle dipped in the wave at the word _tamala_, and lifted high to mark the measure of the song, and strew in the warm, soft air the watery jewels colored by the far fires of the sound. so the boat swept on, like a spirit bark, and the beautiful word of immortality was echoed from the darkening bluffs and the primitive pine cathedrals. the place where the grave had been made was on the borders of the oregon desert, a wild, open region, walled with tremendous forests, and spreading out in the red sunset like a sea. it had a scanty vegetation, but a slight rain would sometimes change it into a billowy plain of flowers. the tribe had begun to assemble about the grave early in the long afternoon. they came one by one, solitary and silent, wrapped in blankets and ornamented with gray plumes. the warriors came in the same solitary way and met in silence, and stood in a long row like an army of shadows. squaws came, leading children by the hand, and seated themselves on the soft earth in the same stoical silence that had marked the bearing of the braves. a circle of lofty firs, some three hundred feet high, threw a slanting shadow over the open grave, the tops gleaming with sunset fire. afar, mount hood, the dead volcano, lifted its roof of glaciers twelve thousand feet high. silver ice and black carbon it was now, although in the long ages gone it had had a history written in flame and smoke and thunder. tradition says that it sometimes, even now, rumbles and flashes forth in the darkness of night, then sinks into rest again, under its lonely ice palaces so splendid in the sunset, so weird under the moon. just as the red disk of the sun sunk down behind this stupendous scenery, a low, guttural sound was uttered by potlatch hero, an old indian brave, and it passed along the line of the shadowy braves. no one moved, but all eyes were turned toward the lodge of the old umatilla chief. he was coming--slowly, with measured step; naked, except the decent covering of a blanket and a heroic ornament of eagle-plumes, and all alone. the whole tribe had now gathered, and a thousand dusky forms awaited him in the sunset. there was another guttural sound. another remarkable life-picture came into view. it was the school in a silent procession, following the tall masks, out of the forest trail on to the glimmering plain, the advent of that new civilization before which the forest lords, once the poetic bands of the old umatillas, were to disappear. over all a solitary eagle beat the luminous air, and flocks of wild geese made their way, like v-letters, toward the puget sea. the school soon joined the dusky company, and the pupils stood with uncovered heads around their yankee pedagogue. but the old chief came slowly. after each few steps he would stop, fold his arms, and seem lost in contemplation. these pauses were longer as he drew near the silent company. except the honks of the pilots of the flocks of wild geese, there was a dead silence everywhere. only eyes moved, and then furtively, toward the advancing chief. [illustration: _the old chief stood stoical and silent._] he reached the grave at last by these slow movements, and stepped upon the earth that had been thrown out of it, and folded his arms in view of all. a golden star, like a lamp in the windows of heaven, hung over mount hood in the fading splendors of the twilight, and the great chief bent his eye upon it. suddenly the air was rent by a wail, and a rattle of shells and drums. the body of benjamin was being brought out of the lodge. it was borne on a bier made of poles, and covered with boughs of pine and fir and red mountain phlox. it was wrapped in a blanket, and strewn with odorous ferns. four young braves bore it, besmeared with war-paint. they were followed by musicians, who beat their drums, and rattled shell instruments at irregular times, as they advanced. they came to the grave, lifted the body on its blanket from the bier of evergreens and flowers, and slowly lowered it. the old chief stood stoical and silent, his eye fixed on the star in the darkening shadows. the face of benjamin was noble and beautiful in its death-sleep. over it were two black eagle's plumes. the deep black hair lay loosely about the high, bronze forehead; there was an expression of benevolence in the compressed lips, and the helpless hands seemed like a picture as they lay crossed on each other. as soon as the body was laid in the earth, the old chief bent his face on the people. the mysterious dimness of death was in his features. his eyes gleamed, and his bronze lips were turning pale. "my nation, listen; 'tis my last voice. i am a umatilla. in my youth the birds in the free lakes of the air were not more free. i spoke, and you obeyed. i have but one more command to give. will you obey me? "you bow, and i am glad. "listen! "my fathers were men of war. they rolled the battle-drums. i taught my warriors to play the pipes of peace, and sixty years have they played them under the great moons of the maize-fields. we were happy. i was happy. "i had seven sons. the white man's plague came; the shadow fell on six of them, and they went away with the storm-birds. they entered the new canoe, and sailed beyond us on the sea of life. they came back no more at the sunrisings and sun settings, at the leaf-gatherings of the spring, or the leaf-fallings of the autumn. they are beyond. "one son was left me--benjamin. he was no common youth; the high spirits were with him, and he came to be like them, and he has gone to them now. i loved him. he was my eyes; he was my ears; he was my heart. when i saw his eyes in death, my eyes were dead; when he could hear me call his name no longer, my ears lost their hearing; when his young heart ceased to beat, my own heart was dead. all that i am lies in that grave, beside my dead boy. "my nation, you have always obeyed me. i have but one more command to make. will you obey me? "you bow again. my life-blood is growing cold. i am about to go down into that grave. "one step! the clouds fly and darken, and you will see them return again, but not i. "two steps! farewell, sun and light of day. i shall see thee again, but not as now. "three steps! downward to the grave i descend to meet thee, my own dear boy. adieu, my people. adieu, hearts of faith. farewell, ye birds of the air, ye mighty forests, ye sun of night, and ye marches of stars. i am dying. "two steps more i will take. there he lies before me in the unfolded earth, the life of my life, the heart of my heart. "you have promised to obey me. i repeat it--you have promised to obey me. you have always done so. you must do so now. my hands are cold, my feet are cold, and my heart beats very slow. three steps more, and i shall lay myself on the body of my boy. hear, then, my last command; you have promised to obey it like brave men. "when i have taken my last three steps of life, and laid down beside the uncovered bed of earth beside my boy, fill up the grave forever; my breath will be gone; umatilla will be no more. you must obey. "one step--look! there is fire on the mountain under the curtains of the night. look, the peak flashes; it is on fire.--o spirit of all, i come! one step more! farewell, earth. warriors, fill the grave! the black eagle's plumes will now rest forever." there was deep silence, broken only by the sobs of the little school. a warrior moved and passed round the grave, and uttered the word "dead!" the braves followed him, and the whole tribe like shadows. "dead!" "dead!" passed from mouth to mouth. then a warrior threw a handful of earth into the grave of the father and son. the braves followed his example, then all the tribe. as they were so doing, like phantoms in the dim light, mount saint helens[d] blazed again--one volcanic flash, then another; then all was darkness, and the moon arose in a broad sea of light like a spectral sun. the grave was filled at last. then they brought the cayuse pony of benjamin toward the grave, and a young brave raised the hatchet to kill it, that it might bear the dead boy into the unknown land. there was a cry! it came from gretchen. the girl rushed forward and stood before the hatchet. the pony seemed to know her, and he put his head over her shoulder. "spare him!" she said. "benjamin gave him to me--the soul of benjamin would wish it so." "let the girl have her way," said the old warriors. the moon now moved free in the dark-blue sky, and sky, forest, and plain were a silver sea. the indians began to move away like shadows, one by one, silent and slow. gretchen was the last to go. she followed the school, leading the pony, her soul filled with that consciousness of a new life that had so wonderfully come to her. her way in life now seemed clear: she must teach the umatillas. she left the pony in a grassy clearing, on the trail that led to her home, and hurried toward the cabin to describe all the events of the day to her foster-mother. footnotes: [footnote d: see notes.] chapter xvii. a desolate home and a desolate people. as gretchen was hurrying home on the evening after these exciting scenes, she met mrs. woods in the trail, and she saw at a glance that her foster-mother was in great distress. "o gretchen," she said, "i am so glad that you have come--you are all that is left to me now! i am all alone in the world! have you heard it, gretchen?" "what, mother?" "husband is drowned!" mrs. woods seized the arm of the girl, and the two helpless women hurried toward their rude home, each to relate to the other a scene of distress, and each to wonder what the wide future had in store for them. they held each other by the hand, and talked in the open door of the cabin. then they went in and ate a simple meal of milk and berries, and lay down and slept the sleep of sorrow. at the early light they awoke. almost the first words that gretchen spoke were: "let us face life and be fearless. i have faith. my father had faith, and my mother lived by faith. it was faith that led them across the sea. their faith seemed to be unfulfilled, but it will be fulfilled in me. i feel it. mother, let trouble pass. we belong to the family of god." "you are a comfort to me, gretchen. i can not see my way--it is covered." "but you can trust your guide, mother, and the end of trust _is_ peace." "what are we to do, gretchen?" "i will go to walla walla and seek the advice of mrs. spaulding." "gretchen, don't you think that the schoolmaster is a good man?" "yes, i am sure that he is." "i am. let us go to him and follow his advice. we will go together." they agreed to make the visit on the following day in the morning, before school. gretchen told her foster-mother the story of the indian pony. "where is he now?" asked mrs. woods. "i left him in the clearing. i will go and find him." "i will go with you," said mrs. woods. the two went out together. they came to the clearing--a place of waving grass, surrounded with gigantic trees, in whose tops were great nests of birds. the pony was not there. "he has gone to the next clearing," said gretchen. they passed through a strip of wood to another clearing. but the pony was not there. as they were returning, a little black animal crossed their path. mrs. woods said, "hold!" then called out in a kindly voice, "roll over." the little animal rolled head over heels in a very comical way, then ran quickly into the thick bushes. it was the last time that mrs. woods ever saw little roll over, and gretchen never saw the pony again. the latter probably found a herd of horses and wandered away with them. it was a time of such confusion and distress that the matter did not awaken the interest of the indians at that time. that evening they talked of plans for the future. "let us seek work in one of the missionary stations," said gretchen, "or let us find a home among the indians themselves. i want to become a teacher among them, and i know that they would treat you well." mrs. woods's views on these matters were changing, but something of her old distrust and prejudice remained despite her good resolutions. "foxes and geese were never made to hold conference meetings together. you can't make one man out of another if you try." "but, mother, your english ancestors once wandered about in sheep-skins, and worshiped the oaks; the whole english race, and the german race, were made what they are by teachers--teachers who gave themselves to a cause almost two thousand years ago." "yes, i suppose that is so. but, gretchen, i want your heart; i never thought that you would give it to the injuns. i ought not to be so ruled by my affections; but, if i do scold you, there is something in you that draws my heart toward you all the time. i believe in helping others; something good in the future always comes of it. if men would be good to each other, heaven would be good to the world. it is the things done here in this world that are out of order, and i never was on very good terms with myself even, not to say much of the world. but you have helped me, gretchen, and hymns have helped me. i want you to be charitable toward my feelins', gretchen, when i grow old, and i pray that you will always be true to me." "i shall always be true to you, whatever i may be called to do. i shall not leave you until you give your consent. one day you will wish me to do as i have planned--i feel it within me; something is leading me, and our hearts will soon be one in my plan of life." "it may be so, gretchen. i have had a hard time, goin' out to service when i was a girl. my only happy days were during the old methody preaching of jason lee. i thought i owned the heavens then. it was then i married, and i said to husband: 'here we must always be slaves, and life will be master of us; let us go west, and own a free farm, and be masters of life.' there is a great deal in being master of life. well, we have had a hard time, but husband has been good to me, and you have made me happy, if i have scolded. gretchen, some people kiss each other by scoldin'; i do--i scold to make the world better. i suppose everything is for the best, after all. there is no experience in life that does not teach us something, and there is a better world beyond that awaits all who desire a better life. our desires are better than ourselves--mine are. good desires are prayers, and i think that they will all be answered some day." she sat in silence, thinking of her lonely situation, of her ignorance and imperfection, of her often baffled struggles to do well in this world and to overcome her poor, weak self, and she burst into tears. "play," she said. "music is a kind of prayer." and gretchen touched the musical glasses. chapter xviii. the lifted cloud--the indians come to the schoolmaster. the next day witnessed a strange scene at the log school-house on the columbia. it was a red october morning. mrs. woods accompanied gretchen to the school, as she wished to have a talk with mr. mann. as the two came in sight of the house, mrs. woods caught gretchen by the arm and said: "what's _them_?" "where?" "sittin' in the school-yard." "they are indians." "injuns? what are they there for?" "i don't know, mother." "come for advice, like me, may be." "perhaps they are come to school. the old chief told them that i would teach them." "you?" "they have no father now." "no father?" "no chief." mrs. woods had been so overwhelmed with her own grief that she had given little thought to the death of benjamin and the chief of the cascades. the unhappy condition of the little tribe now came to her as in a picture; and, as she saw before her some fifty indians seated on the ground, her good heart came back to her, and she said, touched by a sense of her own widowhood, "gretchen, i pity 'em." mrs. woods was right. these indians had come to seek the advice of mr. mann in regard to their tribal affairs. gretchen also was right. they had come to ask mr. mann to teach their nation. it was an unexpected assembly that marlowe mann faced as he came down the clearing, but it revealed to him, at a glance, his future work in life. the first of the distressed people to meet him was mrs. woods. "o mr. mann, i am all alone in the world, and what am i goin' to do? there's nothin' but hard days' work left to me now, and--hymns. even father lee has gone, and i have no one to advise me. you will be a friend to me, won't you?" "yes," said mr. mann. "i need you, and the way is clear." "what do you mean?" "i have a letter from boston." "what is it, marlowe mann?" "the indian educational society have promised me a thousand dollars for my work another year. i must have a house. i would want you to take charge of it. _but_--your tongue?" "o master mann, i'll give up my tongue! i'll just work, and be still. if an injun will give up his revenge, an' it's his natur', ought not i to give up my tongue? when i can't help scoldin' i'll just sing hymns." mr. mann gazed into the faces of the indians. the warm sunlight fell upon them. there was a long silence, broken only by the scream of the eagles in the sky and the passing of flocks of wild geese. then one of the indians rose and said: "umatilla has gone to his fathers. "benjamin has gone to his fathers. we shall never see young eagle's plume again! "boston tilicum, be our chief. we have come to school." mr. mann turned to gretchen. her young face was lovely that morning with sympathy. he said in a low voice: "you see _our_ work in life. do you understand? will you accept it?" she understood his heart. "i will do whatever you say." * * * * * in a great indian reservation was established in what is known in oregon as the inland empire of the northwest. it contained about two hundred and seventy thousand acres, agricultural land and timber-land. the beautiful umatilla river flows through it. the agency now is near pendleton, oregon. thither the umatillas were removed. marlowe mann went there, and gretchen as his young wife, and in their home mrs. woods for many years could have been heard singing hymns. their home stood for the indian race, and the schoolmaster and his wife devoted themselves to the cause of indian education. through the silent influence of mr. mann's correspondence with the east, indian civilization was promoted, and the way prepared for the peaceful settlement of the great northwest. gretchen taught the indians as long as she lived. often at evening, when the day's work had been hard, she would take her violin, and a dream of music would float upon the air. she played but one tune at last as she grew serenely old. that tune recalled her early german home, the rhine, her good father and mother, and the scenes of the great indian potlatch on the columbia. it was the _traumerei_. her poetic imagination, which had been suppressed by her foster-mother in her girlhood, came back to her in her new home, and it was her delight to express in verse the inspirations of her life amid these new scenes, and to publish these poems in the papers of the east that most sympathized with the cause of indian education. the memory of benjamin and the old chief of the cascades never left her. it was a never-to-be-forgotten lesson of the nobility of all men whose souls have the birthright of heaven. often, when the wild geese were flying overhead in the evening, she would recall benjamin, and say, "he who guides led me here from the rhine, and schooled me for my work in the log school-house on the columbia." such is not an overdrawn picture of the early pioneers of the columbia and the great northwest. jason lee was censured for leaving his mission for the sake of oregon--for turning his face from the stars to the sun. whitman, when he appeared ragged at washington, was blamed for having left his post. the early pioneers of the great northwest civilization lie in neglected graves. we are now beginning to see the hand of providence, and to realize how great was the work that these people did for their own country and for the world. and marlowe mann--whose name stands for the christian schoolmaster--no one knows where he sleeps now; perhaps no one, surely but a few. he saw his college-mates rise to honor and fame. they offered him positions, but he knew his place in the world. when his hair was turning gray, there came to him an offer of an opportunity for wealth, from his remaining relatives. at the same time the agency offered him the use of a farm. he accepted the latter for his work's sake, and returned to his old friends a loving letter and an old poem, and with the latter we will leave this picture of old times on the oregon: "happy the man whose wish and care a few paternal acres bound; content to breathe his native air on his own ground. "whose herds with milk, whose fields with bread, whose flocks supply him with attire; whose trees in summer yield him shade, in winter, fire. "sound sleep by night, study and ease, together mixed sweet recreation; and innocence, which most doth please, with meditation. "blessed who can unconcernedly find hours, days, and years glide soft away, in health of body, peace of mind; quiet by day. "thus let me live unseen, unknown; thus unlamented let me die; steal from the world, and not a stone tell where i lie." historical notes. i. vancouver. the remarkable progress of the pacific port cities of seattle and tacoma make washington an especially bright, new star on the national flag. surrounded as these cities are with some of the grandest and most poetic scenery in the united states, with gigantic forests and rich farm-lands, with mountains of ores, with coal-mines, iron-mines, copper-mines, and mines of the more precious treasures; washed as they are by the water of noble harbors, and smiled upon by skies of almost continuous april weather--there must be a great future before the cities of puget sound. the state of washington is one of the youngest in the union, and yet she is not too young to celebrate soon the one-hundredth anniversary of several interesting events. it was on the th of december, , that captain george vancouver received his commission as commander of his majesty's sloop of war the discovery. three of his officers were peter puget, joseph baker, and joseph whidby, whose names now live in puget sound--mount baker, and whidby island. the great island of british columbia, and its energetic port city, received the name of vancouver himself, and vancouver named most of the places on puget sound in honor of his personal friends. he must have had a heart formed for friendship, thus to have immortalized those whom he esteemed and loved. it is the discovery and the naming of mountains, islands, and ports of the puget sound that suggest poetic and patriotic celebrations. the old journals of vancouver lie before us. in these we read: "from this direction, round by the north and northwest, the high, distant land formed, like detached islands, among which the lofty mountains discovered in the afternoon by the third lieutenant, and in compliment to him called by me mount baker, rose to a very conspicuous object." it was on monday, april , , that mount baker was thus discovered and named. in may, , vancouver states that he came to a "very safe" and "capatious" harbor, and that "to this port i gave the name of port townshend, in honor of the noble marquis of that name." again, on thursday, may , , vancouver discovered another excellent port, and says: "this harbor, after the gentleman who discovered it, obtained the name of port orchard." in may, , he makes the following very important historical note: "thus by our joint efforts we had completely explored every turning of this extensive inlet; and, to commemorate mr. puget's exertions, the fourth extremity of it i named puget sound." a very interesting officer seems to have been this lieutenant, peter puget, whose soundings gave the name to the american mediterranean. once, after the firing of muskets to overawe hostile indians, who merely pouted out their lips, and uttered, "poo hoo! poo hoo!" he ordered the discharge of a heavy gun, and was amused to note the silence that followed. it was in april and may, , that puget explored the violet waters of the great inland sea, a work which he seems to have done with the enthusiasm of a romancer as well as of a naval officer. mount hood was named for lord hood, and mount saint helens was named in , in the month of october, "in honor of his britannic majesty's ambassador at the court of madrid." but one of the most interesting of all of vancouver's notes is the following: "the weather was serene and pleasant, and the country continued to exhibit the same luxuriant appearance. at its northern extremity mount baker bore compass; the round, snowy mountain, now forming its southern extremity, after my friend rear-admiral ranier, i distinguished by the name of mount ranier, may, ." this mountain is now mount tacoma. the spring of ought to be historically very interesting to the state of washington, and it is likely to be so. ii. the oregon trail. "there is the east. there lies the road to india." such was senator thomas h. benton's view of the coast and harbors of oregon. he saw the advantage of securing to the united states the columbia river and its great basin, and the puget sea; and he made himself the champion of oregon and washington. in thomas jefferson's administration far-seeing people began to talk of a road across the continent, and a port on the pacific. the st. louis fur-traders had been making a way to the rockies for years, and in john jacob astor sent a ship around cape horn, to establish a post for the fur-trade on the pacific coast, and also sent an expedition of some sixty persons from st. louis, overland, by the way of the missouri and yellowstone, to the columbia river. the pioneer ship was called the tonquin. she arrived at the mouth of the columbia before the overland expedition. these traders came together at last, and founded astoria, on the columbia. ships now began to sail for astoria, and the trading-post flourished in the beautiful climate and amid the majestic scenery. but the english claimed the country. in june, , war broke out with england, and astoria became threatened with capture by the english. it was decided by astor's agent to abandon the post; but astoria had taught the united states the value of oregon. the oregon trail from st. louis, by the way of the great rivers, the missouri, the yellowstone, and the columbia, followed the fall of astoria, and began the highway of emigration to the pacific coast and to asia. over it the trapper and the missionary began to go. the methodist missionaries, under the leadership of revs. jason and daniel lee, were among the first in the field, and laid the foundations of the early cities of oregon. one of their stations was at the dalles of the columbia. in the great missionary, marcus whitman, of the congregationalist board, established the mission at walla walla. yet up to the year , just fifty years ago, only about one hundred and fifty americans, in all, had permanently settled in oregon and washington. senator benton desired the survey of a route to oregon, to aid emigration to the columbia basin. he engaged for this service a young, handsome, gallant, and chivalrous officer, lieutenant john c. fremont, who, with nicollet, a french naturalist, had been surveying the upper mississippi, and opening emigration to minnesota. fremont espoused not only the cause of oregon, but also senator benton's young daughter jessie, who later rendered great personal services to her husband's expedition in the northwest. kit carson was the guide of this famous expedition. the south pass was explored, and the flag planted on what is now known as fremont's peak, and the country was found to be not the great american desert of the maps, but a land of wonderful beauty and fertility. in fremont made a second expedition; this time from the south pass to the columbia country. after he was well on his way, the war department recalled him; but mrs. fremont suppressed the order, in the interest of the expedition, until it was too late to reach him. fremont went by the way of salt lake, struck the oregon trail, and finally came to the mission that dr. whitman had founded among the nez-percés (pierced noses) at walla walla. this mission then consisted of a single adobe house. the british claimants of the territory, finding that american immigration was increasing, began to bring settlers from the red river of the north. a struggle now began to determine which country should possess this vast and most important territory. when dr. whitman learned of the new efforts of the english to settle the country, and the danger of losing oregon by treaties pending at washington, he started for st. louis, by the way of santa fé. this ride, often called "whitman's ride for oregon," is one of the poetical events of american history. he went to washington, was treated cavalierly by the state department, but secured a delay of the treaties, which proved the means of saving oregon and washington to the united states. so his missionary efforts gave to our country an empire that seems destined to become ultimate america, and a power in the asian world. iii. governor stevens. in the long line of brave american soldiers, general isaac ingalls stevens deserves a noble rank in the march of history. he was born at andover, mass., and was educated at west point, where he was graduated from the military academy in with the highest honors. he was on the military staff of general scott in mexico, and held other honorable positions in the government service in his early life. but the great period of his life was his survey of the northern route to the pacific, since largely followed by the northern pacific railroad, and his development of washington territory as a pioneer governor. he saw the road to china by the way of the puget sea, and realized that washington stood for the east of the eastern continent and the western. he seems to have felt that here the flag would achieve her greatest destiny, and he entered upon his work like a knight who faced the future and not the past. his survey of the northern pacific route led the march of steam to the puget sea, and the great steamers have carried it forward to japan, china, and india. his first message to the legislature at olympia ( ) was a map of the future and a prophecy. it was a call for roads, schools, a university, and immigration. the seal of washington was made to bear the indian word _alké_--"by and by"--or "in the future." it also was a prophecy. he created the counties of sawanish, whatcom, clallam, chehalis, cowlitz, wahkiakum, skamania, and walla walla. olympia was fixed upon as the seat of government, and measures were taken by the government for the regulation of the indian tribes. stevens was the military leader of the indian war. he reduced the tribes to submission, and secured a permanent peace. he was elected to congress as a territorial delegate in , and sought at washington as earnestly as on the puget sea the interests of the rising state. he was a man of great intellect, of a forceful and magnetic presence--a man born to lead in great emergencies. he carried new england ideas and traditions to the pacific, and established them there for all time to come, creating there a greater new england which should gather to its harbors the commerce of the world. governor stevens was a conservative in politics, but when the news of the fall of sumter thrilled the country, he said to the people of olympia, "i conceive it my duty to stop disunion." he went to washington and entered the union service. he fell like a hero at chantilly, and under the flag which he had taken from his color-bearer, who had received a mortal wound. his was a splendid career that the nation should honor. we recently saw his sword and historic pictures at the home of his widow and son at dorchester, mass., and were impressed with these relics of a spirit that had done so much for the progress of the country and mankind. the state of washington is his monument, and progressive thought his eulogy. his great mind and energy brought order out of chaos, and set the flag in whose folds he died forever under the gleaming dome of the colossus of american mountains and over the celestial blue of the pacific harbors of the puget sea. iv. seattle the chief. seattle was a dwamish chief, and a true friend of the white race, whom he seemed to follow on account of their superior intelligence. he gave the name to an early settlement, which is now a great city, and which seems destined to become one of the important port cities of the world; for when in , some forty years ago, the pioneers of alké point left the town which they had laid out and called new york, and removed to the other side of the bay, they named the place seattle, from the friendly chief, instead of new york. alké means _by and by_ and seattle is likely to become the new york of the pacific, and one of the great ports for asiatic trade. with the immense agricultural and mineral resources with which it is surrounded, with its inexhaustible stores of timber, its sublime scenery and delightful climate, with its direct and natural water-road to japan and china, and its opportunity of manufacturing for the asiatic market the kind of goods that england has to carry to the same markets over an adventurous course of three times the distance, with the great demand for grain among the rice-eating countries of the east--the mind can not map the possibilities of this port city for the next hundred years or more. the prophecy of its enterprising citizens, that it will one day be one of the great cities in the world, is not unlikely to be realized; and it is interesting to ask what was the history of the chief who gave the name to this new troy of the puget sea. he was at this time somewhat advanced in life, a portly man, of benevolent face, recalling the picture of senator benton, of missouri, whom he was said to resemble. he was the chief of the dwamishes, a small tribe inhabiting the territory around what is now elliott bay. he became a friend of dr. maynard, one of the pioneers of the new town, and of general stevens, the great territorial governor. he was well known to foster, denny, bell, and borden, who took claims where the city now stands. his last years were passed at port madison, where he died in , at a great age. governor stevens confirmed his sachemship, and seattle became the protector and the good genius of the town. a curious legend, which seems to be well founded, is related of a tax which seattle levied upon the new town, for the sake of the trouble that the name would give him in the spiritual world. when a dwamish indian lost a near relative of the same name by death, he changed his own name, because the name might attract the ghost of the deceased, and so cause him to be haunted. the tribe believed that departed spirits loved their old habitations, and the associations of their names and deeds, and so they changed their names and places on the death of relatives, that they might not be disturbed by ghostly apparitions. "why do you ask for a tax?" asked a pioneer of seattle. "the name of the town will call me back after i am dead, and make me unhappy. i want my pay for what i shall suffer then, now." i hope that the rapid growth of the great city of the north does not disquiet the gentle and benevolent soul of seattle. the city should raise a monument to him, that he may see that he is kindly remembered when he comes back to visit the associations of his name and life. or, better for his shade, the city should kindly care for his daughter, poor old angeline seattle, who at the time of this writing ( ) is a beggar in the streets of uplifting commercial palaces and lovely homes! we visited her in her hut outside of the city some months ago, to ask her if she saved seattle in , by giving information to the pioneers that the woods around it were full of lurking indians, bent on a plot to destroy it; for there is a legend that on that shadowy december night, when seattle was in peril, and the council of indian warriors met and resolved to destroy the town before morning, jim, a friendly indian, was present at the conference as a spy. he found means to warn the pioneers of their immediate danger. the ship of war decatur, under captain gansevoort, lay in the harbor. jim, who had acted in the indian council, secretly, in the interest of the town, had advised the chiefs to defer the attack until early in the morning, when the officers of the decatur would be off their guard. [illustration: _middle block-house at the cascades._] night fell on the puget sea. the people went into the block-house to sleep, and the men of the decatur guarded the town, taking their stations on shore. as the night deepened, a thousand hostile indians crept up to the place and awaited the morning, when the guard should go on board the ship for breakfast, and the people should come out of the block-house and go to their houses, and "set the gun behind the door." it was on this night, according to the legend, that "old angeline," as she is now called, became the messenger that saved the inhabitants from destruction. the legend has been doubted; and when we asked the short, flat-faced old woman, as she answered our knock, if she was the daughter of the chief who saved seattle, she simply said, "chief," grinned, and made a bow. she was ready to accept the traditional honors of the wild legend worthy of the pen of a cooper. on returning from our visit to old angeline, we asked hon. henry yesler, the now rich pioneer, why the princess was not better cared for by the people of the city. he himself had been generous to her. "why," he said, "if you were to give her fifty dollars, she would give it all away before night!" benevolent old angeline! she ought to live in a palace instead of a hovel! mr. yesler doubted the local legend, but i still wished to believe it to be true. v. the story of "whitman's ride for oregon" has been told in verse by the writer of this volume, as follows: whitman's ride for oregon. i. "an empire to be lost or won!" and who four thousand miles will ride and climb to heaven the great divide, and find the way to washington, through mountain cañons, winter snows, o'er streams where free the north wind blows? who, who will ride from walla-walla, four thousand miles, for oregon? ii. "an empire to be lost or won? in youth to man i gave my all, and naught is yonder mountain wall; if but the will of heaven be done, it is not mine to live or die, or count the mountains low or high, or count the miles from walla-walla. i, i will ride for oregon!" 'twas thus that whitman made reply. iii. "an empire to be lost or won? bring me my cayuse pony, then, and i will thread old ways again, beneath the gray skies' crystal sun. 'twas on those altars of the air i raised the flag, and saw below the measureless columbia flow; the bible oped, and bowed in prayer, and gave myself to god anew, and felt my spirit newly born; and to my mission i'll be true, and from the vale of walla-walla i'll ride again for oregon. iv. "i'm not my own; myself i've given, to bear to savage hordes the word; if on the altars of the heaven i'm called to die, it is the lord. the herald may not wait or choose, 'tis his the summons to obey; to do his best, or gain or lose, to seek the guide and not the way. he must not miss the cross, and i have ceased to think of life or death; my ark i've builded--heaven is nigh, and earth is but a morning's breath! go, then, my cayuse pony bring; the hopes that seek myself are gone, and from the vale of walla-walla i'll ride again for oregon." v. he disappeared, as not his own, he heard the warning ice winds sigh; the smoky sun-flames o'er him shone, on whitened altars of the sky, as up the mountain-sides he rose; the wandering eagle round him wheeled, the partridge fled, the gentle roes, and oft his cayuse pony reeled upon some dizzy crag, and gazed down cloudy chasms, falling storms, while higher yet the peaks upraised against the winds their giant forms. on, on and on, past idaho, on past the mighty saline sea, his covering at night the snow, his only sentinel a tree. on, past portneuf's basaltic heights, on where the san juan mountains lay, through sunless days and starless nights, toward taos and far sante fé. o'er table-lands of sleet and hail, through pine-roofed gorges, cañons cold, now fording streams incased in mail of ice, like alpine knights of old, still on, and on, forgetful on, till far behind lay walla-walla, and far the fields of oregon. vi. the winter deepened, sharper grew the hail and sleet, the frost and snow; not e'en the eagle o'er him new, and scarce the partridge's wing below. the land became a long white sea, and then a deep with scarce a coast; the stars refused their light, till he was in the wildering mazes lost. he droppèd rein, his stiffened hand was like a statue's hand of clay! "my trusty beast, 'tis the command; go on, i leave to thee the way. i must go on, i must go on, whatever lot may fall to me, on, 'tis for others' sake i ride-- for others i may never see, and dare thy clouds, o great divide, not for myself, o walla-walla, not for myself, o washington, but for thy future, oregon." vii. and on and on the dumb beast pressed uncertain, and without a guide, and found the mountain's curves of rest and sheltered ways of the divide. his feet grew firm, he found the way with storm-beat limbs and frozen breath, as keen his instincts to obey as was his master's eye of faith-- still on and on, still on and on, and far and far grew walla-walla, and far the fields of oregon. viii. that spring, a man with frozen feet came to the marble halls of state, and told his mission but to meet the chill of scorn, the scoff of hate. "is oregon worth saving?" asked the treaty-makers from the coast; and him the church with questions tasked, and said, "why did you leave your post?" was it for this that he had braved the warring storms of mount and sky? yes!--yet that empire he had saved, and to his post went back to die-- went back to die for others' sake, went back to die from washington, went back to die for walla-walla, for idaho and oregon. ix. at fair walla-walla one may see the city of the western north, and near it graves unmarked there be that cover souls of royal worth; the flag waves o'er them in the sky beneath whose stars are cities born, and round them mountain-castled lie the hundred states of oregon. vi. mount saint helens. we refer to the snowy range to the west, which terminates in the great dome that now bears that name. there was once a great lava-flood in the northwest, and mount hood, mount adams, mount saint helens, and mount tacoma (rainier) are but great ash-heaps that were left by the stupendous event. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) the bridge of the gods [illustration: "_what think you now, tohomish?_"] the bridge of the gods a romance of indian oregon by f. h. balch with eight full-page illustrations by l. maynard dixon nineteenth edition chicago . a. c. mcclurg & co. nineteen hundred & fifteen copyright a. c. mcclurg & co. and w. f. hall printing company, chicago publishers' note encouraged by the steady demand for mr. balch's "the bridge of the gods," since its publication twelve years ago, the publishers have decided to issue a new edition beautified with drawings from the pencil of mr. l. maynard dixon. this tale of the indians of the far west has fairly earned its lasting popularity, not only by the intense interest of the story, but by its faithful delineations of indian character. in his boyhood mr. balch enjoyed exceptional opportunities to inform himself regarding the character and manners of the indians: he visited them in their homes, watched their industries, heard their legends, saw their gambling games, listened to their conversation; he questioned the indians and the white pioneers, and he read many books for information on indian history, traditions, and legends. by personal inquiry among old natives he learned that the bridge which suggested the title of his romance was no fabric of the imagination, but was a great natural bridge that in early days spanned the columbia, and later, according to tradition, was destroyed by an earthquake. before his death the author had the satisfaction of knowing that his work was stamped with the approval of the press and the public; his satisfaction would have been more complete could he have foreseen that that approval would be so lasting. july , . preface. in attempting to present with romantic setting a truthful and realistic picture of the powerful and picturesque indian tribes that inhabited the oregon country two centuries ago, the author could not be indifferent to the many serious difficulties inseparable from such an enterprise. of the literary success with which his work has been accomplished, he must of course leave others to judge; but he may without immodesty speak briefly of his preparation for his task, and of the foundation of some of the facts and legends which form the framework of his story. indian life and character have long been a favorite study with him, and in these pages he has attempted to describe them, not from an ideal standpoint, but as he knew them in his own boyhood on the upper columbia. many of the incidents related in the story have come under his personal observation; others have been told him by aged pioneers, or gleaned from old books of northwestern travel. the every-day life of the indians, their food, their dress, their methods of making their mats, of building their houses, of shaping their canoes, their gambling games, their religious beliefs, their legends, their subjects of conversation, the sports and pastimes of their children,--all these have been studied at first hand, and with the advantages of familiar and friendly intercourse with these people in their own homes. by constant questioning, many facts have been gained regarding their ancestry, and the fragments of history, tradition, and legend that have come down from them. indian antiquities have been studied through every available source of information. all the antiquarian collections in oregon and california have been consulted, old trading-posts visited, and old pioneers and early missionaries conversed with. nothing has been discarded as trivial or insignificant that could aid in the slightest degree in affording an insight into indian character and customs of a by-gone age. as to the great confederacy of the wauna, it may be said that gray's "history of oregon" tells us of an alliance of several tribes on the upper columbia for mutual protection and defence; and students of northwestern history will recall the great confederacy that the yakima war-chief kamyakin formed against the whites in the war of , when the indian tribes were in revolt from the british possessions to the california line. signal-fires announcing war against the whites leaped from hill to hill, flashing out in the night, till the line of fire beginning at the wild okanogan ended a thousand miles south, on the foot-hills of mount shasta. knowing such a confederacy as this to be an historical fact, there seems nothing improbable in that part of the legend which tells us that in ancient times the indian tribes on either side of the cascade range united under the great war-chief multnomah against their hereditary foes the shoshones. even this would not be so extensive a confederacy as that which kamyakin formed a hundred and fifty years later. it may be asked if there was ever a great natural bridge over the columbia,--a "bridge of the gods," such as the legend describes. the answer is emphatically, "yes." everywhere along the mid-columbia the indians tell of a great bridge that once spanned the river where the cascades now are, but where at that time the placid current flowed under an arch of stone; that this bridge was _tomanowos_, built by the gods; that the great spirit shook the earth, and the bridge crashed down into the river, forming the present obstruction of the cascades. all of the columbian tribes tell this story, in different versions and in different dialects, but all agreeing upon its essential features as one of the great facts of their past history. "_ancutta_ (long time back)," say the tumwater indians, "the salmon he no pass tumwater falls. it too much big leap. snake indian he no catch um fish above falls. by and by great _tomanowos_ bridge at cascades he fall in, dam up water, make river higher all way up to tumwater; then salmon he get over. then snake indian all time catch um plenty." "my father talk one time," said an old klickitat to a pioneer at white salmon, washington; "long time ago liddle boy, him in canoe, his mother paddle, paddle up columbia, then come to _tomanowos_ bridge. squaw paddle canoe under; all dark under bridge. he look up, all like one big roof, shut out sky, no see um sun. indian afraid, paddle quick, get past soon, no good. liddle boy no forget how bridge look." local proof also is not wanting. in the fall, when the freshets are over and the waters of the columbia are clear, one going out in a small boat just above the cascades and looking down into the transparent depths can see submerged forest trees beneath him, still standing upright as they stood before the bridge fell in and the river was raised above them. it is a strange, weird sight, this forest beneath the river; the waters wash over the broken tree-tops, fish swim among the leafless branches: it is desolate, spectre-like, beyond all words. scientific men who have examined the field with a view to determining the credibility of the legend about the bridge are convinced that it is essentially true. believed in by many tribes, attested by the appearance of the locality, and confirmed by geological investigation, it is surely entitled to be received as a historic fact. the shipwreck of an oriental vessel on the oregon coast, which furnishes one of the most romantic elements in our story, is an altogether probable historic incident, as explained more fully in a foot-note on page . the spelling of indian names, in which authorities differ so widely, has been made as accurate as possible; and, as in the name "wallulah," the oldest and most indian-like form has been chosen. an exception has been made in the case of the modernized and corrupted "willamette," which is used instead of the original indian name, "wallamet." but the meaningless "willamette" has unfortunately passed into such general use that one is almost compelled to accept it. another verbal irregularity should be noticed: wauna, the name given by all the indians in the story to the columbia, was only the klickitat name for it. the indians had no general name for the columbia, but each tribe had a special name, if any, for it. some had no name for it at all. it was simply "the big water," "_the_ river," "the big salmon water." what wauna, the klickitat name, or wemath, the wasco name, signifies, the author has been unable to learn, even from the indians who gave him the names. they do not know; they say their fathers knew, but it is forgotten now. a rich and splendid treasure of legend and lore has passed away with the old pioneers and the indians of the earlier generation. all that may be found interesting in this or any other book on the indians, compared to what has been lost, is like "a torn leaf from some old romance." f. h. b. oakland, california, september, . contents. book i. _the apostle to the indians._ chapter page i. the new england meeting ii. the minister's home iii. a darkened fireside iv. the council of ordination v. into trackless wilds book ii. _the opening of the drama._ i. shall the great council be held? ii. the war-chief and the seer iii. wallulah iv. sending out the runners book iii. _the gathering of the tribes._ i. the broken peace-pipe ii. on the way to the council iii. the great camp on the island iv. an indian trial v. sentenced to the wolf-death book iv. _the love tale._ i. the indian town ii. the white woman in the wood iii. cecil and the war-chief iv. archery and gambling v. a dead queen's jewels vi. the twilight tale vii. orator against orator viii. in the dark ix. questioning the dead book v. _the shadow of the end._ i. the hand of the great spirit ii. the marriage and the breaking up iii. at the cascades iv. multnomah's death-canoe v. as was writ in the book of fate illustrations. "'what think you now, tohomish?'" _frontispiece_ "'i have spoken; i will not turn back from my words'" _facing page_ "'the earth hears us, the sun sees us'" _facing page_ the great "witch mountain" of the indians _facing page_ "'i will kill him!'" _facing page_ "it was the death-song of the willamettes" _facing page_ "'come back! come back!'" _facing page_ multnomah's death-canoe _facing page_ what tall and tawny men were these, as sombre, silent, as the trees they moved among! and sad some way with tempered sadness, ever they, yet not with sorrow born of fear, the shadows of their destinies they saw approaching year by year, and murmured not. . . . . . they turned to death as to a sleep, and died with eager hands held out to reaching hands beyond the deep; and died with choicest bow at hand, and quiver full and arrow drawn for use, when sweet to-morrow's dawn should wake them in the spirit land. joaquin miller. the bridge of the gods. book i. _the apostle to the indians._ chapter i. the new england meeting. such as sit in darkness and the shadow of death.--_bible_. one sabbath morning more than two hundred years ago, the dawn broke clear and beautiful over new england. it was one of those lovely mornings that seem like a benediction, a smile of god upon the earth, so calm are they, so full of unutterable rest and quiet. over the sea, with its endless line of beach and promontory washed softly by the ocean swells; over the towns of the coast,--boston and salem,--already large, giving splendid promise of the future; over the farms and hamlets of the interior, and into the rude clearings where the outer limits of civilization mingled with the primeval forest, came a flood of light as the sun rose above the blue line of eastern sea. and still beyond, across the alleghanies, into the depth of the wilderness, passed the sweet, calm radiance, as if bearing a gleam of gospel sunshine to the indians of the forest. nowhere did the sunday seem more peaceful than in a sheltered valley in massachusetts. beautiful indeed were the thrifty orchards, the rustic farmhouses, the meadows where the charred stumps that marked the last clearing were festooned with running vines, the fields green with indian corn, and around all the sweep of hills dark with the ancient wood. even the grim unpainted meeting-house on the hill, which was wont to look the very personification of the rigid calvinistic theology preached within it, seemed a little less bare and forbidding on that sweet june sabbath. as the hour for morning service drew near, the drummer took his accustomed stand before the church and began to thunder forth his summons,--a summons not unfitting those stern puritans whose idea of religion was that of a life-long warfare against the world, the flesh, and the devil. soon the people began to gather,--grave men and women, dressed in the sober-colored garb of the day, and little children, clad in their "sunday best," undergoing the awful process of "going to meeting," yet some of them, at least, looking at the cool shadowed wood as they passed, and thinking how pleasant it would be to hunt berries or birds' nests in those sylvan retreats instead of listening to a two hours' sermon, under imminent danger of perdition if they went to sleep,--for in such seductive guise did the evil one tempt the souls of these youthful puritans. solemn of visage and garb were the groups, although here and there the gleam of a bit of ribbon at the throat of some young maiden, or a bonnet tastefully adorned, showed that "the world, the flesh, and the devil" were not yet wholly subdued among them. as the audience filed through the open door, the men and women divided, the former taking one side of the house, the latter the other,--the aisle forming a dividing line between them. the floor was uncarpeted, the walls bare, the pulpit undraped, and upon it the hour-glass stood beside the open bible. anything more stiff and barren than the interior of the meeting-house it would be difficult to find. an unwonted stir breaks the silence and solemnity of the waiting congregation, as an official party enters. it is the governor of the colony and his staff, who are making a tour of the province, and have stopped over sunday in the little frontier settlement,--for although the governor is an august man, even he may not presume to travel on the sabbath in this land of the puritans. the new-comers are richly dressed. there is something heavy, massive, and splendid in their garb, especially in the governor's. he is a stately military-looking man, and wears his ample vestments, his embroidered gloves, his lace and ruffles, with a magisterial air. a rustle goes through the audience as the distinguished visitors pass up the aisle to the front seats assigned, as the custom was, to dignitaries. young people steal curious glances at them; children turn around in their seats to stare, provoking divers shakes of the head from their elders, and in one instance the boxing of an ear, at which the culprit sets up a smothered howl, is ignominiously shaken, and sits swelling and choking with indignant grief during the remainder of the service. at length the drum ceased, indicating both the arrival of the minister and the time for service to begin. the minister took his place in the pulpit. he was a young man, of delicate mould, with a pale and intellectual face. exquisite sensitiveness was in the large gray eyes, the white brow, the delicate lips, the long slender fingers; yet will and energy and command were in them all. his was that rare union of extreme sensibility with strong resolution that has given the world its religious leaders,--its savonarolas and chrysostoms; men whose nerves shrank at a discord in music, but when inspired by some grand cause, were like steel to suffer and endure. something of this was in the minister's aspect, as he stood before the people that morning. his eyes shone and dilated, and his slight figure gathered dignity as his gaze met that of the assembly. there was no organ, that instrument being deemed a device of the prince of darkness to lead the hearts of the unwary off to popery; but the opening hymn was heartily sung. then came the scripture reading,--usually a very monotonous performance on the part of puritan divines; but as given in the young minister's thoughtfully modulated voice, nothing could have been more expressive. every word had its meaning, every metaphor was a picture; the whole psalm seemed to breathe with life and power: "lord, thou hast been our dwelling-place in all generations." majestic, mournful, yet thrilling with deathless hope, was the minister's voice; and the people were deeply moved. the prayer followed,--not the endless monologue of the average puritan clergyman, but pointed, significant, full of meaning. again his face was lifted before them as he rose to announce the text. it was paler now; the eyes were glowing and luminous; the long, expressive fingers were tremulous with excitement. it was evident to all that no common subject was to be introduced, no common effort to be made. always composed, the audience grew more quiet still. the very children felt the hush of expectation, and gazed wonderingly at the minister. even that great man, the governor, lost his air of unbending grandeur, and leaned expectantly forward. the subject was paul's vision of the man in macedonia crying for help. the speaker portrayed in burning words the condition of macedonia, the heathen gloom and utter hopelessness of her people, the vision that came to paul, and his going to preach to them. then, passing to england under the druids, he described the dark paganism, the blood-stained altars, the brutal priesthood of the age; and told of the cry that went forth for light,--a cry that touched the heart of the roman gregory into sending missionaries to show them the better way. like some royal poem was the discourse, as it showed how, through the storms and perils of more than a thousand years, amid the persecution of popes, the wars of barons, and the tyranny of kings, england had kept the torch burning, till in these latter times it had filled the world with light. beautiful was the tribute he paid to the more recent defenders of the faith, and most intense the interest of the listeners; for men sat there who had come over the seas because of their loyalty to the faith,--old and grizzled men, whose youth had known cromwell and charles stuart, and who had in more recent years fought for "king monmouth" and shared the dark fortunes of argyle. the old governor was roused like a veteran war-horse at the sound of the trumpet; many faces were flushed with martial ardor. the young minister paused reflectively at the enthusiasm he had kindled. a sorrowful smile flitted around his lips, though the glow of inspiration was still burning in his eyes. would they be as enthusiastic when he made the application of his discourse? and yet england, yea, even new england, was false, disloyal. she had but half kept the faith. when the cry of pagan england had gone forth for light, it had been heard; the light had been given. but now in her day of illumination, when the macedonian cry came to her, she closed her ears and listened not. on her skirts was the blood of the souls of men; and at the last day the wail of the heathen as they went down into the gulf of flame would bear witness against her. grave and impassioned, with an undertone of warning and sorrow, rang the voice of the minister, and the hearts of the people were shaken as though a prophet were speaking. "out from the forests around us come the cry of heathen folk, and ye will not listen. ye have the light, and they perish in darkness and go down to the pit. generation after generation has grown up here in forest and mountain, and has lived and died without god and without hope. generation has followed generation, stumbling blindly downward to the dust like the brutes that perish. and now their children, bound in iron and sitting under the shadow of death, reach out their hands from the wilderness with a blind cry to you for help. will ye hear?" he lifted his hands to them as he spoke; there was infinite pathos in his voice; for a moment it seemed as if all the wild people of the wilderness were pleading through him for light. tears were in many eyes; yet in spite of the wonderful power of his oratory, there were faces that grew stern as he spoke,--for only a few years had passed since the pequod war, and the feeling against the indians was bitter. the governor now sat erect and indignant. strong and vehement was the minister's plea for missionaries to be sent to the indians; fearlessly was the colonial government arraigned for its deficiencies in this regard; and the sands in the hour-glass were almost run out when the sermon was concluded and the minister sank flushed and exhausted into his seat. the closing psalm was sung, and the audience was dismissed. slow and lingering were the words of the benediction, as if the preacher were conscious of defeat and longed to plead still further with his people. then the gathering broke up, the congregation filing out with the same solemnity that had marked the entrance. but when the open air was reached, the pent-up excitement burst forth in a general murmur of comment. "a good man," remarked the governor to his staff, "but young, quite young." and they smiled approvingly at the grim irony of the tone. "our pastor is a fine speaker," said another, "but why will he bring such unpleasant things into the pulpit? a good doctrinal sermon, now, would have strengthened our faith and edified us all." "ay, a sermon on the errors of episcopacy, for instance." "such talk makes me angry," growled a third. "missionaries for the indians! when the bones of the good folk they have killed are yet bleaching amid the ashes of their cabins! missionaries for those red demons! an' had it been powder and shot for them it had been a righteous sermon." so the murmur of disapprobation went on among those slowly dispersing groups who dreaded and hated the indian with an intensity such as we now can hardly realize. and among them came the minister, pale and downcast, realizing that he had dashed himself in vain against the stern prejudice of his people and his age. chapter ii. the minister's home. sore have i panted at the sun's decline, to pass with him into the crimson west, and see the peoples of the evening. edwin arnold. the reverend cecil grey,--for such was our young minister's name,--proceeded immediately after the service to his home. before we cross its threshold with him, let us pause for a moment to look back over his past life. born in new england, he first received from his father, who was a fine scholar, a careful home training, and was then sent to england to complete his education. at magdalen college, oxford, he spent six years. time passed very happily with him in the quiet cloisters of that most beautiful of english colleges, with its memories of pole and rupert, and the more courtly traditions of the state that richard and edward had held there. but when, in , james ii. attempted to trample on the privileges of the fellows and force upon them a popish president, cecil was one of those who made the famous protest against it; and when protests availed nothing, he left oxford, as also did a number of others. returning to america, he was appointed pastor of a new england church, becoming one of the many who carried the flower of scholarship and eloquence into the bleak wilds of the new world. restless, sensitive, ardent, he was a man to whom a settled pastorate was impossible. daring enterprises, great undertakings of a religious nature yet full of peril, were the things for which he was naturally fitted; and amid the monotonous routine of parish duties he longed for a greater activity. two centuries later he might have become distinguished as a revivalist or as a champion of new and startling views of theology; earlier, he might have been a reformer, a follower of luther or loyola; as it was, he was out of his sphere. but for a time the reverend mr. grey tried hard to mould himself to his new work. he went with anxious fidelity through all the labors of the country pastorate. he visited and prayed with the sick, he read the bible to the old and dim-sighted, he tried to reconcile petty quarrels, he wrestled with his own discontent, and strove hard to grind down all the aspirations of his nature and shut out the larger horizon of life. and for a time he was successful; but during it he was induced to take a very fatal step. he was young, handsome, a clergyman, and unmarried. now a young unmarried minister is pre-eminently one of sorrows and acquainted with grief. for that large body of well-meaning people who are by nature incapacitated from attending to their own business take him in hand without mercy. innumerable are the ways in which he is informed that he ought to be married. subtle and past finding out are the plots laid by all the old ladies and match-makers of his church to promote that desired event. he is told that he can never succeed in the ministry till he is married. the praises of matilda jane tompkins or lucinda brown are sounded in his ears till he almost wishes that both were in a better world,--a world more worthy their virtues. at length, wearily capitulating, he marries some wooden-faced or angular saint, and is unhappy for life. now there was in mr. grey's church a good, gentle girl, narrow but not wooden-faced, famous for her neatness and her housekeeping abilities, who was supposed to be the pattern for a minister's wife. in time gone by she had set her heart on a graceless sailor lad who was drowned at sea, much to the relief of her parents. ruth anderson had mourned for him quietly, shutting up her sorrow in her own breast and going about her work as before; for hers was one of those subdued, practical natures that seek relief from trouble in hard work. she seemed in the judgment of all the old women in the church the "very one" for mr. grey; and it likewise seemed that mr. grey was the "very one" for her. so divers hints were dropped and divers things were said, until each began to wonder if marriage were not a duty. the reverend cecil grey began to take unusual pains with his toilet, and wended his way up the hill to mr. anderson's with very much the aspect of a man who is going to be hanged. and his attempts at conversation with the maiden were not at all what might have been expected from the young minister whose graceful presence and fluent eloquence had been the boast of magdalen. on her part the embarrassment was equally great. at length they were married,--a marriage based on a false idea of duty on each side. but no idea of duty, however strong or however false, could blind the eyes of this married pair to the terrible fact that not only love but mental sympathy was wanting. day by day cecil felt that his wife did not love him, that her thoughts were not for him, that it was an effort for her to act the part of a wife toward him. day by day she felt that his interests lay beyond her reach, and that all the tenderness in his manner toward her came from a sense of duty, not from love. but she strove in all ways to be a faithful wife, and he tried hard to be a kind and devoted husband. he had been especially attentive to her of late, for her health had been failing, and the old doctor had shaken his head very gravely over her. for a week or more she had grown steadily worse, and was now unable even to walk without help. her malady was one of those that sap away the life with a swift and deadly power against which all human skill seems unavailing. mr. grey on returning from church entered the living room. the invalid sat at the window, a heavy shawl wrapped about her, her pale face turned to the far blue line of sea, visible through a gap in the hills. a pang wrenched his heart keenly at the sight. why _would_ she always sit at that window looking so sorrowfully, so abstractedly at the sea, as if her heart was buried there with her dead lover? she started as she heard his footstep, and turned her head quickly toward him, a faint flush tinging her cheek and a forced smile quivering around her lips. her greeting was very gentle, and he saw that her heart was reproaching her for being so disloyal to him as to think of her lost lover; and yet he felt her fingers tremble and shrink away from his as he took her hand. "god forgive me!" he thought, with infinite self-accusation. "how repugnant i must be to her,--an intruder, thrusting myself into the heart that is sacred to the dead." but he let her see nothing of this in his voice or manner as he inquired how she had been. she replied wearily that she was no better, that she longed to get well again and be at work. "i missed your sermon to-day," she said, with that strained, pathetic smile upon her lips again. "you must tell me about it now." he drew his chair to her side and began to give an outline of the sermon. she listened, but it was with forced attention, without sympathy, without in the least entering into the spirit of what he was saying. it pained him. he knew that her nature was so narrow, so conventional, that it was impossible for her to comprehend his grand scheme of indian evangelization. but he checked his impatience, and gave her a full synopsis of the discourse. "it is useless, useless. they cannot understand. a whole race is perishing around them, and they will not put forth a hand save to mistreat a quaker or throw a stone at a churchman. our puritanism is like iron to resist tyranny,--but alas! it is like iron, too, when one tries to bend it to some generous undertaking." he stopped, checking back other and more bitter words. all his soul rose up in revolt against the prejudice by which he was surrounded. then ruth spoke timidly. "seeing that it is so, would it not be best to let this missionary subject go, and preach on practical every-day matters? i am not wise in these things, i know; but would it not be better to preach on common subjects, showing us how we ought to live from day to day, than to discourse of those larger things that the people do not understand?" his face darkened, though not angrily. this was the same prejudice he had just encountered in the meeting-house, though in a different form. he arose and paced back and forth with quick, impatient steps. then he came and stood before her with folded arms and resolute face. "ruth, i have tried that so often, tried it with prayers and tears, but it is utterly impossible. i cannot bring myself to it. you know what the physicians say of my disease of the heart,--that my life may be very short; and i want it to be noble. i want to live for the greatest possibilities within my reach. i want to set some great work in motion that will light up thousands of darkened lives,--yea, and grow in might and power even after my lips are sealed in death." the little figure on the chair moved uneasily under his animated though kindly gaze. "i do not quite comprehend you. i think the best work is to do what god gives us to do, and to do it well. to me he has given to labor in caring for the house,"--there was a patient weariness in her tone that did not escape cecil,--"to you he has given the duties of a pastor, to strengthen the weak, cheer the sorrowing, comfort the old. is it not better to do those things faithfully than to spend our time longing for some more ideal work not given us?" "but suppose the ideal work is given? suppose a man is called to proclaim new truths, and be the leader in a new reform? for him the quiet pastorate is impossible; nay, were it possible, it would be wrong, for would he not be keeping back the message god had given him? he would be one called to a work, yet entering not upon it; and upon him would come the curse that fell on the unfaithful prophets of old." all the gloom of the theology of his age was on him as he spoke. refined and poetic as was his nature, it was thoroughly imbued with the calvinism of early new england. she lifted her hand wearily and passed it over her aching brow. "i do not know," she said; "i have never thought of such things, only it seems to me that god knew best when he gave us our lots in life. surely wherever we find ourselves, there he intended us to be, and there we should patiently work, leaving our higher aspirations to his will. is not the ideal life, after all, the one that is kindest and humblest?" "but, ruth," replied the minister, sadly, "while the work you describe is certainly noble, i have yet felt for a long time that it is not what god calls me to. day after day, night after night, i think of the wild races that roam the forests to the west, of which no man knows the end. sometimes i think that i am called to stand before the rulers of the colony and plead that missionaries be sent to the indians. sometimes i feel that i am called to go and preach to them myself. often in my dreams i plead with dark-browed sachems or with mighty gatherings of warriors to cast away their blood-stained weapons and accept christ, till i awake all trembling with the effort. and always the deadly pain at my heart warns me that what is done must be done quickly." the burning ardor that had given such intensity to his sermon came into his voice as he spoke. the invalid moved nervously on her chair, and he saw that his enthusiasm merely jarred on her without awakening any response. "forgive me," he said hurriedly, "i forgot that you were not well enough to talk of those things. sometime when you are better we will speak of them again." and then he talked of other and to her more interesting topics, while a keen pang rankled in his breast to find her irresponsive to that which was so dear to him. but he was very kind to her; and when after a while the old indian woman, cecil's nurse in childhood and their only servant now, came to tell him that dinner was ready, he would not go until he had first brought his wife her dinner and waited on her with his own hands. after his own repast was finished he must hasten away to preach his afternoon sermon. but he came to her first and bent over her; for though love never had been, perhaps never could be, between them, there was a deep domestic feeling in his nature. "how good and patient you are in your sickness," he said, gazing down into the quiet, wistful face that was so honest and true, yet so thoroughly prosaic and commonplace. "what a sermon you have been preaching me, sitting here so uncomplainingly." "do you think so?" she said, looking up gratefully. "i am glad. i so want to do my duty by you." he had meant to kiss her as he bent over her, though such caresses were rare between them, but there was something in her tones that chilled him, and he merely raised a tress of her hair to his lips instead. at the door he bade her a pleasant farewell, but his countenance grew sorrowful as he went down the path. "duty," he murmured, "always duty, never love. well, the fault is my own that we were ever married. god help me to be true and kind to her always. she shall never know that i miss anything in her." and he preached to his congregation that afternoon a sermon on burden-bearing, showing how each should bear his own burden patiently,--not darkening the lives of others by complaint, but always saying loving words, no matter how much of heartache lay beneath them. he told how near god is to us all, ready to heal and to strengthen; and closed by showing how sweet and beautiful even a common life may grow through brave and self-sacrificing endurance of trouble. it was a helpful sermon, a sermon that brought the listeners nearer god. more than one heart was touched by those earnest words that seemed to breathe divine sympathy and compassion. he went home feeling more at peace than he had done for many days. his wife's room was still, as he entered it. she was in her easy-chair at the window, lying back among the pillows asleep. her face was flushed and feverish, her long lashes wet with tears. the wraps had fallen away from her, and he stooped over to replace them. as he did so her lips moved in her half-delirious slumber, and she murmured some name sounding like his own. a wild throb of joy thrilled through him, and he bent closer to listen. again she spoke the name, spoke it sorrowfully, longingly. it was the name of her lover drowned at sea. the long, nervous fingers that held the half-drawn wraps shook convulsively as with acutest pain, then drew the coverings gently around her. "god help her, god help her!" he murmured, as he turned softly away, his eyes filling with tears,--tears for her sorrow rather than his own. chapter iii. a darkened fireside. ... her way is parted from my way; out of sight, beyond light, at what goal may we meet? dante rossetti. ruth was much worse in the evening, but at last, after cecil had watched at her side till a late hour, she sank into a troubled sleep. then the old indian servant insisted on taking his place at the sufferer's bedside, for she saw that he was much worn by the labors of the day and by anxiety for his wife. at first he refused; but she was a skilled nurse, and he knew that the invalid would fare better in her hands than his own, so at last he consented on condition that she would call him if his wife grew worse. the woman promised, and he withdrew into the library, where a temporary bed had been made for him. at the door he turned and looked back. his wife lay with closed eyes and flushed face amid the white pillows. the robe over her breast stirred with her difficult breathing, and her head turned now and then from side to side while she uttered broken, feverish words. by her sat the swarthy nurse, watching her every movement and ready with observant eye and gentle touch to minister to all her needs. a yearning tenderness and pity came into his gaze. "poor child, poor child!" he thought. "if i could only make her well and happy! if i could only bring her dead lover back to life, how gladly would i put her in his arms and go away forever!" and it seemed to him in some dim way that he had wronged the poor sufferer; that he was to blame for her sorrow. he went on into the library. a lamp was burning on the table; a hebrew bible and a copy of homer lay beside it. along the walls were arranged those heavy and ponderous tomes in which the theology of the age was wont to clothe itself. he seated himself at the table and took up his homer; for he was too agitated to sleep. but it was in vain that he tried to interest himself in it. the rhythm had lost its music, the thought its power; it was in vain that he tried to forget himself in the reply of achilles, or the struggle over the body of patroclus. hawthorne tells us that a person of artistic temperament may at a time of mental depression wander through the roman galleries and see nothing in the finest masterpieces of raphael or angelo. the grace is gone from the picture, the inspiration from the marble; the one is a meaningless collection of colors, the other a dull effigy carved in stone. something of this mood was on cecil to-night. irresponsive to the grand beauty of the poem he felt only its undertone of heartache and woe. "it is like human life," he thought, as he listlessly turned the pages; "it is bright on the surface, but dark and terrible with pain below. what a black mystery is life! what bitter irony of justice! hector is dragged at achilles' chariot-wheel, and paris goes free. helen returns to her home in triumph, while andromache is left desolate. did homer write in satire, and is the iliad but a splendid mockery of justice, human and divine? or is life so sad that every tale woven of it must needs become a tragedy?" he pondered the gloomy puzzle of human existence long that night. at length his brain grew over-weary, and he slept sitting in his chair, his head resting on the pages of the open book. how long he slept he knew not, but he awoke with a start to find a hand laid on his shoulder and the tall figure of the indian woman standing beside him. he sprang up in sudden fear. "is she worse?" he cried. but the woman, with that light noiseless step, that mute stolidity so characteristic of her race, had already glided to the door; and there was no need for her to answer, for already his own apprehensions had replied. he was in the room almost as soon as she. his wife was much worse; and hastening through the night to a neighboring farmhouse, he roused its inmates, despatched a messenger for the physician, and returned, accompanied by several members of the neighbor's family. the slow moments dragged away like years as they watched around her. it seemed as if the doctor would never come. to the end of his life cecil never forgot the long-drawn agony of that night. at length their strained hearing caught the quick tread of horses' hoofs on the turf without. "the doctor, the doctor!" came simultaneously from the lips of cecil and the watchers. the doctor,--there was hope in the very name. how eagerly they watched his face as he bent over the patient! it was a calm, self-contained face, but they saw a shadow flit over it, a sudden almost imperceptible change of expression that said "death" as plainly as if he had spoken it. they could do nothing, he said,--nothing but wait for the end to come. how the moments lingered! sometimes cecil bent over the sufferer with every muscle quivering to her paroxysms; sometimes he could endure it no longer and went out into the cool night air or into the library, where with the mere mechanical instinct of a student he picked up a book, reading a few lines in it, then throwing it aside. yet wherever he was he felt her sufferings as acutely as when standing by her side. his whole frame was in keenest sympathy with hers, his whole being full of pain. so sharp were his sensations that they imparted an abnormal vigor to his mind. every line his eyes met in reading stood out on the page with wonderful distinctness. the words seemed pictorial, and his mind grasped abstruse propositions or involved expressions with marvellous facility. he noted it, and remembered afterward that he thought at the time how curious it was that his tortured sympathies should give him such startling acuteness of perception. the slow night waned, the slow dawn crept over the eastern hills. cecil stood with haggard eyes at the foot of the bed, watching the sleeper's face. as the daylight brightened, blending with the light of the still burning lamps, he saw a change come over her countenance; the set face relaxed, the look lost its wildness. a great hope shone in his hollow eyes. "she is getting better, she is coming out of her sufferings," he whispered to the doctor. "she will be out of her sufferings very soon," he replied sadly; and then cecil knew that the end was at hand. was it because the peace, the profound serenity which sometimes is the prelude of death, filling her being, penetrated his, that he grew so strangely calm? an inexpressible solemnity came to him as he looked at her, and all his agitation left him. her face grew very sweet and calm, and full of peace. her eyes met cecil's, and there was in them something that seemed to thank him for all his goodness and patience,--something that was both benediction and farewell. her lips moved, but she was past the power of speech, and only her eyes thanked him in a tender, grateful glance. the sun's edge flashed above the horizon, and its first rays fell through the uncurtained window full upon her face. she turned toward them, smiling faintly, and her face grew tenderly, radiantly beautiful, as if on that beam of sunshine the spirit of her dead lover had come to greet her from the sea. then the sparkle died out of her eyes and the smile faded from her lips. it was only a white, dead face that lay there bathed in golden light. a moment after, cecil left the house with swift footsteps and plunged into the adjacent wood. there under a spreading oak he flung himself prone upon the earth, and buried his face in his hands. a seething turmoil of thoughts swept his mind. the past rose before him like a panorama. all his married life rushed back upon him, and every memory was regret and accusation. "i might have been kinder to her, i might have been better," he murmured, while the hot tears gushed from his eyes. "i might have been so much better to her," he repeated over and over,--he, whose whole thought had been to shut up his sorrow in his own heart and show her only tenderness and consideration. by and by he grew calmer and sat up, leaning against the tree and looking out into vacancy with dim eyes that saw nothing. his heart was desolate, emptied of everything. what was he to do? what was he to set before himself? he had not loved her, but still she had been a part of his life; with what was he to fill it now? as he sat there depressed and troubled, a strange thing happened. he was looking, as has been said, blindly into vacancy. it may have been an optical illusion, it may have been a mere vagary born of an over-wrought brain; but a picture formed before him. in the distance, toward the west, he saw something that looked like a great arch of stone, a natural bridge, rugged with crags and dark with pine. beneath it swept a wide blue river, and on it wild horsemen were crossing and recrossing, with plumed hair and rude lances. their faces were indian, yet of a type different from any he had ever seen. the bridge was in the heart of a mighty mountain-range. on either side rose sharp and lofty peaks, their sides worn by the action of water in some remote age. these details he noted as in a dream; then the strangeness of it all burst upon him. even as it did so, the vision dissolved; the bridge wavered and passed away, the mountain-peaks sank in shadow. he leaped to his feet and gazed eagerly. a fine mist seemed passing before his sight; then he saw only the reach of hill and woodland, with the morning light resting upon it. while the vision faded, he felt springing up within him an irrepressible desire to follow it. a mysterious fascination seized him, a wild desire to seek the phantom bridge. his whole being was swayed as by a supernatural power toward the west whence the vision had passed. he started forward eagerly, then checked himself in bewilderment. what could it mean? in the nineteenth century, one similarly affected would think it meant a fevered, a disordered brain; but in the seventeenth, when statesmen like cromwell believed in dreams and omens, and _roués_ like monmouth carried charms in their pockets, these things were differently regarded. the puritan ministry, whose minds were imbued with the gloomy supernaturalism of the old testament on which they fed, were especially men to whom anything resembling an apparition had a prophetic significance. and cecil grey, though liberal beyond most new england clergymen, was liable by the keenness of his susceptibilities and the extreme sensitiveness of his organization to be influenced by such delusions,--if delusions they be. so he stood awed and trembling, questioning within himself, like some seer to whom a dark and uncertain revelation has been made. suddenly the answer came. "the lord hath revealed his will unto me and shown me the path wherein i am to walk," he murmured in a hushed and stricken tone. "ruth was taken from me that i might be free to go where he should send me. the vision of the indians and the bridge which faded into the west, and the strange desire that was given me to follow it, show that the lord has another work for me to do. and when i find the land of the bridge and of the wild people i saw upon it, then will i find the mission that god has given me to do. 'lord god of israel, i thank thee. thou hast shown me the way, and i will walk in it, though all its stones be fire and its end be death.'" he stood a moment with bowed head, communing with his god. then he returned to his lonely home. the friends whose kindly sympathies had brought them to the house of mourning wondered at the erect carriage, the rapt, exalted manner of the man. his face was pale, almost as pale as that within the darkened room; but his eyes shone, and his lips were closely, resolutely set. a little while, and that determined face was all sorrowful and pitying again, as he bent over the still, cold body of his dead. chapter iv. the council of ordination. friends were assembled together; the elder and magistrate also graced the scene with their presence, and stood like the law and the gospel.... after the puritan way and the laudable custom of holland. _the courtship of miles standish._ a few days after the funeral, letters missive from the little society went out to all the neighboring churches, calling a council to ordain the reverend cecil grey a missionary to the indians. it was a novel thing, in spite of the noble example that roger williams had set not many years before; and the summons met with a general response. all the churches, far and near, sent delegates. if one could only have taken a peep, the day before the council, into the households of that part of new england, what a glimpse he would have gotten of puritan domestic life! what a brushing up there was of black coats, what a careful starching and ironing of bands; and above all, in cecil's own neighborhood, what a mighty cookery for the ordination dinner the next day! for verily the capacity of the clerical stomach is marvellous, and is in fact the one thing in theology that does not change. new departures alter doctrines, creeds are modified, but the appetite of the clergy is not subject to such mutations. the morrow came, and with it the expected guests. the meeting house was crowded. there were many ministers and lay delegates in the council. in the chair sat a venerable preacher, not unknown in the records of those days,--a portly man, with a shrewd and kindly face. sterner faces were there also. the council wore a grave aspect, more like a court of judges before whom a criminal is cited to appear than an assembly of clergymen about to ordain a missionary. after some preliminaries, cecil was called on to give a statement of his reasons for wishing to go as an evangelist to the indians. he rose before them. there was a singular contrast between his slight form and expressive features and the stout frames and grim countenances of the others. but the graceful presence of the man had in it a quiet dignity that commanded the respect of all. in obedience to the command, he told how he had thought of the unknown tribes beyond the alleghanies, living in the gloom of paganism and perishing in darkness, till an intangible sympathy inclined him toward them,--till, as it seemed to him, their great desire for light had entered into and possessed him, drawing him toward them by a mysterious and irresistible attraction. he felt called of god to go and minister to their spiritual needs, and that it was his duty to leave everything and obey the call. "is this all?" he was asked. he hesitated a moment, and then described his vision in the wood the morning of his wife's death. it made a deep impression on his hearers. there was scarcely a man in the assembly who was not tinged with the superstition of the age; and all listened, not lightly or sceptically, but in awe, as if it brought them to the threshold of the supernatural. when the narration was ended, the chairman requested him to retire, pending the decision of the council; but first he was asked,-- "are you willing to abide by the decision of this council, whatever it may be?" he raised his head confidently, and his reply came frank and fearless. "i shall respect the opinions of my brethren, no matter how they may decide; but i shall abide by the will of god and my own convictions of duty." the grave puritan bent his head, half in acknowledgment of the reply, half in involuntary admiration of its brave manhood; then cecil left the room, the silent, watchful crowd that filled the aisles parting respectfully to let him pass. "now, brethren," said the chairman, "the matter is before you. let us hear from each his judgment upon it." solemn and weighty were the opinions delivered. one brother thought that mr. grey had plenty of work to do at home without going off on a wild-goose chase after the heathen folk of the wilderness. his church needed him; to leave it thus would be a shameful neglect of duty. another thought that the indians were descendants of the ten lost tribes of israel, and as such should be left in the hands of god. to attempt to evangelize them was to fly in the face of providence. another thought the same; but then, how about that vision of mr. grey? he couldn't get around that vision. "i don't know, brethren, i don't know!" he concluded, shaking his head. still another declared positively for mr. grey. the good people of the colonies owed it to the savages to do something for their religious enlightenment. it was wrong that so little had been done. they had taken their land from them, they had pushed them back into the wilds at the point of the sword; now let them try to save their souls. this man had been plainly called of god to be an apostle to the indians; the least that they could do was to bid him godspeed and let him go. so it went on. at length the venerable chairman, who had twice turned the hour-glass upon the table before him, rose to close the discussion. his speech was a singular mixture of shrewdness, benevolence, and superstition. he said that, as christians, they certainly owed a duty to the indians,--a duty that had not been performed. mr. grey wished to help fulfil that neglected obligation, and would go at his own expense. it would not cost the church a shilling. his vision was certainly a revelation of the will of the lord, and _he_ dared not stand in the way. a vote was taken, and the majority were found to be in favor of ordination. the chairman pronounced himself pleased, and mr. grey was recalled and informed of the result. "i thank you," he said simply, with a glad and grateful smile. "now, brethren," said the worthy chairman with much unction, "the hour of dinner is nigh at hand, and the good people of this place have prepared entertainment for us; so we will e'en put off the ceremony of ordination till the afternoon. let us look to the lord for his blessing, and be dismissed." and so with a murmur of talk and comment the council broke up, its members going to the places where they were to be entertained. happy was the man who returned to his home accompanied by a minister, while those not so fortunate were fain to be content with a lay delegate. indeed, the hospitality of the settlement was so bounteous that the supply exceeded the demand. there were not enough visitors to go around; and more than one good housewife who had baked, boiled, and roasted all the day before was moved to righteous indignation at the sight of the good man of the house returning guestless from the meeting. early in the afternoon entertainers and entertained gathered again at the meeting-house. almost the entire country side was there,--old and young alike. the house was packed, for never before had that part of new england seen a man ordained to carry the gospel to the indians. it occurred, too, in that dreary interval between the persecution of the quakers and the persecution of the witches, and was therefore doubly welcome. when cecil arrived, the throng made way reverently for him. was he not going, perchance like the martyrs of old, to the fagot and the stake? to those who had long known him he seemed hardly like the same man. he was lifted to a higher plane, surrounded by an atmosphere of sanctity and heroism, and made sacred by the high mission given him of god, to which was now to be added the sanction of holy men. so they made way for him, as the florentines had made way for "il frate" and as the people of god had made way for francis xavier when he left them to stir the heart of the east with his eloquence, and, alas! to die on the bleak sea-coast of china, clasping the crucifix to his breast and praying for those who had cast him out. cecil's face, though pale, was calm and noble. all his nature responded to the moral grandeur of the occasion. it would be difficult to put into words the reverent and tender exaltation of feeling that animated him that day. perhaps only those upon whose own heads the hands of ordination have been laid can enter into or understand it. the charge was earnest, but it was not needed, for cecil's ardent enthusiasm went far beyond all that the speaker urged upon him. as he listened, pausing as it were on the threshold of an unknown future, he wondered if he should ever hear a sermon again,--he, so soon to be swallowed by darkness, swept, self-yielded, into the abyss of savagery. heartfelt and touching was the prayer of ordination,--that god might accept and bless cecil's consecration, that the divine presence might always abide with him, that savage hearts might be touched and softened, that savage lives might be lighted up through his instrumentality, and that seed might be sown in the wilderness which would spring up and cause the waste places to be glad and the desert to blossom as the rose. "and so," said the old minister, his voice faltering and his hands trembling as they rested on cecil's bowed head, "so we give him into thine own hand and send him forth into the wilderness. thou only knowest what is before him, whether it be a harvest of souls, or torture and death. but we know that, for the christian, persecutions and trials are but stepping-stones leading to god; yea, and that death itself is victory. and if he is faithful, we know that whatever his lot may be it will be glorious; that whatever the end may be, it will be but a door opening into the presence of the most high." strong and triumphant rang the old man's tones, as he closed his prayer committing cecil into the hands of god. to him, as he listened, it seemed as if the last tie that bound him to new england was severed, and he stood consecrated and anointed for his mission. when he raised his face, more than one of the onlookers thought of those words of the book where it speaks of stephen,--"and they saw his face as it had been the face of an angel." a psalm was sung, the benediction given, and the solemn service was over. it was long, however, before the people left the house. they lingered around cecil, bidding him farewell, for he was to go forth at dawn the next day upon his mission. they pressed his hand, some with warm words of sympathy, some silently and with wet eyes. many affectionate words were said, for they had never known before how much they loved their pastor; and now he seemed no longer a pastor, but a martyr and a saint. more than one mother brought him her child to bless;--others strangers from a distance--lifted their children up, so that they could see him above the press, while they whispered to them that they must always remember that they had seen the good mr. grey, who was going far off into the west to tell the indians about god. long afterward, when nearly all that generation had passed away and the storm of the revolution was beginning to gather over the colonies, there were a few aged men still living who sometimes told how, when they were children, they had seen cecil grey bidding the people farewell at the old meeting-house; and through all the lapse of years they remembered what a wonderful brightness was on his face, and how sweet and kind were his words to each as he bade them good-by forever. chapter v. into trackless wilds. "i will depart," he said, "the hour is come, and in the silence of yon sky i read my fated message flashing." edwin arnold. the next morning cecil rose early after a sleepless night. on that day he was to go out from all that was sweet and precious in life and take the path into the wilderness. at first his heart sank within him; then his strength of purpose revived, and he was resolute again. he must go, and soon. the briefer the parting the briefer the pang. he had already bidden his friends good-by; his parents were long since dead; it only remained to part from the old indian woman, his nurse in childhood, now his faithful housekeeper and the only inmate of his home. he went to the kitchen,--for usually at this hour she was up and preparing breakfast. she was not there, and the room looked cold and cheerless in the gray dawn. he went to her door and knocked; there was no response. he called her; the room was as still as death. alarmed, he opened the door; no one was within; she was gone,--had evidently been gone all night, for the bed was untouched. he was pained and bewildered at this desertion, for only the day before he had given her a paper legally drawn up, securing to her the little property he possessed and making her independent for the rest of her life. she had taken it, listened in silence to the kindly expressions that accompanied the gift, and turned away without a word. now she was gone; what could it mean? slowly he made the simple preparations that were needed for the journey--putting a little food, his bible, and other necessaries into a kind of knapsack and strapping it upon his back. then taking his staff, he went out from his home, never to return. the sun was rising, the air was fresh and dewy, but his heart was sad. yet through it ran a strange thrill of joy, a strange blending of pain and gladness. "the parting is bitter, bitter almost unto death, but he will keep me," murmured the white lips, as he went down the walk. the sound of voices fell on his ears, and he looked up. at the gate, awaiting him, was a group of his parishioners, who had come to look once more on the face of their pastor. one by whose bedside he had prayed in the hour of sickness; another, whom his counsel had saved when direly tempted; a little lame child, who loved him for his kindness; and an aged, dim-sighted woman, to whom he had often read the scriptures. he opened the gate and came out among them. "god bless you, sir," said the old woman, "we wanted to see your bonny face again before you left us." the little lame boy said nothing, but came up to cecil, took his hand, and pressed it to his cheek in a manner more eloquent than words. "friends," said cecil, in a faltering voice, "i thank you. it is very sweet to know that you care for me thus." one by one they came and clasped his hand in tearful farewell. for each he had a loving word. it was an impressive scene,--the sorrow-stricken group, the pastor with his pale spiritual face full of calm resolve, and around them the solemn hush of morning. when all had been spoken, the minister reverently uncovered his head; the others did the same. "it is for the last time," he said; "let us pray." after a few earnest words commending them to the care of god, he drew his hand gently from the lame boy's cheek and rested it on his head in silent benediction. then giving them one last look of unutterable love, a look they never forgot,-- "good-by," he said softly, "god bless you all." "good-by, god bless _you_, sir," came back in answer; and they saw his face no more. one more farewell was yet to be said. the winding path led close by the country graveyard. he entered it and knelt by the side of the new-made grave. upon the wooden headboard was inscribed the name of her who slept beneath,--"ruth grey." he kissed the cold sod, his tears falling fast upon it. "forgive me," he whispered, as if the dull ear of death could hear. "forgive me for everything wherein i failed you. forgive me, and--farewell." again he was on his way. at the entrance to the wood he saw a figure sitting on a rock beside the path. as he drew nearer he observed it was clad in indian garb, and evidently awaited his coming. who was it? might it not be some chief, who, having heard of his intended mission, had come forth to meet him? he hastened his steps. when he came nearer, he saw that it was only an indian woman; a little closer, and to his inexpressible astonishment he recognized his old nurse. "what does this mean?" he exclaimed. "what are you doing here, and in indian garb, too?" she rose to her feet with simple, natural dignity. "it means," she said, "that i go with you. was i not your nurse in childhood? did i not carry you in my arms then, and has not your roof sheltered me since? can i forsake him who is as my own child? my heart has twined around you too long to be torn away. your path shall be my path; we go together." it was in vain that cecil protested, reasoned, argued. "i have spoken," she said. "i will not turn back from my words while life is left me." he would have pleaded longer, but she threw a light pack upon her back and went on into the forest. she had made her decision, and he knew she would adhere to it with the inflexible obstinacy of her race. he could only follow her regretfully; and yet he could not but be grateful for her loyalty. [illustration: "_i have spoken; i will not turn back from my words._"] at the edge of the wood he paused and looked back. before him lay the farms and orchards of the puritans. here and there a flock of sheep was being driven from the fold into the pasture, and a girl, bucket in hand, was taking her way to the milking shed. from each farmhouse a column of smoke rose into the clear air. over all shone the glory of the morning sun. it was civilization; it was new england; it was _home_. for a moment, the scene seemed literally to lay hold of him and pull him back. for a moment, all the domestic feelings, all the refinement in his nature, rose up in revolt against the rude contact with barbarism before him. it seemed as if he could not go on, as if he must go back. he shook like a leaf with the mighty conflict. "my god!" he cried out, throwing up his arms with a despairing gesture, "must i give up everything, everything?" he felt his resolution giving way; his gray eyes were dark and dilated with excitement and pain; his long fingers twitched and quivered; before he knew what he was doing, he was walking back toward the settlement. that brought him to himself; that re-awakened the latent energy and decision of his character. "what! shall i turn back from the very threshold of my work? god forgive me--never!" his delicate frame grew strong and hardy under the power of his indomitable spirit. again his dauntless enthusiasm came back; again he was the apostle to the indians. one long last look, and he disappeared in the shadows of the wood, passing forever from the ken of the white man; for only vague rumors floated back to the colonies from those mysterious wilds into which he had plunged. the strange and wondrous tale of his after-life new england never knew. book ii. _the opening of the drama._ chapter i. shall the great council be held? the comet burns the wings of night, and dazzles elements and spheres; then dies in beauty and a blaze of light blown far through other years. joaquin miller. two hundred years ago--as near as we can estimate the time from the dim and shadowy legends that have come down to us--the confederacy of the wauna or columbia was one of the most powerful the new world has ever seen. it was apparently not inferior to that of the six nations, or to the more transitory leagues with which tecumseh or pontiac stayed for a moment the onward march of the white man. it was a union of the indian tribes of oregon and washington, with the willamettes at the head, against their great hereditary enemies, the nootkas, the shoshones, and the spokanes. sonorous and picturesque was the language of the old oregon indians in telling the first white traders the story of the great alliance. "once, long before my father's time and before his father's time, all the tribes were as one tribe and the willamettes were _tyee_ [chief]. the willamettes were strong and none could stand against them. the heart of the willamette was battle and his hand was blood. when he lifted his arm in war, his enemy's lodge became ashes and his council silence and death. "the war-trails of the willamette went north and south and east, and there was no grass on them. he called the chinook and sound indians, who were weak, his children, and the yakima, cayuse, and wasco, who loved war, his brothers; but _he_ was elder brother. and the spokanes and the shoshones might fast and cut themselves with thorns and knives, and dance the medicine dance, and drink the blood of horses, but nothing could make their hearts as strong as the hearts of the willamettes; for the one up in the sky had told the old men and the dreamers that the willamettes should be the strongest of all the tribes as long as the bridge of the gods should stand. that was their _tomanowos_." but whenever the white listener asked about this superstition of the bridge and the legend connected with it, the indian would at once become uncommunicative, and say, "you can't understand," or more frequently, "i don't know." for the main difficulty in collecting these ancient tales--"old-man talk," as the siwashes call them--was, that there was much superstition interwoven with them; and the indians were so reticent about their religious beliefs, that if one was not exceedingly cautious, the lively, gesticulating talker of one moment was liable to become the personification of sullen obstinacy the next. but if the listener was fortunate enough to strike the golden mean, being neither too anxious nor too indifferent, and if above all he had by the gift of bounteous _muck-a-muck_ [food] touched the chord to which the savage heart always responds, the indian might go on and tell in broken english or crude chinook the strange, dark legend of the bridge, which is the subject of our tale. at the time our story opens, this confederacy was at the height of its power. it was a rough-hewn, barbarian realm, the most heterogeneous, the most rudimentary of alliances. the exact manner of its union, its laws, its extent, and its origin are all involved in the darkness which everywhere covers the history of indian oregon,--a darkness into which our legend casts but a ray of light that makes the shadows seem the denser. it gives us, however, a glimpse of the diverse and squalid tribes that made up the confederacy. this included the "canoe indians" of the sound and of the oregon sea-coast, whose flat heads, greasy squat bodies, and crooked legs were in marked contrast with their skill and dexterity in managing their canoes and fish-spears; the hardy indians of the willamette valley and the cascade range; and the bold, predatory riders of eastern oregon and washington,--buffalo hunters and horse tamers, passionately fond, long before the advent of the white man, of racing and gambling. it comprised also the okanogans, who disposed of their dead by tying them upright to a tree; the yakimas, who buried them under cairns of stone; the klickitats, who swathed them like mummies and laid them in low, rude huts on the _mimaluse_, or "death islands" of the columbia; the chinooks, who stretched them in canoes with paddles and fishing implements by their side; and the kalamaths, who burned them with the maddest saturnalia of dancing, howling, and leaping through the flames of the funeral pyre. over sixty or seventy petty tribes stretched the wild empire, welded together by the pressure of common foes and held in the grasp of the hereditary war-chief of the willamettes. * * * * * the chiefs of the willamettes had gathered on wappatto island, from time immemorial the council-ground of the tribes. the white man has changed its name to "sauvie's" island; but its wonderful beauty is unchangeable. lying at the mouth of the willamette river and extending for many miles down the columbia, rich in wide meadows and crystal lakes, its interior dotted with majestic oaks and its shores fringed with cottonwoods, around it the blue and sweeping rivers, the wooded hills, and the far white snow peaks,--it is the most picturesque spot in oregon. the chiefs were assembled in secret council, and only those of pure willamette blood were present, for the question to be considered was not one to be known by even the most trusted ally. all the confederated tribes beyond the cascade range were in a ferment of rebellion. one of the petty tribes of eastern oregon had recently risen up against the willamette supremacy; and after a short but bloody struggle, the insurrection had been put down and the rebels almost exterminated by the victorious willamettes. but it was known that the chief of the malcontents had passed from tribe to tribe before the struggle commenced, inciting them to revolt, and it was suspected that a secret league had been formed; though when matters came to a crisis, the confederates, afraid to face openly the fierce warriors of the willamette, had stood sullenly back, giving assistance to neither side. it was evident, however, that a spirit of angry discontent was rife among them. threatening language had been used by the restless chiefs beyond the mountains; braves had talked around the camp-fire of the freedom of the days before the yoke of the confederacy was known; and the gray old dreamers, with whom the _mimaluse tillicums_ [dead people] talked, had said that the fall of the willamettes was near at hand. the sachems of the willamettes, advised of everything, were met in council in the soft oregon spring-tide. they were gathered under the cottonwood trees, not far from the bank of the columbia. the air was fresh with the scent of the waters, and the young leaves were just putting forth on the "trees of council," whose branches swayed gently in the breeze. beneath them, their bronze faces more swarthy still as the dancing sunbeams fell upon them through the moving boughs, thirty sachems sat in close semi-circle before their great war-chief, multnomah. it was a strange, a sombre assembly. the chiefs were for the most part tall, well-built men, warriors and hunters from their youth up. there was something fierce and haughty in their bearing, something menacing, violent, and lawless in their saturnine faces and black, glittering eyes. most of them wore their hair long; some plaited, others flowing loosely over their shoulders. their ears were loaded with _hiagua_ shells; their dress was composed of buckskin leggings and moccasins, and a short robe of dressed skin that came from the shoulders to the knees, to which was added a kind of blanket woven of the wool of the mountain sheep, or an outer robe of skins or furs, stained various colors and always drawn close around the body when sitting or standing. seated on rude mats of rushes, wrapped each in his outer blanket and doubly wrapped in indian stoicism, the warriors were ranged before their chief. his garb did not differ from that of the others, except that his blanket was of the richest fur known to the indians, so doubled that the fur showed on either side. his bare arms were clasped each with a rough band of gold; his hair was cut short, in sign of mourning for his favorite wife, and his neck was adorned with a collar of large bear-claws, showing he had accomplished that proudest of all achievements for the indian,--the killing of a grizzly. until the last chief had entered the grove and taken his place in the semi-circle, multnomah sat like a statue of stone. he leaned forward reclining on his bow, a fine unstrung weapon tipped with gold. he was about sixty years old, his form tall and stately, his brow high, his eyes black, overhung with shaggy gray eyebrows and piercing as an eagle's. his dark, grandly impassive face, with its imposing regularity of feature, showed a penetration that read everything, a reserve that revealed nothing, a dominating power that gave strength and command to every line. the lip, the brow, the very grip of the hand on the bow told of a despotic temper and an indomitable will. the glance that flashed out from this reserved and resolute face--sharp, searching, and imperious--may complete the portrait of multnomah, the silent, the secret, the terrible. when the last late-entering chief had taken his place, multnomah rose and began to speak, using the royal language; for like the cayuses and several other tribes of the northwest, the willamettes had two languages,--the common, for every-day use, and the royal, spoken only by the chiefs in council. in grave, strong words he laid before them the troubles that threatened to break up the confederacy and his plan for meeting them. it was to send out runners calling a council of all the tribes, including the doubtful allies, and to try before them and execute the rebellious chief, who had been taken alive and was now reserved for the torture. such a council, with the terrible warning of the rebel's death enacted before it, would awe the malcontents into submission or drive them into open revolt. long enough had the allies spoken with two tongues; long enough had they smoked the peace-pipe with both the willamettes and their enemies. they must come now to peace that should be peace, or to open war. the chief made no gestures, his voice did not vary its stern, deliberate accents from first to last; but there was an indefinable something in word and manner that told how his warlike soul thirsted for battle, how the iron resolution, the ferocity beneath his stoicism, burned with desire of vengeance. there was perfect attention while he spoke,--not so much as a glance or a whisper aside. when he had ceased and resumed his seat, silence reigned for a little while. then tla-wau-wau, chief of the klackamas, a sub-tribe of the willamette, rose. he laid aside his outer robe, leaving bare his arms and shoulders, which were deeply scarred; for tla-wau-wau was a mighty warrior, and as such commanded. with measured deliberation he spoke in the royal tongue. "tla-wau-wau has seen many winters, and his hair is very gray. many times has he watched the grass spring up and grow brown and wither, and the snows come and go, and those things have brought him wisdom, and what he has seen of life and death has given him strong thoughts. it is not well to leap headlong into a muddy stream, lest there be rocks under the black water. shall we call the tribes to meet us here on the island of council? when they are all gathered together they are more numerous than we. is it wise to call those that are stronger than ourselves into our wigwam, when their hearts are bitter against us? who knows what plots they might lay, or how suddenly they might fall on us at night or in the day when we were unprepared? can we trust them? does not the klickitat's name mean 'he that steals horses'? the yakima would smoke the peace-pipe with the knife that was to stab you hid under his blanket. the wasco's heart is a lie, and his tongue is a trap. "no, let us wait. the tribes talk great swelling words now and their hearts are hot, but if we wait, the fire will die down and the words grow small. then we can have a council and be knit together again. let us wait till another winter has come and gone; then let us meet in council, and the tribes will listen. "tla-wau-wau says, 'wait, and all will be well.'" his earnest, emphatic words ended, the chief took his seat and resumed his former look of stolid indifference. a moment before he had been all animation, every glance and gesture eloquent with meaning; now he sat seemingly impassive and unconcerned. there was another pause. it was so still that the rustling of the boughs overhead was startlingly distinct. saving the restless glitter of black eyes, it was a tableau of stoicism. then another spoke, advising caution, setting forth the danger of plunging into a contest with the allies. speaker followed speaker in the same strain. as they uttered the words counselling delay, the glance of the war-chief grew ever brighter, and his grip upon the bow on which he leaned grew harder. but the cold face did not relax a muscle. at length rose mishlah the cougar, chief of the mollalies. his was one of the most singular faces there. his tangled hair fell around a sinister, bestial countenance, all scarred and seamed by wounds received in battle. his head was almost flat, running back from his eyebrows so obliquely that when he stood erect he seemed to have no forehead at all; while the back and lower part of his head showed an enormous development,--a development that was all animal. he knew nothing but battle, and was one of the most dreaded warriors of the willamettes. he spoke,--not in the royal language, as did the others, but in the common dialect, the only one of which he was master. "my heart is as the heart of multnomah. mishlah is hungry for war. if the tribes that are our younger brothers are faithful, they will come to the council and smoke the pipe of peace with us; if they are not, let us know it. mishlah knows not what it is to wait. you all talk words, words, words; and the tribes laugh and say, 'the willamettes have become women and sit in the lodge sewing moccasins and are afraid to fight.' send out the runners. call the council. let us find who are our enemies; then let us strike!" the hands of the chief closed involuntarily as if they clutched a weapon, and his voice rang harsh and grating. the eyes of multnomah flashed fire, and the war-lust kindled for a moment on the dark faces of the listeners. then rose the grotesque figure of an indian, ancient, withered, with matted locks and haggard face, who had just joined the council, gliding in noiselessly from the neighboring wood. his cheek-bones were unusually high, his lower lip thick and protruding, his eyes deeply sunken, his face drawn, austere, and dismal beyond description. the mis-shapen, degraded features repelled at first sight; but a second glance revealed a great dim sadness in the eyes, a gloomy foreboding on brow and lip that were weirdly fascinating, so sombre were they, so full of woe. there was a wild dignity in his mien; and he wore the robe of furs, though soiled and torn, that only the richest chiefs were able to wear. such was tohomish, or pine voice, chief of the santiam tribe of the willamettes, the most eloquent orator and potent medicine or _tomanowos_ man in the confederacy. there was a perceptible movement of expectation, a lighting up of faces as he arose, and a shadow of anxiety swept over multnomah's impassive features. for this man's eloquence was wonderful, and his soft magnetic tones could sway the passions of his hearers to his will with a power that seemed more than human to the superstitious indians. would he declare for the council or against it; for peace or for war? he threw back the tangled locks that hung over his face, and spoke. "chiefs and warriors, who dwell in lodges and talk with men, tohomish, who dwells in caves and talks with the dead, says greeting, and by him the dead send greeting also." his voice was wonderfully musical, thrilling, and pathetic; and as he spoke the salutation from the dead, a shudder went through the wild audience before him,--through all but multnomah, who did not shrink nor drop his searching eyes from the speaker's face. what cared he for the salutation of the living or the dead? would this man whose influence was so powerful declare for action or delay? "it has been long since tohomish has stood in the light of the sun and looked on the faces of his brothers or heard their voices. other faces has he looked upon and other voices has he heard. he has learned the language of the birds and the trees, and has talked with the people of old who dwell in the serpent and the cayote; and they have taught him their secrets. but of late terrible things have come to tohomish." he paused, and the silence was breathless, for the indians looked on this man as a seer to whom the future was as luminous as the past. but multnomah's brow darkened; he felt that tohomish also was against him, and the soul of the warrior rose up stern and resentful against the prophet. "a few suns ago, as i wandered in the forest by the santiam, i heard the death-wail in the distance. i said, 'some one is dead, and that is the cry of the mourners. i will go and lift up my voice with them.' but as i sought them up the hill and through the thickets the cry grew fainter and farther, till at last it died out amid distant rocks and crags. and then i knew that i had heard no human voice lamenting the dead, but that it was the spirit indian-of-the-wood wailing for the living whose feet go down to the darkness and whose faces the sun shall soon see no more. then my heart grew heavy and bitter, for i knew that woe had come to the willamettes. "i went to my den in the mountains, and sought to know of those that dwell in the night the meaning of this. i built the medicine-fire, i fasted, i refused to sleep. day and night i kept the fire burning; day and night i danced the _tomanowos_ dance around the flames, or leaped through them, singing the song that brings the _spee-ough_, till at last the life went from my limbs and my head grew sick and everything was a whirl of fire. then i knew that the power was on me, and i fell, and all grew black. "i dreamed a dream. "i stood by the death-trail that leads to the spirit-land. the souls of those who had just died were passing; and as i gazed, the wail i had heard in the forest came back, but nearer than before. and as the wail sounded, the throng on the death-trail grew thicker and their tread swifter. the warrior passed with his bow in his hand and his quiver swinging from his shoulder; the squaw followed with his food upon her back; the old tottered by. it was a whole people on the way to the spirit-land. but when i tried to see their faces, to know them, if they were willamette or shoshone or our brother tribes, i could not. but the wail grew ever louder and the dead grew ever thicker as they passed. then it all faded out, and i slept. when i awoke, it was night; the fire had burned into ashes and the medicine wolf was howling on the hills. the voices that are in the air came to me and said, 'go to the council and tell what you have seen;' but i refused, and went far into the wood to avoid them. but the voices would not let me rest, and my spirit burned within me, and i came. beware of the great council. send out no runners. call not the tribes together. voices and omens and dreams tell tohomish of something terrible to come. the trees whisper it; it is in the air, in the waters. it has made my spirit bitter and heavy until my drink seems blood and my food has the taste of death. warriors, tohomish has shown his heart. his words are ended." he resumed his seat and drew his robe about him, muffling the lower part of his face. the matted hair fell once more over his drooping brow and repulsive countenance, from which the light faded the moment he ceased to speak. again the silence was profound. the indians sat spell-bound, charmed by the mournful music of the prophet's voice and awed by the dread vision he had revealed. all the superstition within them was aroused. when tohomish took his seat, every indian was ready to oppose the calling of the council with all his might. even mishlah, as superstitious as blood-thirsty, was startled and perplexed. the war-chief stood alone. he knew it, but it only made his despotic will the stronger. against the opposition of the council and the warning of tohomish, against _tomanowos_ and _spee-ough_, ominous as they were even to him, rose up the instinct which was as much a part of him as life itself,--the instinct to battle and to conquer. he was resolved with all the grand strength of his nature to bend the council to his will, and with more than indian subtility saw how it might be done. he rose to his feet and stood for a moment in silence, sweeping with his glance the circle of chiefs. as he did so, the mere personality of the man began to produce a reaction. for forty years he had been the great war-chief of the tribes of the wauna, and had never known defeat. the ancient enemies of his race dreaded him; the wandering bands of the prairies had carried his name far and wide; and even beyond the rockies, sioux and pawnee had heard rumors of the powerful chief by the big river of the west. he stood before them a huge, stern warrior, himself a living assurance of victory and dominion. as was customary with indian orators in preparing the way for a special appeal, he began to recount the deeds of the fathers, the valor of the ancient heroes of the race. his stoicism fell from him as he half spoke, half chanted the harangue. the passion that was burning within him made his words like pictures, so vivid they were, and thrilled his tones with electric power. as he went on, the sullen faces of his hearers grew animated; the superstitious fears that tohomish had awakened fell from them. again they were warriors, and their blood kindled and their pulses throbbed to the words of their invincible leader. he saw it, and began to speak of the battles they themselves had fought and the victories they had gained. more than one dark cheek flushed darker and more than one hand moved unconsciously to the knife. he alluded to the recent war and to the rebellious tribe that had been destroyed. "_that_," said he, "was the people tohomish saw passing over the death-trail in his dream. what wonder that the thought of death should fill the air, when we have slain a whole people at a single blow! do we not know too that their spirits would try to frighten our dreamers with omens and bad _tomanowos_? was it not bad _tomanowos_ that tohomish saw? it could not have come from the great spirit, for he spoke to our fathers and said that we should be strongest of all the tribes as long as the bridge of the gods should stand. have the stones of that bridge begun to crumble, that our hearts should grow weak?" he then described the natural bridge which, as tradition and geology alike tell us, spanned at that time the columbia at the cascades. the great spirit, he declared, had spoken; and as he had said, so it would be. dreams and omens were mist and shadow, but the bridge was rock, and the word of the great spirit stood forever. on this tradition the chief dwelt with tremendous force, setting against the superstition that tohomish had roused the still more powerful superstition of the bridge,--a superstition so interwoven with every thought and hope of the willamettes that it had become a part of their character as a tribe. and now when their martial enthusiasm and fatalistic courage were all aglow, when the recital of their fathers' deeds had stirred their blood and the portrayal of their own victories filled them again with the fierce joy of conflict, when the mountain of stone that arched the columbia had risen before them in assurance of dominion as eternal as itself,--now, when in every eye gleamed desire of battle and every heart was aflame, the chief made (and it was characteristic of him) in one terse sentence his crowning appeal,-- "chiefs, speak your heart. shall the runners be sent out to call the council?" there was a moment of intense silence. then a low, deep murmur of consent came from the excited listeners: a half-smothered war-cry burst from the lips of mishlah, and the victory was won. one only sat silent and apart, his robe drawn close, his head bent down, seemingly oblivious of all around him, as if resigned to inevitable doom. "to-morrow at dawn, while the light is yet young, the runners will go out. let the chiefs meet here in the grove to hear the message given them to be carried to the tribes. the talk is ended." chapter ii. the war-chief and the seer. cassandra's wild voice prophesying woe. philip bourke marston. the war-chief left the grove as soon as he had dismissed the council. tohomish went with him. for some distance they walked together, the one erect and majestic, the other gliding like a shadow by his side. at length multnomah stopped under a giant cottonwood and looked sternly at tohomish. "you frightened the council to-day with bad _mimaluse_ [death] talk. why did you do it? why did you bring into a council of warriors dreams fit only for old men that lie sleeping in the sun by the door of the wigwam?" "i said what my eyes saw and my ears heard, and it was true." "it cannot be true, for the great spirit has said that the willamettes shall rule the tribes as long as the bridge shall stand; and how can it fall when it is a mountain of stone?" a strange expression crossed tohomish's sullen face. "multnomah, beware how you rest on the prophecy of the bridge. lean not your hand on it, for it is as if you put it forth to lean it on a coiled rattlesnake." "your sayings are dark," replied the chief impatiently. "speak plainly." tohomish shook his head, and the gloomy look habitual to him came back. "i cannot. dreams and omens i can tell, but the secret of the bridge is the secret of the great spirit; and i cannot tell it lest he become angry and take from me my power of moving men with burning words." "the secret of the great spirit! what black thing is it you are hiding and covering up with words? bring it forth into the light, that i may see it." "no, it is my _tomanowos_. were i to tell it the gift of eloquence would go from me, the fire would die from my heart and the words from my lips, and my life would wither up within me." multnomah was silent. massive and commanding as was his character he was still an indian, and the words of the seer had touched the latent superstition in his nature. they referred to that strongest and most powerful of all the strange beliefs of the oregon savages,--the spirit possession or devil worship of the _tomanowos_. as soon as an oregon indian was old enough to aspire to a place among the braves, he was sent into the hills alone. there he fasted, prayed, and danced, chanted the medicine-chant, and cut himself with knife or thorn till he fell exhausted to the ground. whatever he saw then, in waking delirium or feverish sleep, was the charm that was to control his future. be it bird or beast, dream or mystic revelation, it was his _totem_ or _tomanowos_, and gave him strength, cunning, or swiftness, sometimes knowledge of the future, imparting to him its own characteristics. but _what_ it was, its name or nature, was the one secret that must go with him to his grave. woe unto him if he told the name of his _totem_. in that moment it would desert him, taking from him all strength and power, leaving him a shattered wreck, an outcast from camp and war-party. "multnomah says well that it is a black secret, but it is my _totem_ and may not be told. for many winters tohomish has carried it in his breast, till its poisoned sap has filled his heart with bitterness, till for him gladness and warmth have gone out of the light, laughter has grown a sob of pain, and sorrow and death have become what the feast, the battle, and the chase are to other men. it is the black secret, the secret of the coming trouble, that makes tohomish's voice like the voice of a pine; so that men say it has in it sweetness and mystery and haunting woe, moving the heart as no other can. and if he tells the secret, eloquence and life go with it. shall tohomish tell it? will multnomah listen while tohomish shows what is to befall the bridge and the willamettes in the time that is to come?" the war-chief gazed at him earnestly. in that troubled, determined look, superstition struggled for a moment and then gave way to the invincible obstinacy of his resolve. "no. multnomah knows that his own heart is strong and will not fail him, come what may; and that is all he cares to know. if you told me, the _tomanowos_ would be angry, and drain your spirit from you and cast you aside as the serpent casts its skin. and you must be the most eloquent of all at the great council; for there the arm of multnomah and the voice of tohomish must bend the bad chiefs before them." his accents had the same undertone of arbitrary will, of inflexible determination, that had been in them when he spoke in the council. though the shadows fell more and more ominous and threatening across his path, to turn back did not occur to him. the stubborn tenacity of the man could not let go his settled purpose. "tohomish will be at the council and speak for his chief and his tribe?" asked multnomah, in a tone that was half inquiry, half command; for the seer whose mysterious power as an orator gave him so strong an influence over the indians must be there. tohomish's haggard and repulsive face had settled back into the look of mournful apathy habitual to him. he had not, since the council, attempted to change the chief's decision by a single word, but seemed to have resigned himself with true indian fatalism to that which was to come. "tohomish will go to the council," he said in those soft and lingering accents, indescribably sweet and sad, with which his degraded face contrasted so strongly. "yes, he will go to the council, and his voice shall bend and turn the hearts of men as never before. strong will be the words that he shall say, for with him it will be sunset and his voice will be heard no more." "where will you go when the council is ended, that we shall see you no more?" asked multnomah. "on the death-trail to the spirit-land,--nor will i go alone," was the startling reply; and the seer glided noiselessly away and disappeared among the trees. chapter iii. wallulah. ne'er was seen in art or nature, aught so passing sweet as was the form that in its beauteous frame inclosed her, and is scattered now in dust. carey: _dante_. multnomah passed on to seek the lodge of his daughter wallulah, a half asiatic, and the most beautiful woman in all the land of the wauna. reader, would you know the tale of the fair oriental of whom was born the sweet beauty of wallulah? eighteen years before the time of our story, an east indian ship was wrecked on the columbia bar, the crew and cargo falling into the hands of the indians. among the rescued was a young and exceedingly lovely woman, who was hospitably entertained by the chief of the tribe. he and his people were deeply impressed by the grace of the fair stranger, whose dainty beauty won for her the name of "sea-flower," because the sea, that is ever drifting weeds, had for once wafted a flower to the shore. as she sat on the mat in the rude bark lodge, the stern chief softened his voice, trying to talk with her; the uncouth women gently stroked her long soft hair, and some of the bolder and more curious touched her white hands wonderingly, while the throng of dusky faces pressed close round the pale, sweet creature whose eyes looked at them with a deep, dumb woe they could not understand. when she had become familiar with the willamette tongue, she told them that she was the daughter of a chief far away across the great water, who ruled a country as broad as the land of the wauna and far richer. he had sent her as a bride to the ruler of another land, with a fabulous dowry of jewels and a thousand gifts besides. but the ship that bore her and her splendid treasures had been turned from its course by a terrible storm. day after day it was driven through a waste of blackness and foam,--the sails rent, the masts swept away, the shattered hulk hurled onward like a straw by the fury of the wind. when the tempest had spent itself, they found themselves in a strange sea under strange stars. compass and chart were gone; they knew not where they were, and caught in some unknown current, they could only drift blindly on and on. never sighting land, seeing naught but the everlasting sweep of wave and sky, it began to be whispered in terror that this ocean had no further shore, that they might sail on forever, seeing nothing but the boundless waters. at length, when the superstitious sailors began to talk of throwing their fair charge overboard as an offering to the gods, the blue peaks of the coast range rose out of the water, and the ever rain-freshened green of the oregon forests dawned upon them. then came the attempt to enter the columbia, and the wreck on the bar.[ ] multnomah made the lovely princess his wife, and sea-flower showed the spirit of a queen. she tried to introduce among the indians something of the refinement of her oriental home. from her the degraded medicine-men and dreamers caught a gleam of the majestic lore of buddha; to the chiefs-in-council she taught something of the grave, inexorable justice of the east, that seemed like a higher development of their own grim unwritten code. her influence was very great, for she was naturally eloquent and of noble presence. more than one sachem felt the inspiration of better, purer thoughts than he had ever known before when the "war-chief's woman" spoke in council. strange gatherings were those: blood-stained chiefs and savage warriors listening all intent to the sweetest of indian tongues spoken in modulations that were music; the wild heart of the empire stirred by the perfumed breath of a woman! she had died three years before the events we have been narrating, and had left to her daughter the heritage of her refinement and her beauty. wallulah was the only child of the war-chief and his asiatic wife, the sole heir of her father's sovereignty. two miles from the council grove, in the interior of the island, was wallulah's lodge. the path that multnomah took led through a pleasant sylvan lawn. the grass was green, and the air full of the scent of buds and flowers. here and there a butterfly floated like a sunbeam through the woodland shadows, and a humming-bird darted in winged beauty from bloom to bloom. the lark's song came vibrating through the air, and in the more open spaces innumerable birds flew twittering in the sun. the dewy freshness, the exquisite softness of spring, was everywhere. in the golden weather, through shadowed wood and sunny opening, the war-chief sought his daughter's lodge. suddenly a familiar sound attracted his attention, and he turned toward it. a few steps, and he came to the margin of a small lake. several snow-white swans were floating on it; and near the edge of the water, but concealed from the swans by the tall reeds that grew along the shore, was his daughter, watching them. she was attired in a simple dress of some oriental fabric. her form was small and delicately moulded; her long black hair fell in rich masses about her shoulders; and her profile, turned toward him, was sweetly feminine. the indian type showed plainly, but was softened with her mother's grace. her face was sad, with large appealing eyes and mournful lips, and full of haunting loveliness; a face whose strange mournfulness was deepened by the splendor of its beauty; a face the like of which is rarely seen, but once seen can never be forgotten. there was something despondent even in her pose, as she sat with her shoulders drooping slightly forward and her dark eyes fixed absently on the swans, watching them through the bending reeds. now one uttered its note, and she listened, seeming to vibrate to the deep, plaintive cry; then she raised to her lips a flute that she held in her hands, and answered it with a perfect intonation,--an intonation that breathed the very spirit of the swan. so successful was the mimicry that the swans replied, thinking it the cry of a hidden mate; and again she softly, rhythmically responded. "wallulah!" said the chief. she sprang to her feet and turned toward him. her dark face lighted with an expressive flash, her black eyes shone, her features glowed with joy and surprise. it was like the breaking forth of an inner illumination. there was now nothing of the indian in her face. "my father!" she exclaimed, springing to him and kissing his hand, greeting him as her mother had taught her to do from childhood. "welcome! were you searching for me?" "yes, you were well hidden, but multnomah is a good hunter and can always track the fawn to its covert," replied the chief, with the faint semblance of a smile. all that there was of gentleness in his nature came out when talking with his daughter. "you have come from the council? are you not weary and hungry? come to the lodge, and let wallulah give you food, and spread a mat for you to rest upon." "no, i am hungry only to see wallulah and hear her talk. sit down on the log again." she seated herself, and her father stood beside her with an abstracted gaze, his hand stroking her long, soft tresses. he was thinking of the darker, richer tresses of another, whose proud, sad face and mournful eyes with their wistful meaning, so like wallulah's own, he, a barbarian prince, could never understand. although, according to the superstitious custom of the willamettes, he never spoke the name of sea-flower or alluded to her in any way, he loved his lost wife with a deep and unchanging affection. she had been a fair frail thing whose grace and refinement perplexed and fascinated him, moving him to unwonted tenderness and yearning. he had brought to her the spoils of the chase and of battle. the finest mat was braided for her lodge, the choicest skins and furs spread for her bed, and the chieftainess's string of _hiagua_ shells and grizzly bear's claws had been put around her white neck by multnomah's own hand. in spite of all this, she drooped and saddened year by year; the very hands that sought to cherish her seemed but to bruise; and she sickened and died, the delicate woman, in the arms of the iron war-chief, like a flower in the grasp of a mailed hand. why did she die? why did she always seem so sad? why did she so often steal away to weep over her child? was not the best food hers, and the warm place by the lodge fire, and the softest bearskin to rest on; and was she not the wife of multnomah,--the big chief's woman? why then should she droop and die like a winged bird that one tries to tame by tying it to the wigwam stake and tossing it food? often the old chief brooded over these questions, but it was unknown to all, even to wallulah. only his raven tresses, cut close year by year in sign of perpetual mourning, told that he had not forgotten, could never forget. the swans had taken flight, and their long lingering note sounded faint in the distance. "you have frightened away my swans," said wallulah, looking up at him smilingly. a shadow crossed his brow. "wallulah," he said, and his voice had now the stern ring habitual to it, "you waste your life with the birds and trees and that thing of sweet sounds,"--pointing to the flute. "better be learning to think on the things a war-chief's daughter should care for,--the feast and the council, the war-parties and the welcome to the braves when they come back to the camp with the spoil." the bright look died out of her face. "you say those words so often," she replied sorrowfully, "and i try to obey, but cannot. war is terrible to me." his countenance grew harsher, his hand ceased to stroke her hair. "and has multnomah, chief of the willamettes and war-chief of the wauna, lived to hear his daughter say that war is terrible to her? have you nothing of your father in you? remember the tales of the brave women of multnomah's race,--the women whose blood is in your veins. remember that they spoke burning words in the council, and went forth with the men to battle, and came back with their own garments stained with blood. you shudder! is it at the thought of blood?" the old wistful look came back, the old sadness was on the beautiful face again. one could see now why it was there. "my father," she said sorrowfully, "wallulah has tried to love those things, but she cannot. she cannot change the heart the great spirit has given her. she cannot bring herself to be a woman of battle any more than she can sound a war-cry on her flute," and she lifted it as she spoke. he took it into his own hands. "it is this," he said, breaking down the sensitive girl in the same despotic way in which he bent the wills of warriors; "it is this that makes you weak. is it a charm that draws the life from your heart? if so, it can be broken." another moment and the flute would have been broken in his ruthless hands and its fragments flung into the lake; but wallulah, startled, caught it from him with a plaintive cry. "it was my mother's. if you break it you will break my heart!" the chief's angry features quivered at the mention of her mother, and he instantly released the flute. wallulah clasped it to her bosom as if it represented in some way the mother she had lost, and her eyes filled with tears. again her father's hand rested on her head, and she knew that he too was thinking of her mother. her nature rose up in revolt against the indian custom which forbade talking of the dead. oh, if she might only talk with her father about her mother, though it were but a few brief words! never since her mother's death had her name been mentioned between them. she lifted her eyes, pathetic with three years' hunger, to his. as their glances met, it seemed as if the veil that had been between their diverse natures was for a moment lifted, and they understood each other better than they ever had before. while his look imposed silence and sealed her lips as with a spoken command, there was a gleam of tenderness in it that said, "i understand, i too remember; but it must not be spoken." there came to her a sense of getting closer to her father's heart, even while his eyes held her back and bade her be silent. at length the chief spoke, this time very gently. "now i shall talk to you not as to a girl but as to a woman. you are multnomah's only child. when he dies there will be no one but you to take his place. are your shoulders strong enough to bear the weight of power, the weight that crushes men? can you break down revolt and read the hearts of plotters,--yes, and detect conspiracy when it is but a whisper in the air? can you sway council and battle to your will as the warrior bends his bow? no; it takes men, men strong of heart, to rule the races of the wauna. therefore there is but one way left me whereby the line of multnomah may still be head of the confederacy when he is gone. i must wed you to a great warrior who can take my place when i am dead and shelter you with his strength. then the name and the power of multnomah will still live among the tribes, though multnomah himself be crumbled into dust." she made no reply, but sat looking confused and pained, by no means elated at the future he had described. "have you never thought of this,--that some time i must give you to a warrior?" her head drooped lower and her cheek faintly flushed. "sometimes." "but you have chosen no one?" "i do not know," she faltered. her father's hand still rested on her head, but there was an expression on his face that showed he would not hesitate to sacrifice her happiness to his ambition. "you have chosen, then? is he a chief? no, i will not ask that; the daughter of multnomah could love no one but a chief. i have already selected a husband for you. tear this other love from your heart and cast it aside." the flush died out of her cheek, leaving it cold and ashen; and her fingers worked nervously with the flute in her lap. he continued coldly,-- "the fame of your beauty has gone out through all the land. the chief of the chopponish[ ] has offered many horses for you, and the chief of the spokanes, our ancient foes, has said there would be peace between us if i gave you to him. but i have promised you to another. your marriage to him will knit the bravest tribe of the confederacy to us; he will take my place when i am dead, and our people will still be strong." she made no reply. what could she do against her father's granite will? all the grace and mobility were gone from her face, and it was drooping and dull almost to impassiveness. she was only an indian girl now, waiting to learn the name of him who was to be her master. "what is the name of the one you love? speak it once, then never speak it again." "snoqualmie, chief of the cayuses," faltered her tremulous lips. a quick change of expression came into the gaze that was bent on her. "now lift your head and meet your fate like the daughter of a chief. do not let me see your face change while i tell you whom i have chosen." she lifted her face in a tumult of fear and dread, and her eyes fastened pathetically on the chief. "his name is--" she clasped her hands and her whole soul went out to her father in the mute supplication of her gaze--"the chief snoqualmie, him of whom you have thought." her face was bewilderment itself for an instant; the next, the sudden light, the quick flash of expression which transfigured it in a moment of joy or surprise, came to her, and she raised his hand and kissed it. was that all? remember she had in her the deep, mute indian nature that meets joy or anguish alike in silence. she had early learned to repress and control her emotions. perhaps that was why she was so sad and brooding now. "where have you seen snoqualmie?" asked multnomah. "not in your father's lodge, surely, for when strange chiefs came to him you always fled like a frightened bird." "once only have i seen him," she replied, flushing and confused. "he had come here alone to tell you that some of the tribes were plotting against you. i saw him as he went back through the wood to the place where his canoe was drawn up on the bank of the river. he was tall; his black hair fell below his shoulders; and his look was very proud and strong. his back was to the setting sun, and it shone around him robing him with fire, and i thought he looked like the indian sun-god." "i am glad it is pleasant for you to obey me. now, listen while i tell you what you must do as the wife of snoqualmie." stilling the sweet tumult in her breast, she tried hard to listen while he told her of the plans, the treaties, the friendships, and the enmities she must urge on her husband, when he became war-chief and was carrying on her father's work; and in part she understood, for her imagination was captivated by the splendid though barbarian dream of empire he set before her. at length, as the sun was setting, one came to tell multnomah that a runner from a tribe beyond the mountains had come to see him. then her father left her; but wallulah still sat on the mossy log, while all the woodland was golden in the glory of sunset. her beloved flute was pressed close to her cheek, and her face was bright and joyous; she was thinking of snoqualmie, the handsome stately chief whom she had seen but once, but whose appearance, as she saw him then, had filled her girlish heart. and all the time she knew not that this snoqualmie, to whom she was to be given, was one of the most cruel and inhuman of men, terrible even to the grim warriors of the wauna for his deeds of blood. ----- [ ] shipwrecks of asiatic vessels are not uncommon on the pacific coast, several having occurred during the present century,--notably that of a japanese junk in , from which three passengers were saved at the hands of the indians; while the cases of beeswax that have been disinterred on the sea-coast, the oriental words that are found ingrafted in the native languages, and the asiatic type of countenance shown by many of the natives, prove such wrecks to have been frequent in prehistoric times. one of the most romantic stories of the oregon coast is that which the indians tell of a buried treasure at mount nehalem, left there generations ago by shipwrecked men of strange garb and curious arms,--treasure which, like that of captain kidd, has been often sought but never found. there is also an indian legend of a shipwrecked white man named soto, and his comrades (see mrs. victor's "oregon and washington"), who lived long with the mid-columbia indians and then left them to seek some settlement of their own people in the south. all of these legends point to the not infrequent occurrence of such a wreck as our story describes. [ ] indian name of the nez percés. chapter iv. sending out the runners. speed, malise, speed; the dun deer's hide on fleeter foot was never tied; herald of battle, fate and fear stretch around thy fleet career. scott. at early morning, the sachems had gathered in the council-grove, multnomah on the seat of the war-chief, and twenty runners before him. they were the flower of the willamette youth, every one of royal birth, handsome in shape and limb, fleet-footed as the deer. they were slender and sinewy in build, with aquiline features and sharp searching eyes. their garb was light. leggins and moccasins had been laid aside; even the _hiagua_ shells were stripped from their ears. all stood nerved and eager for the race, waiting for the word that was to scatter them throughout the indian empire, living thunderbolts bearing the summons of multnomah. the message had been given them, and they waited only to pledge themselves to its faithful delivery. "you promise," said the chief, while his flashing glance read every messenger to the heart, "you promise that neither cougar nor cataract nor ambuscade shall deter you from the delivery of this summons; that you will not turn back, though the spears of the enemy are thicker in your path than ferns along the santiam? you promise that though you fall in death, the summons shall go on?" the spokesman of the runners, the runner to the chopponish, stepped forward. with gestures of perfect grace, and in a voice that rang like a silver trumpet, he repeated the ancient oath of the willamettes,--the oath used by the shoshones to-day. "the earth hears us, the sun sees us. shall we fail in fidelity to our chief?" there was a pause. the distant cry of swans came from the river; the great trees of council rustled in the breeze. multnomah rose from his seat, gripping the bow on which he leaned. into that one moment he seemed gathering yet repressing all the fierceness of his passion, all the grandeur of his will. far in the shade he saw tohomish raise his hand imploringly, but the eyes of the orator sank once more under the glance of the war-chief. "go!" an electric shock passed through all who heard; and except for the chiefs standing on its outskirts like sombre shadows, the grove was empty in a moment. beyond the waters that girdled the island, one runner took the trail to puyallup, one the trail to umatilla, one the path to chelon, and one the path to shasta; another departed toward the volcano-rent desert of klamath, and still another toward the sea-washed shores of puget sound. the irrevocable summons had gone forth; the council was inevitable,--the crisis must come. [illustration: "_the earth hears us, the sun sees us._"] long did multnomah and his chiefs sit in council that day. resolute were the speeches that came from all, though many secretly regretted that they had allowed multnomah's oratory to persuade them into declaring for the council: but there was no retreat. across hills and canyons sped the fleet runners, on to the huge bark lodges of puget sound, the fisheries of the columbia, and the crowded race-courses of the yakima. into camps of wandering prairie tribes, where the lodges stood like a city to-day and were rolled up and strapped on the backs of horses to-morrow; into councils where sinister chiefs were talking low of war against the willamettes; into wild midnight dances of plotting dreamers and medicine-men,--they came with the brief stern summons, and passed on to speak it to the tribes beyond. book iii. _the gathering of the tribes._ chapter i. the broken peace-pipe. my full defiance, hate, and scorn. scott. it is the day after the departure of the runners to call the great council,--eight years since cecil grey went out into the wilderness. smoke is curling slowly upward from an indian camp on the prairie not far from the blue mountains of eastern oregon. fifteen or twenty cone-shaped lodges, each made of mats stretched on a frame-work of poles, compose the village. it swarms with wolfish-looking dogs and dirty, unclad children. heaps of refuse, heads and feet of game, lie decaying among the wigwams, tainting the air with their disgusting odor. here and there an ancient withered specimen of humanity sits in the sun, absorbing its rays with a dull animal-like sense of enjoyment, and a group of warriors lie idly talking. some of the squaws are preparing food, boiling it in water-tight willow baskets by filling them with water and putting in hot stones.[ ] horses are tethered near the lodges, and others are running loose on the prairie. there are not many of them. the indians have only scores now where a century later lewis and clark found thousands; and there are old men in the camp who can recall the time when the first horses ever seen among them were bought or stolen from the tribes to the south. on every side the prairie sweeps away in long grassy swells and hollows, rolling off to the base of the blue mountains. the camp has the sluggish aspect that an indian camp always presents at noonday. suddenly a keen-sighted warrior points to a dim speck far over the prairie toward the land of the bannocks. a white man would have scarcely noticed it; or if he had, would have thought it only some wandering deer or antelope. but the indians, glancing at the moving object, have already recognized it as a horseman coming straight toward the camp. some messenger it is, doubtless, from the bannocks. once the whole camp would have rushed to arms at the approach of a rider from that direction, for the two tribes had been at bitter enmity; but of late the peace-pipe has been smoked between them, and the old feud is at an end. still, the sight arouses considerable curiosity and much speculation as to the object of the visitor. he is a good rider, his horse is fleet, and in less time than would have been thought possible reaches the camp. he gallops up, stops near the lodges that are farthest out, and springs lightly to the ground. he does not go on into the camp, but stands beside his horse till advances are made on the other side. the dogs bark at him; his steed, a fiery black, tosses its head and paws the ground; he stands beside it immovably, and to all appearance is ready so to stand till sunset. some of the warriors recognize him as one of the bravest of the bannocks. he looks like a daring, resolute man, yet wary and self-contained. after a while one of the cayuse warriors (for this was a camp of the cayuses) advanced toward him, and a grave salutation was exchanged. then the bannock said that he wanted to see the cayuse chief, snoqualmie, in the council-lodge, for the chief of the bannocks had sent a "talk" to the cayuses. the warrior left him to speak with snoqualmie. in a short time he returned, saying that the chief and the warriors had gone to the council-lodge and were ready to hear the "talk" that their brother, the chief of the bannocks, had sent them. the messenger tied his horse by its lariat, or long hair-rope, to a bush, and followed the brave to the lodge. it was a large wigwam in the centre of the village. a crowd of old men, women, and children had already gathered around the door. within, on one side of the room, sat in three rows a semi-circle of braves, facing the chief, who sat on the opposite side. near the door was a clear space where the messenger was to stand while speaking. he entered, and the doorway behind him was immediately blocked up by the motley crowd excluded from the interior. not a warrior in the council looked at him; even the chief, snoqualmie, did not turn his head. the messenger advanced a few paces into the room, stopped, and stood as impassive as the rest. then, when the demands of indian stoicism had been satisfied, snoqualmie turned his face, a handsome but treacherous and cruel face, upon the messenger. "the warrior comes to speak the words of our brother, the chief of the bannocks; he is welcome. shall we smoke the pipe of peace before we hear our brother's words?" the bannock gazed steadily at snoqualmie. in that fierce and proud regard was something the cayuse could not fathom. "why should the peace-pipe be smoked?" he asked. "was it not smoked in the great council a moon ago? did not snoqualmie say then that the two tribes should henceforth be as one tribe, and that the bannocks should be the brethren of the cayuses forever?" "those were the words," replied the chief with dignity. "snoqualmie has not forgotten them." all eyes were now turned on the messenger; they saw that something unexpected was coming. the bannock drew his form up to its full height, and his resolute features expressed the bitterest scorn. "nor have the bannocks forgotten. at the council you talked 'peace, peace.' last night some of your young men surprised a little camp of bannocks,--a few old men and boys who were watching horses,--and slew them and ran off the horses. is that your peace? the bannocks will have no such peace. _this_ is the word the chief of the bannocks sends you!" holding up the peace-pipe that had been smoked at the great council and afterward given to the medicine-men of the bannocks as a pledge of cayuse sincerity, he broke the long slender stem twice, thrice, crushed the bowl in his fingers, and dashed the pieces at snoqualmie's feet. it was a defiance, a contemptuous rejection of peace, a declaration of war more disdainful than any words could have made it. then, before they could recover from their astonishment, the bannock turned and leaped through the crowd at the door,--for an instant's stay was death. even as he leaped, snoqualmie's tomahawk whizzed after him, and a dozen warriors were on their feet, weapon in hand. but the swift, wild drama had been played like lightning, and he was gone. only, a brave who had tried to intercept his passage lay on the ground outside the lodge, stabbed to the heart. they rushed to the door in time to see him throw himself on his horse and dash off, looking back to give a yell of triumph and defiance. in less time than it takes to describe it, the horses tethered near the lodges were mounted and twenty riders were in pursuit. but the bannock was considerably in advance now, and the fine black horse he rode held its own nobly. out over the prairie flew the pursuing cayuses, yelling like demons, the fugitive turning now and then to utter a shout of derision. back at the lodges, the crowd of spectators looked on with excited comments. "his horse is tired, ours are fresh!" "they gain on him!" "no, he is getting farther from them!" "see, he throws away his blanket!" "they are closer, closer!" "no, no, his horse goes like a deer." out over the prairies, fleeting like the shadow of a hurrying cloud, passed the race, the black horse leading, the cayuse riders close behind, their long hair outstreaming, their moccasins pressed against their horses' sides, their whips falling without mercy. down a canyon they swept in pursuit and passed from the ken of the watchers at the camp, the black horse still in the van. but it could not cope with the fresh horses of the cayuses, and they gained steadily. at last the pursuers came within bowshot, but they did not shoot; the fugitive knew too well the reason why. woe unto him if he fell alive into their hands! he leaned low along his horse's neck, chanting a weird refrain as if charming it to its utmost speed, and ever and anon looked back with that heart-shaking shout of defiance. but steadily his pursuers gained on him; and one, outstripping the rest, rode alongside and reached out to seize his rein. even as he touched it, the bannock's war-club swung in air and the cayuse reeled dead from his saddle. a howl of rage burst from the others, a whoop of exultation from the fugitive. but at length his horse's breath grew short and broken, he felt its body tremble as it ran, and his enemies closed in around him. thrice the war-club rose and fell, thrice was a saddle emptied; but all in vain. quickly his horse was caught, he was dragged from the saddle and bound hand and foot. he was thrown across a horse and brought back to the village. what a chorus of triumph went up from the camp, when it was seen that they were bringing him back! it was an ominous sound, with something of wolfish ferocity in it. but the bannock only smiled grimly. he is bound to a post,--a charred, bloodstained post to which others of his race have been bound before him. the women and children taunt him, jeer at him, strike him even. the warriors do not. they will presently do more than that. some busy themselves building a fire near by; others bring pieces of flint, spear points, jagged fragments of rock, and heat them in it. the prisoner, dusty, torn, parched with thirst, and bleeding from many wounds, looks on with perfect indifference. snoqualmie comes and gazes at him; the prisoner does not notice him, is seemingly unconscious of his presence. by and by a band of hunters ride up from a long excursion. they have heard nothing of the trouble. with them is a young bannock who is visiting the tribe. he rides up with his cayuse comrades, laughing, gesticulating in a lively way. the jest dies on his lips when he recognizes the bannock who is tied to the stake. before he can even think of flight, he is dragged from his horse and bound,--his whilom comrades, as soon as they understand the situation, becoming his bitterest assailants. for it is war again, war to the death between the tribes, until, two centuries later, both shall alike be crushed by the white man. at length the preparations are complete, and the women and children, who have been swarming around and taunting the captives, are brushed aside like so many flies by the stern warriors. first, the young bannock who has just come in is put where he must have a full view of the other. neither speaks, but a glance passes between them that is like a mutual charge to die bravely. snoqualmie comes and stands close by the prisoner and gives directions for the torture to begin. the bannock is stripped. the stone blades that have been in the fire are brought, all red and glowing with heat, and pressed against his bare flesh. it burns and hisses under the fiery torture, but the warrior only sneers. "it doesn't hurt; you can't hurt me. you are fools. you don't know how to torture."[ ] no refinement of cruelty could wring a complaint from him. it was in vain that they burned him, cut the flesh from his fingers, branded his cheek with the heated bowl of the pipe he had broken. "try it again," he said mockingly, while his flesh smoked. "i feel no pain. we torture your people a great deal better, for we make them cry out like little children." more and more murderous and terrible grew the wrath of his tormentors, as this stream of vituperation fell on their ears. again and again weapons were lifted to slay him, but snoqualmie put them back. "he can suffer more yet," he said; and the words were like a glimpse into the cold, merciless heart of the man. other and fiercer tortures were devised by the chief, who stood over him, pointing out where and how the keenest pain could be given, the bitterest pang inflicted on that burned and broken body. at last it seemed no longer a man, but a bleeding, scorched, mutilated mass of flesh that hung to the stake; only the lips still breathed defiance and the eyes gleamed deathless hate. looking upon one and another, he boasted of how he had slain their friends and relatives. many of his boasts were undoubtedly false, but they were very bitter. "it was by my arrow that you lost your eye," he said to one; "i scalped your father," to another; and every taunt provoked counter-taunts accompanied with blows. at length he looked at snoqualmie,--a look so ghastly, so disfigured, that it was like something seen in a horrible dream. "i took your sister prisoner last winter; you never knew,--you thought she had wandered from home and was lost in a storm. we put out her eyes, we tore out her tongue, and then we told her to go out in the snow and find food. ah-h-h! you should have seen her tears as she went out into the storm, and----" the sentence was never finished. while the last word lingered on his lips, his body sunk into a lifeless heap under a terrific blow, and snoqualmie put back his blood-stained tomahawk into his belt. "shall we kill the other?" demanded the warriors, gathering around the surviving bannock, who had been a stoical spectator of his companion's sufferings. a ferocious clamor from the women and children hailed the suggestion of new torture; they thronged around the captive, the children struck him, the women abused him, spat upon him even, but not a muscle of his face quivered; he merely looked at them with stolid indifference. "kill him, kill him!" "stretch him on red hot stones!" "we will make _him_ cry!" snoqualmie hesitated. he wished to save this man for another purpose, and yet the indian blood-thirst was on him; chief and warrior alike were drunken with fury, mad with the lust of cruelty. as he hesitated, a white man clad in the garb of an indian hunter pushed his way through the crowd. silence fell upon the throng; the clamor of the women, the fierce questioning of the warriors ceased. the personality of this man was so full of tenderness and sympathy, so strong and commanding, that it impressed the most savage nature. amid the silence, he came and looked first at the dead body that yet hung motionless from the stake, then sorrowfully, reproachfully, at the circle of faces around. an expression half of sullen shame, half of defiance, crossed more than one countenance as his glance fell upon it. "friends," said he, sadly, pointing at the dead, "is this your peace with the bannocks,--the peace you prayed the great spirit to bless, the peace that was to last forever?" "the bannocks sent back the peace-pipe by this man, and he broke it and cast the pieces in our teeth," answered one, stubbornly. "and you slew him for it? why not have sent runners to his tribe asking why it was returned, and demanding to know what wrong you had done, that you might right it? now there will be war. when you lie down to sleep at night, the surprise may be on you and massacre come while your eyes are heavy with slumber; when you are gone on the buffalo trail the tomahawk may fall on the women and children at home. death will lurk for you in every thicket and creep round every encampment. the great spirit is angry because you have stained your hands in blood without cause." there was no reply. this white man, coming from far eastern lands lying they knew not where, who told them god had sent him to warn them to be better, had a singular influence over them. there was none of his hearers who did not dimly feel that he had done wrong in burning and scarring the poor mass of humanity before him, and that the great spirit was angry with him for it. back in the crowd, some of the children, young demons hungering for blood, began to clamor again for the death of the surviving bannock. cecil grey looked at him pityingly. "at least you can let him go." there was no answer. better impulses, better desires, were struggling in their degraded minds; but cruelty was deeply rooted within them, the vague shame and misgiving his words had roused was not so strong as the dark animalism of their natures. cecil turned to snoqualmie. "i saved your life once, will you not give me his?" the chief regarded him coldly. "take it," he said after a pause. cecil stooped over and untied the thongs that bound the captive, who rose to his feet amid a low angry murmur from those around. snoqualmie silenced it with an imperious gesture. then he turned to the young bannock. "dog, one of a race of dogs! go back to your people and tell them what you have seen to-day. tell them how we burned and tortured their messenger, and that we let you go only to tell the tale. tell them, too, that snoqualmie knows his sister died by their hand last winter, and that for every hair upon her head he will burn a bannock warrior at the stake. go, and be quick, lest my war-party overtake you on the trail." the bannock left without a word, taking the trail across the prairie toward the land of his tribe. "the gift was given, but there was that given with it that made it bitter. and now may i bury this dead body?" "it is only a bannock; who cares what is done with it?" replied snoqualmie. "but remember, my debt is paid. ask of me no more gifts," and the chief turned abruptly away. "who will help me bury this man?" asked cecil. no one replied; and he went alone and cut the thongs that bound the body to the stake. but as he stooped to raise it, a tall fine-looking man, a renegade from the shoshones, who had taken no part in the torture, came forward to help him. together they bore the corpse away from the camp to the hillside; together they hollowed out a shallow grave and stretched the body in it, covering it with earth and heaping stones on top, that the cayote might not disturb the last sleep of the dead. when they returned to the camp, they found a war-party already in the saddle, with snoqualmie at their head, ready to take the bannock trail. but before they left the camp, a runner entered it with a summons from multnomah calling them to the great council of the tribes on wappatto island, for which they must start on the morrow. ----- [ ] see bancroft's "native races," vol. i., p. . [ ] see ross cox's "adventures on the columbia river" for a description of torture among the columbia tribes. chapter ii. on the way to the council. they arrived at the village of wishram. irving: _astoria_. the camp was all astir at dawn, for sunset must see them far on the way. they must first cross the prairies to the northward till they struck the columbia, then take the great trail leading down it to the willamette valley. it was a two days' journey at the least. squaws were preparing a hurried meal; lodge-poles were being taken down and the mats that covered them rolled up and strapped on the backs of horses; indians, yelling and vociferating, were driving up bands of horses from which pack and riding ponies were to be selected; unbroken animals were rearing and plunging beneath their first burdens, while mongrel curs ran barking at their heels. here and there unskilful hands were throwing the lasso amid the jeers and laughter of the spectators. all was tumult and excitement. at length they were under way. first rode the squaws, driving before them pack-horses and ponies, for the herds and entire movable property of the tribe accompanied it in all its marches. the squaws rode astride, like men, in the rude wooden saddles that one yet sees used by the wilder indians of eastern oregon and idaho,--very high, both before and behind, looking like exaggerated pack-saddles. a hair rope, tied around the lower jaw of the horse, answered for a bridle. to this must be added the quirt, a short double-lashed whip fastened into a hollow and curiously carved handle. the application of this whip was so constant as to keep the right arm in continual motion; so that even to-day on the frontier an indian rider can be distinguished from a white man, at a distance, by the constant rising and falling of the whip arm. with the squaws were the children, some of whom, not over four, five, and six years of age, rode alone on horseback, tied in the high saddles; managing their steeds with instinctive skill, and when the journey became fatiguing, going to sleep, secured by their fastenings from falling off. next came the men, on the best horses, unencumbered by weight of any kind and armed with bow and arrow. here and there a lance pointed with flint, a stone knife or hatchet, or a heavy war-club, hung at the saddle; but the bow and arrow constituted their chief weapon. the men formed a kind of rear-guard, protecting the migrating tribe from any sudden assault on the part of the bannocks. there were perhaps two hundred fighting-men in all. snoqualmie was at their head, and beside him rode the young willamette runner who had brought the summons from multnomah the day before. the willamette was on horseback for the first time in his life. the inland or prairie tribes of eastern oregon, coming as they did in contact with tribes whose neighbors bordered on mexico, had owned horses for perhaps a generation; but the sea-board tribes owned very few, and there were tribes on puget sound and at the mouth of the columbia who had never seen them. even the willamettes, sovereign tribe of the confederacy though they were, had but few horses. this morning the young willamette had bought a colt, giving for it a whole string of _hiagua_ shells. it was a pretty, delicate thing, and he was proud of it, and had shown his pride by slitting its ears and cutting off its tail, as was the barbarous custom with many of the indians. he sat on the little creature now; and loaded as it was with the double weight of himself and the heavy wooden saddle, it could hardly keep pace with the older and stronger horses. in the rear of all rode cecil grey and the shoshone renegade who had helped him bury the dead bannock the evening before. cecil's form was as slight and graceful in its indian garb as in days gone by, and his face was still the handsome, sensitive face it had been eight years before. it was stronger now, more resolute and mature, and from long intercourse with the indians there had come into it something grave and indian-like; but it only gave more of dignity to his mien. his brown beard swept his breast, and his face was bronzed; but the lips quivered under the beard, and the cheek flushed and paled under the bronze. what had he been doing in the eight years that had elapsed since he left his new england home? let us listen to his story in his own words as he tells it to the shoshone renegade by his side. "i lived in a land far to the east, beside a great water. my people were white like myself. i was one of an order of men whom the great spirit had appointed to preach of goodness, mercy, and truth, and to explain to the people the sayings of a mighty book which he had given to the fathers,--a book that told how men should live in this world, and said that a beautiful place in the next would be given those who are good and true in this. but by and by the great spirit began to whisper to me of the indians in the wilderness who knew nothing of the book or the hope within it, and a longing rose within me to go and tell them; but there were ties that held me to my own people, and i knew not what to do. death cut those ties; and in my hour of grief there came to me a vision of a great bridge far in the west, and of indians passing over it, and a voice spoke to me and bade me go and seek the land of the bridge, for the great spirit had a mission for me there; and i went forth into the wilderness. i met many tribes and tarried with them, telling them of god. many were evil and treated me harshly, others were kind and listened. some loved me and wished me to abide always in their lodges and be one of them. but even while they spoke the great spirit whispered to me to go on, and an unrest rose within me, and i could not stay. "so the years went by, and i wandered farther and farther to the west, across rivers and deserts, till i reached this tribe; and they said that farther on, toward the land of the willamettes, a great river flowed through the mountains, and across it was a bridge of stone built by the gods when the world was young. then i knew that it was the bridge of my vision, and the unrest came back and i arose to go. but the tribe kept me, half as guest and half as prisoner, and would not let me depart; until last night the runner came summoning them to the council. now they go, taking me with them. i shall see the land of the bridge and perform the work the great spirit has given me to do." the old grand enthusiasm shone in his look as he closed. the shoshone regarded him with grave attention. "what became of the book that told of god?" he asked earnestly. "a chief took it from me and burned it; but its words were written on my heart, and they could not be destroyed." they rode on for a time in silence. the way was rugged, the country a succession of canyons and ridges covered with green and waving grass but bare of trees. behind them, the blue mountains were receding in the distance. to the west, mt. hood, the great white "witch mountain" of the indians, towered over the prairie, streaking the sky with a long floating wreath of volcanic smoke. before them, as they journeyed northward toward the columbia, stretched out the endless prairie. now they descended into a deep ravine, now they toiled up a steep hillside. the country literally rolled, undulating in immense ridges around and over which the long file of squaws and warriors, herds and pack-horses, wound like a serpent. from the bands ahead came shouts and outcries,--the sounds of rude merriment; and above all the long-drawn intonation so familiar to those who have been much with indian horsemen,--the endlessly repeated "ho-ha, ho-ha, ho-ha," a kind of crude riding-song. after a while cecil said, "i have told you the story of my life, will you not tell me the story of yours?" "yes," said the renegade, after a moment's thought; "you have shown me your heart as if you were my brother. now i will show you mine. "i was a shoshone warrior.[ ] there was a girl in our village whom i had loved from childhood. we played together; we talked of how, when i became a man and a warrior, she should become my wife; she should keep my wigwam; we would always love one another. she grew up, and the chief offered many horses for her. her father took them. she became the chief's wife, and all my heart withered up. everything grew dark. i sat in my wigwam or wandered in the forest, caring for nothing. "when i met her, she turned her face aside, for was she not the wife of another? yet i knew her heart hungered for me. the chief knew it too, and when he spoke to her a cloud was ever on his brow and sharp lightning on his tongue. but she was true. whose lodge was as clean as his? the wood was always carried, the water at hand, the meat cooked. she searched the very thought that was in his heart to save him the trouble of speaking. he could never say, 'why is it not done?' but her heart was mine, and he knew it; and he treated her like a dog and not like a wife. "me too he tried to tread under foot. one day we assembled to hunt the buffalo. our horses were all collected. mine stood before my tent, and he came and took them away, saying that they were his. what could i do? he was a chief. [illustration: _the great "witch mountain" of the indians._] "i came no more to the council, i shared no more in the hunt and the war-dance. i was unhorsed, degraded, dishonored. he told his wife what he had done, and when she wept he beat her. "one evening i stood on a knoll overlooking the meadow where the horses were feeding; the chief's horses were there, and mine with them. i saw _him_ walking among them. the sight maddened me; my blood burned; i leaped on him; with two blows i laid him dead at my feet. i covered him with earth and strewed leaves over the place. then i went to _her_ and told her what i had done, and urged her to fly with me. she answered only with tears. i reminded her of all she had suffered, and told her i had done only what was just. i urged her again to fly. she only wept the more, and bade me go. my heart was heavy but my eyes were dry. "'it is well,' i said, 'i will go alone to the desert. none but the wild beasts of the wilderness will be with me. the seekers of blood will follow on my trail; they may come on me while i am asleep and slay me, but you will be safe. i will go alone.' "i turned to go. she sprang after me. 'no,' she cried, 'you shall not go alone. wherever you go i will go: you shall never part from me.' "while we were talking, one who had seen me slay the chief and had roused the camp, came with others. we heard their steps approaching the door, and knew that death came with them. we escaped at the back of the lodge, but they saw us and their arrows flew. she fell, and i caught her in my arms and fled into the wood. when we were safe i looked at her i carried, and she was dead. an arrow had pierced her heart. i buried her that night beneath a heap of stones, and fled to the cayuses. that is my story." "what will you do now?" asked cecil, deeply touched. "i shall live a man's life. i shall hunt and go on the war-trail, and say strong words in the council. and when my life is ended, when the sunset and the night come to me and i go forth into the darkness, i know i shall find her i love waiting for me beside the death-trail that leads to the spirit-land." the tears came into cecil's eyes. "i too have known sorrow," he said, "and like you i am a wanderer from my own people. we are going together into an unknown land, knowing not what may befall us. let us be friends." and he held out his hand. the indian took it,--awkwardly, as an indian always takes the hand of a white man, but warmly, heartily. "we are brothers," he said simply. and as cecil rode on with the wild troop into the unknown world before him, he felt that there was one beside him who would be faithful, no matter what befell. the long day wore on; the sun rose to the zenith and sunk, and still the indians pushed forward. it was a long, forced march, and cecil was terribly fatigued when at last one of the indians told him that they were near a big river where they would camp for the night. "one sun more," said the indian, pointing to the sun now sinking in the west, "and you will see the bridge of the gods." the news re-animated cecil, and he hurried on. a shout rose from the indians in advance. he saw the head of the long train of horses and riders pause and look downward and the indians at the rear gallop forward. cecil and his friend followed and joined them. "the river! the river!" cried the indians, as they rode up. the scene below was one of gloomy but magnificent beauty. beneath them opened an immense canyon, stupendous even in that land of canyons,--the great canyon of the columbia. the walls were brown, destitute of verdure, sinking downward from their feet in yawning precipices or steep slopes. at the bottom, more than a thousand feet below, wound a wide blue river, the gathered waters of half a continent. beneath them, the river plunged over a long low precipice with a roar that filled the canyon for miles. farther on, the flat banks encroached upon the stream till it seemed narrowed to a silver thread among the jutting rocks. still farther, it widened again, swept grandly around a bend in the distance, and passed from sight. "_tuum, tuum_," said the indians to cecil, in tones that imitated the roar of the cataract. it was the "tum" of lewis and clark, the "tumwater" of more recent times; and the place below, where the compressed river wound like a silver thread among the flat black rocks, was the far-famed dalles of the columbia. it was superb, and yet there was something profoundly lonely and desolate about it,--the majestic river flowing on forever among barren rocks and crags, shut in by mountain and desert, wrapped in an awful solitude where from age to age scarce a sound was heard save the cry of wild beasts or wilder men. "it is the very river of death and of desolation," thought cecil. "it looks lonely, forsaken, as if no eye had beheld it from the day of creation until now." looking again at the falls, he saw, what he had not before noticed, a large camp of indians on the side nearest them. glancing across the river, he descried on a knoll on the opposite bank--what? houses! he could not believe his eyes; could it be possible? yes, they certainly were long, low houses, roofed as the white man roofs his. a sudden wild hope thrilled him; his brain grew dizzy. he turned to one of the indians. "who built those houses?" he exclaimed; "white men like me?" the other shook his head. "no, indians." cecil's heart died within him. "after all," he murmured, "it was absurd to expect to find a settlement of white men here. how could i think that any but indians had built those houses?" still, as they descended the steep zigzag pathway leading down to the river, he could not help gazing again and again at the buildings that so reminded him of home. it was wishram, the ancient village of the falls, whose brave and insolent inhabitants, more than a century later, were the dread of the early explorers and fur traders of the columbia. it was built at the last and highest fishery on the columbia, for the salmon could not at that time ascend the river above the falls. all the wandering tribes of the upper columbia came there to fish or to buy salmon of the wishram fishers. there too the indians of the lower columbia and the willamette met them, and bartered the _hiagua_ shells, the dried berries, and _wappatto_ of their country for the bear claws and buffalo robes of the interior. it was a rendezvous where buying, selling, gambling, dancing, feasting took the place of war and the chase; though the ever burning enmities of the tribes sometimes flamed into deadly feuds and the fair-ground not infrequently became a field of battle. the houses of wishram were built of logs, the walls low, the lower half being below the surface of the ground, so that they were virtually half cellar. at a distance, the log walls and arched roofs gave them very much the appearance of a frontier town of the whites. as they descended to the river-side, cecil looked again and again at the village, so different from the skin or bark lodges of the rocky mountain tribes he had been with so long. but the broad and sweeping river flowed between, and his gaze told him little more than his first glance had done. they were now approaching the camp. some of the younger braves at the head of the cayuse train dashed toward it, yelling and whooping in the wildest manner. through the encampment rang an answering shout. "the cayuses! the cayuses! and the white medicine-man!" the news spread like wildfire, and men came running from all directions to greet the latest arrivals. it was a scene of abject squalor that met cecil's eyes as he rode with the others into the camp. never had he seen among the indian races aught so degraded as those columbia river tribes. the air was putrid with decaying fish; the very skins and mats that covered the lodge-poles were black with rancid salmon and filth. many of the men were nude; most of the women wore only a short garment of skin or woven cedar bark about the waist, falling scarcely to the knees. the heads of many had been artificially flattened; their faces were brutal; their teeth worn to the gums with eating sanded salmon; and here and there bleared and unsightly eyes showed the terrible prevalence of ophthalmia. salmon were drying in the sun on platforms raised above the reach of dogs. half-starved horses whose raw and bleeding mouths showed the effect of the hair-rope bridles, and whose projecting ribs showed their principal nutriment to be sage-brush and whip-lash, were picketed among the lodges. cayote-like dogs and unclad children, shrill and impish, ran riot, fighting together for half-dried, half-decayed pieces of salmon. prevailing over everything was the stench which is unique and unparalleled among the stenches of the earth,--the stench of an indian camp at a columbia fishery.[ ] perhaps ten of the petty inland tribes had assembled there as their starting-point for the great council at wappatto island. all had heard rumors of the white man who had appeared among the tribes to the south saying that the great spirit had sent him to warn the indians to become better, and all were anxious to see him. they pointed him out to one another as he rode up,--the man of graceful presence and delicate build; they thronged around him, naked men and half-clad women, squalid, fierce as wild beasts, and gazed wonderingly. "it is he, the white man," they whispered among themselves. "see the long beard." "see the white hands." "stand back, the great spirit sent him; he is strong _tomanowos_; beware his anger." now the horses were unpacked and the lodges pitched, under the eyes of the larger part of the encampment, who watched everything with insatiable curiosity, and stole all that they could lay their hands on. especially did they hang on every motion of cecil; and he sank very much in their estimation when they found that he helped his servant, the old indian woman, put up his lodge. "ugh, he does squaw's work," was the ungracious comment. after awhile, when the lodge was up and cecil lay weary and exhausted upon his mat within it, a messenger entered and told him that the indians were all collected near the river bank and wished him to come and give them the "talk" he had brought from the great spirit. worn as he was, cecil arose and went. it was in the interval between sunset and dark. the sun still shone on the cliffs above the great canyon, but in the spaces below the shadows were deepening. on the flat rocks near the bank of the river, and close by the falls of tumwater, the indians were gathered to the number of several hundred, awaiting him,--some squatting, indian fashion, on the ground, others standing upright, looking taller than human in the dusky light. mingled with the debased tribes that made up the larger part of the gathering, cecil saw here and there warriors of a bolder and superior race,--yakimas and klickitats, clad in skins or wrapped in blankets woven of the wool of the mountain sheep. cecil stood before them and spoke, using the willamette tongue, the language of common intercourse between the tribes, all of whom had different dialects. the audience listened in silence while he told them of the goodness and compassion of the great spirit; how it grieved him to see his children at war among themselves, and how he, cecil, had been sent to warn them to forsake their sins and live better lives. long familiarity with the indians had imparted to him somewhat of their manner of thinking and speaking; his language had become picturesque with indian imagery, and his style of oratory had acquired a tinge of indian gravity. but the intense and vivid spirituality that had ever been the charm of his eloquence was in it still. there was something in his words that for the moment, and unconsciously to them, lifted his hearers to a higher plane. when he closed there was upon them that vague remorse, that dim desire to be better, that indefinable wistfulness, which his earnest, tender words never failed to arouse in his hearers. when he lifted his hands at the close of his "talk," and prayed that the great spirit might pity them, that he might take away from them the black and wicked heart of war and hate and give them the new heart of peace and love, the silence was almost breathless, broken only by the unceasing roar of the falls and the solemn pleading of the missionary's voice. he left them and returned through the deepening shadows to his lodge. there he flung himself on the couch of furs the old indian woman had spread for him. fatigued with the long ride of the day and the heavy draught his address had made on an overtaxed frame, he tried to sleep. but he could not. the buildings of the town of wishram across the river, so like the buildings of the white man, had awakened a thousand memories of home. vivid pictures of his life in new england and in the cloisters of magdalen came before his sleepless eyes. the longing for the refined and pleasant things that had filled his life rose strong and irrepressible within him. such thoughts were never entirely absent from his mind, but at times they seemed to dominate him completely, driving him into a perfect fever of unrest and discontent. after tossing for hours on his couch, he arose and went out into the open air. the stars were bright; the moon flooded the wide canyon with lustre; the towering walls rose dim and shadowy on either side of the river whose waters gleamed white in the moonlight; the solemn roar of the falls filled the silence of the night. around him was the barbarian encampment, with here and there a fire burning and a group of warriors talking beside it. he walked forth among the lodges. some were silent, save for the heavy breathing of the sleepers; others were lighted up within, and he could hear the murmur of voices. at one place he found around a large fire a crowd who were feasting, late as was the hour, and boasting of their exploits. he stood in the shadow a moment and listened. one of them concluded his tale by springing to his feet, advancing a few paces from the circle of firelight, and making a fierce speech to invisible foes. looking toward the land of the shoshones, he denounced them with the utmost fury, dared them to face him, scorned them because they did not appear, and ended by shaking his tomahawk in their direction, amid the applause of his comrades. cecil passed on and reached the outer limit of the camp. there, amid some large bowlders, he almost stumbled on a band of indians engaged in some grisly ceremony. he saw them, however, in time to escape observation and screen himself behind one of the rocks. one of the indians held a rattlesnake pinned to the ground with a forked stick. another held out a piece of liver to the snake and was provoking him to bite it. again and again the snake, quivering with fury and rattling savagely, plunged his fangs into the liver. several indians stood looking on, with arrows in their hands. at length, when the meat was thoroughly impregnated with the virus, the snake was released and allowed to crawl away. then they all dipped the points of their arrows in the poisoned liver,[ ] carefully marking the shaft of each in order to distinguish it from those not poisoned. none of them saw cecil, and he left without being discovered. why did they wish to go to the council with poisoned arrows? further on, among the rocks and remote from the camp, he saw a great light and heard a loud hallooing. he went cautiously toward it. he found a large fire in an open space, and perhaps thirty savages, stripped and painted, dancing around it, brandishing their weapons and chanting a kind of war-chant. on every face, as the firelight fell on it, was mad ferocity and lust of war. near them lay the freshly killed body of a horse whose blood they had been drinking. drunk with frenzy, drunk with blood, they danced and whirled in that wild saturnalia till cecil grew dizzy with the sight.[ ] he made his way back to the camp and sought his lodge. he heard the wolves howling on the hills, and a dark presentiment of evil crept over him. "it is not to council that these men are going, but to war," he murmured, as he threw himself on his couch. "god help me to be faithful, whatever comes! god help me to keep my life and my words filled with his spirit, so that these savage men may be drawn to him and made better, and my mission be fulfilled! i can never hope to see the face of white man again, but i can live and die faithful to the last." so thinking, a sweet and restful peace came to him, and he fell asleep. and even while he thought how impossible it was for him ever to reach the land of the white man again, an english exploring-ship lay at anchor at yaquina bay, only two days' ride distant; and on it were some who had known and loved him in times gone by, but who had long since thought him lost in the wilderness forever. ----- [ ] see bonneville's adventures, chapters xiii, and xlviii. [ ] see townsend's narrative, pages , . both lewis and clark and ross cox substantiate his description; indeed, very much the same thing can be seen at the tumwater fishery to-day. [ ] see bancroft's _native races_, article "columbians." a bunch of arrows so poisoned is in the museum of the oregon state university at eugene. [ ] irving's "astoria," chap. xli. chapter iii. the great camp on the island. of different language, form and face, a various race of men. scott. "you say that we shall see the bridge of the gods to-day?" asked cecil of the young willamette runner the next morning. "tell me about it; is it high?" the young willamette rose to his full height, arched his right hand above his eyes, looked skyward with a strained expression as if gazing up at an immense height, and emitted a prolonged "ah-h-h!" that was all, but it was enough to bring the light to cecil's eyes and a sudden triumphant gladness to his heart. at last he approached the land of his vision, at last he should find the bridge whose wraith had faded before him into the west eight years before! the cayuse band had started early that morning. the chief snoqualmie was impatient of delay, and wished to be one of the earliest at the council; he wanted to signalize himself in the approaching struggle by his loyalty to multnomah, whose daughter he was to marry and whom he was to succeed as war-chief. the women were in advance, driving the pack-horses; cecil rode behind them with the shoshone renegade and the young willamette runner; while snoqualmie brought up the rear, looking sharply after stragglers,--for some of his young men were very much inclined to linger at the rendezvous and indulge in a little gambling and horse-racing with the other bands, who were not to start till later in the day. the young willamette still rode the pretty little pony whose ears and tail he had so barbarously mutilated. it reeled under him from sheer weakness, so young was it and so worn by the journey of the day before. in vain did cecil expostulate. with true indian obtuseness and brutality, the willamette refused to see why he should be merciful to a horse. "suppose he rode me, what would _he_ care? now i ride him, what do i care? suppose he die, plenty more _hiagua_ shells, plenty more horses." after which logical answer he plied the whip harder than ever, making the pony keep up with the stronger and abler horses of the other riders. the long train of squaws and warriors wound on down the trail by the river-side. in a little while wishram and tumwater passed from sight. the wind began to blow; the ever drifting sand of the columbia came sifting in their faces. they passed the dalles of the columbia; and the river that, as seen from the heights the evening before, wound like a silver thread among the rocks, was found to be a compressed torrent that rushed foaming along the narrow passage,--literally, as it has been described, "a river turned on edge." there too they passed the camp of the wascos, who were preparing to start, but suspended their preparations at the approach of the cavalcade and stood along the path eager to see the white man. cecil noticed that as they descended the river the language of the local tribes became more gutteral, and the custom of flattening the head prevailed more and more.[ ] below, the scenery was less barren; the river entered the cascade range, and the steep banks, along which wound the trail, grew dark with pines, relieved here and there with brighter verdure. they saw bands of indians on the opposite shore, descending the trail along that side on the way to the council. many were on foot, though some horses were among them. they were indians of the nine tribes of the klickitat, and as yet had but few horses. a century later they owned thousands. indian women never accompanied war-parties; and cecil noticed that some of the bands were composed entirely of men, which gave them the appearance of going to war. it had an ominous and doubtful look. at the wau-coma (place of cottonwoods), the modern hood river, they found the tribe that inhabited that beautiful valley already on the march, and the two bands mingled and went on together. the wau-comas seemed to be peaceably inclined, for their women were with them. a short distance below the wau-coma, the young willamette's horse, urged till it could go no farther, fell beneath him. the blood gushed from its nostrils; in a few moments it was dead. the willamette extricated himself from it. "a bad horse, _cultus_ [no good]!" he said, beating it with his whip. after venting his anger on it in that way, he strode forward on foot. and now cecil was all expectation, on the alert for the first sight of the bridge. "shall we see it soon?" he asked the young willamette. "when the sun is there, we shall see it," replied the indian, pointing to the zenith. the sun still lacked several hours of noon, and cecil had to restrain his impatience as best he could. just then an incident occurred that for the time effectually obliterated all thought of the bridge, and made him a powerful enemy where he least desired one. at a narrow place in the trail, the loose horses that were being driven at the head of the column became frightened and ran back upon their drivers. in a moment, squaws, pack-horses, and ponies were all mingled together. the squaws tried in vain to restore order; it seemed as if there was going to be a general stampede. the men dashed up from the rear, snoqualmie and cecil among them. cecil's old nurse happened to be in snoqualmie's way. the horse she rode was slow and obstinate; and when she attempted to turn aside to let snoqualmie pass he would not obey the rein, and the chief's way was blocked. to snoqualmie an old indian woman was little more than a dog, and he raised his whip and struck her across the face. like a flash, cecil caught the chief's rein and lifted his own whip. an instant more, and the lash would have fallen across the indian's face; but he remembered that he was a missionary, that he was violating his own precepts of forgiveness in the presence of those whom he hoped to convert. the blow did not fall; he grappled with his anger and held it back; but snoqualmie received from him a look of scorn so withering, that it seemed when cecil's flashing eyes met his own as if he had been struck, and he grasped his tomahawk. cecil released the rein and turned away without a word. snoqualmie seemed for a moment to deliberate within himself; then he let go his weapon and passed on. order was restored and the march resumed. "you are strong," said the shoshone renegade to cecil. he had seen the whole of the little drama. "you are strong; you held your anger down, but your eyes struck him as if he were a dog." cecil made no reply, but rode on thinking that he had made an enemy. he regretted what had happened; and yet, when he recalled the insult, his blood burned and he half regretted that the blow had not been given. so, absorbed in painful thought, he rode on, till a murmur passing down the line roused him. "the bridge! the bridge!" he looked up hastily, his whole frame responding to the cry. there it was before him, and only a short distance away,--a great natural bridge, a rugged ridge of stone, pierced with a wide arched tunnel through which the waters flowed, extending across the river. it was covered with stunted pine and underbrush growing in every nook and crevice; and on it were indian horsemen with plumed hair and rude lances. it was the bridge of the wauna, the bridge of the gods, the bridge he had seen in his vision eight years before. for a moment his brain reeled, everything seemed shadowy and unreal, and he half expected to see the bridge melt, like the vision, into mist before his eyes. like one in a dream, he rode with the others to the place where the path turned abruptly and led over the bridge to the northern bank of the columbia. like one in a dream he listened, while the young willamette told him in a low tone that this bridge had been built by the gods when the world was young, that it was the _tomanowos_ of the willamettes, that while it stood they would be strongest of all the tribes, and that if it fell they would fall with it. as they crossed it, he noted how the great arch rung to his horse's hoofs; he noted the bushes growing low down to the tunnel's edge; he noted how majestic was the current as it swept into the vast dark opening below, how stately the trees on either bank. then the trail turned down the river-bank again toward the willamette, and the dense fir forest shut out the mysterious bridge from cecil's backward gaze. solemnity and awe came to him. he had seen the bridge of his vision; he had in truth been divinely called to his work. he felt that the sight of the bridge was both the visible seal of god upon his mission and a sign that its accomplishment was close at hand. he bowed his head involuntarily, as in the presence of the most high. he felt that he rode to his destiny, that for him all things converged and culminated at the great council. they had not advanced far into the wood ere the whole train came to a sudden halt. riding forward, cecil found a band of horsemen awaiting them. they were klickitats, mounted on good ponies; neither women nor pack-horses were with them; they were armed and painted, and their stern and menacing aspect was more like that of men who were on the war-trail than of men who were riding to a "peace-talk." the cayuses halted a short distance away. snoqualmie rode forward and met the klickitat chief in the space between the two bands. a few words passed, fierce and questioning on the part of the klickitat, guarded and reserved on the part of the cayuse. then the klickitat seemed to suggest something at which the cayuse shook his head indignantly. the other instantly wheeled his horse, rode back to his band, and apparently reported what snoqualmie had said; for they all set up a taunting shout, and after flinging derisive words and gestures at the cayuses, turned around and dashed at full gallop down the trail, leaving the cayuses covered with a cloud of dust. and then cecil knew that the spectacle meant war. the air grew softer and more moist as they descended the western slope of the cascade range. the pines gave way to forests of fir, the underwood became denser, and ferns grew thick along the trail. it had rained the night before, and the boughs and bushes hung heavy with pendant drops. now and then an indian rider, brushing against some vine or maple or low swaying bough, brought down upon himself a drenching shower. the disgusted "ugh!" of the victim and the laughter of the others would bring a smile to even cecil's lips. and so approaching the sea, they entered the great, wooded, rainy valley of the lower columbia. it was like a different world from the desert sands and prairies of the upper columbia. it seemed as if they were entering a land of perpetual spring. they passed through groves of spreading oaks; they skirted lowlands purple with blooming _camas_; they crossed prairies where the grass waved rank and high, and sunny banks where the strawberries were ripening in scarlet masses. and ever and anon they caught sight of a far snow peak lifted above the endless reach of forest, and through openings in the trees caught glimpses of the columbia spreading wide and beautiful between densely wooded shores whose bending foliage was literally washed by the waters. at length, as the sun was setting, they emerged from the wood upon a wide and level beach. before them swept the columbia, broader and grander than at any previous view, steadily widening as it neared the sea. opposite them, another river, not as large as the columbia, but still a great river, flowed into it. "willamette," said the young runner, pointing to this new river. "wappatto island," he added, indicating a magnificent prospect of wood and meadow that lay just below the mouth of the willamette down along the columbia. cecil could not see the channel that separated it from the mainland on the other side, and to him it seemed, not an island, but a part of the opposite shore. around them on the beach were groups of indians, representatives of various petty tribes who had not yet passed to the island of council. horses were tethered to the driftwood strewed along the beach; packs and saddles were heaped on the banks awaiting the canoes that were to carry them over. across the river, cecil could see upon the island scattered bands of ponies feeding and many indians passing to and fro. innumerable lodges showed among the trees. the river was dotted with canoes. never before had he beheld so large an encampment, not even among the six nations or the sioux. it seemed as if all the tribes of puget sound and the columbia were there. as they halted on the bank, a little canoe came skimming over the water like a bird. it bore a messenger from multnomah, who had seen the cayuses as soon as they emerged on the beach. "send your packs over in canoes, swim your horses, camp on the island," was the laconic message. evidently, in view of the coming struggle, multnomah wanted the loyal cayuses close at hand. in a little while the horses were stripped of their packs, which were heaped in the canoes that had followed the messenger, and the crossing began. a hair rope was put around the neck of a horse, and the end given to a man in a canoe. the canoe was then paddled out into the stream, and the horse partly pulled, partly pushed into the river. the others after much beating followed their leader; and in a little while a long line of half submerged horses and riders was struggling across the river, while the loaded canoes brought up the rear. the rapid current swept them downward, and they landed on the opposite bank at a point far below that from which they started. on the bank of the columbia, near morgan's lake, an old gnarled cottonwood still marks the ancient landing-place; and traces remain of the historic trail which led up from the river-bank into the interior of the island,--a trail traversed perhaps for centuries,--the great indian road from the upper columbia to the willamette valley. the bank was black with people crowding out to see the latest arrivals. it was a thronging multitude of dusky faces and diverse costumes. the nootka with his tattooed face was there, clad in his woollen blanket, his gigantic form pushing aside the short chinook of the lower columbia, with his crooked legs, his half-naked body glistening with grease, his slit nose and ears loaded with _hiagua_ shells. choppunish women, clad in garments of buckskin carefully whitened with clay, looked with scorn on the women of the cowlitz and clatsop tribes, whose only dress was a fringe of cedar bark hanging from the waist. the abject siawash of puget sound, attired in a scanty patch-work of rabbit and woodrat skin, stood beside the lordly yakima, who wore deerskin robe and leggins. and among them all, conscious of his supremacy, moved the keen and imperious willamette. they all gazed wonderingly at cecil, "the white man," the "long beard," the "man that came from the great spirit," the "_shaman_ of strong magic,"--for rumors of cecil and his mission had spread from tribe to tribe. though accustomed to savage sights, this seemed to cecil the most savage of all. flat heads and round heads; faces scarred, tattooed, and painted; faces as wild as beasts'; faces proud and haughty, degraded and debased; hair cut close to the head, tangled, matted, clogged with filth, carefully smoothed and braided,--every phase of barbarism in its most bloodthirsty ferocity, its most abject squalor, met his glance as he looked around him. it seemed like some wild phantasmagoria, some weird and wondrous dream; and the discord of tongues, the confusion of dialects, completed the bewildering scene. through the surging crowd they found their way to the place where their lodges were to be pitched. on the morrow the great council was to begin,--the council that to the passions of that mob of savages might be as the torch to dry brushwood. on the morrow multnomah would try and would condemn to death a rebel chief in the presence of the very ones who were in secret league with him; and the setting sun would see the willamette power supreme and undisputed, or the confederacy would be broken forever in the death-grapple of the tribes. ----- [ ] lewis and clark. see also irving's "astoria." chapter iv. an indian trial. like flame within the naked hand his body bore his burning heart. dante rossetti. wappatto island had seen many gatherings of the tribes, but never before had it seen so large an assembly as on the opening day of the council. the great cottonwoods of the council-grove waved over an audience of sachems and warriors the like of which the oldest living indian could not remember. no weapons were to be seen, for multnomah had commanded that all arms be left that day in the lodges. but the dissatisfied indians had come with weapons hidden under their robes of deer or wolf skin, which no one should have known better than multnomah. had he taken any precautions against surprise? evidently not. a large body of willamette warriors, muffled in their blankets, lounged carelessly around the grove, with not a weapon visible among them; behind them thronged the vast and motley assemblage of doubtful allies; and back of them, on the outskirts of the crowd, were the faithful cayuses, unarmed like the willamettes. had multnomah's wonderful astuteness failed him now when it was never needed more? he was on the council-seat, a stone covered with furs; the willamette sachems sat in their places facing him; and mats were spread for the chiefs of the tributaries. on a bearskin before the stern war-chief lay a peace-pipe and a tomahawk; and to the indians, accustomed to signs and symbols, the two had a grim significance. one by one the chiefs entered the circle and took their seats on the mats provided for them. those who were friendly to multnomah first laid presents before him; those who were not, took their places without offering him either gift or salutation. multnomah, however, seemed unconscious of any neglect. the chief of a klamath tribe offered him a brilliantly dyed blanket; another, a finely fringed quiver, full of arrows; another, a long and massive string of _hiagua_ shells. each laid his gift before multnomah and took his seat in silence. the chief of the chopponish presented him with a fine horse, the best belonging to his tribe. multnomah accepted it, and a slave led it away. then came snoqualmie, bringing with him cecil grey. the chief's hour of vengeance was at hand. "behold the white man from the land where the sun rises, the white _shaman_ of whom all the tribes have heard. he is thine. let him be the white slave of multnomah. all the chiefs have slaves, but who will have a white slave like multnomah?" cecil saw the abyss of slavery yawning before him, and grew pale to the lips. his heart sank within him; then the resolute purpose that never failed him in time of peril returned; he lifted his head and met multnomah's gaze with dignity. the war-chief bent on him the glance which read men to the heart. "the white stranger has been a chief among his own people," he said to cecil, more in the manner of one asserting a fact than asking a question. "i have often spoken to my people in the gatherings to hear the word of the great spirit." again the keen, inscrutable gaze of the great chief seemed to probe his being to its core; again the calm, grave stranger met it without shrinking. the instinct, so common among savage races, of in some way _knowing_ what a man is, of intuitively grasping his true merit, was possessed by multnomah in a large degree; and the royalty in his nature instinctively recognized the royalty in cecil's. "the white guest who comes into the land of multnomah shall be to him as a guest; the chief should still be chief in any land. white stranger, multnomah gives you welcome; sit down among the chiefs." cecil took his place among them with all the composure he could command, well knowing that he who would be influential among the indians must seem to be unmoved by any change of fortune. he felt, however, not only the joy of personal deliverance, but mingled with it came the glad, triumphant thought that he had now a voice in the deliberations of the chiefs; it was a grand door opened for indian evangelization. as for snoqualmie, his face was as impassive as granite. one would have said that cecil's victory was to him a matter of no moment at all. but under the guise of indifference his anger burned fierce and deadly,--not against multnomah but against cecil. the last chief had taken his place in the council. there was a long, ceremonious pause. then multnomah arose. he looked over the council, upon the stern faces of the willamettes and the loyal tributaries, upon the sullen faces of the malcontents, upon the fierce and lowering multitude beyond. over the throng he looked, and felt as one feels who stands on the brink of a volcano; yet his strong voice never rang stronger, the grand old chief never looked more a chief than then. "he is every inch a king," thought cecil. the chief spoke in the common willamette language, at that time the medium of intercourse between the tribes as the chinook is now. the royal tongue was not used in a mixed council. "warriors and chiefs, multnomah gives you welcome. he spreads the buffalo-robe." he made the indian gesture of welcome, opening his hands to them with a backward and downward gesture, as of one spreading a robe. "to the warriors multnomah says, 'the grass upon my prairies is green for your horses; behold the wood, the water, the game; they are yours.' to the chiefs he says, 'the mat is spread for you in my own lodge and the meat is cooked.' the hearts of the willamettes change not as the winters go by, and your welcome is the same as of old. word came to us that the tribes were angry and had spoken bitter things against the willamettes; yes, that they longed for the confederacy to be broken and the old days to come again when tribe was divided against tribe and the shoshones and spokanes trampled upon you all. but multnomah trusted his allies; for had they not smoked the peace-pipe with him and gone with him on the war-trail? so he stopped his ears and would not listen, but let those rumors go past him like thistle-down upon the wind. "warriors, multnomah has shown his heart. what say you? shall the peace-pipe be lighted and the talk begin?" he resumed his seat. all eyes turned to where the peace-pipe and the tomahawk lay side by side before the council. multnomah seemed waiting for them to choose between the two. then snoqualmie, the bravest and most loyal of the tributaries, spoke. "let the peace-pipe be lighted; we come not for strife, but to be knit together." the angry malcontents in the council only frowned and drew their blankets closer around them. tohomish the seer, as the oldest chief and most renowned medicine-man present, came forward and lighted the pipe,--a long, thin piece of carving in black stone, the workmanship of the nootkas or hydahs, who made the more elaborate pipes used by the indians of the columbia river. muttering some mystical incantation, he waved it to the east and the west, to the north and the south; and when the charm was complete, gave it to multnomah, who smoked it and passed it to snoqualmie. from chief to chief it circled around the whole council, but among them were those who sat with eyes fixed moodily on the ground and would not so much as touch or look at it. as the pipe passed round there was a subdued murmur and movement in the multitude, a low threatening clamor, as yet held in check by awe of multnomah and dread of the willamette warriors. but the war-chief seemed unconscious that any had refused the pipe. he now arose and said,-- "the pipe is smoked. are not our hearts as one? is there not perfect trust between us? now let us talk. first of all, multnomah desires wise words from his brethren. last winter one of the tribes rose up against multnomah, saying that he should no longer be elder brother and war-chief of the tribes. but the rebels were beaten and all of them slain save the chief, who was reserved to be tried before you. you in your wisdom shall decide what shall be done with the warrior who has rebelled against his chief and stained his hands with the blood of his brethren." two willamette braves then entered the circle, bringing with them one whose hands were tied behind him, whose form was emaciated with hunger and disease, but whose carriage was erect and haughty. behind came a squaw, following him into the very presence of multnomah, as if resolved to share his fortunes to the last. it was his wife. she was instantly thrust back and driven with brutal blows from the council. but she lingered on the outskirts of the crowd, watching and waiting with mute, sullen fidelity the outcome of the trial. no one looked at her, no one cared for her; even her husband's sympathizers jostled the poor shrinking form aside,--for she was only a squaw, while he was a great brave. he looked a great brave, standing there before multnomah and the chiefs with a dignity in his mien that no reverse could crush, no torture could destroy. haggard, starved, bound, his eyes gleamed deathless and unconquerable hate on council and war-chief alike. there were dark and menacing looks among the malcontents; in the captive they saw personified their own loss of freedom and the hated domination of the willamettes. "speak! you that were a chief, you whose people sleep in the dust,--what have you to say in your defence? the tribes are met together, and the chiefs sit here to listen and to judge." the rebel sachem drew himself up proudly and fixed his flashing eyes on multnomah. "the tongue of multnomah is a trap. i am brought not to be tried but to be condemned and slain, that the tribes may see it and be afraid. no one knows this better than multnomah. yet i will speak while i still live, and stand here in the sun; for i go out into the darkness, and the earth will cover my face, and my voice shall be heard no more among men. "why should the willamettes rule the other tribes? are they better than we? the great spirit gave us freedom, and who may make himself master and take it away? "i was chief of a tribe; we dwelt in the land the great spirit gave our fathers; their bones were in it; it was ours. but the willamettes said to us, 'we are your elder brethren, you must help us. come, go with us to fight the shoshones.' our young men went, for the willamettes were strong and we could not refuse them. many were slain, and the women wailed despairingly. the willamettes hunted on our hunting-grounds and dug the _camas_ on our prairies, so that there was not enough for us; and when winter came, our children cried for food. then the runners of the willamettes came to us through the snow, saying, 'come and join the war-party that goes to fight the bannocks.' "but our hearts burned within us and we replied, 'our hunting-grounds and our food you have taken; will you have our lives also? go back and tell your chief that if we must fight, we will fight him and not the bannocks.' then the willamettes came upon us and we fought them, for their tyranny was so heavy that we could not breathe under it and death had become better than life. but they were the stronger, and when did the heart of a willamette feel pity? to-day i only am left, to say these words for my race. "who made the willamettes masters over us? the great spirit gave us freedom, and none may take it away. was it not well to fight? yes; free my hands and give me back my people from the cairns and the death-huts, and we will fight again! i go to my death, but the words i have spoken will live. the hearts of those listening here will treasure them up; they will be told around the lodge-fires and repeated in the war-dance. the words i speak will go out among the tribes, and no man can destroy them. yes, they go out words, but they will come back arrows and war in the day of vengeance when the tribes shall rise against the oppressor. "i have spoken, my words are done." he stood erect and motionless. the wrath and disdain passed from his features, and stoicism settled over them like a mask of stone. multnomah's cold regard had not faltered a moment under the chief's invective. no denunciation could shake that iron self-control. the rebellious chiefs interchanged meaning glances; the throng of malcontents outside the grove pressed closer upon the ring of willamette warriors, who were still standing or squatting idly around it. more than one weapon could be seen among them in defiance of the war-chief's prohibition; and the presage of a terrible storm darkened on those grim, wild faces. the more peaceably disposed bands began to draw themselves apart. an ominous silence crept through the crowd as they felt the crisis approaching. but multnomah saw nothing, and the circle of willamette warriors were stolidly indifferent. "can they not see that the tribes are on the verge of revolt?" thought cecil, anxiously, fearing a bloody massacre. "you have heard the words of the rebel. what have you to say? let the white man speak first, as he was the last to join us." cecil rose and pictured in the common willamette tongue, with which he had familiarized himself during his long stay with the cayuses, the terrible results of disunion, the desolating consequences of war,--tribe clashing against tribe and their common enemies trampling on them all. even those who were on the verge of insurrection listened reverently to the "white wizard," who had drawn wisdom from the great spirit; but it did not shake their purpose. their own dreamers had talked with the great spirit too, in trance and vision, and had promised them victory over the willamettes. tohomish followed; and cecil, who had known some of the finest orators in europe, listened in amazement to a voice the most musical he had ever heard. he looked in wonder on the repulsive features that seemed so much at variance with those melodious intonations. tohomish pleaded for union and for the death of the rebel. it seemed for a moment as if his soft, persuasive accents would win the day, but it was only for a moment; the spell was broken the instant he ceased. then snoqualmie spoke. one by one, the great sachems of the willamettes gave their voices for death. many of the friendly allies did not give their decision at all, but said to multnomah,-- "you speak for us; your word shall be our word." when the dissatisfied chiefs were asked for their counsel, the sullen reply was given,-- "i have no tongue to-day;" or "i do not know." multnomah seemed not to notice their answers. only those who knew him best saw a gleam kindling in his eyes that told of a terrible vengeance drawing near. the captive waited passively, seeming neither to see nor hear. at length all had spoken or had an opportunity to speak, and multnomah rose to give the final decision. beyond the circle of willamettes, who were still indifferent and unconcerned, the discontented bands had thrown aside all concealment, and stood with bared weapons in their hands; all murmurs had ceased; there was a deathlike silence in the dense mob, which seemed gathering itself together for a forward rush,--the commencement of a fearful massacre. behind it were the friendly cayuses, but not a weapon could be seen among them. the chief saw all; saw too that his enemies only waited for him to pronounce sentence upon the captive,--that that was the preconcerted signal for attack. now among some of the tribes sentence was pronounced not by word but by gesture; there was the gesture for acquittal, the gesture for condemnation. multnomah lifted his right hand. there was breathless suspense. what would it be? fixing his eyes on the armed malcontents who were waiting to spring, he clinched his hand and made a downward gesture, as if striking a blow. it was the death-signal, the death-sentence. in an instant a deafening shout rang through the grove, and the bloodthirsty mob surged forward to the massacre. then, so suddenly that it blended with and seemed a part of the same shout, the dreaded willamette war-cry shook the earth. quick as thought, the willamettes who had been lounging so idly around the grove were on their feet, their blankets thrown aside, the weapons that had been concealed under them ready in their hands. a wall of indomitable warriors had leaped up around the grove. at the same moment, the cayuses in the rear bared their weapons and shouted back the willamette war-cry. the rebels were staggered. the trap was sprung on them before they knew that there was a trap. those in front shrank back from the iron warriors of multnomah, those in the rear wavered before the fierce cayuses. they paused, a swaying flood of humanity, caught between two lines of rock. chapter v. sentenced to the wolf-death. the other, great of soul, changed not countenance stern. dante. in that momentary pause multnomah did something that showed the cold disdainfulness of his character as nothing else could have done. he had given the death-sign; he had not yet told how or when death was to be inflicted. he gave the sentence _now_, as if in utter scorn of the battle-cloud that hung quivering, ready to burst. "he would have torn the confederacy to pieces; let him be left bound in the wood of the wolves, and torn limb from limb by them as he would have rent the tribes asunder." the two warriors who had brought the criminal into the council came forward, flung a covering over his head and face, and led him away. perhaps no custom of the northwestern indians was more sombre than this,--the covering of the culprit's eyes from the time of his sentence till his death. never again were those eyes to behold the sun. then, and not till then, did multnomah turn his gaze on the malcontents, who stood, desperate but hesitating, hemmed in by the willamettes and the cayuses. "you have chosen the tomahawk instead of the peace-pipe. shall multnomah choose the tomahawk also? know you not that multnomah holds your lives in his hand, and that he can crush you like an eggshell if he chooses?" the war-chief lifted his arm as he spoke, and slowly closed his fingers till his hand was clinched. the eyes of willamette and tributary alike hung on those slowly closing fingers, with their own strained on their tomahawks. that was half the death-signal! would he give the other half,--the downward gesture? the baffled rebels tasted all the bitterness of death in that agonizing suspense. they felt that their lives were literally in his grasp; and so the stern autocrat wished them to feel, for he knew it was a lesson they would never forget. at length he spoke. "drop your weapons and multnomah will forget what he has seen, and all will be well. strike but a blow, and not one of you will ever go back over the trail to his home." then he turned to the chiefs, and there was that in his tones which told them to expect no mercy. "how comes it that your braves lift their tomahawks against multnomah in his own council and on his own land? speak! chiefs must answer for their people." there was sullen silence for a little time; then one of them muttered that it was the young men; their blood was hot, they were rash, and the chiefs could not control them. "can you not control your young men? then you are not fit to be chiefs, and are chiefs no longer." he gave a signal to certain of the willamettes who had come up behind the rebellious leaders, as they stood confused and hesitating in the council. they were seized and their hands bound ere they could defend themselves; indeed, they made no effort to do so, but submitted doggedly. "take them down the wauna in the sea-canoes and sell them as slaves to the nootkas who hunt seal along the coast. their people shall see their faces no more. slaves in the ice-land of the north shall they live and die." the swarthy cheeks of the captives grew ashen, and a shudder went through that trapped and surrounded mob of malcontents. indian slavery was always terrible; but to be slaves to the brutal indians of the north, starved, beaten, mutilated, chilled, and benumbed in a land of perpetual frost; to perish at last in the bleak snow and winter of almost arctic coasts,--that was a fate worse than the torture-stake. dreadful as it was, not a chief asked for mercy. silently they went with their captors out of the grove and down the bank to the river's edge. a large sea-canoe, manned by chinook paddlers, was floating at the beach. they quickly embarked, the paddles dipped, the canoe glided out into the current and down the stream. in a few moments the cottonwood along the river's edge hid it from sight, and the rebels were forever beyond the hope of rescue. swift and merciless had the vengeance of multnomah fallen, and the insurrection had been crushed at a blow. it had taken but a moment, and it had all passed under the eyes of the malcontents, who were still surrounded by the loyal warriors. when the canoe had disappeared and the gaze of that startled and awed multitude came back to multnomah, he made a gesture of dismissal. the lines drew aside and the rebels were free. while they were still bewildered and uncertain what to do, multnomah instantly and with consummate address called the attention of the council to other things, thereby apparently assuming that the trouble was ended and giving the malcontents to understand that no further punishment was intended. sullenly, reluctantly, they seemed to accept the situation, and no further indications of revolt were seen that day. popular young men, the bravest of their several tribes, were appointed by multnomah to fill the vacant chieftainships; and that did much toward allaying the discontent. moreover, some troubles between different tribes of the confederacy, which had been referred to him for arbitration, were decided with rare sagacity. at length the council ended for the day, the star of the willamettes still in the ascendant, the revolt seemingly subdued. so the first great crisis passed. * * * * * that evening a little band of willamette warriors led the rebel sachem, still bound and blindfolded, down to the river's bank, where a canoe lay waiting them. his wife followed and tried to enter it with him, as if determined to share his fortunes to the very last; but the guard thrust her rudely away, and started the canoe. as it moved away she caught the prow wildly, despairingly, as if she could not let her warrior go. one of the guards struck her hands brutally with his paddle, and she released her hold. the boat glided out into the river. not a word of farewell had passed between the condemned man and his wife, for each disdained to show emotion in the presence of the enemy. she remained on the bank looking after him, mute and despondent,--a forlorn creature clothed in rags and emaciated with hunger, an outcast from all the tribes. she might have been regarded as a symbolic figure representing woman among the indians, as she stood there with her bruised hands, throbbing with pain where the cruel blow had fallen, hanging, in sullen scorn of pain, uncared for by her side. so she stood watching the canoe glide down the river, till it was swallowed up in the gathering shadows of evening. the canoe dropped down the river to a lonely point on the northern shore, a place much frequented by wolves. there, many miles below the encampment on the island, they disembarked and took the captive into the wood. he walked among them with a firm and even tread; there was no sign of flinching, though he must have known that his hour was close at hand. they bound him prostrate at the foot of an oak, tying him to the hard, tough roots that ran over the ground like a network, and from which the earth had been washed away, so that thongs could be passed around them. head and foot they bound him, drawing the rawhide thongs so tight that they sank into the flesh, and knotting them, till no effort possible to him could have disentangled him. it was on his lips to ask them to leave one arm free, so that he might at least die fighting, though it were with but one naked hand. but he hated them too much to ask even that small favor, and so submitted in disdainful silence. the warriors all went back to the canoe, except one, an old hunter, famed for his skill in imitating every cry of bird or beast. standing beside the bound and prostrate man, he sent forth into the forest the cry of a wolf. it rang in a thousand echoes and died away, evoking no response. he listened a moment with bated breath, but could hear nothing but the deep heart-beat of the man at his feet. another cry, with its myriad echoes, was followed by the oppressive sense of stillness that succeeds an outcry in a lonely wood. then came a faint, a far-off sound, the answer of a wolf to a supposed mate. the indian replied, and the answer sounded nearer; then another blended with it, as the pack began to gather. again the indian gave the cry, wild and wolfish, as only a barbarian, half-beast by virtue of his own nature, could have uttered it. an awful chorus of barking and howling burst through the forest as the wolves came on, eager for blood. the indian turned and rejoined his comrades at the canoe. they pushed out into the river, but held the boat in the current by an occasional paddle-stroke, and waited listening. back at the foot of the tree the captive strained every nerve and muscle in one mighty effort to break the cords that bound him; but it was useless, and he lay back with set teeth and rigid muscles, while his eyes sought in vain through their thick covering to see the approach of his foes. presently a fierce outburst of howls and snarls told the listeners that the wolves had found their prey. they lingered and listened a little longer, but no sound or cry was heard to tell of the last agony under those rending fangs; the chief died in silence. then the paddles were dipped again in the water, and the canoe glided up the river to the camp. when they reached the shore they found the rebel's wife awaiting them in the place where they had left her. she asked no questions; she only came close and looked at their faces in the dusk, and read there the thing she sought to know. then she went silently away. in a little while the indian wail for the dead was sounding through the forest. "what is that?" asked the groups around the camp fires. "the rebel chief's wife wailing the death-wail for her husband," was the low reply; and in that way the tribes knew that the sentence had been carried out. many bands were there, of many languages, but all knew what that death-wail meant the instant it fell upon their ears. multnomah heard it as he sat in council with his chiefs, and there was something in it that shook even his iron heart; for all the wilder, more superstitious elements of the indians thrilled to two things,--the war-cry and the death-wail. he dismissed his chiefs and went to his lodge. on the way he encountered tohomish, lurking, as was his wont, under the shadow of the trees. "what think you now, tohomish, you who love darkness and shadow, what think you? is not the arm of the willamette strong? has it not put down revolt to-day, and held the tribes together?" the pine voice looked at him sorrowfully. "the vision i told in the council has come back to me again. the cry of woe i heard far off then is nearer now, and the throng on the death-trail passes thicker and swifter. that which covered their faces is lifted, and their faces are the faces of willamettes, and multnomah is among them. the time is close at hand." "say this before our enemies, and, strong _tomanowos_ though you are, you die!" said the chief, laying his hand on his tomahawk. but the seer was gone, and multnomah stood alone among the trees. * * * * * every evening at dusk, the widow of the rebel sachem went out into the woods near the camp and wailed her dead. every night that wild, desolate lament was lifted and rang through the great encampment,--a cry that was accusation, defiance, and lament; and even multnomah dared not silence her, for among the indians a woman lamenting her dead was sacred. so, while multnomah labored and plotted for union by day, that mournful cry raised the spirit of wrath and rebellion by night. and thus the dead liberator was half avenged. book iv. _the love tale._ chapter i. the indian town. the bare ground with hoarie mosse bestrowed must be their bed, their pillow was unsowed and the frutes of the forrest was their feast. _the faërie queene._ never before had there come to cecil so grand an opportunity for disseminating gospel truth. the work of half a lifetime might be done in a few days. "the tribes are all gathered together in one encampment, and i can talk with them all, tell them of god, of the beauty of heaven and of the only way. then, when they disperse, they will carry my teaching in every direction, and so it will be scattered throughout all this wild land." this was the thought that came to cecil when he awoke on the morning after the trial. now was the time to work! now was the time for every element of argument, persuasion, and enthusiasm to be exerted to the utmost. earnestly did he pray that morning, kneeling in his lodge beside his couch of furs, that god would be with and help him. and as he prayed, warm and glowing was the love and tenderness that filled his heart. when the day was a little more advanced, he entered upon his work. the camp was astir with life; nearly all had finished their morning meal, and the various employments and diversions of the day were begun. each tribe or band had pitched its lodges apart, though not far from the others. it was not so much an encampment as a group of many encampments, and the whole made up a scattered town of huts and wigwams. a precarious and uncertain quiet had succeeded the agitation of the day before. multnomah's energy had awed the malcontents into temporary submission, and the different bands were mingling freely with one another; though here and there a chief or warrior looked on contemptuously, standing moodily apart, wrapped in his blanket. now and then when a willamette passed a group who were talking and gesticulating animatedly they would become silent all at once till the representative of the dreaded race was out of hearing, when a storm of indignant gutterals would burst forth; but there were no other indications of hostility. groups were strolling from place to place observing curiously the habits and customs of other tribes; the common willamette tongue, precursor of the more modern chinook jargon, furnishing a means of intercourse. everywhere cecil found talk, barter, diversion. it was a rude caricature of civilization, the picture of society in its infancy, the rough dramatization of that phase through which every race passes in its evolution from barbarism. at one place, a hunter from the interior was bartering furs for _hiagua_ shells to a native of the sea-coast. at another, a brave skilled in wood-work had his stock of bows and arrows spread out before him, and an admiring crowd were standing around looking on. but the taciturn brave sat coolly polishing and staining his arrows as if he were totally unconscious of spectators, until the magical word "buy" was mentioned, when he at once awoke to life and drove a bargain in bow and quiver _versus_ dried berries and "ickters" that would have done credit to a yankee. at one place sat an old warrior from the upper columbia, making arrow-heads, chipping off the little scales of flint with infinite patience, literally _wearing_ the stone into the requisite shape. beside him lay a small pack of flints brought from beyond the mountains, for such stone was rarely found along the lower columbia. squaws sat in front of their wigwams sewing mats,--carefully sorting the rushes, putting big ends with little ends, piercing each with a bodkin, and sewing them all together with a long bone needle threaded with buckskin or sinew. others were weaving that water-tight wickerwork which was, perhaps, the highest art to which the oregon indians ever attained. here a band of indians were cooking, feasting, laughing, shouting around a huge sturgeon captured the night before. there a circle of gamblers were playing "hand,"--passing a small stick secretly from hand to hand and guessing whose hand contained it,--singing as they played that monotonous "ho-ha, ho-ha, ho-ha," which was the inseparable accompaniment of dancing, gambling, and horseback riding. among them all cecil moved with the calm dignity he had acquired from long intercourse with the indians. wherever he went there was silence and respect, for was he not the great white medicine-man? gambling circles paused in the swift passage of the stick and the monotone of the chant to look and to comment; buyers and sellers stopped to gaze and to question; children who had been building miniature wigwams of sticks or floating bark canoes in the puddles, ran away at his approach and took shelter in the thickets, watching him with twinkling black eyes. wherever there was opportunity, he stopped and talked, scattering seed-thoughts in the dark minds of the indians. wherever he paused a crowd would gather; whenever he entered a wigwam a throng collected at the door. let us glance for a moment into the domestic life of the indians as cecil saw it that morning. he enters one of the large bark huts of the willamette indians, a long, low building, capable of sheltering sixty or seventy persons. the part around the door is painted to represent a man's face, and the entrance is through the mouth. within, he finds a spacious room perhaps eighty or a hundred feet long by twenty wide, with rows of rude bunks rising tier above tier on either side. in the centre are the stones and ashes of the hearth; above is an aperture in the roof for the escape of smoke; around the hearth mats are spread to sit upon; the bare ground, hard and trodden, forms the only floor, and the roof is made of boards that have been split out with mallet and wedges. cecil enters and stands a moment in silence; then the head of the house advances and welcomes him. the best mat is spread for him to sit upon; food is brought,--pounded fish, nuts, and berries, and a kind of bread made of roots cooked, crushed together, and cut in slices when cold. all this is served on a wooden platter, and he must eat whether hungry or not; for to refuse would be the grossest affront that could be offered a willamette host, especially if it were presented by his own hands. the highest honor that a western oregon indian could do his guest was to wait on him instead of letting his squaw do it. the indian host stands beside cecil and says, in good-humored hospitality, "eat, eat much," nor is he quite pleased if he thinks that his visitor slights the offered food. when the guest can be no longer persuaded to eat more, the food is removed, the platter is washed in water, and dried with a wisp of twisted grass; a small treasure of tobacco is produced from a little buckskin pocket and a part of it carefully mixed with dried leaves;[ ] the pipe is filled and smoked. then, and not till then, may the indian host listen to the talk of the white man. so it was in lodge after lodge; he must first eat, be it ever so little. two centuries later, the methodist and congregational missionaries found themselves confronted with the same oppressive hospitality among the rocky mountain indians.[ ] nay, they need not visit a wigwam; let them but stroll abroad through the village, and if they were popular and the camp was well supplied with buffalo-meat, messengers would come with appalling frequency, bearing the laconic invitation, "come and eat;" and the missionary must go, or give offence, even though he had already gone to half a dozen wigwams on the same errand. there is a grim humor in a missionary's eating fresh buffalo-meat in the cause of religion until he is like to burst, and yet heroically going forth to choke down a few mouthfuls more, lest he offend some dusky convert. at one house cecil witnessed a painful yet comical scene. the willamettes were polygamists, each brave having as many wives as he was able to buy; and cecil was in a lodge where the brother of the head man of that lodge brought home his second wife. at the entrance of the second wife, all gay in indian finery, the first did not manifest the sisterly spirit proper for the occasion. after sitting awhile in sullen silence, she arose and began to kick the fire about, accompanying that performance with gutteral exclamations addressed to no one in particular; she struck the dog, which chanced to be in the way, sending it yelping from the wigwam; and then, having worked herself into a rage, began to scold her husband, who listened grimly but said nothing. at last she turned on her new-found sister, struck her, and began to lay rending hands on the finery that their mutual husband had given her. that was instantly resented; and in a few moments the squaws were rolling on the floor, biting, scratching, and pulling each other's hair with the fury of devils incarnate. the dogs, attracted by the tumult, ran in and began to bark at them; the indians outside the hut gathered at the door, looking in and laughing; the husband contemplated them as they rolled fighting at his feet, and then looked at cecil. it was undoubtedly trying to indian dignity but the warrior sustained his admirably. "bad, very bad," was the only comment he allowed himself to make. cecil took his leave, and the brave kept up his air of indifference until the white man had gone. then he quietly selected a cudgel from the heap of fire-wood by the doorway, and in a short time peace reigned in the wigwam. in a lodge not far away, cecil witnessed another scene yet more barbarous than this. he found a little blind boy sitting on the ground near the fire, surrounded by a quantity of fish-bones which he had been picking. he was made a subject for the taunting jibes and laughter of a number of men and women squatting around him. his mother sat by in the most cruel apathy and unconcern, and only smiled when cecil expressed commiseration for her unfortunate and peculiarly unhappy child. it had been neglected and seemed almost starved. those around apparently took pleasure in tormenting it and rendering it miserable, and vied with each other in applying to it insulting and degrading epithets. the little articles that cecil gave to it, in the hope that the indians seeing him manifest an interest in it would treat it more tenderly, it put to its mouth eagerly; but not finding them eatable, it threw them aside in disgust. cecil turned away sick at heart. worn, already weary, this last sight was intolerable; and he went out into the woods, away from the camp. but as he walked along he seemed to see the child again, so vividly had it impressed his imagination. it rose before him in the wood, when the noise of the camp lay far behind; it seemed to turn its sightless eyes upon him and reach out its emaciated arms as if appealing for help.[ ] out in the wood he came across an indian sitting on a log, his face buried in his hands, his attitude indicating sickness or despondency. he looked up as cecil approached. it was the young willamette runner who had been his companion on the journey down the columbia. his face was haggard; he was evidently very sick. the missionary stopped and tried to talk with him, but could evoke little response, except that he did not want to talk, and that he wanted to be left alone. he seemed so moody and irritable that cecil thought it best to leave him. his experience was that talking with a sick indian was very much like stirring up a wounded rattlesnake. so he left the runner and went on into the forest, seeking the solitude without which he could scarcely have lived amid the degrading barbarism around him. his spirit required frequent communion with god and nature, else he would have died of weariness and sickness of heart. wandering listlessly, he went on further and further from the camp, never dreaming of what lay before him, or of the wild sweet destiny to which that dim indian trail was leading him through the shadowy wood. ----- [ ] lewis and clark. [ ] see parkman's "oregon trail," also, parker's work on oregon. [ ] see townsend's narrative, pages - . chapter ii. the white woman in the wood. i seek a sail that never looms from out the purple haze at rosy dawn, or fading eve, or in the noontide's blaze. celia thaxter. cecil walked listlessly on through the wood. he was worn out by the day's efforts, though it was as yet but the middle of the afternoon. there was a feeling of exhaustion in his lungs, a fluttering pain about his heart, the result of years of over-work upon a delicate frame. with this feeling of physical weakness came always the fear that his strength might give way ere his work was done. nor was this all. in these times of depression, the longing to see again the faces of his friends, to have again the sweet graceful things of the life that was forever closed to him, rushed over him in a bitter flood. the trail led him to the bank of the columbia, some distance below the encampment. he looked out over the blue river sweeping majestically on, the white snow-peaks, the canyons deep in the shadows of afternoon, the dense forest beyond the river extending away to the unknown and silent north as far as his eyes could reach. "it is wonderful, wonderful!" he thought. "but i would give it all to look upon one white face." so musing, he passed on down the bank of the river. he was now perhaps two miles from the camp and seemingly in complete solitude. after a little the path turned away from the beach and led toward the interior. as he entered the woodland he came upon several indian sentinels who lay, bow in hand, beside the path. they sprang up, as if to intercept his passage; but seeing that it was the white _shaman_ whom multnomah had honored, and who had sat at the council with the great sachems, they let him go on. cecil indistinctly remembered having heard from some of the indians that this part of the island was strictly guarded; he had forgotten why. so absorbed was he in his gloomy reflections that he did not stop to question the sentinels, but went on, not thinking that he might be treading on forbidden ground. by and by the path emerged from the wood upon a little prairie; the cottonwoods shut out the indians from him, and he was again alone. the sunshine lay warm and golden on the little meadow, and he strolled forward mechanically, thinking how like it was to some of the sylvan lawns of his own new england forests. again the shade of trees fell over the path. he looked up, his mind full of new england memories, and saw something that made his heart stand still. for there, not far from him, stood a girl clad in soft flowing drapery, the dress of a white woman. in massachusetts a woman's dress would have been the last thing cecil would have noticed. now, so long accustomed to the indian squaws' rough garments of skin or plaited bark, the sight of that graceful woven cloth sent through him an indescribable thrill. he went on, his eager eyes drinking in the welcome sight, yet scarcely believing what he saw. she had not yet observed him. the profile of her half-averted face was very sweet and feminine; her form was rounded, and her hair fell in long black ringlets to the shoulders. he was in the presence of a young and beautiful woman,--a white woman! all this he noted at a glance; noted, too, the drooping lashes, the wistful lines about the lips, the mournful expression that shadowed the beauty of her face. who was she? where could she have come from? she heard the approaching footsteps and turned toward him. absolute bewilderment was on her face for a moment, and then it glowed with light and joy. her dark, sad eyes sparkled. she was radiant, as if some great, long-looked for happiness had come to her. she came eagerly toward him, holding out her hands in impetuous welcome; saying something in a language he did not understand, but which he felt could not be indian, so refined and pleasing were the tones. he answered he knew not what, in his own tongue, and she paused perplexed. then he spoke again, this time in willamette. she shrank back involuntarily. "that language?" she replied in the same tongue, but with a tremor of disappointment in her voice. "i thought you were of my mother's race and spoke her language. but you _are_ white, like her people?" she had given him both her hands, and he stood holding them; looking down into her eager, lifted face, where a great hope and a great doubt in mingled light and shadow strove together. "i am a white man. i came from a land far to the east. but who are you, and how came you here?" she did not seem to hear the last words, only the first. "no, no," she protested eagerly, "you came not from the east but from the west, the land across the sea that my mother came from in the ship that was wrecked." and she withdrew one hand and pointed toward the wooded range beyond which lay the pacific. he shook his head. "no, there are white people in those lands too, but i never saw them. i came from the east," he said, beginning to surmise that she must be an asiatic. she drew away the hand that he still held in his, and her eyes filled with tears. "i thought you were one of my mother's people," she murmured; and he felt that the pang of an exceeding disappointment was rilling her heart. "who are you?" he asked gently. "the daughter of multnomah." cecil remembered now what he had heard of the dead white wife of multnomah, and of her daughter, who, it was understood among the tribes, was to be given to snoqualmie. he noticed, too, for the first time the trace of the indian in her expression, as the light faded from it and it settled back into the despondent look habitual to it. all that was chivalrous in his nature went out to the fair young creature; all his being responded to the sting of her disappointment. "i am not what you hoped i was, but your face is like the face of the women of my own land. shall we not be friends?" she looked up wistfully at the handsome and noble countenance above her, so different from the stolid visages she had known so long. "yes; you are not indian." in that one expression she unconsciously told cecil how her sensitive nature shrank from the barbarism around her; how the tastes and aspirations she had inherited from her mother reached out for better and higher things. in a little while they were seated on a grassy bank in the shade of the trees, talking together. she bade him tell her of his people. she listened intently; the bright, beautiful look came back as she heard the tale. "they are kind to women, instead of making them mere burden-bearers; they have pleasant homes; they dwell in cities? then they are like my mother's people." "they are gentle, kind, humane. they have all the arts that light up life and make it beautiful,--not like the tribes of this grim, bloodstained land." "_this_ land!" her face darkened and she lifted her hand in a quick, repelling gesture. "this land is a grave. the clouds lie black and heavy on the spirit that longs for the sunlight and cannot reach it." she turned to him again. "go on, your words are music." he continued, and she listened till the story of his country and his wanderings was done. when he ended, she drew a glad, deep breath; her eyes were sparkling with joy. "i am content," she said, in a voice in which there was a deep heart-thrill of happiness. "since my mother died i have been alone, all alone; and i longed, oh so often, for some one who talked and felt as she did to come to me, and now you have come. i sat cold and shivering in the night a long time, but the light and warmth have come at last. truly, allah is good!" "allah!" "yes; he was my mother's god, as the great spirit is my father's." "they are both names for the same all father," replied cecil. "they mean the same thing, even as the sun is called by many names by many tribes, yet there is but the one sun." "then i am glad. it is good to learn that both prayed to the one god, though they did not know it. but my mother taught me to use the name of allah, and not the other. and while my father and the tribes call me by my indian name, 'wallulah,' she gave me another, a secret name, that i was never to forget." "what is it?" "i have never told it, but i will tell you, for you can understand." and she gave him a singularly melodious name, of a character entirely different from any he had ever heard, but which he guessed to be arabic or hindu. "it means, 'she who watches for the morning.' my mother told me never to forget it, and to remember that i was not to let myself grow to be like the indians, but to pray to allah, and to watch and hope, and that sometime the morning would come and i would be saved from the things around me. and now you have come and the dawn comes with you." her glad, thankful glance met his; the latent grace and mobility of her nature, all roused and vivid under his influence, transfigured her face, making it delicately lovely. a great pang of longing surged through him. "oh," he thought, "had i not become a missionary, i might have met and loved some one like her! i might have filled my life with much that is now gone from it forever!" for eight years he had seen only the faces of savage women and still more savage men; for eight years his life had been steeped in bitterness, and all that was tender or romantic in his nature had been cramped, as in iron fetters, by the coarseness and stolidity around him. now, after all that dreary time, he met one who had the beauty and the refinement of his own race. was it any wonder that her glance, the touch of her dress or hair, the soft tones of her voice, had for him an indescribable charm? was it any wonder that his heart went out to her in a yearning tenderness that although not love was dangerously akin to it? he was startled at the sweet and burning tumult of emotion she was kindling within him. what was he thinking of? he must shake these feelings off, or leave her. leave her! the gloom of the savagery that awaited him at the camp grew tenfold blacker than ever. all the light earth held for him seemed gathered into the presence of this dark-eyed girl who sat talking so musically, so happily, by his side. "i must go," he forced himself to say at length, "the sun is almost down." "must you go so soon?" "i will come again if you wish." "but you must not go yet; wait till the sun reaches the mountain-tops yonder. i want you to tell me more about your own land." so he lingered and talked while the sun sank lower and lower in the west. it seemed to him that it had never gone down so fast before. "i must go now," he said, rising as the sun's red disk sank behind the mountains. "it is not late; see, the sun is shining yet on the brow of the snow mountains." both looked at the peaks that towered grandly in the light of the sunken sun while all the world below lay in shadow. together they watched the mighty miracle of the afterglow on mount tacoma, the soft rose-flush that transfigured the mountain till it grew transparent, delicate, wonderful. "that is what my life is now,--since you have brought the light to the 'watcher for the morning;'" and she looked up at him with a bright, trustful smile. "alas?" thought cecil, "it is not the light of morning but of sunset." slowly the radiance faded, the rose tint passed; the mountain grew white and cold under their gaze, like the face of death. wallulah shuddered as if it were a prophecy. "you will come back to-morrow?" she said, looking at him with her large, appealing eyes. "i will come," he said. "it will seem long till your return, yet i have lived so many years waiting for that which has come at last that i have learned to be patient." "ask god to help you in your hours of loneliness and they will not seem so long and dark," said cecil, whose soul was one tumultuous self-reproach that he had let the time go by without telling her more of god. "ah!" she said in a strange, wistful way, "i have prayed to him so much, but he could not fill _all_ my heart. i wanted so to touch a hand and look on a face like my mother's. but god has sent you, and so i know he must be good." they parted, and he went back to the camp. "is my mission a failure?" he thought, as he walked along, clinching his hands in furious anger with himself. "why do i let a girl's beauty move me thus, and she the promised wife of another? how dare i think of aught beside the work god has sent me here to do? oh, the shame and guilt of such weakness! i will be faithful. i will never look upon her face again!" he emerged from the wood into the camp; its multitudinous sounds were all around him, and never had the coarseness and savagery of indian life seemed so repellent as now, when he came back to it with his mind full of wallulah's grace and loveliness. it was harsh discord after music. stripped and painted barbarians were hallooing, feasting, dancing; the whole camp was alive with boisterous hilarity, the result of a day of good fellowship. mothers were calling their children in the dusk and young men were sportively answering, "here i am, mother." here and there, indians who had been feasting all day lay like gorged anacondas beside the remnant of their meal; others, who had been gambling, were talking loudly of the results of the game. through it all the white man walked with swift footsteps, looking neither to the right nor the left, till he gained his lodge. he flung himself on his bed and lay there, his fingers strained together convulsively, his nerves throbbing with pain; vainly struggling with regret, vainly repeating to himself that he cared nothing for love and home, that he had put all those things from him, that he was engrossed now only in his work. "never, never! it can never be." * * * * * and the english exploring-ship in yaquina bay was to weigh anchor on the morrow, and sail up nearer along the unknown coast. the indians had all deserted the sea-board for the council. would cecil hear? would any one see the sail and bring the news? [illustration: "_i will kill him!_"] chapter iii. cecil and the war-chief. children of the sun, with whom revenge is virtue. young. on the next day came the races, the great diversion of the indians. each tribe ran only one horse,--the best it had. there were thirty tribes or bands, each with its choicest racer on the track. the puget sound and lower columbia indians, being destitute of horses, were not represented. there had been races every day on a small scale, but they were only private trials of speed, while to-day was the great day of racing for all the tribes, the day when the head chiefs ran their horses. the competition was close, but snoqualmie the cayuse won the day. he rode the fine black horse he had taken from the bannock he had tortured to death. multnomah and the chiefs were present, and the victory was won under the eyes of all the tribes. the haughty, insolent cayuse felt that he had gained a splendid success. only, as in the elation of victory his glance swept over the crowd, he met the sad, unapplauding gaze of cecil, and it made his ever burning resentment grow hotter still. "i hate that man," he thought. "i tried to thrust him down into slavery, and multnomah made him a chief. my heart tells me that he is an enemy. i hate him. i will kill him." "poor wallulah!" cecil was thinking. "what a terrible future is before her as the wife of that inhuman torturer of men!" and his sympathies went out to the lonely girl, the golden thread of whose life was to be interwoven with the bloodstained warp and woof of snoqualmie's. but he tried hard not to think of her; he strove resolutely that day to absorb himself in his work, and the effort was not unsuccessful. after the races were over, a solemn council was held in the grove and some important questions discussed and decided. cecil took part, endeavoring in a quiet way to set before the chiefs a higher ideal of justice and mercy than their own. he was heard with grave attention, and saw that more than one chief seemed impressed by his words. only snoqualmie was sullen and inattentive, and mishlah the cougar was watchful and suspicious. after the council was over cecil went to his lodge. on the way he found the young willamette runner sitting on a log by the path, looking even more woebegone than he had the day before. cecil stopped to inquire how he was. "_cultus_ [bad]," was grunted in response. "did you see the races?" "races bad. what do i care?" "i hope you will be better soon." "yes, better or worse by and by. what do i care?" "can i do anything for you?" "yes." "what is it?" "go." and he dropped his hand upon his knees, doubled himself together, and refused to say another word. as cecil turned to go he found multnomah standing close by, watching him. "come," said the stern despot, briefly. "i want to talk with you." he led the way back through the noisy encampment to the now deserted grove of council. everything there was quiet and solitary; the thick circle of trees hid them from the camp, though its various sounds floated faintly to them. they were quite alone. multnomah seated himself on the stone covered with furs, that was his place in the council. cecil remained standing before him, wondering what was on his mind. was the war-chief aware of his interview with wallulah? if so, what then? multnomah fixed on him the gaze which few men met without shrinking. "tell me," he said, while it seemed to cecil as if that eagle glance read every secret of his innermost heart, "tell me where your land is, and why you left it, and the reason for your coming among us. keep no thought covered, for multnomah will see it if you do." cecil's eye kindled, his cheek flushed. wallulah was forgotten; his mission, and his mission only, was remembered. he stood before one who held over the many tribes of the wauna the authority of a prince: if _he_ could but be won for christ, what vast results might follow! he told it all,--the story of his home and his work, his call of god to go to the indians, his long wanderings, the message he had to deliver, how it had been received by some and rejected by many; now he was here, a messenger sent by the great spirit to tell the tribes of the wauna the true way of life. he told it all, and never had he been so eloquent. it was a striking contrast, the grim indian sitting there leaning on his bow, his sharp, treacherous gaze bent like a bird of prey on the delicately moulded man pleading before him. he listened till cecil began to talk of love and forgiveness as duties enjoined by the great spirit. then he spoke abruptly. "when you stood up in the council the day the bad chief was tried, and told of the weakness and the wars that would come if the confederacy was broken up, you talked wisely and like a great chief and warrior; now you talk like a woman. love! forgiveness!" he repeated the words, looking at cecil with a kind of wondering scorn, as if he could not comprehend such weakness in one who looked like a brave man. "war and hate are the life of the indian. they are the strength of his heart. take them away, and you drain the blood from his veins; you break his spirit; he becomes a squaw." "but my people love and forgive, yet they are not squaws. they are brave and hardy in battle; their towns are great; their country is like a garden." and he told multnomah of the laws, the towns, the schools, the settled habits and industry of new england. the chief listened with growing impatience. at length he threw his arm up with an indescribable gesture of freedom, like a man rejecting a fetter. "how can they breathe, shut in, bound down like that? how can they live, so tied and burdened?" "is not that better than tribe forever warring against tribe? is it not better to live like men than to lurk in dens and feed on roots like beasts? yet we will fight, too; the white man does not love war, but he will go to battle when his cause is just and war must be." "so will the deer and the cayote fight when they can flee no longer. the indian loves battle. he loves to seek out his enemy, to grapple with him, and to tread him down. that is a man's life!" there was a wild grandeur in the chief's tone. all the tameless spirit of his race seemed to speak through him, the spirit that has met defeat and extermination rather than bow its neck to the yoke of civilization. cecil realized that on the iron fibre of the war-chief's nature his pleading made no impression whatever, and his heart sank within him. again he tried to speak of the ways of peace, but the chief checked him impatiently. "that is talk for squaws and old men. multnomah does not understand it. talk like a man, if you wish him to listen. multnomah does not forgive; multnomah wants no peace with his enemies. if they are weak he tramples on them and makes them slaves; if they are strong he fights them. when the shoshones take from multnomah, he takes from them; if they give him war he gives them war; if they torture one willamette at the stake, multnomah stretches two shoshones upon red-hot stones. multnomah gives hate for hate and war for war. this is the law the great spirit has given the indian. what law he has given the white man, multnomah knows not nor cares!" baffled in his attempt, cecil resorted to another line of persuasion. he set before multnomah the arts, the intelligence, the splendor of the white race. "the indian has his laws and customs, and that is well; but why not council with the white people, even as chiefs council together? send an embassy to ask that wise white men be sent you, so that you may learn of their arts and laws; and what seems wise and good you can accept, what seems not so can be set aside. i know the ways that lead back to the land of the white man; i myself would lead the embassy." it was a noble conception,--that of making a treaty between this magnificent indian confederacy and new england for the purpose of introducing civilization and religion; and for a moment he lost sight of the insurmountable obstacles in the way. "no," replied the chief, "neither alone nor as leader of a peace party will your feet ever tread again the path that leads back to the land of the white man. we want not upon our shoulders the burden of his arts and laws. we want not his teachers to tell us how to be women. if the white man wants us, let him find his way over the desert and through the mountains, and we will grapple with him and see which is the strongest." so saying, the war-chief rose and left him. "he says that i shall never be allowed to go back," thought cecil, with a bitter consciousness of defeat. "then my mission ends here in the land of the bridge, even as i have so often dreamed that it would. so be it; i shall work the harder now that i see the end approaching. i shall gather the chiefs in my own lodge this evening and preach to them." while he was forming his resolution, there came the recollection that wallulah would look for him, would be expecting him to come to her. "i cannot," he thought, though he yearned to go to her. "i cannot go; i must be faithful to my mission." many chiefs came that night to his lodge; among them, to his surprise, tohomish the seer. long and animated was cecil's talk; beautiful and full of spiritual fervor were the words in which he pointed them to a better life. tohomish was impassive, listening in his usual brooding way. the others seemed interested; but when he was done they all rose up and went away without a word,--all except the shoshone renegade who had helped him bury the dead bannock. he came to cecil before leaving the lodge. "sometime," he said, "when it will be easier for me to be good than it is now, i will try to live the life you talked about to-night." then he turned and went out before cecil could reply. "there is one at least seeking to get nearer god," thought cecil, joyfully. after awhile his enthusiasm faded away, and he remembered how anxiously wallulah must have waited for him, and how bitterly she must have been disappointed. her face, pale and stained with tears, rose plainly before him. a deep remorse filled his heart. "poor child! i am the first white person she has seen since her mother died; no wonder she longs for my presence! i must go to her to-morrow. after all, there is no danger of my caring for her. to me my work is all in all." chapter iv. archery and gambling. to gambling they are no less passionately addicted in the interior than on the coast.--bancroft: _native races_. the next morning came the archery games. the best marksmen of each tribe contended together under the eyes of multnomah, and snoqualmie the cayuse won the day. these diversions were beginning to produce the result that the politic chief had intended they should. better feeling was springing up. the spirit of discontent that had been rife was disappearing. every day good-fellowship grew more and more between the willamettes and their allies. every day snoqualmie the cayuse became more popular among the tribes, and already he was second in influence to none but multnomah himself. the great war-chief had triumphed over every obstacle; and he waited now only for the last day of the council, when his daughter should be given to snoqualmie and the chiefs should recognize him as the future head of the confederacy. knowing this, the sight of snoqualmie's successful archery was almost intolerable to cecil, and he turned away from the place where the games were held. "i will seek the young willamette who is sick," he said to himself. "then this evening i will go and visit wallulah." the thought sent the blood coursing warmly through his veins, but he chided himself for it. "it is but duty, i go to her only as a missionary," he repeated to himself over and over again. he went to the lodge of the young willamette and asked for him. "he is not here," the father of the youth told him. "he is in the sweat-house. he is sick this morning, _hieu_ sick." and the old man emphasized the _hieu_ [much], with a prolonged intonation and a comprehensive gesture as if the young man were very sick indeed. to the sweat-house went cecil forthwith. he found it to be a little arched hut, made by sticking the ends of bent willow-wands into the ground and covering them over with skins, leaving only a small opening for entrance. when a sick person wished to take one of those "sweat baths" so common among the indians, stones were heated red hot and put within the hut, and water was poured on them. the invalid, stripped to the skin, entered, the opening was closed behind him, and he was left to steam in the vapors. when cecil came up, the steam was pouring between the overlapping edges of the skins, and he could hear the young willamette inside, chanting a low monotonous song, an endlessly repeated invocation to his _totem_ to make him well. how he could sing or even breathe in that stifling atmosphere was a mystery to cecil. by and by the willamette raised the flap that hung over the entrance and crawled out, hot, steaming, perspiring at every pore. he rushed with unsteady footsteps down to the river, only a few yards away, and plunged into the cold water. after repeatedly immersing himself, he waded back to the shore and lay down to dry in the sun. the shock to his nervous system of plunging from a hot steam-bath into ice-cold water fresh from the snow peaks of the north had roused all his latent vitality. he had recovered enough to be sullen and resentful to cecil when he came up; and after vainly trying to talk with or help him, the missionary left him. it is characteristic of the indian, perhaps of most half-animal races, that their moral conduct depends on physical feeling. like the animal, they are good-humored, even sportive, when all is well; like the animal, they are sluggish and unreasoning in time of sickness. cecil went back to the camp. he found that the archery games were over, and that a great day of gambling had begun. he was astonished at the eagerness with which all the indians flung themselves into it. multnomah alone took no part, and tohomish, visible only at the council, was not there. but with those two exceptions, chiefs, warriors, all flung themselves headlong into the game. first, some of the leading chiefs played at "hand," and each tribe backed its chief. furs, skins, weapons, all manner of indian wealth was heaped in piles behind the gamblers, constituting the stakes; and they were divided among the tribes of the winners,--each player representing a tribe, and his winnings going, not to himself, but to his people. this rule applied, of course, only to the great public games; in private games of "hand" each successful player kept his own spoils. amid the monotonous chant that always accompanied gambling, the two polished bits of bone (the winning one marked, the other not) were passed secretly from hand to hand. the bets were made as to who held the marked stick and in which hand, then a show of hands was made and the game was lost and won. from "hand" they passed to _ahikia_, a game like that of dice, played with figured beaver teeth or disks of ivory, which were tossed up, everything depending on the combination of figures presented in their fall. it was played recklessly. the indians were carried away by excitement. they bet anything and everything they had. wealthy chiefs staked their all on the turn of the ivory disks, and some were beggared, some enriched. cecil noticed in particular mishlah the cougar, chief of the molallies. he was like a man intoxicated. his huge bestial face was all ablaze with excitement, his eyes were glowing like coals. he had scarcely enough intellect to understand the game, but enough combativeness to fling himself into it body and soul. he bet his horses and lost them; he bet his slaves and lost again; he bet his lodges, with their rude furnishings of mat and fur, and lost once more. maddened, furious, like a lion in the toils, the desperate savage staked his wives and children on the throw of the _ahikia_, and they were swept from him into perpetual slavery. then he rose up and glared upon his opponents, with his tomahawk clinched in his hand,--as if feeling dimly that he had been wronged, thirsting for vengeance, ready to strike, yet not knowing upon whom the blow should fall. there was death in his look, and the chiefs shrunk from him, when his eyes met multnomah's, who was looking on; and the war-chief checked and awed him with his cold glance, as a tamer of beasts might subdue a rebellious tiger. then the molallie turned and went away, raging, desperate, a chief still, but a chief without lodge or wife or slave. the sight was painful to cecil, and he too went away while the game was at its height. drawn by an influence that he could not resist, he took the trail that led down the bank of the river to the retreat of wallulah. chapter v. a dead queen's jewels. for round about the walls yclothed were with goodly arras of great maiesty, woven with golde and silke so close and nere that the rich metall lurked privily. _the faërie queene._ he found the sentinels by the pathway half reluctant to let him pass, but they did not forbid him. evidently it was only their awe of him as the "great white prophet," to whom multnomah had added the dignity of an indian sachem, that overcame their scruples. it was with a sense of doing wrong that he went on. "if multnomah knew," he thought, "what would he do?" and brave as cecil was, he shuddered, thinking how deadly the wrath of the war-chief would be, if he knew of these secret visits to his daughter. "it is an abuse of hospitality; it is clandestine, wrong," he thought bitterly. "and yet she is lonely, she needs me, and i must go to her; but i will never go again." where he had met her before, he found her waiting for him now, a small, graceful figure, standing in the shadow of the wood. she heard his footsteps before he saw her, and the melancholy features were transfigured with joy. she stood hesitating a moment like some shy creature of the forest, then sprang eagerly forward to meet him. "i knew you were coming!" she cried rapturously. "i felt your approach long before i heard your footsteps." "how is that?" said cecil, holding her hands and looking down into her radiant eyes. something of the wild indian mysticism flashed in them as she replied: "i cannot tell; i knew it! my spirit heard your steps long before my ears could catch the sound. but oh!" she cried in sudden transition, her face darkening, her eyes growing large and pathetic, "why did you not come yesterday? i so longed for you and you did not come. it seemed as if the day would never end. i thought that perhaps the indians had killed you; i thought it might be that i should never see you again; and all the world grew dark as night, i felt so terribly alone. promise me you will never stay away so long again!" "never!" exclaimed cecil, on the impulse of the moment. an instant later he would have given the world to have recalled the word. "i am so glad!" she cried, clapping her hands in girlish delight; and he could not pain her by an explanation. "after a while i will tell her how impossible it is for me to come again," he thought. "i cannot tell her now." and he seized upon every word and look of the lovely unconscious girl, with a hunger of heart born of eight years' starvation. "now you must come with me to my lodge; you are my guest, and i shall entertain you. i want you to look at my treasures." cecil went with her, wondering if they would meet multnomah at her lodge, and if so, what he would say. he felt that he was doing wrong, yet so sweet was it to be in her presence, so much did her beauty fill the mighty craving of his nature, that it was not possible for him to tear himself away. some fifteen minutes' walk brought them to wallulah's lodge. it was a large building, made of bark set upright against a frame-work of poles, and roofed with cedar boards,--in its external appearance like all willamette lodges. several indian girls, neatly dressed and of more than ordinary intelligence, were busied in various employments about the yard. they looked in surprise at the white man and their mistress, but said nothing. the two entered the lodge. cecil muttered an exclamation of amazement as he crossed the threshold. the interior was a glow of color, a bower of richness. silken tapestries draped and concealed the bark walls; the floor of trodden earth was covered with a superbly figured carpet. it was like the hall of some asiatic palace. cecil looked at wallulah, and her eyes sparkled with merriment at his bewildered expression. "i knew you would be astonished," she cried. "is not this as fair as anything in your own land? no, wait till i show you another room!" she led the way to an inner apartment, drew back the tapestry that hung over the doorway, and bade him enter. never, not even at st. james or at versailles, had he seen such magnificence. the rich many-hued products of oriental looms covered the rough walls; the carpet was like a cushion; mirrors sparkling with gems reflected his figure; luxurious divans invited to repose. everywhere his eye met graceful draperies and artistically blended colors. silk and gold combined to make up a scene that was like a dream of fable. cecil's dazzled eyes wandered over all this splendor, then came back to wallulah's face again. "i have seen nothing like this in my own land, not even in the king's palace. how came such beautiful things here among the indians?" "they were saved from the vessel that was wrecked. they were my mother's, and she had them arranged thus. this was her lodge. it is mine now. i have never entered any other. i have never been inside an indian wigwam. my mother forbade it, for fear that i might grow like the savage occupants." cecil knew now how she had preserved her grace and refinement amid her fierce and squalid surroundings. again her face changed and the wistful look came back. her wild delicate nature seemed to change every moment, to break out in a hundred varying impulses. "i love beautiful things," she said, drawing a fold of tapestry against her cheek. "they seem half human. i love to be among them and feel their influence. these were my mother's, and it seems as if part of her life was in them. sometimes, after she died, i used to shut my eyes and put my cheek against the soft hangings and try to think it was the touch of her hand; or i would read from her favorite poets and try to think that i heard her repeating them to me again!" "read!" exclaimed cecil; "then you have books?" "oh, yes, i will show you all my treasures." she went into another apartment and returned with a velvet case and a richly enchased casket. she opened the case and took out several rolls of parchment. "here they are, my dear old friends, that have told me so many beautiful things." cecil unrolled them with a scholar's tenderness. their touch thrilled him; it was touching again some familiar hand parted from years ago. the parchments were covered with strange characters, in a language entirely unknown to him. the initial letters were splendidly illuminated, the margins ornamented with elaborate designs. cecil gazed on the scrolls, as one who loves music but who is ignorant of its technicalities might look at a sonata of beethoven or an opera of wagner, and be moved by its suggested melodies. "i cannot read it," he said a little sadly. "sometime i will teach you," she replied; "and you shall teach me your own language, and we will talk in it instead of this wretched indian tongue." "tell me something about it now," asked cecil, still gazing at the unknown lines. "not now, there is so much else to talk about; but i will to-morrow." to-morrow! the word pierced him like a knife. for him, a missionary among barbarians, for her, the betrothed of a savage chief, the morrow could bring only parting and woe; the sweet, fleeting present was all they could hope for. for them there could be no to-morrow. wallulah, however, did not observe his dejection. she had opened the casket, and now placed it between them as they sat together on the divan. one by one, she took out the contents and displayed them. a magnificent necklace of diamonds, another of pearls; rings, brooches, jewelled bracelets, flashed their splendor on him. totally ignorant of their great value, she showed them only with a true woman's love of beautiful things, showed them as artlessly as if they were but pretty shells or flowers. "are they not bright?" she would say, holding them up to catch the light. "how they sparkle!" one she took up a little reluctantly. it was an opal, a very fine one. she held it out, turning it in the light, so that he might see the splendid jewel glow and pale. "is it not lovely?" she said; "like sun-tints on the snow. but my mother said that in her land it is called the stone of misfortune. it is beautiful, but it brings trouble with it." he saw her fingers tremble nervously as they held it, and she dropped it from them hurriedly into the casket, as if it were some bright poisonous thing she dreaded to touch. after a while, when cecil had sufficiently admired the stones, she put them back into the casket and took it and the parchments away. she came back with her flute, and seating herself, looked at him closely. "you are sad; there are heavy thoughts on your mind. how is that? he who brings me sunshine must not carry a shadow on his own brow. why are you troubled?" the trouble was that he realized now, and was compelled to acknowledge to himself, that he loved this gentle, clinging girl, with a passionate love; that he yearned to take her in his arms and shelter her from the terrible savagery before her; and that he felt it could not, must not be. "it is but little," he replied. "every heart has its burden, and perhaps i have mine. it is the lot of man." she looked at him with a vague uneasiness; her susceptible nature responded dimly to the tumultuous emotions that he was trying by force of will to shut up in his own heart. "trouble? oh, do i not know how bitter it is! tell me, what do your people do when they have trouble? do they cut off their hair and blacken their faces, as the indians do, when they lose one they love?" "no, they would scorn to do anything so degrading. he is counted bravest who makes the least display of grief and yet always cherishes a tender remembrance of the dead." "so would i. my mother forbade me to cut off my hair or blacken my face when she died, and so i did not, though some of the indians thought me bad for not doing so. and your people are not afraid to talk of the dead?" "most certainly not. why should we be? we know that they are in a better world, and their memories are dear to us. it is very sweet sometimes to talk of them." "but the willamettes never talk of their dead, for fear they may hear their names spoken and come back. why should they dread their coming back? ah, if my mother only _would_ come back! how i used to long and pray for it!" cecil began to talk to her about the love and goodness of god. if he could only see her sheltered in the divine compassion, he could trust her to slip from him into the unknown darkness of her future. she listened earnestly. "your words are good," she said in her quaint phraseology; "and if trouble comes to me again i shall remember them. but i am very happy now." the warmth and thankfulness of her glance sent through him a great thrill of blended joy and pain. "you forget," he said, forcing himself to be calm, "that you are soon to leave your home and become the wife of snoqualmie." wallulah raised her hand as if to ward off a blow, her features quivering with pain. she tried to reply, but for an instant the words faltered on her lips. he saw it, and a fierce delight leaped up in his heart. "she does not love him, it is i whom she cares for," he thought; and then he thrust the thought down in indignant self-reproach. "i do not care for snoqualmie; i once thought i did, but--" she hesitated, the quick color flushed her face; for the first time she seemed in part, though not altogether, aware of why she had changed. for an instant cecil felt as if he must speak; but the consequences rose before him while the words were almost on his lips. if he spoke and won her love, multnomah would force her into a marriage with snoqualmie just the same; and if the iron despot were to consent and give her to cecil, the result would be a bloody war with snoqualmie. "i cannot, i must not," thought cecil. he rose to his feet; his one impulse was to get away, to fight out the battle with himself. wallulah grew pale. "you are going?" she said, rising also. "something in your face tells me you are not coming back," and she looked at him with strained, sad, wistful eyes. he stood hesitating, torn by conflicting emotions, not knowing what to do. "if you do not come back, i shall die," she said simply. as they stood thus, her flute slipped from her relaxed fingers and fell upon the floor. he picked it up and gave it to her, partly through the born instinct of the gentleman, which no familiarity with barbarism can entirely crush out, partly through the tendency in time of intense mental strain to relieve the mind by doing any little thing. she took it, lifted it to her lips, and, still looking at him, began to play. the melody, strange, untaught, artless as the song of a wood-bird, was infinitely sorrowful and full of longing. her very life seemed to breathe through the music in fathomless yearning. cecil understood the plea, and the tears rushed unbidden into his eyes. all his heart went out to her in pitying tenderness and love; and yet he dared not trust himself to speak. "promise to come back," said the music, while her dark eyes met his; "promise to come back. you are my one friend, my light, my all; do not leave me to perish in the dark. i shall die without you, i shall die, i shall die!" could any man resist the appeal? could cecil, of all men, thrilling through all his sensitive and ardent nature to the music, thrilling still more to a mighty and resistless love? "i will come back," he said, and parted from her; he dared not trust himself to say another word. but the parting was not so abrupt as to prevent his seeing the swift breaking-forth of light upon the melancholy face that was becoming so beautiful to him and so dear. chapter vi. the twilight tale. that eve i spoke those words again, and then she hearkened what i said. dante rossetti. the next day the indians had a great hunt. a circle of men on foot and on horseback was drawn around a large tract of forest on the western side of the willamette river. gradually, with much shouting, hallooing, and beating of bushes, the circle closed upon the game within it, like the folds of a mighty serpent. there was a prodigious slaughter, a mad scene of butchery, in which the indians exulted like fiends. late in the afternoon they returned to camp, stained with blood and loaded with the spoils of the chase. snoqualmie distinguished himself by killing a large bear, and its claws, newly severed and bleeding, were added to his already ample necklace of similar trophies. cecil remained in the almost deserted camp. he tried in vain to talk with the few chiefs who had not gone out to join in the hunt. missionary work was utterly impossible that day. wallulah and the problem of his love filled his thoughts. his mind, aroused and burning, searched and analyzed the question upon every side. should he tell multnomah of snoqualmie's cruelty, representing his unfitness to be the husband of the gentle wallulah? to the stern war-chief that very cruelty would be an argument in snoqualmie's favor. should he himself become a suitor for her hand? he knew full well that multnomah would reject him with disdain; or, were he to consent, it would involve the willamettes in a war with the haughty and vindictive cayuse. finally, should he attempt to fly with her to some other land? impossible. all the tribes of the northwest were held in the iron grip of multnomah. they could never escape; and even if they could, the good he had done among the indians, the good he hoped would grow from generation to generation, would be all destroyed if it were told among them that he who claimed to come to them with a message from god had ended by stealing the chief's daughter. and had he a right to love any one?--had he a right to love at all? god had sent him to do a work among the indians; was it not wicked for him to so much as look either to the right or to the left till that work was done? amid this maze of perplexities, his tense, agonized soul sought in vain for some solution, some conclusion. at times he sat in his lodge and brooded over these things till he seemed wrought up almost to madness, till his form trembled with excitement, and the old pain at his heart grew sharp and deadly. then again, trying to shake it off, he went out among the few indians who were left in the camp and attempted to do missionary work; but enthusiasm was lacking, the glow and tenderness was gone from his words, the grand devotion that had inspired him so long failed him at last. he was no longer a saintly apostle to the indians; he was only a human lover, torn by stormy human doubts and fears. even the indians felt that some intangible change had come over him, and as they listened their hearts no longer responded to his eloquence; they felt somehow that the life was gone from his words. he saw it too, and it gave him a keen pang. he realized that the energy and concentration of his character was gone, that a girl's beauty had drawn him aside from the mission on which god had sent him. "i will go and see her. i will, without letting her know that i love her, give her to understand my position and her own. she shall see how impossible it is for us ever to be aught to each other. and i shall urge her to cling to god and walk in the path he has appointed for her, while i go on in mine." so thinking, he left his lodge that evening and took the path to wallulah's home. some distance from the encampment he met an indian funeral procession. the young willamette runner had died that morning, and now they were bearing him to the river, down which a canoe was to waft the body and the mourners to the nearest _mimaluse_ island. the corpse was swathed in skins and tied around with thongs; the father bore it on his shoulder, for the dead had been but a slender lad. behind them came the mother and a few indian women. as they passed, the father chanted a rude lament. "oh, mox-mox, my son, why did you go away and leave our wigwam empty? you were not weak nor sickly, and your life was young. why did you go? oh, mox-mox, dead, dead, dead!" then the women took up the doleful refrain,-- "oh, mox-mox, dead, dead, dead!" then the old man again,-- "oh, mox-mox, the sun was warm and food was plenty, yet you went away; and when we reach out for you, you are not there. oh mox-mox, dead, dead, dead!" then the women again,-- "oh, mox-mox, dead, dead, dead!" and so it went on, till they were embarked and the canoe bore them from sight and hearing. down on some _mimaluse_ island or rocky point, they would stretch the corpse out in a canoe, with the bow and arrows and fishing spear used in life beside it; then turn over it another canoe like a cover, and so leave the dead to his long sleep. the sight gave an added bitterness to cecil's meditations. "after all," he thought, "life is so short,--a shadow fleeting onward to the night,--and love is so sweet! why not open my heart to the bliss it brings? the black ending comes so soon! why not fling all thought of consequences to the winds, and gather into my arms the love that is offered me? why not know its warmth and thrill for one golden moment, even though that moment ends in death?" the blood rushed wildly through his veins, but he resolutely put down the temptation. no, he would be faithful, he would not allow himself even to think of such a thing. reluctantly, as before, the sentinels made way for him and he went on through the wood to the trysting-place, for such it had come to be. she was waiting. but there was no longer the glad illumination of face, the glad springing forward to meet him. she advanced shyly, a delicate color in her cheek, a tremulous grace in her manner, that he had not observed before; the consciousness of love had come to her and made her a woman. never had she seemed so fair to cecil; yet his resolution did not falter. "i have come, you see,--come to tell you that i can come no more, and to talk with you about your future." her face grew very pale. "are you going away?" she asked sorrowfully, "and shall i never see you again?" "i cannot come back," he replied gently. the sight of her suffering cut him to the heart. "it has been much to see you," he continued, while she stood before him, looking downward, without reply. "it has been like meeting one of my own people. i shall never forget you." she raised her head and strove to answer, but the words died on her lips. how he loathed himself, talking so smoothly to her while he hungered to take her in his arms and tell her how he loved her! again he spoke. "i hope you will be happy with snoqualmie, and--" she lifted her eyes with a sudden light flashing in their black depths. "do you want me to hate him? never speak his name to me again!" "he is to be your husband; nay, it is the wish of your father, and the great sachems approve it." "can the sachems put love in my heart? can the sachems make my heart receive him as its lord? ah, this bitter custom of the father giving his daughter to whomsoever he will, as if she were a dog! and your lips sanction it!" her eyes were full of tears. scarcely realizing what he did, he tried to take her hand. the slender fingers shrank from his and were drawn away. "i do not sanction it, it is a bitter custom; but it is to be, and i only wished to smooth your pathway. i want to say or do something that will help you when i am gone." "do you know what it would be for me to be an indian's wife? to cut the wood, and carry the water, and prepare the food,--that would be sweet to do for one i loved. but to toil amid dirt and filth for a savage whom i could only abhor, to feel myself growing coarse and squalid with my surroundings,--i could not live!" she shuddered as she spoke, as if the very thought was horrible. "you hate this degraded indian life as much as i do, and yet it is the life you would push me into," she continued, in a tone of mournful heart-broken reproach. it stung him keenly. "it is not the life i would push you into. god knows i would give my life to take one thorn from yours," the mad longing within him rushed into his voice in spite of himself, making it thrill with a passionate tenderness that brought the color back into her pallid cheek. "but i cannot remain," he went on, "i dare not; all that i can do is to say something that may help you in the future." she looked at him with dilated eyes full of pain and bewilderment. "i have no future if you go away. why must you go? what will be left me after you are gone? think how long i was here alone after my mother died, with no one to understand me, no one to talk to. then you came, and i was happy. it was like light shining in the darkness; now it goes out and i can never hope again. why must you go away and leave wallulah in the dark?" there was a childlike plaintiveness and simplicity in her tone; and she came close to him, looking up in his face with wistful, pleading eyes, the beautiful face wan and drawn with bewilderment and pain, yet never so beautiful as now. cecil felt the unspeakable cruelty of his attitude toward her, and his face grew white as death in an awful struggle between love and duty. but he felt that he must leave her or be disloyal to his god. "i do not wish to go away. but god has called me to a great work, and i must do it. i dare not turn aside. you cannot know how dear your presence is to me, or how bitter it is for me to part from you. but our parting must be, else the work i have done among the tribes will be scattered to the winds and the curse of god will be on me as a false and fallen prophet." he spoke with a kind of fierceness, striving blindly to battle down the mad longing within, and his tones had a harshness that he was too agitated to notice. she drew back involuntarily. there came into her face a dignity he had never seen before. she was but a recluse and a girl, but she was of royal lineage by right of both her parents, and his words had roused a spirit worthy the daughter of multnomah. "am i a weight on you? are you afraid i will bring a curse upon you? do not fear, i shall no longer ask you to stay. wallulah shall take herself out of your life." she gave him a look full of despair, as if seeing all hope go from her forever; then she said simply, "farewell," and turned away. but in spite of her dignity there was an anguish written on her sweet pale face that he could not resist. all his strength of resolve, all his conviction of duty, crumbled into dust as she turned away; and he was conscious only that he loved her, that he could not let her go. how it happened he never knew, but she was clasped in his arms, his kisses were falling on brow and cheek in a passionate outburst that could be kept back no longer. at first, she trembled in his arms and shrank away from him; then she nestled close, as if sheltering herself in the love that was hers at last. after awhile she lifted a face over which a shadow of pain yet lingered. "but you said i would bring you a curse; you feared--" he stopped her with a caress. "even curses would be sweet if they came through you. forget what i said, remember only that i love you!" and she was content. around them the twilight darkened into night; the hours came and went unheeded by these two, wrapped in that golden love-dream which for a moment brings eden back again to this gray old earth, all desolate as it is with centuries of woe and tears. but while they talked there was on him a vague dread, an indefinable misgiving, a feeling that he was disloyal to his mission, disloyal to her; that their love could have but one ending, and that a dark one. still he strove hard to forget everything, to shut out all the world,--drinking to the full the bliss of the present, blinding his eyes to the pain of the future. but after they parted, when her presence was withdrawn and he was alone, he felt like a man faithless and dishonored; like a prophet who had bartered the salvation of the people to whom he had been sent, in exchange for a woman's kisses, which could bring him only disgrace and death. as he went back to the camp in the stillness of midnight, he was startled by a distant roar, and saw through the tree-tops flames bursting from the far-off crater of mount hood. the volcano was beginning one of its periodical outbursts. but to cecil's mind, imbued with the gloomy supernaturalism of early new england, and unconsciously to himself, tinged in later years with the superstition of the indians among whom he had lived so long, that ominous roar, those flames leaping up into the black skies of night, seemed a sign of the wrath of god. chapter vii. orator against orator. the gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest was calculated to make for them a most favorable impression.--gray: _history of oregon_. the next day all the indians were gathered around the council grove. multnomah presided, and every sachem was in his place. there was to be a trial of eloquence,--a tourney of orators, to see which tribe had the best. only one, the most eloquent of each tribe, was to speak; and multnomah was to decide who was victor. the mother of wallulah had introduced the custom, and it had become popular among the indians. cecil was in his place among the chiefs, with worn face and abstracted air; snoqualmie was present, with hawk-like glance and imperious mien; there was mishlah, with his sullen and brutal features; there, too, wrapped closely in his robe of fur, sat tohomish, brooding, gloomy,--the wild empire's mightiest master of eloquence, and yet the most repulsive figure of them all. the indians were strangely quiet that morning; the hush of a superstitious awe was upon them. the smoking mountains, hood and adams as the white man calls them, au-poo-tah and au-ka-ken in the indian tongue, were becoming active of late. the previous night flame had been seen bursting from the top of mount hood and thick black smoke still puffed upward from it, and on mount adams rested a heavy cloud of volcanic vapors. were the mountains angry? aged men told how in the old time there had been a terrible outburst of flame and ashes from mount hood; a rain of fire and stones had fallen over all the willamette valley; the very earth had trembled at the great mountain's wrath. as the lower animals feel in the air the signs of a coming storm, so these savages felt, by some kindred intuition, that a mysterious convulsion of nature was at hand. they talked in low tones, they were subdued in manner; any one coming suddenly upon them would have been impressed by the air of uneasiness and apprehension that everywhere prevailed. but the chiefs were stoical, and multnomah impassive as ever. could it have been that the stormy influences at work in nature lent energy to the orators that day? they were unusually animated, at least for indians, though a white man would have found them intolerably bombastic. each speech was a boastful eulogy of the speaker's tribe, and an exaggerated account of the wonderful exploits of its warriors. this was rather dangerous ground; for all the tribes had been at enmity in days gone by, and some of their most renowned victories had been won over each other. every one took it in good part, however, except mishlah. when we-math, chief of the klamaths, recounting the exploits of his race, told how in ancient times they had lorded it over the mollalies, mishlah glared at him as if tempted to leap upon him and strike him down. fortunately the orator passed on to other things, and the wrath of the mollalie chief gradually cooled. then came cecil. it was a grand opening. he could speak of his own people, of their ancient savagery and present splendor, and show how the gospel of love and justice had been the cause of their elevation. then would come the appeal to the indians to accept this faith as their own and share in its uplifting power. it was a magnificent opportunity, the opportunity of a life-time. but the mental conflict he had just passed through had rent his mind like a volcanic upheaval. it possessed no longer the intense concentration which had been the source of its strength. tenderness, benevolence, missionary zeal, were still there, but no longer sovereign. other passions divided his heart; a hopeless and burning love consumed his being. he spoke, but the fire was gone from his delivery and the vividness from his imagination. his eloquence was not what it had been; his heart was no longer in his work, and his oration was a failure. even the indians noticed that something was lacking in his oratory, and it no longer moved them as it had done. cecil realized it, and strove to speak with more energy, but in vain; he could not arouse himself; and it was with a consciousness of failure that he brought his speech to a close and resumed his seat. to a man of his morbid conscientiousness only one conclusion was possible. "god sent me to proclaim salvation to these children of darkness," he thought, "and i have turned aside to fill my heart with a woman's love. his wrath is on me. he has taken his spirit from me. i am a thing rejected and accursed, and this people will go down to death because i have failed in my mission." while he sat absorbed in these bitter, self-accusing thoughts, the speaking went on. wau-ca-cus the klickitat made a strong "talk," picturesque in indian metaphor, full of energy. but the chief that followed surpassed him. orator caught fire from orator; thoughts not unworthy a civilized audience were struck out by the intensity of the emulation; speakers rose to heights which they had never reached before, which they were destined never to reach again. in listening to and admiring their champions, the tribes forgot the smoking mountains and the feeling of apprehension that had oppressed them. at length snoqualmie made a speech breathing his own daring spirit in every word. it went immeasurably beyond the others; it was the climax of all the darkly splendid eloquence of the day. no, not of all. from his place among the chiefs rose a small and emaciated figure; the blanket that had muffled his face was thrown aside, and the tribes looked on the mis-shapen and degraded features of tohomish the pine voice. he stood silent at first, his eyes bent on the ground, like a man in a trance. for a moment the spectators forgot the wonderful eloquence of the man in his ignoble appearance. what could he do against wau-ca-cus the klickitat and snoqualmie the cayuse, whose sonorous utterances still rang in their ears, whose majestic presence still filled their minds! "the willamettes are beaten at last,--the willamette speakers can no more be called the best," was the one exultant thought of the allies, and the willamettes trembled for the fame of their orators. back in the shadow of the cottonwoods, an old willamette warrior put an arrow on the string and bent his bow unseen on tohomish. "he cannot beat them, and it shall never be said that tohomish failed," he muttered. at that moment, even as death hung over him, the orator's voice was heard beginning his "talk;" and the warrior's hand fell, the bent bow was relaxed, the arrow dropped from the string. for with the first accents of that soft and lingering voice the tribes were thrilled as with the beginning of music. the orator's head was still bent down, his manner abstracted; he spoke of the legends and the glories of the willamette tribe, but spoke of them as if that tribe belonged to the past, as if it had perished from the earth, and he was telling the tale of a great dead race. his tones were melodious but indescribably mournful. when at length he lifted his face, his eyes shone with a misty light, and his brutal features were illuminated with a weird enthusiasm. a shudder went through the vast and motley assembly. no boastful rant was this, but a majestic story of the past, the story of a nation gone forever. it was the death-song of the willamettes, solemnly rendered by the last and greatest orator of the race. at length he spoke of multnomah and of the power of the confederacy in his time, but spoke of it as of old time, seen dimly through the lapse of years. then, when as it seemed he was about to go on and tell how this power came to fall, he hesitated; the words faltered on his lips; he suddenly broke off, took his seat, and drew his robe again over his face. [illustration: "_it was the death-song of the willamettes._"] the effect was indescribable. the portentous nature of the whole speech needed only that last touch of mystery. it sent through every heart a wild and awesome thrill, as at the shadow of approaching destiny. the multitude were silent; the spell of the prophet's lofty and mournful eloquence still lingered over them. multnomah rose. with him rested the decision as to who was the greatest orator. but the proud old war-chief knew that all felt that tohomish had far surpassed his competitors, and he was resolved that not his lips but the voice of the tribes should proclaim their choice. "multnomah was to decide who has spoken best, but he leaves the decision with you. you have heard them all. declare who is the greatest, and your word shall be multnomah's word." there was an instant's silence; then in a murmur like the rush of the sea came back the voice of the multitude. "tohomish! tohomish! he is greatest!" "he is greatest," said multnomah. but tohomish, sitting there dejectedly, seemed neither to see nor hear. "to-morrow," said the war-chief, "while the sun is new, the chiefs will meet in council and the great talk shall be ended. and after it ends, multnomah's daughter will be given to snoqualmie, and multnomah will bestow a rich _potlatch_ [a giving of gifts] on the people. and then all will be done." the gathering broke up. gradually, as the indians gazed on the smoking mountains, the excitement produced by the oratory they had just heard wore off. only tohomish's sombre eloquence, so darkly in unison with the menacing aspect of nature, yet lingered in every mind. they were frightened and startled, apprehensive of something to come. legends, superstitious lore of by-gone time connected with the "smoking mountains," were repeated that afternoon wherever little groups of indians had met together. through all these gathered tribes ran a dread yet indefinable whisper of apprehension, like the first low rustle of the leaves that foreruns the coming storm. over the valley mount adams towered, wrapped in dusky cloud; and from mount hood streamed intermittent bursts of smoke and gleams of fire that grew plainer as the twilight fell. louder, as the hush of evening deepened, came the sullen roar from the crater of mount hood. below the crater, the ice-fields that had glistened in unbroken whiteness the previous day were now furrowed with wide black streaks, from which the vapor of melting snow and burning lava ascended in dense wreaths. men wiser than these ignorant savages would have said that some terrible convulsion was at hand. multnomah's announcement in the council was a dreadful blow to cecil, though he had expected it. his first thought was of a personal appeal to the chief, but one glance at the iron features of the autocrat told him that it would be a hopeless undertaking. no appeal could turn multnomah from his purpose. for cecil, such an undertaking might be death; it certainly would be contemptuous refusal, and would call down on wallulah the terrible wrath before which the bravest sachem quailed. cecil left the grove with the other chiefs and found his way to his lodge. there he flung himself down on his face upon his couch of furs. the indian woman, his old nurse, who still clung to him, was absent, and for some time he was alone. after a while the flap that hung over the entrance was lifted, and some one came in with the noiseless tread of the indian. cecil, lying in a maze of bitter thought, became aware of the presence of another, and raised his head. the shoshone renegade stood beside him. his gaze rested compassionately on cecil's sad, worn face. "what is it?" he asked. "your words were slow and heavy to-day. there was a weight on your spirit; what is it? you said that we were friends, so i came to ask if i could help." "you are good, and like a brother," replied cecil, gently, "but i cannot tell you my trouble. yet this much i can tell,"--and he sat upon the couch, his whole frame trembling with excitement. "i have sinned a grievous sin, therefore the great spirit took away the words from my lips to-day. my heart has become evil, and god has punished me." it was a relief to his over-burdened conscience to say those harsh things of himself, yet the relief was bitter. over the bronzed face of the indian came an expression of deep pity. "the white man tears himself with his own claws like a wounded beast, but it does not give him peace. has he done evil? then let him remember what he has so often told the indians: 'forsake evil, turn from sin, and the great spirit will forgive.' let my white brother do this, and it will be well with him." he gazed at cecil an instant longer; then, with a forbearance that more civilized men do not always show, he left the lodge without another word. but what he said had its effect. through cecil's veins leaped the impulse of a sudden resolve,--a resolve that was both triumph and agony. he fell on his knees beside the couch. "thou hast shown me my duty by the lips of the indian, and i will perform it. i will tear this forbidden love from my heart. father, help me. once before i resolved to do this and failed. help me that i fail not now. give me strength. give me the mastery over the flesh, o god! help me to put this temptation from me. help me to fulfil my mission." the struggle was long and doubtful, but the victory was won at last. when cecil arose from his knees, there was the same set and resolute look upon his face that was there the morning he entered the wilderness, leaving friends and home behind him forever,--the look that some martyr of old might have worn, putting from him the clinging arms of wife or child, going forth to the dungeon and the stake. "it is done," murmured the white lips. "i have put her from me. my mission to the indians alone fills my heart. but god help her! god help her!" for the hardest part of it all was that he sacrificed her as well as himself. "it must be," he thought; "i must give her up. i will go now and tell her; then i will never look upon her face again. but oh! what will become of her?" and his long fingers were clinched as in acutest pain. but his sensitive nerves, his intense susceptibilities were held in abeyance by a will that, once roused, was strong even unto death. he went out. it was dark. away to the east mount hood lifted its blazing crater into the heavens like a gigantic torch, and the roar of the eruption came deep and hoarse through the stillness of night. once, twice it seemed to cecil that the ground trembled slightly under his feet. the indians were huddled in groups watching the burning crest of the volcano. as the far-off flickering light fell on their faces, it showed them to be full of abject fear. "it is like the end of the world," thought cecil. "would that it were; then she and i might die together." he left the camp and took the trail through the wood to the trysting-place; for, late as it was, he knew that she awaited him. chapter viii. in the dark. there is not one upon life's weariest way, who is weary as i am weary of all but death. swinburne. the grim sentinels by the pathway, who had been so reluctant to let cecil pass the day before, were still more reluctant this evening. one of them planted himself in the trail directly in front of cecil, and did not offer to let him go on, but stood sullenly blocking the way. cecil touched the warrior's arm and bade him stand aside. for an instant it seemed that he would refuse, but his superstitious respect for the white _tomanowos_ overcame his obstinacy,--and he stepped unwillingly back. but as cecil went on he felt, and felt rightly, that they would not let him pass again,--that the last act, be it what it might, in his love drama, was drawing to a close. a few moments' walk, and he saw in the dark the little figure awaiting him under the trees. she came slowly forward to meet him. he saw that her face was very pale, her eyes large and full of woe. she gave him her hands; they felt like ice. he bent over her and kissed her with quivering lips. "poor child," he said, putting his arms around her slender form and drawing it close in his embrace, "how can i ever tell you what i have to tell you to-night!" she did not respond to his caress. at length, looking up in a lifeless, stricken way, she spoke in a mechanical voice, a voice that did not sound like her own,-- "i know it already. my father came and told me that to-morrow i must--" she shuddered; her voice broke; then she threw her arms around his neck and clung to him passionately. "but they can never tear me away from you; never, never!" how could he tell her that he came to put her away from him, that he came to bid her farewell? he clasped her the tighter in his arms. for an instant his mind swept all the chances of flight with her, only to realize their utter hopelessness; then he remembered that even to think of such a thing was treachery to the resolves he had just made. he shook from head to foot with stormy emotion. she lifted her head from his breast, where it was pillowed. "let us get horses or a canoe, and fly to-night to the desert or the sea,--anywhere, anywhere, only to be away from here! let us take the trail you came on, and find our way to your people." "alas," replied cecil, "how could we escape? every tribe, far and near, is tributary to your father. the runners would rouse them as soon as we were missed. the swiftest riders would be on our trail; ambuscades would lurk for us in every thicket; we could never escape; and even if we should, a whole continent swarming with wild tribes lies between us and my land." she looked at him in anguish, with dim eyes, and her arms slipped from around his neck. "do you no longer love wallulah? something tells me that you would not wish to fly with me, even if we could escape. there is something you have not told me." clasping her closely to him, he told her how he felt it was the will of god that they must part. god had sent him on a sacred mission, and he dared not turn aside. either her love or the redemption of the tribes of the wauna must be given up; and for their sake love must be sacrificed. "to-day god took away the words from my lips and the spirit from my heart. my soul was lead. i felt like one accursed. then it came to me that it was because i turned aside from my mission to love you. we must part. our ways diverge. i must walk my own pathway alone wheresoever it leads me. god commands, and i must obey." the old rapt look came back, the old set, determined expression which showed that that delicate organization could grow as strong as granite in its power to endure. wallulah shrank away from him, and strove to free herself from his embrace. "let me go," she said, in a low, stifled tone. "oh, if i could only die!" but he held her close, almost crushing the delicate form against his breast. she felt his heart beat deeply and painfully against her own, and in some way it came to her that every throb was agony, that he was in the extremity of mental and physical suffering. "god help me!" he said; "how can i give you up?" she realized by woman's intuition that his whole soul was wrung with pain, with an agony darker and bitterer than her own; and the exceeding greatness of his suffering gave her strength. a sudden revulsion of feeling affected her. she looked up at him with infinite tenderness. "i wish i could take all the pain away from you and bear it myself." "it is god's will; we must submit to it." "his will!" her voice was full of rebellion. "why does he give us such bitter suffering? doesn't he care? i thought once that god was good, but it is all dark now." "hush, you must not think so. after all, it will be only a little while till we meet in heaven, and there no one can take you from me." "heaven is so far off. the present is all that i can see, and it is as black as death. death! it would be sweet to die now with your arms around me; but to _live_ year after year with him! how can i go to him, now that i have known you? how can i bear his presence, his touch?" she shuddered there in cecil's arms. all her being shrunk in repugnance at the thought of snoqualmie. "thank god for death!" said cecil, brokenly. "it is so long to wait," she murmured, "and i am so young and strong." his kisses fell on cheek and brow. she drew down his head and put her cheek against his and clung to him as if she would never let him go. it was a strange scene, the mournful parting of the lovers in the gloom of the forest and the night. to the east, through the black net-work of leaves and branches, a dull red glow marked the crater of mount hood, and its intermittent roar came to them through the silence. it was a night of mystery and horror,--a fitting night for their tragedy of love and woe. the gloom and terror of their surroundings seemed to throw a supernatural shadow over their farewell. "the burning mountain is angry to-night," said wallulah, at last. "would that it might cover us up with its ashes and stones, as the indians say it once did two lovers back in the old time." "alas, death never comes to those who wish for it. when the grace and sweetness are all fled from our lives, and we would be glad to lie down in the grave and be at rest, then it is that we must go on living. now i must go. the longer we delay our parting the harder it will be." "not yet, not yet!" cried wallulah. "think how long i must be alone,--always alone until i die." "god help us!" said cecil, setting his teeth. "i will dash my mission to the winds and fly with you. what if god does forsake us, and our souls are lost! i would rather be in the outer darkness with you than in heaven without you." his resolution had given way at last. but in such cases, is it not always the woman that is strongest? "no," she said, "you told me that your god would forsake you if you did. it must not be." she withdrew herself from his arms and stood looking at him. he saw in the moonlight that her pale tear-stained face had upon it a sorrowful resignation, a mournful strength, born of very hopelessness. "god keep you, wallulah!" murmured cecil, brokenly. "if i could only feel that he would shelter and shield you!" "that may be as it will," replied the sweet, patient lips. "i do not know. i shut my eyes to the future. i only want to take myself away from you, so that your god will not be angry with you. up there," she said, pointing, "i will meet you sometime and be with you forever. god will not be angry then. now farewell." he advanced with outstretched arms. she motioned him back. "it will make it harder," she said. for a moment she looked into his eyes, her own dark, dilated, full of love and sadness; for a moment all that was within him thrilled to the passionate, yearning tenderness of her gaze; then she turned and went away without a word. he could not bear to see her go, and yet he knew it must end thus; he dared not follow her or call her back. but so intense was his desire for her to return, so vehemently did his life cry out after her, that for an instant it seemed to him he _had_ called out, "come back! come back!" the cry rose to his lips; but he set his teeth and held it back. they _must_ part; was it not god's will? the old pain at his heart returned, a faintness was on him, and he reeled to the ground. could it be that her spirit felt that unuttered cry, and that it brought her back? be this as it may, while he was recovering from his deadly swoon he dimly felt her presence beside him, and the soft cool touch of her fingers on his brow. then--or did he imagine it?--her lips, cold as those of the dead, touched his own. but when consciousness entirely returned, he was alone in the forest. blind, dizzy, staggering with weakness, he found his way to the camp. suddenly, as he drew near it he felt the earth sway and move beneath him like a living thing. he caught hold of a tree to escape being thrown to the ground. there came an awful burst of flame from mount hood. burning cinders and scoria lit up the eastern horizon like a fountain of fire. then down from the great canyon of the columbia, from the heart of the cascade range, broke a mighty thundering sound, as if half a mountain had fallen. drowning for a moment the roar of the volcano, the deep echo rolled from crag to crag, from hill to hill. a wild chorus of outcries rang from the startled camp,--the fierce, wild cry of many tribes mad with fear yet breathing forth tremulous defiance, the cry of human dread mingling with the last echoes of that mysterious crash. chapter ix. questioning the dead. then he said: "cold lips and breast without breath, is there no voice, no language of death?" edwin arnold. while cecil was on his way that evening to seek wallulah, a canoe with but a single occupant was dropping down the columbia toward one of the many _mimaluse_, or death-islands, that are washed by its waters. an indian is always stealthy, but there was an almost more than indian stealthiness about this canoe-man's movements. noiselessly, as the twilight deepened into darkness, the canoe glided out of a secluded cove not far from the camp; noiselessly the paddle dipped into the water, and the canoe passed like a shadow into the night. on the rocky _mimaluse_ island, some distance below the mouth of the willamette, the indian landed and drew his boat up on the beach. he looked around for a moment, glanced at the red glow that lit the far-off crest of mount hood, then turned and went up the pathway to the ancient burial hut. who was it that had dared to visit the island of the dead after dark? the bravest warriors were not capable of such temerity. old men told how, away back in the past, some braves had ventured upon the island after nightfall, and had paid the awful forfeit. they were struck by unseen hands. weapons that had lain for years beside the decaying corpses of forgotten warriors wounded them in the dark. fleeing to their canoes in swiftest fear, they found the shadowy pursuit was swifter still, and were overtaken and struck down, while the whole island rung with mocking laughter. one only escaped, plunging all torn and bruised into the river and swimming to the farther shore. when he looked back, the island was covered with moving lights, and the shrill echo of fiendish mirth came to him across the water. his companions were never seen again. a little while afterward the dogs barked all night around his lodge, and in the morning he was found lying dead upon his couch, his face ghastly and drawn with fear, as if at some frightful apparition. "he disturbed the _mimaluse tillicums_ [dead people], and they came for him," said the old medicine men, as they looked at him. since then, no one had been on the island except in the daytime. little bands of mourners had brought hither the swathed bodies of their dead, laid them in the burial hut, lifted the wail over them, and left upon the first approach of evening. who, then, was this,--the first for generations to set foot on the _mimaluse illahee_ after dark? it could be but one, the only one among all the tribes who would have dared to come, and to come alone,--multnomah, the war-chief, who knew not what it was to fear the living or the dead. startled by the outburst of the great smoking mountains, which always presaged woe to the willamettes, perplexed by tohomish's mysterious hints of some impending calamity, weighed down by a dread presentiment, he came that night on a strange and superstitious errand. on the upper part of the island, above reach of high water, the burial hut loomed dark and still in the moonlight as the chief approached it. some of the willamettes, like the chinooks, practised canoe burial, but the greater part laid their dead in huts, as did also the klickitats and the cascades. the war-chief entered the hut. the rude boards that covered the roof were broken and decayed. the moonlight shone through many openings, lighting up the interior with a dim and ghostly radiance. there, swathed in crumbling cerements, ghastly in shrunken flesh and protruding bone, lay the dead of the line of multnomah,--the chiefs of the blood royal who had ruled the willamettes for many generations. the giant bones of warriors rested beside the more delicate skeletons of their women, or the skeletons, slenderer still, of little children of the ancient race. the warrior's bow lay beside him with rotting string; the child's playthings were still clasped in fleshless fingers; beside the squaw's skull the ear-pendants of _hiagua_ shells lay where they had fallen from the crumbling flesh years before. near the door, and where the slanting moonbeams fell full upon it, was the last who had been borne to the death hut, the mother of wallulah. six years before multnomah had brought her body,--brought it alone, with no eye to behold his grief; and since then no human tread had disturbed the royal burial-place. he came now and looked down upon the body. it had been tightly swathed, fold upon fold, in some oriental fabric; and the wrappings, stiffened by time still showed what had once been a rare symmetry of form. the face was covered with a linen cloth, yellow now through age and fitting like a mask to the features. the chief knelt down and drew away the face-cloth. the countenance, though shrunken, was almost perfectly preserved. indeed, so well preserved were many of the corpses the first white settlers found on these _mimaluse_ islands as to cause at one time a belief that the indians had some secret process of embalming their dead. there was no such process, however,--nothing save the antiseptic properties of the ocean breeze which daily fanned the burial islands of the lower columbia. lovely indeed must the mother of wallulah have been in her life. withered as her features were, there was a delicate beauty in them still,--in the graceful brow, the regular profile, the exquisitely chiselled chin. around the shoulders and the small shapely head her hair had grown in rich luxuriant masses. the chief gazed long on the shrunken yet beautiful face. his iron features grew soft, as none but wallulah had ever seen them grow. he touched gently the hair of his dead wife, and put it back from her brow with a wistful, caressing tenderness. he had never understood her; she had always been a mystery to him; the harsh savagery of his nature had never been able to enter into or comprehend the refined grace of hers; but he had loved her with all the fierce, tenacious, secretive power of his being, a power that neither time nor death could change. now he spoke to her, his low tones sounding weird in that house of the dead,--a strange place for words of love. "my woman,--mine yet, for death itself cannot take from multnomah that which is his own; my bird that came from the sea and made its nest for a little while in the heart of multnomah and then flew away and left it empty,--i have been hungry to see you, to touch your hair and look upon your face again. now i am here, and it is sweet to be with you, but the heart of multnomah listens to hear you speak." he still went on stroking her hair softly, reverently. it seemed the only caress of which he was capable, but it had in it a stern and mournful tenderness. "speak to me! the dead talk to the _tomanowos_ men and the dreamers. you are mine; talk to me; i am in need. the shadow of something terrible to come is over the willamette. the smoking mountains are angry; the dreamers see only bad signs; there are black things before multnomah, and he cannot see what they are. tell me,--the dead are wise and know that which comes,--what is this unknown evil which threatens me and mine?" he looked down at her with intense craving, intense desire, as if his imperious will could reanimate that silent clay and force to the mute lips the words he so desired. but the still lips moved not, and the face lay cold under his burning and commanding gaze. the chief leaned closer over her; he called her name aloud,--something that the willamette indians rarely did, for they believed that if the names of the dead were spoken, even in conversation, it would bring them back; so they alluded to their lost ones only indirectly, and always reluctantly and with fear. "come back!" said he, repeating the name he had not spoken for six years. "you are my own, you are my woman. hear me, speak to me, you whom i love; you who, living or dead, are still the wife of multnomah." no expression flitted over the changeless calm of the face beneath him: no sound came back to his straining ears except the low intermittent roar of the far-off volcano. a sorrowful look crossed his face. as has been said, there was an indefinable something always between them, which perhaps must ever be between those of diverse race. it had been the one mystery that puzzled him while she was living, and it seemed to glide, viewless yet impenetrable, between them now. he rose to his feet. "it comes between us again," he thought, looking down at her mournfully. "it pushed me back when she was living, and made me feel that i stood outside her heart even while my arms were around her. it comes between us now and will not let her speak. if it was only something i could see and grapple with!" and the fierce warrior felt his blood kindle within him, that not only death but something still more mysterious and incomprehensible should separate him from the one he loved. he turned sadly away and passed on to the interior of the hut. as he gazed on the crumbling relics of humanity around him, the wonted look of command came back to his brow. these _should_ obey; by iron strength of will and mystic charm he would sway them to his bidding. the withered lips of death, or spirit voices, should tell him what he wished to know. abjectly superstitious as was the idea it involved, there was yet something grand in his savage despotic grasp after power that, dominating all he knew of earth, sought to bend to his will even the spirit-land. the chief believed that the departed could talk to him if they would; for did they not talk to the medicine men and the dreamers? if so, why not to him, the great chief, the master of all the tribes of the wauna? he knelt down, and began to sway his body back and forth after the manner of the nootka _shamans_, and to chant a long, low, monotonous song, in which the names of the dead who lay there were repeated over and over again. "kamyah, tlesco, che-aqah, come back! come back and tell me the secret, the black secret, the death secret, the woe that is to come. winelah, sic-mish, tlaquatin, the land is dark with signs and omens; the hearts of men are heavy with dread; the dreamers say that the end is come for multnomah and his race. is it true? come and tell me. i wait, i listen, i speak your names; come back, come back!" tohomish himself would not have dared to repeat those names in the charnel hut, lest those whom he invoked should spring upon him and tear him to pieces. no more potent or more perilous charm was known to the indians. ever as multnomah chanted, the sullen roar of the volcano came like an undertone and filled the pauses of the wild incantation. and as he went on, it seemed to the chief that the air grew thick with ghostly presences. there was a sense of breathing life all around him. he felt that others, many others, were with him; yet he saw nothing. when he paused for some voice, some whisper of reply, this sense of hyper-physical perception became so acute that he could almost _see_, almost _hear_, in the thick blackness and the silence; yet no answer came. again he resumed his mystic incantation, putting all the force of his nature into the effort, until it seemed that even those shadowy things of the night must yield to his blended entreaty and command. but there came no response. thick and thronging the viewless presences seemed to gather, to look, and to listen; but no reply came to his ears, and no sight met his eyes save the swathed corpses and the white-gleaming bones on which the shifting moonbeams fell. multnomah rose to his feet, baffled, thwarted, all his soul glowing with anger that he should be so scorned. "why is this?" said his stern voice in the silence. "you come, but you give no reply; you look, you listen, but you make no sound. answer me, you who know the future; tell me this secret!" still no response. yet the air seemed full of dense, magnetic life, of muffled heart-beats, of voiceless, unresponsive, uncommunicative forms that he could almost touch. for perhaps the first time in his life the war-chief found himself set at naught. his form grew erect; his eyes gleamed with the terrible wrath which the tribes dreaded as they dreaded the wrath of the great spirit. [illustration: "_come back! come back!_"] "do you mock multnomah? am i not war-chief of the willamettes? though you dwell in shadow and your bodies are dust, you are willamettes, and i am still your chief. give up your secret! if the great spirit has sealed your lips so that you cannot speak, give me a sign that will tell me. answer by word or sign; i say it,--i, multnomah, your chief and master." silence again. the roar of the volcano had ceased; and an ominous stillness brooded over nature, as if all things held their breath, anticipating some mighty and imminent catastrophe. multnomah's hands were clinched, and his strong face had on it now a fierceness of command that no eye had ever seen before. his indomitable will reached out to lay hold of those unseen presences and compel them to reply. a moment of strained, commanding expectation: then the answer came; the sign was given. the earth shook beneath him till he staggered, almost fell; the hut creaked and swayed like a storm-driven wreck; and through the crevices on the side toward mount hood came a blinding burst of flame. down from the great gap in the cascade range through which flows the columbia rolled the far-off thundering crash which had so startled cecil and appalled the tribes. then, tenfold louder than before, came again the roar of the volcano. too well multnomah knew what had gone down in that crash; too well did he read the sign that had been given. for a moment it seemed as if all the strength of his heart had broken with that which had fallen; then the proud dignity of his character reasserted itself, even in the face of doom. "it has come at last, as the wise men of old said it would. the end is at hand; the willamettes pass like a shadow from the earth. the great spirit has forsaken us, our _tomanowos_ has failed us. but my own heart fails me not, and my own arm is strong. like a war-chief will i meet that which is to come. multnomah falls, but he falls as the bridge has fallen, with a crash that will shake the earth, with a ruin that shall crush all beneath him even as he goes down." turning away, his eyes fell on the body of his wife as he passed toward the door. aroused and desperate as he was, he stopped an instant and looked down at her with a long, lingering look, a look that seemed to say, "i shall meet you ere many suns. death and ruin but give you back to me the sooner. there will be nothing between us then; i shall understand you at last." then he drew his robe close around him, and went out into the night. book v. _the shadow of the end._ chapter i. the hand of the great spirit. "we view as one who hath an evil sight," he answered, "plainly objects far remote." carey: _dante_. the night came to an end at last,--a night not soon forgotten by the oregon indians, and destined to be remembered in tale and _tomanowos_ lore long after that generation had passed away. the sky was thick with clouds; the atmosphere was heavy with smoke, which, dense and low-hanging in the still weather, shut out the entire horizon. the volcano was invisible in the smoky air, but its low mutterings came to them from time to time. the chiefs met early in the grove of council. multnomah's countenance told nothing of the night before, but almost all the rest showed something yet of superstitious fear. mishlah's face was haggard, his air startled and uneasy, like that of some forest animal that had been terribly frightened; and even snoqualmie looked worn. but the greatest change of all was in tohomish. his face was as ghastly as that of a corpse, and he came into the council walking in a dull lifeless way, as if hardly aware of what he was doing. those nearest to him shrank away, whispering to one another that the seer looked like a dead man. cecil came last. the severe mental conflict of the past night had told almost fatally on a frame already worn out by years of toil and sickness. his cheek was pale, his eye hollow, his step slow and faltering like one whose flame of life is burning very low. the pain at his heart, always worse in times of exhaustion, was sharp and piercing. he looked agitated and restless; he had tried hard to give wallulah into the hands of god and feel that she was safe, but he could not. for himself he had no thought; but his whole soul was wrung with pain for her. by virtue of his own keen sympathies, he anticipated and felt all that the years had in store for her,--the loneliness, the heartache, the trying to care for one she loathed; until he shrank from her desolate and hopeless future as if it had been his own. all his soul went out to her in yearning tenderness, in passionate desire to shield her and to take away her burden. but his resolution never wavered. below the ebb and flow of feeling, the decision to make their separation final was as unchanging as granite. he could not bear to look upon her face again; he could not bear to see her wedded to snoqualmie. he intended to make one last appeal to the indians this morning to accept the gospel of peace; then he would leave the council before wallulah was brought to it. so he sat there now, waiting for the "talk" to begin. the bands gathered around the grove were smaller than usual. many had fled from the valley at dawn to escape from the dreaded vicinity of the smoking mountains; many hundreds remained, but they were awed and frightened. no war could have appalled them as they were appalled by the shaking of the solid earth under their feet. all the abject, superstition of their natures was roused. they looked like men who felt themselves caught in the grasp of some supernatural power. multnomah opened the council by saying that two runners had arrived with news that morning; the one from the sea-coast, the other from up the columbia. they would come before the council and tell the news they had brought. the runner from the upper columbia spoke first. he had come thirty miles since dawn. he seemed unnerved and fearful, like one about to announce some unheard-of calamity. the most stoical bent forward eagerly to hear. "_the great spirit has shaken the earth, and the bridge of the gods has fallen!_" there was the silence of amazement; then through the tribes passed in many tongues the wild and wondering murmur, "the bridge of the gods has fallen! the bridge of the gods has fallen!" with it, too, went the recollection of the ancient prophecy that when the bridge fell the power of the willamettes would also fall. now the bridge was broken, and the dominion of the willamettes was broken forever with it. at another time the slumbering jealousy of the tribes would have burst forth in terrific vengeance on the doomed race. but they were dejected and afraid. in the fall of the bridge they saw the hand of the great spirit, a visitation of god. and so willamette and tributary alike heard the news with fear and apprehension. only multnomah, who knew the message before it was spoken, listened with his wonted composure. "it is well," he said, with more than indian duplicity; "the daughter of multnomah is to become the wife of snoqualmie the cayuse, and the new line that commences with their children will give new chiefs to head the confederacy of the wauna. the old gives way to the new. that is the sign that the great spirit gives in the fall of the bridge. think you it means that the war-strength is gone from us, that we shall no longer prevail in battle? no, no! who thinks it?" the proud old sachem rose to his feet; his giant form towered over the multitude, and every eye fell before the haughty and scornful glance that swept council and audience like a challenge to battle. "is there a chief here that thinks it? let him step out, let him grapple with multnomah in the death-grapple, and see. is there a tribe that thinks it? we reach out our arms to them; we are ready. let them meet us in battle now, to-day, and know if our hearts have become the hearts of women. will you come? we will give you dark and bloody proof that our tomahawks are still sharp and our arms are strong." he stood with outstretched arms, from which the robe of fur had fallen back. a thrill of dread went through the assembly at the grim defiance; then snoqualmie spoke. "the heart of all the tribes is as the heart of multnomah. let there be peace." the chief resumed his seat. his force of will had wrung one last victory from fate itself. instantly, and with consummate address, multnomah preoccupied the attention of the council before anything could be said or done to impair the effect of his challenge. he bade the other runner, the one from the sea-coast, deliver his message. it was, in effect, this:-- a large canoe, with great white wings like a bird, had come gliding over the waters to the coast near the mouth of the wauna. whence it came no one could tell; but its crew were pale of skin like the great white _shaman_ there in the council, and seemed of his race. some of them came ashore in a small canoe to trade with the indians, but trouble rose between them and there was a battle. the strangers slew many indians with their magic, darting fire at them from long black tubes. then they escaped to the great canoe, which spread its wings and passed away from sight into the sea. many of the indians were killed, but none of the pale-faced intruders. now the band who had suffered demanded that the white man of whom they had heard--the white chief at the council--be put to death to pay the blood-debt. all eyes turned on cecil, and he felt that his hour was come. weak, exhausted in body and mind, wearied almost to death, a sudden and awful peril was on him. for a moment his heart sank, his brain grew dizzy. how _could_ he meet this emergency? all his soul went out to god with a dumb prayer for help, with an overwhelming sense of weakness. then he heard multnomah speaking to him in cold, hard tones. "the white man has heard the words of the runner. what has he to say why his life should not pay the blood-debt?" cecil rose to his feet. with one last effort he put wallulah, himself, his mission, into the hands of god; with one last effort he forced himself to speak. men of nervous temperament, like cecil, can bring out of an exhausted body an energy, an outburst of final and intense effort, of which those of stronger physique do not seem capable. but it drains the remaining vital forces, and the reaction is terrible. was it this flaming-up of the almost burned-out embers of life that animated cecil now? or was it the divine strength coming to him in answer to prayer? be this as it may, when he opened his lips to speak, all the power of his consecration came back; physical weakness and mental anxiety left him; he felt that wallulah was safe in the arms of the infinite compassion; he felt his love for the indians, his deep yearning to help them, to bring them to god, rekindling within him; and never had he been more grandly the apostle to the indians than now. in passionate tenderness, in burning appeal, in living force and power of delivery, it was the supreme effort of his life. he did not plead for himself; he ignored, put aside, forgot his own personal danger; but he set before his hearers the wickedness of their own system of retaliation and revenge; he showed them how it overshadowed their lives and lay like a deadening weight on their better natures. the horror, the cruelty, the brute animalism of the blood-thirst, the war-lust, was set over against the love and forgiveness to which the great spirit called them. the hearts of the indians were shaken within them. the barbarism which was the outcome of centuries of strife and revenge, the dark and cumulative growth of ages, was stirred to its core by the strong and tender eloquence of this one man. as he spoke, there came to all those swarthy listeners, in dim beauty, a glimpse of a better life; there came to them a moment's fleeting revelation of something above their own vindictiveness and ferocity. that vague longing, that indefinable wistfulness which he had so often seen on the faces of his savage audiences was on nearly every face when he closed. as he took his seat, the tide of inspiration went from him, and a deadly faintness came over him. it seemed as if in that awful reaction the last spark of vitality was dying out; but somehow, through it all, he felt at peace with god and man. a great quiet was upon him; he was anxious for nothing, he cared for nothing, he simply rested as on the living presence of the father. upon the sweet and lingering spell of his closing words came multnomah's tones in stern contrast. "what is the word of the council? shall the white man live or die?" snoqualmie was on his feet in an instant. "blood for blood. let the white man die at the torture-stake." one by one the chiefs gave their voice for death. shaken for but a moment, the ancient inherited barbarism which was their very life reasserted itself, and they could decide no other way. one, two, three of the sachems gave no answer, but sat in silence. they were men whose hearts had been touched before by cecil, and who were already desiring the better life they could not condemn their teacher. at length it came to tohomish. he arose. his face, always repulsive, was pallid now in the extreme. the swathed corpses on _mimaluse_ island looked not more sunken and ghastly. he essayed to speak; thrice the words faltered on his lips; and when at last he spoke, it was in a weary, lifeless way. his tones startled the audience like an electric shock. the marvellous power and sweetness were gone from his voice; its accents were discordant, uncertain. could the death's head before them be that of tohomish? could those harsh and broken tones be those of the pine voice? he seemed like a man whose animal life still survived, but whose soul was dead. what he said at first had no relation to the matter before the council. every indian had his _tomanowos_ appointed him by the great spirit from his birth, and that _tomanowos_ was the strength of his life. its influence grew with his growth; the roots of his being were fed in it; it imparted its characteristics to him. but the name and nature of his _tomanowos_ was the one secret that must go with him to the grave. if it was told, the charm was lost and the _tomanowos_ deserted him. tohomish's _tomanowos_ was the bridge and the foreknowledge of its fall: a black secret that had darkened his whole life, and imparted the strange and mournful mystery to his eloquence. now that the bridge was fallen, the strength was gone from tohomish's heart, the music from his words. "tohomish has no voice now," he continued; "he is as one dead. he desires to say only this, then his words shall be heard no more among men. the fall of the bridge is a sign that not only the willamettes but all the tribes of the wauna shall fall and pass away. another people shall take our place, another race shall reign in our stead, and the indian shall be forgotten, or remembered only as a dim memory of the past. "and who are they who bring us our doom? look on the face of the white wanderer there; listen to the story of your brethren slain at the sea-coast by the white men in the canoe, and you will know. they come; they that are stronger, and push us out into the dark. the white wanderer talks of peace; but the great spirit has put death between the indian and the white man, and where he has put death there can be no peace. "slay the white man as the white race will slay your children in the time that is to come. peace? love? there can be only war and hate. striking back blow for blow like a wounded rattlesnake, shall the red man pass; and when the bones of the last indian of the wauna lie bleaching on the prairie far from the _mimaluse_ island of his fathers, then there will be peace. "tohomish has spoken; his words are ended, and ended forever." the harsh, disjointed tones ceased. all eyes fell again on cecil, the representative of the race by which the willamettes were doomed. the wrath of all those hundreds, the vengeance of all those gathered tribes of the wauna, the hatred of the whole people he had come to save, seemed to rise up and fall upon him the frail invalid with the sharp pain throbbing at his heart. but that strange peace was on him still, and his eyes, dilated and brilliant in the extremity of physical pain, met those lowering brows with a look of exceeding pity. multnomah rose to pronounce sentence. for him there could be but one decision, and he gave it,--the clinched hand, the downward gesture, that said, "there is death between us. we will slay as we shall be slain." cecil was on his feet, though it seemed as if he must fall within the moment. he fought down the pain that pierced his heart like a knife; he gathered the last resources of an exhausted frame for one more effort. the executioners sprang forward with the covering for his eyes that was to shut out the light forever. his glance, his gesture held them back; they paused irresolutely, even in the presence of multnomah; weak as cecil was, he was the great white _tomanowos_ still, and they dared not touch him. there was a pause, an intense silence. "i gave up all to come and tell you of god, and you have condemned me to die at the torture-stake," said the soft, low voice, sending through their stern hearts its thrill and pathos for the last time. "but you shall not bring this blood-stain upon your souls. the hand of the great spirit is on me; he takes me to himself. remember--what i have said. the great spirit loves you. pray--forgive--be at peace. remember--" the quiver of agonizing pain disturbed the gentleness of his look; he reeled, and sank to the ground. for a moment the slight form shuddered convulsively and the hands were clinched; then the struggle ceased and a wonderful brightness shone upon his face. his lips murmured something in his own tongue, something into which came the name of wallulah and the name of god. then his eyes grew dim and he lay very still. only the expression of perfect peace still rested on the face. sachems and warriors gazed in awe upon the beauty, grand in death, of the one whom the great spirit had taken from them. perhaps the iron heart of the war-chief was the only one that did not feel remorse and self-reproach. ere the silence was broken, an old indian woman came forward from the crowd into the circle of chiefs. she looked neither to the right nor to the left, but advanced among the warrior-sachems, into whose presence no woman had dared intrude herself, and bent over the dead. she lifted the wasted body in her arms and bore it away, with shut lips and downcast eyes, asking no permission, saying no word. the charm that had been around the white _shaman_ in life seemed to invest her with its power; for grim chieftains made way, the crowd opened to let her pass, and even multnomah looked on in silence. that afternoon, a little band of indians were assembled in cecil's lodge. some of them were already converts; some were only awakened and impressed; but all were men who loved him. they were gathered, men of huge frame, around a dead body that lay upon a cougar skin. their faces were sad, their manner was solemn. in the corner sat an aged squaw, her face resting in her hands, her long gray hair falling dishevelled about her shoulders. in that heart-broken attitude she had sat ever since bringing cecil to the hut. she did not weep or sob but sat motionless, in stoical, dumb despair. around the dead the indians stood or sat in silence, each waiting for the other to say what was in the hearts of all. at length the shoshone renegade who had so loved cecil, spoke. "our white brother is gone from us, but the great spirit lives and dies not. let us turn from blood and sin and walk in the way our brother showed us. he said, 'remember;' and shall we forget? i choose now, while he can hear me, before he is laid in the cold ground. i put away from me the old heart of hate and revenge. i ask the great spirit to give me the new heart of love and peace. i have chosen." one by one each told his resolve, the swarthy faces lighting up, the stern lips saying unwonted words of love. dim and misty, the dawn had come to them; reaching out in the dark, they had got hold of the hand of god and felt that he was a father. one would have said that their dead teacher lying there heard their vows, so calm and full of peace was the white still face. that night the first beams of the rising moon fell on a new-made grave under the cottonwoods, not far from the bank of the river. beneath it, silent in the last sleep, lay the student whose graceful presence had been the pride of far-off magdalen, the pastor whose memory still lingered in new england, the evangelist whose burning words had thrilled the tribes of the wilderness like the words of some prophet of old. beside the grave crouched the old indian woman, alone and forsaken in her despair,--the one mourner out of all for whom his life had been given. no, not the only one; for a tall warrior enters the grove; the shoshone renegade bends over her and touches her gently on the shoulder. "come," he says kindly, "our horses are saddled; we take the trail up the wauna to-night, i and my friends. we will fly from this fated valley ere the wrath of the great spirit falls upon it. beyond the mountains i will seek a new home with the spokanes or the okanogans. come; my home shall be your home, because you cared for him that is gone." she shook her head and pointed to the grave. "my heart is there; my life is buried with him. i cannot go." again he urged her. "no, no," she replied, with indian stubbornness; "i cannot leave him. was i not like his mother? how can i go and leave him for others? the roots of the old tree grow not in new soil. if it is pulled up it dies." "come with me," said the savage, with a gentleness born of his new faith. "be _my_ mother. we will talk of him; you shall tell me of him and his god. come, the horses wait." again she shook her head; then fell forward on the grave, her arms thrown out, as if to clasp it in her embrace. he tried to lift her; her head fell back, and she lay relaxed and motionless in his arms. another grave was made by cecil's; and the little band rode through the mountain pass that night, toward the country of the okanogans, without her. and that same night, an english exploring vessel far out at sea sailed southward, leaving behind the unknown shores of oregon,--her crew never dreaming how near they had been to finding the lost wanderer, cecil grey. chapter ii. the marriage and the breaking up. remembering love and all the dead delight, and all that time was sweet with for a space. swinburne. after cecil had been borne from the council-grove, the indians, rousing themselves from the spell of the strange scene they had just witnessed, looked around for tohomish the seer. he was gone. no one could remember seeing him go, yet he was missing from his accustomed place, and never was he seen or heard of more. upon his fate, lost in the common ruin that engulfed his race, the legend casts no ray of light. it is certain that the fall of the bridge, with which his life was interwoven, had a disastrous effect upon him, and as he said, that the strength of his life was broken. it is probable that the orator-seer, feeling within himself that his power was gone, crept away into the forest to die. perhaps, had they searched for him, they would have found him lying lifeless upon the leaves in some dense thicket or at the foot of some lonely crag. whatever his fate, the indians never looked upon his face again. multnomah made no comment on the death of cecil, or on the prophecy of tohomish, so much at variance with his own interpretation of the fall of the bridge. whatever he had to say was evidently held in reserve for the closing talk with which he would soon dismiss the council. "you shall see multnomah's daughter given to snoqualmie, and then multnomah will open his hand and make you rich." so said the war-chief; and a runner was dispatched with a summons to wallulah. in a little while a band of indian girls was seen approaching the grove. surrounded by the maidens, as if they were a guard of honor, came wallulah, all unconscious of the tragedy that had just been enacted. among the chiefs they passed, and stopped before multnomah. as they paused, wallulah looked around for cecil in one quick glance; then, not seeing him, she cast down her eyes despondingly. multnomah rose and beckoned snoqualmie to him. he came forward and stood beside the war-chief. the indian girls stepped back a little, in involuntary awe of the two great sachems, and left wallulah standing alone before them. her face wore a patient look, as of one who is very worn and weary, tired of the burdens of life, yet going forward without hope, without thought even, to other and still heavier burdens. she was clad in a soft oriental fabric; her hair fell in luxuriant tresses upon her shoulders; her flute hung at her belt by a slender chain of gold. there was something unspeakably sad and heart-broken in her appearance, as she stood there, a listless, dejected figure, before those two grim warriors, awaiting her doom. multnomah took her hand; the fingers of the other were clasped around her beloved flute, pressing it closely, as if seeking help from its mute companionship. the chief gave her hand into snoqualmie's; a shudder passed through her as she felt his touch, and she trembled from head to foot; then she controlled herself by a strong effort. snoqualmie's fierce black eyes searched her face, as if looking through and through her, and she flushed faintly under their penetrating gaze. "she is yours," said the war-chief. "be kind to her, for though she is your wife she is the daughter of multnomah." so much did the indian say for love of his child, wondering at her strange, sad look, and feeling vaguely that she was unhappy. she tried to withdraw her fingers from snoqualmie's clasp the moment her father was done speaking. he held them tightly, however, and bending over her, spoke in a low tone. "my band starts for home at mid-day. be ready to go when i send for you." she looked up with startled, piteous eyes. "to-day?" she asked in a choked voice. "to-day," came the abrupt reply; too low for the others to hear, yet harsh enough to sting her through and through. "do you think snoqualmie goes back to his _illahee_ and leaves his woman behind?" her spirit kindled in resentment. never had the chief's daughter been spoken to so harshly; then all at once it came to her that he _knew_,--that he must have followed cecil and witnessed one of their last interviews. jealous, revengeful, the indian was her master now. she grew pale to the lips. he released her hand, and she shrank away from him, and left the council with her maidens. no one had heard the few half-whispered words that passed between them but those who stood nearest noticed the deadly pallor that came over her face while snoqualmie was speaking. multnomah saw it, and snoqualmie caught from him a glance that chilled even his haughty nature--a glance that said, "beware; she is the war-chief's daughter." but even if he had known all, multnomah would have sacrificed her. his plans must be carried out even though her heart be crushed. now followed the _potlatch_,--the giving of gifts. at a signal from the war-chief, his slaves appeared, laden with presents. large heaps of rich furs and skins were laid on the ground near the chiefs. the finest of bows and arrows, with gaily decorated quivers and store of bow-strings, were brought. untold treasure of _hiagua_ shells, money as well as ornament to the oregon indians, was poured out upon the ground, and lay glistening in the sun in bright-colored masses. to the indians they represented vast and splendid wealth. multnomah was the richest of all the indians of the wauna; and the gifts displayed were the spoil of many wars, treasures garnered during forty years of sovereignty. and now they were all given away. the chief kept back nothing, except some cases of oriental fabrics that had been saved from the wreck when wallulah's mother was cast upon the shore. well would it have been for him and his race had they been given too; for, little as they dreamed it, the fate of the willamettes lay sealed up in those unopened cases of silk and damask. again and again the slaves of multnomah added their burdens to the heaps, and went back for more, till a murmur of wonder rose among the crowd. his riches seemed exhaustless. at length, however, all was brought. the chief stood up, and, opening his hands to them in the indian gesture for giving, said,-- "there is all that was multnomah's; it is yours; your hands are full now and mine are empty." the chiefs and warriors rose up gravely and went among the heaps of treasure; each selecting from furs and skins, arms and _hiagua_ shells, that which he desired. there was no unseemly haste or snatching; a quiet decorum prevailed among them. the women and children were excluded from sharing in these gifts, but provisions--dried meats and berries, and bread of _camas_ or wappatto root--were thrown among them on the outskirts of the crowd where they were gathered. and unlike the men, they scrambled for it like hungry animals; save where here and there the wife or daughter of a chief stood looking disdainfully on the food and those who snatched at it. such giving of gifts, or _potlatches_, are still known among the indians. on puget sound and the okanogan, one occasionally hears of some rich indian making a great _potlatch_,--giving away all his possessions, and gaining nothing but a reputation for disdain of wealth, a reputation which only indian stoicism would crave. multnomah's object was not that so much as to make, before the dispersal of the tribes, a last and most favorable impression. when the presents were all divided, the chiefs resumed their places to hear the last speech of multnomah,--the speech that closed the council. it was a masterpiece of dignity, subtility, and command. the prophecy of tohomish was evaded, the fall of the bridge wrested into an omen propitious to the willamettes; and at last his hearers found themselves believing as he wished them to believe, without knowing how or why, so strongly did the overmastering personality of multnomah penetrate and sway their lesser natures. he particularly dwelt on the idea that they were all knit together now and were as one race. yet through the smooth words ran a latent threat, a covert warning of the result of any revolt against his authority based on what plotting dreamers might say of the fall of the bridge,--a half-expressed menace, like the gleam of a sword half drawn from the scabbard. and he closed by announcing that ere another spring the young men of all the tribes would go on the war-path against the shoshones and come back loaded with spoil. and so, kindling the hatred of the chiefs against the common enemy, multnomah closed the great council. in a little while the camp was all astir with preparation for departure. lodges were being taken down, the mats that covered them rolled up and packed on the backs of horses; all was bustle and tumult. troop after troop crossed the river and took the trail toward the upper columbia. but when the bands passed from under the personal influence of multnomah, they talked of the ominous things that had just happened; they said to each other that the great spirit had forsaken the willamettes, and that when they came into the valley again it would be to plunder and to slay. multnomah had stayed the tide but for a moment. the fall of the ancient _tomanowos_ of the willamettes had a tremendous significance to the restless tributaries, and already the confederacy of the wauna was crumbling like a rope of sand. those tribes would meet no more in peace on the island of council. chapter iii. at the cascades. wails on the wind, fades out the sunset quite, and in my heart and on the earth is night. philip bourke marston. the main body of snoqualmie's followers crossed to the north bank of the columbia and took the trail leading up the river toward the inland prairies. but snoqualmie and wallulah went by canoe as far as the now ruined bridge of the gods. there were three canoes in their train. snoqualmie and wallulah occupied the first; the other two were laden with the rich things that had once made her lodge so beautiful. it stood all bare and deserted now, the splendor stripped from its rough bark walls even as love and hope had been reft from the heart of its mistress. tapestries, divans, carpets, mirrors, were heaped in the canoes like spoil torn from the enemy. the farewell between wallulah and her father had been sorrowful. it was remembered afterward, by those who were witnesses of it, that the war-chief had shown a tenderness unusual with him, that he had seemed reluctant to part with his daughter, and that she had clung to him, pale and tearful, as if he were her last hope on earth. when snoqualmie took her hand to lead her away, she shuddered, withdrew her fingers from his clasp, and walked alone to the canoe. he entered after her: the canoe-men dipped their paddles into the water, and the vessel glided away from the island. she sat reclining on a heap of furs, her elbows sunk in them, her cheek resting on her hand, her eyes turned back toward her island home. between it and her the expanse of waters grew ever broader, and the trail the canoe left behind it sparkled in a thousand silvery ripples. the island, with its green prairies and its stately woods, receded fast. she felt as she looked back as if everything was slipping away from her. lonely as her life had been before cecil came into it, she had still had her music and her beautiful rooms in the bark lodge; and they seemed infinitely sweet and precious now as she recalled them. oh, if she could only have them back again! and those interviews with cecil. how love and grief shook the little figure as she thought! how loathingly she shrunk from the presence of the barbarian at her side! and all the time the island receded farther and farther in the distance, and the canoe glided forward like a merciless fate bearing her on and on toward the savagery of the inland desert. snoqualmie sat watching her with glittering, triumphant eyes. to him she was no more than some lovely animal of which he had become the owner; and ownership of course brought with it the right to tantalize and to torture. a malicious smile crossed his lips as he saw how sorrowfully her gaze rested on her old home. "look forward," he said, "not back; look forward to your life with snoqualmie and to the lodge that awaits you in the land of the cayuses." she started, and her face flushed painfully; then without looking at him she replied,-- "wallulah loves her home, and leaving it saddens her." a sparkle of vindictive delight came into his eyes. "do the women of the willamette feel sad when they go to live with their husbands? it is not so with the cayuse women. they are glad; _they_ care for the one they belong to. they love to sit in the sun at the door of the wigwam and say to the other women, 'my man is brave; he leads the war party; he has many scalps at his belt. who is brave like my man?'" wallulah shuddered. he saw it, and the sparkle of malice in his eyes flashed into sudden anger. "does the young squaw tremble at these things? then she must get used to them. she must learn to bring wood and water for snoqualmie's lodge, too. she must learn to wait on him as an indian's wife ought. the old wrinkled squaws, who are good for nothing but to be beasts of burden, shall teach her." there came before her a picture of the ancient withered hags, the burden-bearers, the human vampires of the indian camps, the vile in word and deed, the first to cry for the blood of captives, the most eager to give taunts and blows to the helpless; were they to be her associates, her teachers? involuntarily she lifted her hand, as if to push from her a future so dreadful. "wallulah will bring the wood and the water. wallulah will work. the old women need not teach her." "that is well. but one thing more you must learn; and that is to hold up your head and not look like a drooping captive. smile, laugh, be gay. snoqualmie will have no clouded face, no bent head in his lodge." she looked at him imploringly. the huge form, the swarthy face, seemed to dominate her, to crush her down with their barbarian strength and ferocity. she dropped her eyes again, and lay there on the furs like some frightened bird shrinking from the glance of a hawk. "i will work; i will bear burdens," she repeated, in a trembling tone. "but i cannot smile and laugh when my heart is heavy." he watched her with a half angry, half malicious regard, a regard that seemed ruthlessly probing into every secret of her nature. she knew somehow that he was aware of her love for cecil, and she dreaded lest he should taunt her with it. anything but that. he knew it, and held it back as his last and most cruel blow. over his bronzed face flitted no expression of pity. she was to him like some delicate wounded creature of the forest, that it was a pleasure to torture. so he had often treated a maimed bird or fawn,--tantalizing it, delighted by its fluttering and its pain, till the lust of torture was gratified and the death-blow was given. he sat regarding her with a sneering, malicious look for a little while; then he said,-- "it is hard to smile on snoqualmie; but the white man whom you met in the wood, it was not so with him. it was easy to smile and look glad at him, but it is hard to do so for snoqualmie." wallulah shrunk as if he had struck her a blow; then she looked at him desperately, pleadingly. "do not say such cruel things. i will be a faithful wife to you. i will never see the white man again." the sneering malice in his eyes gave way to the gleam of exultant anger. "faithful! you knew you were to be my woman when you let him put his arms around you and say soft things to you. faithful! you would leave snoqualmie for him now, could it be so. but you say well that you will never see him again." she gazed at him in terror. "what do you mean? has anything happened to him? have they harmed him?" over the chief's face came the murderous expression that was there when he slew the bannock warrior at the torture stake. "harmed him! do you think that he could meet you alone and say sweet things to you and caress you,--you who were the same as my squaw,--and i not harm him? he is dead; i slew him." false though it was, in so far as snoqualmie claimed to have himself slain cecil, it was thoroughly in keeping with indian character. white captives were often told, "i killed your brother," or, "this is your husband's scalp," when perhaps the person spoken of was alive and well. "dead!" he threw his tomahawk at her feet. "his blood is on it. you are snoqualmie's squaw; wash it off." dead, dead, her lover was dead! that was all she could grasp. snoqualmie's insulting command passed unheeded. she sat looking at the indian with bright, dazed eyes that saw nothing. all the world seemed blotted out. "i tell you that he is dead, and i slew him. are you asleep that you stare at me so? awaken and do as i bid you; wash your lover's blood off my tomahawk." at first she had been stunned by the terrible shock, and she could realize only that cecil was dead. now it came to her, dimly at first, then like a flash of fire, that snoqualmie had slain him. all her spirit leaped up in uncontrollable hatred. for once, she was the war-chief's daughter. she drew her skirts away from the tomahawk in unutterable horror; her eyes blazed into snoqualmie's a defiance and scorn before which his own sunk for the instant. "you killed him! i hate you. i will never be your wife. you have thrown the tomahawk between us; it shall be between us forever. murderer! you have killed the one i love. yes, i loved him; and i hate you and will hate you till i die." the passion in her voice thrilled even the canoe-men, and their paddle strokes fell confusedly for an instant, though they did not understand; for both wallulah and snoqualmie had spoken in the royal tongue of the willamettes. he sat abashed for an instant, taken utterly by surprise. then the wild impulse of defiance passed, and the awful sense of bereavement came back like the falling of darkness over a sinking flame. cecil was gone from her, gone for all time. the world seemed unreal, empty. she sunk among the furs like one stricken down. snoqualmie, recovering from his momentary rebuff, heaped bitter epithets and scornful words upon her; but she neither saw nor heard, and lay with wide, bright, staring eyes. her seeming indifference maddened him still more, and he hurled at her the fiercest abuse. she looked at him vaguely. he saw that she did not even know what he was saying, and relapsed into sullen silence. she lay mute and still, with a strained expression of pain in her eyes. the canoe sped swiftly on. one desolating thought repeated itself again and again,--the thought of hopeless and irreparable loss. by it past and present were blotted out. by and by, when she awoke from the stupor of despair and realized her future, destined to be passed with the murderer of her lover, what then? but now she was stunned with the shock of a grief that was mercy compared with the awakening that must come. they were in the heart of the cascade mountains, and a low deep roar began to reach their ears, rousing and startling all but wallulah. it was the sound of the cascades, of the new cataract formed by the fall of the great bridge. rounding a bend in the river they came in sight of it. the mighty arch, the long low mountain of stone, had fallen in, damming up the waters of the columbia, which were pouring over the sunken mass in an ever-increasing volume. above, the river, raised by the enormous dam, had spread out like a lake, almost submerging the trees that still stood along the former bank. below the new falls the river was comparatively shallow, its rocky bed half exposed by the sudden stoppage of the waters. the indians gazed with superstitious awe on the vast barrier over which the white and foaming waters were pouring. the unwonted roar of the falls, a roar that seemed to increase every moment as the swelling waters rushed over the rocks; the sight of the wreck of the mysterious bridge, foreshadowing the direst calamities,--all this awed the wild children of the desert. they approached the falls slowly and cautiously. a brief command from snoqualmie, and they landed on the northern side of the river, not far from the foot of the falls. there they must disembark, and the canoes be carried around the falls on the shoulders of indians and launched above. the roar of the cascades roused wallulah from her stupor. she stepped ashore and looked in dazed wonder on the strange new world around her. snoqualmie told her briefly that she must walk up the bank to the place where the canoe was to be launched again above the falls. she listened mutely, and started to go. but the way was steep and rocky; the bank was strewn with the débris of the ruined bridge; and she was unused to such exertion. snoqualmie saw her stumble and almost fall. it moved him to a sudden and unwonted pity, and he sprang forward to help her. she pushed his hand from her as if it had been the touch of a serpent, and went on alone. his eyes flashed: for all this the reckoning should come, and soon; woe unto her when it came. the rough rocks bruised her delicately shod feet, the steep ascent took away her breath. again and again she felt as if she must fall; but the bitter scorn and loathing that snoqualmie's touch had kindled gave her strength, and at last she completed the ascent. above the falls and close to them, she sat down upon a rock; a slight, drooping figure, whose dejected pose told of a broken heart. before her, almost at her feet, the pent-up river was widened to a vast flood. here and there a half-submerged pine lifted its crown above it; the surface was ruffled by the wind, and white-crested waves were rolling among the green tree-tops. she looked with indifference upon the scene. she had not heard that the bridge had fallen, and was, of course, ignorant of these new cascades; and they did not impress her as being strange. her whole life was broken up; all the world appeared shattered by the blow that had fallen on her, and nothing could startle her now. she felt dimly that some stupendous catastrophe had taken place; yet it did not appear unnatural. a strange sense of unreality possessed her; everything seemed an illusion, as if she were a shadow in a land of shadows. the thought came to her that she was dead, and that her spirit was passing over the dim ghost trail to the shadow-land. she tried to shake off the fancy, but all was so vague and dreamlike that she hardly knew where or what she was; yet over it all brooded the consciousness of dull, heavy, torturing pain, like the dumb agony that comes to us in fevered sleep, burdening our dreams with a black oppressing weight of horror. her hand, hanging listlessly at her side, touched her flute, which was still suspended from her belt by the golden chain. she raised it to her lips, but only a faint inharmonious note came from it. the music seemed gone from the flute, as hope was gone from her heart. to her overwrought nerves, it was the last omen of all. the flute dropped from her fingers; she covered her face with her hands, and the hot tears coursed slowly down her cheeks. some one spoke to her, not ungently, and she looked up. one of the canoe-men stood beside her. he pointed to the canoe, now launched near by. snoqualmie was still below, at the foot of the falls, superintending the removal of the other. slowly and wearily she entered the waiting canoe and resumed her seat. the indian paddlers took their places. they told her that the chief snoqualmie had bidden them take her on without him. he would follow in the other canoe. it was a relief to be free from his presence, if only for a little while; and the sadness on her face lightened for a moment when they told her. a few quick paddle-strokes, and the boat shot out into the current above the cascades and then glided forward. no, _not_ forward. the canoe-men, unfamiliar with the new cataract, had launched their vessel too close to the falls; and the mighty current was drawing it back. a cry of horror burst from their lips as they realized their danger, and their paddles were dashed into the water with frenzied violence. the canoe hung quivering through all its slender length between the desperate strokes that impelled it forward and the tremendous suction that drew it down. had they been closer to the bank, they might have saved themselves; but they were too far out in the current. they felt the canoe slipping back in spite of their frantic efforts, slowly at first, then more swiftly; and they knew there was no hope. the paddles fell from their hands. one boatman leaped from the canoe with the desperate idea of swimming ashore, but the current instantly swept him under and out of sight; the other sat motionless in his place, awaiting the end with indian stolidity. the canoe was swept like a leaf to the verge of the fall and downward into a gulf of mist and spray. as it trembled on the edge of the cataract, and its horrors opened beneath her, wallulah realized her doom for the first time; and in the moment she realised it, it was upon her. there was a quick terror, a dreamlike glimpse of white plunging waters, a deafening roar, a sudden terrible shock as the canoe was splintered on the rocks at the foot of the fall; then all things were swallowed up in blackness, a blackness that was death. below the falls, strong swimmers, leaping into the water, brought the dead to land. beneath a pine-tree that grew close by the great columbia trail and not far from the falls, the bodies were laid. the daughter of multnomah lay in rude state upon a fawn-skin; while at her feet were extended the brawny forms of the two canoe-men who had died with her, and who, according to indian mythology, were to be her slaves in the land of the hereafter. her face was very lovely, but its mournfulness remained. her flute, broken in the shock that had killed her, was still attached to her belt. the indians had placed her hand at her side, resting upon the flute; and they noticed in superstitious wonder that the cold fingers seemed to half close around it, as if they would clasp it lovingly, even in death. indian women knelt beside her, fanning her face with fragrant boughs of pine. troop after troop, returning over the trail to their homes, stopped to hear the tale, and to gaze at the dead face that was so wonderfully beautiful yet so sad. all day long the bands gathered; each stopping, none passing indifferently by. at length, when evening came and the shadow of the wood fell long and cool, the burials began. a shallow grave was scooped at wallulah's feet for the bodies of the two canoe-men. then chiefs--for they only might bury multnomah's daughter--entombed her in a cairn; being upper columbia indians, they buried her, after the manner of their people, under a heap of stone. rocks and bowlders were built around and over her body, yet without touching it, until the sad dead face was shut out from view. and still the stones were piled above her; higher and higher rose the great rock-heap, till a mighty cairn marked the last resting-place of wallulah. and all the time the women lifted the death-wail, and snoqualmie stood looking on with folded arms and sullen baffled brow. at length the work was done. the wail ceased; the gathering broke up, and the sachems and their bands rode away, snoqualmie and his troop departing with them. only the roar of the cascades broke the silence, as night fell on the wild forest and the lonely river. the pine-tree beside the trail swayed its branches in the wind with a low soft murmur, as if lulling the sorrow-worn sleeper beneath it into still deeper repose. and she lay very still in the great cairn,--the sweet and beautiful dead,--with the grim warriors stretched at her feet, stern guardians of a slumber never to be broken. chapter iv. multnomah's death-canoe. gazing alone to him are wild shadows shown. deep under deep unknown. dante rossetti. if multnomah was grieved at his daughter's death, if his heart sunk at the unforeseen and terrible blow that left his empire without an heir and withered all his hopes, no one knew it; no eye beheld his woe. silent he had ever been, and he was silent to the last. the grand, strong face only grew grander, stronger, as the shadows darkened around him; the unconquerable will only grew the fiercer and the more unflinching. but ere the moon that shone first on wallulah's new-made cairn had rounded to the full, there was that upon him before which even his will bowed and gave way,--death, swift and mysterious. and it came in this wise. we have told how at the great _potlatch_ he gave away his all, even to the bear-skins from his couch, reserving only those cases of asiatic textures never yet opened,--all that now remained of the richly laden ship of the orient wrecked long ago upon his coast. they were opened now. his bed was covered with the magnificent fabrics; they were thrown carelessly over the rude walls and seats, half-trailing on the floor; exquisite folds of velvet and damask swept the leaves and dust,--so that all men might see how rich the chief still was, though he had given away so much. and with his ostentation was mixed a secret pride and tenderness that his dead wife had indirectly given him this wealth. the war-chief's woman had brought him these treasures out of the sea; and now that he had given away his all, even to the bare poles of his lodge, she filled it with fine things and made him rich again,--she who had been sleeping for years in the death-hut on _mimaluse_ island. those treasures, ere the vessel that carried them was wrecked, had been sent as a present from one oriental prince to another. could it be that they had been purposely impregnated with disease, so that while the prince that sent them seemed to bestow a graceful gift, he was in reality taking a treacherous and terrible revenge? such things were not infrequent in asiatic history; and even the history of europe, in the middle ages, tells us of poisoned masks, of gloves and scarfs charged with disease. certain it is that shortly after the cases were opened, a strange and fatal disease broke out among multnomah's attendants. the howling of medicine-men rang all day long in the royal lodge; each day saw swathed corpses borne out to the funeral pyre or _mimaluse_ island. and no concoction of herbs,--however skilfully compounded with stone mortar and pestle,--no incantation of medicine-men or steaming atmosphere of sweat-house, could stay the mortality. at length multnomah caught the disease. it seemed strange to the indians that the war-chief should sicken, that multnomah should show any of the weaknesses of common flesh and blood; yet so it was. but while the body yielded to the inroad of disease, the spirit that for almost half a century had bent beneath it the tribes of the wauna never faltered. he lay for days upon his couch, his system wasting with the plague, his veins burning with fever, holding death off only by might of will. he touched no remedies, for he felt them to be useless; he refused the incantations of the medicine-men; alone and in his own strength the war-chief contended with his last enemy. all over the willamette valley, through camp and fishery, ran the whisper that multnomah was dying; and the hearts of the indians sunk within them. beyond the mountains the whisper passed to the allied tribes, once more ripe for revolt, and the news rang among them like a trumpet call; it was of itself a signal for rebellion. the fall of the magic bridge, the death of wallulah, and the fatal illness of multnomah had sealed the doom of the willamettes. the chiefs stayed their followers only till they knew that he was dead. but the grand old war-chief seemed determined that he would not die. he struggled with disease; he crushed down his sufferings; he fought death with the same silent, indomitable tenacity with which he had overthrown the obstacles of life. in all his wasting agony he was the war-chief still, and held his subjects in his grip. to the tribes that were about to rebel he sent messages, short, abrupt, but terrible in their threat of vengeance,--messages that shook and awed the chiefs and pushed back invasion. to the last, the great chief overawed the tribes; the generation that had grown up under the shadow of his tyranny, even when they knew he was dying, still obeyed him. at length, one summer evening a few weeks after the burial of wallulah, there burst forth from the war-chief's lodge that peculiar wail which was lifted only for the death of one of the royal blood. no need to ask who it was, for only _one_ remained of the ancient line that had so long ruled the willamettes; and for him, the last of his race, was the wail lifted. it was re-echoed by the inmates of the surrounding lodges; it rang, foreboding, mournful, through the encampment on wappatto island. soon, runners were seen departing in every direction to bear the fatal news throughout the valley. twilight fell on them; the stars came out; the moon rose and sunk; but the runners sped on, from camp to camp, from village to village. wherever there was a cluster of willamette lodges, by forest, river, or sea, the tale was told, the wail was lifted. so all that night the death-wail passed through the valley of the willamette; and in the morning the trails were thronged with bands of indians journeying for the last time to the isle of council, to attend the obsequies of their chief, and consult as to the choice of one to take his place. the pestilence that had so ravaged the household of multnomah was spread widely now; and every band as it departed from the camp left death behind it,--aye, took death with it; for in each company were those whose haggard, sickly faces told of disease, and in more than one were those so weakened that they lagged behind and fell at last beside the trail to die. the weather was very murky. it was one of the smoky summers of oregon, like that of the memorable year , when the smoke of wide-spread forest fires hung dense and blinding over western oregon for days, and it seemed to the white settlers as if they were never to breathe the clear air or see the sky again. but even that, the historic "smoky time" of the white pioneers, was scarcely equal to the smoky period of more than a century and a half before. the forest fires were raging with unusual fury; mount hood was still in course of eruption; and all the valley was wrapped in settled cloud. through the thick atmosphere the tall firs loomed like spectres, while the far-off roar of flames in the forest and the intermittent sounds of the volcano came weirdly to the indians as they passed on their mournful way. what wonder that the distant sounds seemed to them wild voices in the air, prophecying woe; and objects in the forest, half seen through the smoke, grotesque forms attending them as they marched! and when the bands had all gathered on the island, the shuddering indians told of dim and shadowy phantoms that had followed and preceded them all the way; and of gigantic shapes in the likeness of men that had loomed through the smoke, warning them back with outstretched arms. ominous and unknown cries had come to them through the gloom; and the spirits of the dead had seemed to marshal them on their way, or to oppose their coming,--they knew not which. so, all day long, troop after troop crossed the river to the island, emerging like shadows from the smoke that seemed to wrap the world,--each with its sickly faces, showing the terrible spread of the pestilence; each helping to swell the great horror that brooded over all, with its tale of the sick and dead at home, and the wild things seen on the way. band after band the tribes gathered, and when the sun went down the war-chief's obsequies took place. [illustration: _multnomah's death-canoe._] it was a strange funeral that they gave multnomah, yet it was in keeping with the dark, grand life he had lived. a large canoe was filled with pitch and with pine-knots,--the most inflammable materials an oregon forest could furnish. upon them was heaped all that was left of the chief's riches, all the silks and velvets that remained of the cargo of the shipwrecked vessel lost upon the coast long before. and finally, upon the splendid heap of textures, upon the laces and the damasks of the east, was laid the dead body of multnomah, dressed in buckskin; his moccasins on his feet, his tomahawk and his pipe by his side, as became a chief starting on his last journey. then as night came on, and the smoky air darkened into deepest gloom, the canoe was taken out into the main current of the columbia, and fire was set to the dry knots that made up the funeral pyre. in an instant the contents of the canoe were in a blaze, and it was set adrift in the current. down the river it floated, lighting the night with leaping flames. on the shore, the assembled tribe watched it in silence, mute, dejected, as they saw their great chief borne from them forever. promontory and dusky fir, gleaming water and level beach, were brought into startling relief against the background of night, as the burning vessel neared them; then sank into shadow as it passed onward. overhead, the playing tongues of fire reddened the smoke that hung dense over the water, and made it assume distorted and fantastic shapes, which moved and writhed in the wavering light, and to the indians seemed spectres of the dead, hovering over the canoe, reaching out their arms to receive the soul of multnomah. "it is the dead people come for him," the willamettes whispered to one another, as they stood upon the bank, watching the canoe drift farther and farther from them, with the wild play of light and shadow over it. down the river, like some giant torch that was to light the war-chief along the shadowy ways of death, passed the burning canoe. rounding a wooded point, it blazed a moment brilliantly beside it, and as it drifted to the farther side, outlined the intervening trees with fire, till every branch was clearly relieved against a flaming background; then, passing slowly on beyond the point, the light waned gradually, and at last faded quite away. and not till then was a sound heard among the silent and impassive throng on the river-bank. but when the burning canoe had vanished utterly, when black and starless night fell again on wood and water, the death-wail burst from the indians with one impulse and one voice,--a people's cry for its lost chief, a great tribe's lament for the strength and glory that had drifted from it, never to return. * * * * * among a superstitious race, every fact becomes mingled more or less with fable; every occurrence, charged with fantastic meanings. and there sprang up among the indians, no one could tell how, a prophecy that some night when the willamettes were in their direst need, a great light would be seen moving on the waters of the columbia, and the war-chief would come back in a canoe of fire to lead them to victory as of old. dire and awful grew their need as the days went on; swift and sweeping was the end. long did the few survivors of his race watch and wait for his return,--but never more came back multnomah to his own. chapter v. as was writ in the book of fate. a land of old upheaven from the abyss by fire, to sink into the abyss again, where fragments of forgotten peoples dwelt. tennyson. and now our tale draws to a close. there remains but to tell how the last council was held on wappatto island; how mishlah the cougar, chief of the mollalies, died; and how the prophecy of the bridge was fulfilled. the morning after the obsequies of multnomah, the chiefs met in the grove where the great council of the tribes had been held only a few weeks before. the leaves, which had been green and glossy then, were turning yellow and sickly now in the close hot weather. all nature seemed full of decay. the chiefs were grouped before the vacant seat of multnomah; and the willamette tribe, gathered from canyon and prairie and fishery, looked on, sole spectators of the proceedings,--for none of the allies were present. the ravages of the pestilence had been terrible. many warriors were missing from the spectators; many chiefs were absent from the council. and there were some present from whom the others shrunk away, whose hot breath and livid faces showed that they too were stricken with the plague. there were emaciated indians among the audience, whose gaunt forms and hollow eyes told that they had dragged themselves to the council-grove to die. the wailing of the women at the camp, lamenting those just dead; the howling of the medicine-men in the distance, performing their incantations over the sick; the mysterious sounds that came from the burning forest and the volcano,--all these were heard. round the council the smoke folded thick and dark, veiling the sun, and shutting out the light of heaven and the mercy of the great spirit. the chiefs sat long in silence, each waiting for the other to speak. at length arose a stately warrior famous among the willamettes for wisdom and prudence. "we perish," said the chief, "we melt away before the breath of the pestilence, like snow before the breath of the warm spring wind. and while we die of disease in our lodges, war gathers against us beyond the ranges. even now the bands of our enemies may be descending the mountains, and the tomahawk may smite what the disease has spared. what is to be done? what say the wise chiefs of the willamettes? multnomah's seat is empty: shall we choose another war-chief?" a pale and ghastly chief rose to reply. it was evident that he was in the last extremity of disease. "shall we choose another war-chief to sit in multnomah's place? we may; but will he be multnomah? the glory of the willamettes is dead! talk no more of war, when our war-strength is gone from us. the bridge is fallen, the great spirit is against us. let those who are to live talk of war. it is time for us to learn how to die." he sunk flushed and exhausted upon the ground. then rose an aged chief, so old that it seemed as if a century of time had passed over him. his hair was a dirty gray, his eyes dull and sunken, his face withered. he supported himself with tremulous bony hands upon his staff. his voice was feeble, and seemed like an echo from the long-perished past. "i am old, the oldest of all the willamettes. i have seen so many winters that no man can count them. i knew multnomah's father. i went forth to battle with his father's father; and even before that i knew others, warriors of a forgotten time. or do i dream? i know not. the weight of the time that i have lived is very heavy, and my mind sinks under it. my form is bowed with the burden of winters. warriors, i have seen many councils, many troubles, but never a trouble like this. of what use is your council? can the words of wise men stay disease? can the edge of the tomahawk turn back sickness? can you fight against the great spirit? he sent the white man to tell us of our sins and warn us to be better, and you closed your ears and would not listen. nay, you would have slain him had not the great spirit taken him away. these things would not have come upon us had you listened to the white _shaman_. you have offended the great spirit, and he has broken the bridge and sent disease upon us; and all that your wisdom may devise can avail naught to stay his wrath. you can but cover your faces in silence, and die." for a moment the council was very still. the memory of the white wanderer, his strong and tender eloquence, his fearless denunciation, his loving and passionate appeal, was on them all. _was_ the great spirit angry with them because they had rejected him? "who talks of dying?" said a fierce warrior, starting to his feet. "leave that to women and sick men! shall we stay here to perish while life is yet strong within us? the valley is shadowed with death; the air is disease; an awful sickness wastes the people; our enemies rush in upon us. shall we then lie down like dogs and wait for death? no. let us leave this land; let us take our women and children, and fly. let us seek a new home beyond the klamath and the shasta, in the south land, where the sun is always warm, and the grass is always green, and the cold never comes. the spirits are against us here, and to stay is to perish. let us seek a new home, where the spirits are not angry; even as our fathers in the time that is far back left their old home in the ice country of the nootkas and came hither. i have spoken." his daring words kindled a moment's animation in the despondent audience; then the ceaseless wailing of the women and the panting of the sick chiefs in the council filled the silence, and their hearts sank within them again. "my brother is brave," said the grave chief who had opened the council, "but are his words wise? many of our warriors are dead, many are sick, and multnomah is gone. the willamettes are weak; it is bitter to the lips to say it, but it is true. our enemies are strong. all the tribes who were once with us are against us. the passes are kept by many warriors; and could we fight our way through them to another land, the sickness would go with us. why fly from the disease here, to die with it in some far-off land?" "we cannot leave our own land," said a dreamer, or medicine-man. "the great spirit gave it to us, the bones of our fathers are in it. it is _our_ land," he repeated with touching emphasis. "the willamette cannot leave his old home, though the world is breaking up all around him. the bones of our people are here. our brothers lie in the death-huts on _mimaluse_ island;--how can we leave them? here is the place where we must live; here, if death comes, must we die!" a murmur of assent came from the listeners. it voiced the decision of the council. with stubborn indian fatalism, they would await the end; fighting the rebels if attacked, and sullenly facing the disease if unmolested. now a voice was heard that never had been heard in accents of despair,--a voice that was still fierce and warlike in its resentment of the course the council was taking. it was the voice of mishlah the cougar, chief of the mollalies. he, too, had the plague, and had just reached the grove, walking with slow and tottering steps, unlike the mishlah of other days. but his eyes glittered with all the old ferocity that had given him the name of cougar. alas, he was but a dying cougar now. "shall we stay here to die?" thundered the wild chief, as he stood leaning on his stick, his sunken eyes sweeping the assembly with a glance of fire. "shall we stand and tremble till the pestilence slays us all with its arrows, even as a herd of deer, driven into a deep gulch and surrounded, stand till they are shot down by the hunters? shall we stay in our lodges, and die without lifting a hand? shall disease burn out the life of our warriors, when they might fall in battle? no! let us slay the women and children, cross the mountains, and die fighting the rebels! is it not better to fall in battle like warriors than to perish of disease like dogs?" the chief looked from face to face, but saw no responsive flash in the eyes that met his own. the settled apathy of despair was on every countenance. then the medicine-man answered,-- "_you_ could never cross the mountains, even if we did this thing. your breath is hot with disease; the mark of death is on your face; the snake of the pestilence has bitten you. if we went out to battle, you would fall by the wayside to die. your time is short. to-day you die." the grim mollalie met the speaker's glance, and for a moment wavered. he felt within himself that the words were true, that the plague had sapped his life, that his hour was near at hand. then his hesitation passed, and he lifted his head with scornful defiance. "so be it! mishlah accepts his doom. come, you that were once the warriors of multnomah, but whose hearts are become the hearts of women; come and learn from a mollalie how to die!" again his glance swept the circle of chiefs as if summoning them to follow him,--then, with weak and staggering footsteps, he left the grove; and it was as if the last hope of the willamettes went with him. the dense atmosphere of smoke soon shut his form from view. silence fell on the council. the hearts of the indians were dead within them. amid their portentous surroundings,--the appalling signs of the wrath of the great spirit,--the fatal apathy which is the curse of their race crept over them. then rose the medicine-man, wild priest of a wild and debasing superstition, reverenced as one through whom the dead spoke to the living. "break up your council!" he said with fearful look and gesture. "councils are for those who expect to live! and you!--the dead call you to them. choose no chief, for who will be left for him to rule? you talk of plans for the future. would you know what that future will be? i will show you; listen!" he flung up his hand as if imposing silence; and, taken by surprise, they listened eagerly, expecting to hear some supernatural voice or message prophetic of the future. on their strained hearing fell only the labored breathing of the sick chiefs in the council, the ominous muttering of the far-off volcano, and loud and shrill above all the desolate cry of the women wailing their dead. "you hear it? that death-wail tells all the future holds for you. before yonder red shadow of a sun"--pointing to the sun, which shone dimly through the smoke--"shall set, the bravest of the mollalies will be dead. before the moon wanes to its close, the willamette race will have passed away. think you multnomah's seat is empty? the pestilence sits in multnomah's place, and you will all wither in his hot and poisonous breath. break up your council. go to your lodges. the sun of the willamettes is set, and the night is upon us. our wars are done; our glory is ended. we are but a tale that old men tell around the camp-fire, a handful of red dust gathered from _mimaluse_ island,--dust that once was man. go, you that are as the dead leaves of autumn; go, whirled into everlasting darkness before the wind of the wrath of the great spirit!" he flung out his arms with a wild gesture, as if he held all their lives and threw them forth like dead leaves to be scattered upon the winds. then he turned away and left the grove. the crowd of warriors who had been looking on broke up and went away, and the chiefs began to leave the council, each muffled in his blanket. the grave and stately sachem who had opened the council tried for a little while to stay the fatal breaking up, but in vain. and when he saw that he could do nothing, he too left the grove, wrapped in stoical pride, sullenly resigned to whatever was to come. and so the last council ended, in hopeless apathy, in stubborn indecision,--indecision in everything save the recognition that a doom was on them against which it was useless to struggle. and mishlah? he returned to his lodge, painted his face as if he were going to battle, and then went out to a grove near the place where the war-dances of the tribe were held. his braves followed him; others joined them; all watched eagerly, knowing that the end was close at hand, and wondering how he would die. he laid aside his blanket, exposing his stripped body; and with his eagle plume, in his hair and his stone tomahawk in his hand, began to dance the war-dance of his tribe and to chant the song of the battles he had fought. at first his utterance was broken and indistinct, his step feeble. but as he went on his voice rang clearer and stronger; his step grew quicker and firmer. half reciting, half chanting, he continued the wild tale of blood, dancing faster and faster, haranguing louder and louder, until he became a flame of barbaric excitement, until he leaped and whirled in the very madness of raging passion,--the indian war-frenzy. but it could not last long. his breath came quick and short; his words grew inarticulate; his eyes gleamed like coals of fire; his feet faltered in the dance. with a final effort he brandished and flung his tomahawk, uttering as he did so a last war-cry, which thrilled all who heard it as of old when he led them in battle. the tomahawk sunk to the head in a neighboring tree, the handle breaking off short with the violence of the shock; and the chief fell back--dead. thus passed the soul of the fierce mollalie. for years afterward, the tomahawk remained where it had sunk in the tree, sole monument of mishlah. his bones lay unburied beneath, wasted by wind and rain, till there was left only a narrow strip of red earth, with the grass springing rankly around it, to show where the body had been. and the few survivors of the tribe who lingered in the valley were wont to point to the tomahawk imbedded in the tree, and tell the tale of the warrior and how he died. why dwell longer on scenes so terrible? besides, there is but little more to tell. the faithless allies made a raid on the valley; but the shrouding atmosphere of smoke and the frightful rumors they heard of the great plague appalled them, and they retreated. the pestilence protected the willamettes. the black death that the medicine-men saw sitting in multnomah's place turned back the tide of invasion better than the war-chief himself could have done. through the hot months of summer the mortality continued. the valley was swept as with the besom of destruction, and the drama of a people's death was enacted with a thousand variations of horror. when spring came, the invaders entered the valley once more. they found it deserted, with the exception of a few wretched bands, sole survivors of a mighty race. they rode through villages where the decaying mats hung in tatters from the half-bare skeleton-like wigwam poles, where the ashes had been cold for months at the camp-fires; they rode by fisheries where spear and net were rotting beside the canoe upon the beach. and the dead--the dead lay everywhere: in the lodges, beside the fisheries, along the trail where they had been stricken down while trying to escape,--everywhere were the ghastly and repulsive forms. the spirit of the few survivors was broken, and they made little resistance to the invaders. mongrel bands from the interior and the coast settled in the valley after the lapse of years; and, mixing with the surviving willamettes, produced the degenerate race our own pioneers found there at their coming. these hybrids were, within the memory of the white man, overrun and conquered by the yakimas, who subjugated all the indians upon wappatto island and around the mouth of the willamette in the early part of the present century. later on, the yakimas were driven back by the whites; so that there have been three conquests of the lower willamette valley since the fall of the ancient race,--two indian conquests before the white. the once musical language of the willamettes has degenerated into the uncouth chinook, and the blood of the ancient race flows mixed and debased in the veins of abject and squalid descendants; but the story of the mighty bridge that once spanned the columbia at the cascades is still told by the oregon indians. mingled with much of fable, overlaid with myth and superstition, it is nevertheless one of the historic legends of the columbia, and as such will never be forgotten. * * * * * one word more of cecil gray, and our tale is done. the shoshone renegade, who resolved at cecil's death to become a christian, found his way with a few followers to the flat-heads, and settled among that tribe. he told them of what he had learned from cecil,--of the way of peace; and the wise men of the tribe pondered his sayings in their hearts. the shoshone lived and died among them; but from generation to generation the tradition of the white man's god was handed down, till in four flat-heads were sent by the tribe to st. louis, to ask that teachers be given them to tell them about god. every student of history knows how that appeal stirred the heart of the east, and caused the sending out of the first missionaries to oregon; and from the movement then inaugurated have since sprung all the missions to the indians of the west. thus he who gave his life for the indians, and died seemingly in vain, sowed seed that sprung up and bore a harvest long after his death. and to-day, two centuries since his body was laid in the lonely grave on wappatto island, thousands of indians are the better for his having lived. no true, noble life can be said to have been lived in vain. defeated and beaten though it may seem to have been, there has gone out from it an influence for the better that has helped in some degree to lighten the great heartache and bitterness of the world. truth, goodness, and self-sacrifice are never beaten,--no, not by death itself. the example and the influence of such things is deathless, and lives after the individual is gone, flowing on forever in the broad life of humanity. * * * * * i write these last lines on sauvie's island--the wappatto of the indians,--sitting upon the bank of the river, beneath the gnarled and ancient cottonwood that still marks the spot where the old columbia trail led up from the water to the interior of the island. stately and beautiful are the far snow-peaks and the sweeping forests. the woods are rich in the colors of an oregon autumn. the white wappatto blooms along the marshes, its roots ungathered, the dusky hands that once reaped the harvest long crumbled into dust. blue and majestic in the sunlight flows the columbia, river of many names,--the wauna and wemath of the indians, the st. roque of the spaniards, the oregon of poetry,--always vast and grand, always flowing placidly to the sea. steamboats of the present; batteaux of the fur traders; ships, grey's and vancouver's, of discovery; indian canoes of the old unknown time,--the stately river has seen them all come and go, and yet holds its way past forest and promontory, still beautiful and unchanging. generation after generation, daring hunter, ardent discoverer, silent indian,--all the shadowy peoples of the past have sailed its waters as we sail them, have lived perplexed and haunted by mystery as we live, have gone out into the great darkness with hearts full of wistful doubt and questioning, as we go; and still the river holds its course, bright, beautiful, inscrutable. it stays; _we go_. is there anything _beyond_ the darkness into which generation follows generation and race follows race? surely there is an after-life, where light and peace shall come to all who, however defeated, have tried to be true and loyal; where the burden shall be lifted and the heartache shall cease; where all the love and hope that slipped away from us here shall be given back to us again, and given back forever. _via crucis, via lucis._ * * * * * transcriber's note: variations in the spelling of the molalla indian tribe have been retained. missing or extra quotation marks and minor inconsistencies of punctuationwere silently corrected. however, punctuation has not been changed to comply with modern standards. inconsistency in hyphenation also has been retained. footnotes have been renumbered consecutively and placed at the end of each chapter. illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are not in the middle of a paragraph. all missing page numbers were intentionally omitted in the original publication. archaic and variable spelling has been preserved as printed in the original book except for the following changes: list of illustrations: multomah's changed to multnomah's (multnomah's death-canoe) page : that changed to than (no one knows this better than multnomah.) page : or changed to on (to the funeral pyre on _mimaluse_ island.) illustration facing page : multomah's changed to multnomah's (multnomah's death-canoe) oregon, washington and alaska. sights and scenes for the tourist. by e.l. lomax, general passenger agent, union pacific system. omaha, neb. [illustration: oregon, washington and alaska. sights and scenes for the tourist.] [illustration: union pacific overland. sights and scenes in oregon, washington and alaska for tourists. compliments of the passenger department, union pacific system, omaha, neb.] list of agents. albany, n.y.-- maiden lane--j.d. tenbroeck. trav. pass. agt. boston, mass.-- washington st.--w.s. condell, new england freight and passenger agent. j.s. smith, traveling passenger agent. e.m. newbegin, traveling freight and passenger agent. a.p. massey, passenger and freight solicitor. buffalo, n.y.-- - / exchanges st.--s.a. hutchison, trav. pass. agt. butte, mont.--corner main and broadway--general agt. cheyenne, wyo.--c.w. sweet, freight and ticket agent. chicago, ill.-- south clark st.--w.h. knight, gen'l agt. p. and f. dep'ts. t.w. young, traveling passenger agent. w.t. holly, city passenger agent. alfred mortessen & co., european immigration agts., kinzie st. cincinnati, ohio-- west th st.--j.d. welsh, gen'l agt. p. and f. dep'ts. h.c. smith, traveling freight and passenger agent. cleveland, ohio--kennard house.--a.g. shearman, t. f. and p. agt. colorado springs, colo.--e.d. baxter, gen'l agt d., t. & ft. w. r.r. columbus, ohio--n.w. cor. gay and high sts.--t.c. hirst, trav. pass. agt. council bluffs, iowa-- first ave.--a.j. manderson, general agt. r.w. chamberlain, passenger agent, transfer depot. j.w. maynard, ticket agent, transfer depot. a.t. elwell, city ticket agent, broadway. dallas, tex.--h.m. de hart, general agent d., t. & ft. w. r.r. denver, colo.-- larimer st.--f.i. smith, gen'l agt. d., t. & ft. w. r.r. geo. ady, general passenger agent, colo. div. and d., t. & ft. w. r.r. f.b. semple, ass't gen'l pass. agt, colo. div. and d., t. & ft. w. r.r. c.h. titus, traveling passenger agent. r.p.m. kimball, city ticket agent. des moines, iowa-- th st.--e.m. ford, traveling passenger agent. detroit, mich.-- griswold st.--d.w. johnston, michigan pass. agt. helena, mont.-- north main st.--a.e. veazie, city ticket agent. indianapolis, ind.--room jackson place.--h.o. webb, traveling passenger agent. kansas city, mo.-- th and broadway.--j.b. frawley, div. pass. agt. j.b. reese, traveling passenger agent. f.s. haacke, traveling passenger agent. h.k. proudfit, city passenger agent. t.a. shaw, ticket agent, union ave. a.w. millspaugh, ticket agent, union depot. c.a. whittier, city ticket agent, main st. liverpool, england-- water st.--s. stamford parry, general european agent. london, england--thos. cook & sons, european passenger agents, ludgate circus. los angeles, cal.-- north spring st.--john clark, agt. pass. dep't. a.j. hechtman, agent freight department. louisville, ky.-- west main st.--n. haight, traveling pass. agent. new orleans, la.-- st. charles st.--c.b. smith, general agent d., t. & ft. w. r.r. d.m. rea, traveling agent d., t. & ft. w. r.r. new york city-- broadway--r. tenbroeck, general eastern agent. j.f. wiley, passenger agent. f.r. seaman, city passenger agent. ogden, utah--union depot--c.a. henry, ticket agent. c.e. ingalls, traveling passenger agent. olympia, wash.-- d st. wharf.--j.c. percival, ticket agent. omaha, neb.-- th and farnam sts.--m.j. greevy, trav. pass. agt. harry p. deuel, city passenger and ticket agent, farnam st. j.k. chambers, depot ticket agent, th and marey sts. philadelphia, pa.-- south th st.--d.e. burley, trav. pass. agt. l.t. fowler, traveling freight agent. pittsburg, pa.-- wood st.--h.e. passavant, t. f. and p. a. thos. s. spear, traveling freight and passenger agent. portland, ore.--cor. d and oak sts.--t.w. lee, gen'l passenger agent, pacific div. a.l. maxwell, general agent traffic department. harry young, traveling passenger agent. geo. s. taylor, city ticket agent. cor. st and oak sts. port townsend, wash.--union wharf--h.l. tibbals, jr., ticket agt. pueblo, colo.--e.r. harding, general agent d., t. & ft. w. r.r. st. joseph, mo.--f.l. lynde, general pass. agent, st. j. & g.i. r.r. div. w.p. robinson, jr., general freight agent, st. j. & g.i. r.r. div. st. louis, mo.-- north th st.--j.f. aglar, gen'l agt. f. and p. dep't. e.r. tuttle, traveling passenger agent. e.s. williams, city passenger agent. c.c. knight, freight contracting agent. salt lake city, utah-- main st.--j.v. parker, assistant general freight and passenger agent, mountain div. san francisco, cal.-- montgomery st.--w.h. hurlburt, assistant general passenger agent, mo. riv. div. s.w. eccles, general agent freight department. c.l. hanna, traveling passenger agent. h. frodsham, passenger agent. j.f. fugazi, italian emigrant agent, montgomery ave. seattle, wash.--a.c. martin, city ticket agent. o.f. briggs, ticket agent, dock. sioux city, iowa-- fourth st.--d.m. collins, general agent. geo. e. abbot, city ticket agent. spokane falls, wash.-- riverside ave.--perry griffin, passenger and ticket agent. tacoma, wash.-- pacific ave.--e.e. ellis, gen'l agt. f. and p. dep'ts. trinidad, colo.--g.m. jacobs, general agent d., t. & ft. w. r.r. victoria, b.c.-- government st.--g.a. cooper, ticket agent. whatcom, wash.--j.w. alton, gen'l agent freight and pass. dep'ts. j.a.s. reed, general traveling agent, south clark st., chicago. albert woodcock, general land commissioner, omaha, neb. e.l. lomax, general passenger agent, ) omaha, neb. jno. w. scott, ass't general passenger agent, ) * * * * * pullman's palace car company now operates this class of service on the union pacific and connecting lines. double drawing pullman palace car rates between berths room new york and chicago $ . $ . new york and st. louis . . boston and chicago . . chicago and omaha or kansas city . . chicago and denver . . st. louis and kansas city . . st. louis and omaha . . kansas city and cheyenne . . council bluffs, omaha or kansas city and denver . . council bluffs or omaha and cheyenne . . council bluffs, omaha or kansas city and salt lake city . . council bluffs, omaha or kansas city and ogden . . council bluffs, omaha or kansas city and butte . . council bluffs, omaha or kansas city and portland . . c. bluff, omaha or k. city and san francisco or los angeles . . cheyenne and portland . . denver and leadville . ... denver and portland . . denver and los angeles . . denver and san francisco . . pocatello and butte . . for a section, twice the double berth rates will be charged. the private hotel, dining, hunting and sleeping cars of the pullman company will accommodate from to persons, allowing a full bed to each, and are fitted with such modern conveniences as private, observation and smoking rooms, folding beds, reclining chairs, buffets and kitchens. they are "_just the thing_" for tourists, theatrical companies, sportsmen, and private parties. the hunting cars have special conveniences, being provided with dog-kennels, gun-racks, fishing-tackle, etc. these cars can be chartered at following rates per diem (the time being reckoned from date of departure until return of same, unless otherwise arranged with the pullman company): less than ten days. per day. per day. hotel cars $ . private or hunting cars $ . buffet cars . private cars with buffet . sleeping cars . dining cars . ten days or over, $ . per day less than above. hotel, buffet, or sleeping cars can also be chartered for continuous trips without lay-over between points where extra cars are furnished (cars to be given up at destination), as follows: where berth rate is $ . , car rate will be $ . " " " . , " " " " . " " " . , " " " " . for each additional berth rate of cents, car rate will be increased $ . . above rates include service of polite and skillful attendants. the commissariat will also be furnished if desired. such chartered cars must contain not less than persons holding full first-class tickets, and another full fare ticket will be required for each additional passenger over . if chartered "per diem" cars are given up _en route_, chartering party must arrange for return to original starting point free, or pay amount of freight necessary for return thereto. diagrams showing interior of these cars can be had of any agent of the company. pullman dining cars are attached to the council bluffs and denver vestibuled express, daily between council bluffs and denver, and to "the limited fast mail," running daily between council bluffs and portland, ore. meals. all trains, except those specified above (under head of pullman dining cars), stop at regular eating stations, where first-class meals are furnished, under the direct supervision of this company, by the pacific hotel company. neat and tidy lunch counters are also to be found at these stations. buffet service. particular attention is called to the fine buffet service offered by the union pacific system to its patrons. pullman palace buffet sleepers now run on trains nos. , , , and . * * * * * sights and scenes in oregon, washington and alaska. oregon is a word derived from the spanish, and means "wild thyme," the early explorers finding that herb growing there in great profusion. so far as we have any record oregon seems to have been first visited by white men in ; captain cook coasted down its shores in . captain gray, commanding the ship "columbia," of boston, mass., discovered the noble river in , which he named after his ship. astoria was founded in ; immigration was in full tide in ; territorial organization was effected in , and oregon became a state on th february, . it has an area of , square miles, and is miles long by miles wide. there are , , acres of arable and grazing land, and , , acres of forest in the state. the union pacific railway will sell at greatly reduced rates a series of excursion tickets called "columbia tours," using portland as a central point. stop-over privileges will be given within the limitation of the tickets. first columbia tour: portland to "the dalles," by rail, and return by river. second columbia tour: portland to astoria, ilwaco, and clatsop beach, and return by river. third columbia tour: portland to port townsend, seattle, and tacoma by boat and return. fourth columbia tour: portland to alaska and return. fifth columbia tour: portland to san francisco by boat. portland is a very beautiful city of , inhabitants, and situated on the willamette river twelve miles from its junction with the columbia. it is perhaps true of many of the growing cities of the west, that they do not offer the same social advantages as the older cities of the east. but this is principally the case as to what may be called boom cities, where the larger part of the population is of that floating class which follows in the line of temporary growth for the purposes of speculation, and in no sense applies to those centers of trade whose prosperity is based on the solid foundation of legitimate business. as the metropolis of a vast section of country, having broad agricultural valleys filled with improved farms, surrounded by mountains rich in mineral wealth, and boundless forests of as fine timber as the world produces, the cause of portland's growth and prosperity is the trade which it has as the center of collection and distribution of this great wealth of natural resources, and it has attracted, not the boomer and speculator, who find their profits in the wild excitement of the boom, but the merchant, manufacturer, and investor, who seek the surer if slower channels of legitimate business and investment. these have come from the east, most of them within the last few years. they came as seeking a better and wider field to engage in the same occupations they had followed in their eastern homes, and bringing with them all the love of polite life which they had acquired there, have established here a new society, equaling in all respects that which they left behind. here are as fine churches, as complete a system of schools, as fine residences, as great a love of music and art, as can be found at any city of the east of equal size. [illustration: portland, ore. on the union pacific ry.] but while portland may justly claim to be the peer of any city of its size in the united states in all that pertains to social life, in the attractions of beauty of location and surroundings it stands without its peer. the work of art is but the copy of nature. what the residents of other cities see but in the copy, or must travel half the world over to see in the original, the resident of portland has at his very door. the city is situate on gently-sloping ground, with, on the one side, the river, and on the other a range of hills, which, within easy walking distance, rise to an elevation of a thousand feet above the river, affording a most picturesque building site. from the very streets of the thickly settled portion of the city, the cascade mountains, with the snow-capped peaks of hood, adams, st. helens, and rainier, are in plain view. as the hills to the west are ascended the view broadens, until, from the extreme top of some of the higher points, there is, to the east, the valley stretching away to the cascade mountains, with its rivers, the columbia and willamette; in the foreground portland, in the middle distance vancouver, and, bounding the horizon, the cascade mountains, with their snow-clad peaks, and the gorge of the columbia in plain sight, whilst away to the north the course of the columbia may be followed for miles. to the west, from the foot of the hills, the valley of the tualatin stretches away twenty odd miles to the coast range, which alone shuts out the view of the pacific ocean and bounds the horizon on the west. to the glaciers of mt. hood is but little more than a day's travel. the gorge of the columbia, which in many respects equals, and in others surpasses the far-famed yosemite, may be visited in the compass of a day. the upper willamette, within the limits of a few hours' trip, offers beauties equaling the rhine, whilst thirty-six hours gives the lower columbia, beside which the rhine and hudson sink into insignificance. in short, within a few hours' walk of the heart of this busy city are beauties surpassing the white mountains or adirondacks, and the grandeur of the alps lies within the limits of a day's picnicking. there is no better guarantee of the advantageous position of portland than the wealth which has accumulated here in the short period which has elapsed since the city first sprang into existence. theory is all very well, but the actual proof is in the result. at the taking of the census of , portland was the third wealthiest city in the world in proportion to population; since that date wealth has accumulated at an unprecedented rate, and it is probable it is to-day the wealthiest. among all her wealthy men, not one can be singled out who did not make his money here, who did not come here poor to grow rich. portland enjoys superb advantages as a starting-point for tourist travel. after the traveler has enjoyed the numerous attractions of that wealthy city, traversed its beautiful avenues, viewed a strikingly noble landscape from "the heights," and explored those charming environs which extend for miles up and down the willamette, there remains perhaps the most invigorating and healthful trip of all--a journey either by stream, sound, or sea. there must ever remain in the mind of the tourist a peculiarly delightful recollection of a day on the majestic columbia river, the all too short run across that glorious sheet of water, puget sound, or the fifty hours' luxurious voyage on the pacific ocean, from portland to san francisco. beginning first with the columbia river, the traveler will find solid comfort on any one of the boats belonging to the union pacific railway fleet. this river division is separated into three subdivisions: the lower columbia from portland to astoria, the middle columbia from portland to cascade locks, and the upper columbia from the cascades to the dalles. * * * * * the upper columbia. _first tour_.--passengers will remember that, arriving at the dalles, on the union pacific railway, they have the option of proceeding into portland either by rail or river, and their ticket is available for either route. [illustration: a glimpse of mount adams, washington. as seen from the union pacific ry.] the river trip will be found a very pleasant diversion after the long railway ride, and a day's sail down the majestic columbia is a memory-picture which lasts a life-time. it is eighty-eight miles by rail to portland, the train skirting the river bank up to within a few miles of the city. by river, it is forty-five miles to the upper cascades, then a six-mile portage via narrow-gauge railway, then sixty miles by steamer again to portland. the boat leaves the dalles at about in the morning, and reaches portland at in the evening. the accommodations on these boats are first-class in every respect; good table, neat staterooms, and courteous attendants. this tour is planned for those who may wish to start from portland by the union pacific railway. take the evening train from portland to the dalles. arriving at the dalles, walk down to the boat, which lies only a few yards down stream from the station. sleep on board, so that you may be ready early in the morning for the stately panorama of the river. another plan is to give a day to the interesting country in the near vicinity. the dalles proper of the columbia begin at celilo, fourteen miles above this point, and are simply a succession of rapids, until, nearing the dalles station, the stream for two and a half miles narrows down between walls of basaltic rock feet across. in the flood-tides of the spring the water in this chasm has risen feet. the word "dalles" is rather misleading. the word is french, "dalle," and means, variously, "a plate," "a flagstone," "a slab," alluding to the oval or square shaped stones which abound in the river bed and the valley above. but the early french hunters and trappers called a chasm or a defile or gorge, "dalles," meaning in their vernacular "a trough"--and "dalles" it has remained. there is a quaint indian legend connected with the spot which may interest the curious, and it runs something on this wise, clark's fork and the snake river, it will be remembered, unite at ainsworth to form the columbia. it flows furiously for a hundred miles and more westward, and when it reaches the outlying ridges of the cascade chain it finds an immense low surface paved with enormous sheets of basaltic rock. but here is the legend: the legend of the dalles. in the very ancient far-away times the sole and only inhabitants of the world were fiends, and very highly uncivilized fiends at that. the whole northwest was then one of the centres of volcanic action. the craters of the cascades were fire breathers and fountains of liquid flame. it was an extremely fiendish country, and naturally the inhabitants fought like devils. where the great plains of the upper columbia now spread was a vast inland sea, which beat against a rampart of hills to the east of the dalles. and the great weapon of the fiends in warfare was their tails, which were of prodigious size and terrible strength. now, the wisest, strongest, and most subtle fiend of the entire crew was one fiend called the "devil." he was a thoughtful person and viewed with alarm the ever increasing tendency among his neighbors toward fighting and general wickedness. the whole tribe met every summer to have a tournament after their fashion, and at one of these reunions the devil arose and made a pacific speech. he took occasion to enlarge on the evils of constant warfare, and suggested that a general reconciliation take place and that they all live in peace. the astonished fiends could not understand any such unwarlike procedure from _him_, and with one accord, suspecting treachery, made straight at the intended reformer, who, of course, took to his heels. the fiends pressed him hard as he sped over the plains of the dalles, and as he neared the defile he struck a titanic blow with his tail on the pavement--and a chasm opened up through the valley, and down rushed the waters of the inland sea. but a battalion of the fiends still pursued him, and again he smote with his tail and more strongly, and a vaster cleft went up and down the valley, and a more terrific torrent swept along. the leading fiends took the leap, but many fell into the chasm--and still the devil was sorely pursued. he had just time to rap once more and with all the vigor of a despairing tail. and this time he was safe. a third crevice, twice the width of the second, split the rocks, riving a deeper cleft in the mountain that held back the inland sea, making a gorge through the majestic chain of the cascades and opening a way for the torrent oceanward. it was the crack of doom for the fiends. essaying the leap, they fell far short of the edge, where the devil lay panting. down they fell and were swept away by the flood; so the whole race of fiends perished from the face of the earth. but the devil was in sorry case. his tail was unutterably dislocated by his last blow; so, leaping across the chasm he had made, he went home to rear his family thoughtfully. there were no more antagonists; so, perhaps, after all, tails were useless. every year he brought his children to the dalles and told them the terrible history of his escape. and after a time the fires of the cascades burned away; the inland sea was drained and its bed became a fair and habitable land, and still the waters gushed through the narrow crevices roaring seaward. but the devil had one sorrow. all his children born before the catastrophe were crabbed, unregenerate, stiff-tailed fiends. after that event every new-born imp wore a flaccid, invertebrate, despondent tail--the very last insignium of ignobility. so runs the legend of the dalles--a shining lesson to reformers. leaving the dalles in the morning, a splendid panorama begins to unfold on this lordly stream--"achilles of rivers," as winthrop called it. it is difficult to describe the charm of this trip. residents of the east pronounce it superior to the hudson, and travelers assert there is nothing like it in the old world. it is simply delicious to those escaped from the heat and dust of their far-off homes to embark on this noble stream and steam smoothly down past frowning headlands and "rocks with carven imageries," bluffs lined with pine trees, vivid green, past islands and falls, and distant views of snowy peaks. there is no trip like it on the coast, and for a river excursion there is not its equal in the united states. the isle of the dead. twelve miles below "the dalles" there is a lonely, rugged island anchored amid stream. it is bare, save for a white monument which rises from its rocky breast. no living thing, no vestige of verdure, or tree, or shrub, appears. and captain mcnulty, as he stood at the wheel and steadied the "queen," said: "that monument? it's victor trevet's. of course you never heard of him, but he was a great man, all the same, here in oregon in the old times. queer he was, and no mistake. member of one of the early legislatures; sort of a general peacemaker; everybody went to him with their troubles, and when he said a lawsuit didn't go, it didn't, and he always stuck up for the indians, and always called his own kind 'dirty mean whites.' i used to think that was put on, and maybe it was, but anyhow that's the way he used to talk. and a hundred times he has said to me, 'john, when i die, i want to be buried on memaloose isle.' that's the 'isle of the dead,' which we just passed, and has been from times away back the burial place of the chinook indians. it's just full of 'em. and i says to him, 'now, vic., it's fame your after.' 'john,' says he, 'i'll tell you: i'm not indifferent to glory; and there's many a big gun laid away in the cemetery that people forget in a year, and his grave's never visited after a few turns of the wheel; but if i rest on memaloose isle, i'll not be forgotten while people travel this river. and another thing: you know, john, the dirty, mean whites stole the indian's burial ground and built portland there. everyday the papers have an account of mr. bigbug's proposed palace, and how indian bones were turned up in the excavation. i won't be buried alongside any such dirty, mean thieves. and i'll tell you further, john, that it may be if i am laid away among the indians, when the great day comes i can slip in kind of easy. they ain't going to have any such a hard time as the dirty whites will have, and maybe i won't be noticed, and can just slide in quiet along with their crowd.' "and i tell you," said the honest captain, as he swung the "queen" around a sharp headland, and the monument and island vanished, "he has got his wish. he don't lay among the whites, and there isn't a day in summer when the name of vic. trevet ain't mentioned, either on yon train or on a boat, just as i am telling it to you now. when he died in san francisco five years ago, some of his old friends had him brought back to 'the dalles,' and one lovely sunday (being an off day) we buried him on memaloose isle, and then we put up the monument. his earthly immortality is safe and sure, for that stone will stand as long as the island stays. she's eight feet square at the base, built of the native rock right on the island, then three feet of granite, then a ten-foot column. it cost us $ , , and vic. is bricked up in a vault underneath. yes, sir, he's there for sure till resurrection day. queer idea? why, blame it all, if he thought he could get in along with the chinooks it's all right, ain't it? don't want a man to lose any chances, do you?" [illustration: multnomah falls, columbia river, ore. on the union pacific ry.] so much has been said of this mighty river that the preconceived idea of the tourist is of a surging flood of unknown depth rushing like a mountain torrent. the plain facts are that the lower columbia is rather a placid stream, with a sluggish current, and the channel shoals up to eight feet, then falling to twelve, fifteen and seventeen feet, and suddenly dropping to feet of water and over. in the spring months it will rise from twenty-five to forty feet, leaving driftwood high up among the trees on the banks. the tide ebbs and flows at portland from eighteen inches to three feet, according to season, and this tidal influence is felt, in high water, as far up as the cascades. it is fifty miles of glorious beauty from "the dalles" to the cascades. here we leave the steamer and take a narrow-gauge railway for six miles around the magnificent rapids. at the foot of the cascades we board a twin boat, fitted up with equal taste and comfort. the middle columbia. swinging once more down stream we pass hundreds of charming spots, sixty miles of changeful beauty all the way to portland; multnomah falls, a filmy veil of water falling feet into a basin on the hillside and then feet to the river; past the rocky walls of cape horn, towering up a thousand feet; past that curious freak of nature, rooster rock, and the palisades; past fort vancouver, where grant and sheridan were once stationed, and just at sunset leaving the columbia, which by this time has broadened into noble dimensions, we ascend the willamette twelve miles to portland. and the memory of that day's journey down the lordly river will remain a gracious possession for years to come. the legend of the cascades. there is a quaint indian legend concerning the cascades to the effect that away back in the forgotten times there was a natural bridge across the river--the water flowing under one arch. the great spirit had made this bridge very beautiful for his red children; it was firm, solid earth, and covered with trees and grass. the two great giants who sat always glowering at each other from far away (mount adams and mount hood) quarreled terribly once on a time, and the sky grew black with their smoke and the earth trembled with their roaring. and in their rage and fury they began to throw great stones and huge mountain boulders at one another. this great battle lasted for days, and when the smoke and the thunderings had passed away and the sun shone peacefully again, the people came back once more. but there was no bridge there. pieces of rock made small islands above the lost bridge, but below that the river fretted and shouted and plunged over jagged and twisted boulders for miles down the stream, throwing the spray high in air, madly spending its strength in treacherous whirlpools and deep seductive currents--ever after to be wrathful, complaining, dangerous. the stoutest warrior could not live in that terrible torrent. so the beautiful bridge was lost, destroyed in this titan battle, but far down in the water could be seen many of the stately trees which the great spirit caused to remain there as a token of the bridge. these he turned to stone, and they are there even unto this day. the theory of the scientists, of course, runs counter to the pretty legend. science usually does destroy poetry, and they tell us that a part of the mountain slid into the river, thus accounting for the remnant of a forest down in the deep water. moreover, pieces which have been recovered show the wood to be live timber, and not petrified, as the poetic fiction has it. the columbia has not changed in the centuries, but flows in the same channel here as when in the remote ages the lava, overflowing, cut out a course and left its pathway clear for all time. below the lower cascades a sea-coral formation is found, grayish in color and not very pretty, but showing conclusively its sea formation. sandstone is also at times uncovered, showing that this was made by sea deposit before the lava flowed down upon it. this oregon country is said to be the largest lava district in the world. the basaltic formations in the volcanic lands of sicily and italy are famous for their richness, and oregon holds out the same promise for agriculture. the lava formation runs from portland to spokane falls, as far north as tacoma, and south as far as snake river--all basaltic formation overlaid with an incomparably rich soil. [illustration: bridal veil falls, columbia river, ore. on the union pacific ry.] the trip from portland by rail to "the dalles," if the tourist should chance not to arrive in portland by the union pacific line from the east, will be found charming. it is eighty-eight miles distant. multnomah falls is reached in thirty-two miles; bonneville, forty-one miles, at the foot of the cascades; five miles farther is the stupendous government lock now in process of building around the rapids; hood river, sixty-six miles, where tourists leave for the ascent of mount hood. it is about forty miles through a picturesque region to the base of the mountain. then from hood river, an ice-cold stream, twenty-two miles into "the dalles," where the steamer may be taken for the return trip. in this eighty-eight miles from portland to "the dalles" there are twelve miles of trestles and bridges. the railway follows the columbia's brink the entire distance to within a few miles of the city. the scenery is impressively grand; the bluffs, if they may be so called, are bold promontories attaining majestic heights. one timber shute, where the logs come whizzing into the river with the velocity of a cannon-ball, is , feet long, and it is claimed a log makes the trip in twenty seconds. the lower columbia. _second tour_.--while the upper columbia abounds in scenery of wild and picturesque beauty, the tourist must by no means neglect a trip down the lower river from portland to astoria and ilwaco, and return. the facilities now offered by the union pacific in its splendid fleet of steamers render this a delightful excursion. on a clear day, one may enjoy at the junction of the willamette with the columbia a very wonderful sight--five mountain peaks are on view: st. helens, mt. jefferson, mt. adams, mt. hood, and mt. rainier. st. helens, queen of the cascade range, a fair and graceful cone. exquisite mantling snows sweep along her shoulders toward the bristling pines. not far from her base, the columbia crashes through the mountains in a magnificent chasm, and mt. hood, the vigorous prince of the range, rises in a keen pyramid some , feet. small villages and landing-places line the shores, almost too numerous to mention. there are, of the more important, st. johns, st. helens, columbia city, kalama, rainier, westport, cathlamet, knappa, and astoria at the mouth, a busy place of , people. salmon canneries there are without number. it is about miles by the chart from portland to astoria. across the bay is the pretty town of ilwaco. ft. canby and cape disappointment look across to ft. stevens and point adams. from astoria, one may drive eighteen miles to clatsop beach, famous for its clams, crab, and trout, and ben holliday's hotel. but the fullest enjoyment is obtained by making a round trip, including a lay-over at ilwaco all night, and returning to portland next day, and sleeping on board the boat. a railway runs from the town to the outside beach, a mile and a half distant. there is a drive twenty-five miles long up this long beach to shoal water bay, which is beautiful beyond description. this district is the great supply point for oysters, heavy shipments being made as far south as san francisco. sea bathing, both here and at clatsop beach, is very fine. the boats of the union pacific ry. on the columbia leave nothing to be desired. the "t.j. potter," a magnificent side-wheel steamer, made her first trip in july, . she is feet long, feet beam, and feet hold, with a capacity of passengers. the saloon and state-rooms are fitted with every convenience, and handsomely decorated. the "potter" was built entirely in portland, and the citizens naturally take great pride in the superb vessel. in august, , this steamer made the run from her berth at portland to the landing stage at astoria in five hours and thirty-one minutes. then there are two night passenger boats from portland down, the "r.r. thompson" and the "s.g. reed," both stern-wheelers of large size, spacious, roomy boats, well appointed in every particular. the thompson is feet long, feet beam, and , tons measurement. in addition to these, there are two day mail passenger and freight boats; they handle the way traffic; the larger boats above mentioned make the run direct from portland to astoria without any landings. some random notes. a mistaken idea has possessed many tourists that the puget sound steamers start from portland; they leave tacoma for all points on the sound, and tacoma is about miles by rail from portland. one steamer sails every twelfth day from portland to seattle. one steamer per month leaves portland for alaska, but she touches at port townsend before proceeding north. one steamship leaves tacoma for alaska during the season of , about every fifteen days, from june to september. the ocean steamers sail every fourth day from portland to san francisco. there are semi-weekly boats between portland and corvallis, and tri-weekly between portland and salem. on the sound there are three boats each way, daily (except sunday), between tacoma and seattle; one boat each way, daily (except sunday), between tacoma and victoria; one boat each way, daily (except sunday), between seattle and whatcom, and one boat, daily (except sunday), between whatcom and seminahmoo. only one class of tickets is sold on the river and sound boats; on the ocean steamers there are two classes: cabin and steerage. the steerage passengers on the ocean steamers have a dining-room separate from the first-class passengers--on the lower deck--and are given abundance of wholesome food, tea and coffee. on river and sound boats, a ticket does not include meals and berths, but it does on the ocean voyage, or the alaska trip. the usual price for meals is cents, and they will be found uniformly excellent. breakfast, lunch, and a o'clock dinner are served. the price of berths on these boats runs from cents for a single berth to $ per day for the bridal chamber. no liquors of any kind are kept on sale on any river or sound steamer, but a small stock of the best brands will be found on the ocean steamers. state-rooms on the river and sound steamers are provided with one double lower and one single upper berth. passengers can, if they choose, purchase the full accommodation of a state-room. the steerage capacity of each of the three ocean steamers is about . the diagram of the ocean steamers and the night boats to astoria can always be found at the union ticket office of the union pacific railway in portland, corner first and oak streets. tourists receive more than an ordinary amount of attention on these steamers, more than is possible to pay them on a railway train. the pursers will be found polite and obliging, always ready to point out places of interest and render those little attentions which go so far toward making travel pleasant. on river and sound boats, the forward cabin is generally the smoking-room, the cabin amidships is used for a "social hall," and the "after saloon" is always the ladies' cabin. all union pacific steamers in the ocean service are heated with steam and lighted with electricity; all have pianos and a well-selected library. the beds on these boats are well-nigh perfect, woven-wire springs and heavy mattresses. they are kept scrupulously clean--the company is noted for that--and the steerage is as neat as the main saloon. one hundred and fifty pounds of baggage is allowed free on board both boats and trains. boats leaving terminal points at any time between p.m. and a.m., arrange so that passengers can go on board after p.m. and retire to their state-rooms, thus enjoying an unbroken night's rest. sea-sickness is never met with on the sound, and very rarely on the voyage from portland to san francisco. on the pacific, the ship is never out of sight of land, and the sea is as smooth as a mill-pond. the heaviest swell encountered is going over the columbia river bar. the ocean is uniformly placid during the summer months. the trip, with its freedom from the dust, rush, and roar of a train, and the inexorable restraint one always feels on the cars, is a delightful one, and with larger comforts and more luxurious surroundings, one enjoys the added pleasure of courteous and thoughtful service from the various officers of the ship. taking the "columbia" as a sample of the class of steamships in the union pacific fleet, we notice that she is feet long, , horse-power, nearly , tonnage, has state-rooms, and can accommodate saloon and steerage passengers. steam heat and electric light are used. in the first plant from edison's factory was put on board the "columbia," at that time a great curiosity, she being the first ship to use the incandescent light. [illustration: crater lake, ore. reached via the union pacific ry.] crater lake. crater lake is situate in the northwestern portion of klamath county, oregon, and is best reached by leaving the southern pacific railroad at medford, which is miles south of portland, and about ninety miles from the lake, which can be reached by a very good wagon road. the lake is about six miles wide by seven miles long, but it is not its size which is its beauty or its attraction. the surface of the water in the lake is , feet above the level of the sea, and is surrounded by cliffs or walls from , to over , feet in height, and which are scantily covered with timber, and which offer at but one point a way of reaching the water. the depth of the water is very great, and it is very transparent, and of a deep blue color. toward the southwestern portion of the lake is wizard island, feet high, circular in shape, and slightly covered with timber. in the top of this island is a depression, or crater--the witches' caldron-- feet deep, and feet in diameter, which was evidently the last smoking chimney of a once mighty volcano, and which is now covered within, as without, with volcanic rocks. north of this island, and on the west side of the lake, is llao rock, reaching to a height of , feet above the water, and so perpendicular that a stone may be dropped from its summit to the waters at its base, nearly one-half mile below. so far below the surrounding mountains is the surface of the waters in this lake, that the mountain breezes but rarely ripple them; and looking from the surrounding wall, the sky and cliffs are seen mirrored in the glassy surface, and it is with difficulty the eye can distinguish the line where the cliffs leave off and their reflected counterfeits begin. oregon national park. townships , , , , and , in ranges and east of the willamette meridian, are asked to be set apart as the oregon national park. this area contains crater lake and its approaches. the citizens of oregon unanimously petitioned the president for the reservation of this park, and a bill in conformity with the petition passed the united states senate in february, . * * * * * _third tour_.--from portland to port townsend, seattle, and tacoma. washington is miles long by about wide. the first actual settlement by americans was made at tumwater in . prior to this, the country was known only to trappers and fur traders. territorial government was organized in , and washington was admitted as a state, november, . the state is almost inexhaustibly rich in coal and lumber, and has frequently been called the "pennsylvania of the pacific coast." the precious metals are also found in abundance in many districts. the yield of wheat is prodigious. apples, pears, apricots, plums, prunes, peaches, cherries, grapes, and all berries flourish in the greatest profusion. certain it is that there is no other locality where trees bear so early and surely as here, and where the fruit is of greater excellence, and where there are so few drawbacks. at the centennial exposition, washington territory fruit-tables were the wonder of visitors and an attractive feature of the grand display. this territory carried off seventeen prizes in a competitive contest where thirty-three states were represented. it is a pleasant journey of miles through the pine forests from portland to tacoma. any one of the splendid steamers of the union pacific may be taken for a trip to victoria. leaving tacoma in the morning, we sail over that noble sheet of water, puget sound. the hills on either side are darkly green, the sound widening slowly as we go. seattle is reached in three hours, a busy town of , people, full of vim, push, and energy. twenty million dollars' worth of property went up in flame and smoke in seattle's great fire of june , . the ashes were scarcely cold when her enthusiastic citizens began to build anew, better, stronger, and more beautiful than before. a city of brick, stone, and iron has arisen, monumental evidence of the energy, pluck, and perseverance of the people, and of their fervent faith in the future of seattle. then port townsend, with its beautiful harbor and gently sloping bluffs, "the city of destiny," beyond all doubt, of any of the towns on the sound. favored by nature in many ways, townsend has the finest roadstead and the best anchorage ground in these waters, and this must tell in the end, when advantages for sea trade are considered. victoria, b.c., is reached in the evening, and we sleep that night in her majesty's dominions. the next day may be spent very pleasantly in driving and walking about the city, a handsome town of , people. [illustration: cascades, from the oregon shore, columbia river. on the union pacific ry.] a thorough system of macadamized roads radiates from victoria, furnishing about miles of beautiful drives. many of these drives are lined with very handsome suburban residences, surrounded with lawns and parks. esquimalt, near victoria, has a fine harbor. this is the british naval station where several iron-clads are usually stationed. there is also an extensive dry-dock, hewn out of the solid rock, capacious enough to receive large vessels. in the evening after dinner, one can return to the steamer and take possession of a stateroom, for the boat leaves at four in the morning. when breakfast time comes we are well on our return trip, and moving past port townsend again. the majestic straits of fuca, through which we have passed, are well worth a visit; it is a taste of being at sea without any discomfort, for the water is without a ripple. as we steam homeward there is a vision which has been described for all time by a master hand. "one becomes aware of a vast, white shadow in the water. it is a giant mountain dome of snow in the depths of tranquil blue. the smoky haze of an oregon august hid all the length of its lesser ridges and left this mighty summit based upon uplifting dimness. only its splendid snows were visible high in the unearthly regions of clear, noonday sky. kingly and alone stood this majesty without any visible comrade, though far to the north and south there were isolated sovereigns. this regal gem the christians have dubbed mount rainier, but more melodious is its indian name, 'tacoma.'" a legend of tacoma. theodore winthrop, in his own brilliant way, tells a quaint legend of tacoma, as related to him by a frowsy siwash at nisqually. "tamanous," among the native indians of this section, is a vague and half-personified type of the unknown and mysterious forces of nature. there is the one all-pervading tamanous, but there are a thousand emanations, each one a tamanous with a small "t." each indian has his special tamanous, who thus becomes "the guide, philosopher, and friend" of every siwash. the tamanous, or totem, types himself as a salmon, a beaver, an elk, a canoe, a fir-tree, and so on indefinitely. in some of its features this legend resembles strongly the immortal story of rip van winkle; it may prove interesting as a study in folk-lore. "avarice, o, boston tyee!" quoth the siwash, studying me with dusky eyes, "is a mighty passion. know you that our first circulating medium was shells, a small perforated shell not unlike a very opaque quill toothpick, tapering from the middle, and cut square at both ends. we string it in many strands and hang it around the neck of one we love--namely, each man his own neck. and with this we buy what our hearts desire. hiaqua, we call it, and he who has most hiaqua is wisest and best of all the dwellers on the sound. "now, in old times there dwelt here an old man, a mighty hunter and fisherman. and he worshipped hiaqua. and always this old man thought deeply and communed with his wisdom, and while he waited for elk or salmon he took advice within himself from his demon--he talked with tamanous. and always his question was, 'how may i put hiaqua in my purse?' but never had tamanous revealed to him the secret. there loomed tacoma, so white and glittering that it seemed to stare at him very terribly and mockingly, and to know of his shameful avarice, and how it led him to take from starving women their cherished lip and nose jewels of hiaqua, and give them in return tough scraps of dried elk-meat and salmon. his own peculiar tamanous was the elk. one day he was hunting on the sides of tacoma, and in that serene silence his tamanous began to talk to his soul. 'listen!' said tamanous--and then the great secret of untold wealth was revealed to him. he went home and made his preparations, told his old, ill-treated squaw he was going for a long hunt, and started off at eventide. the next night he camped just below the snows of tacoma, but sunrise and he struck the summit together, for there, tamanous had revealed to him, was hiaqua--hiaqua that should make him the greatest and richest of his tribe. he looked down and saw a hollow covered with snow, save at the centre, where a black lake lay deep in a well of purple rock, and at one end of the lake were three large stones or monuments. down into the crater sprang the miser, and the morning sunshine followed him. he found the first stone shaped like a salmon head; the second like a kamas root, and the third, to his great joy, was the carven image of an elk's head. this was his own tamanous, and right joyous was he at the omen, so taking his elk-horn pick he began to dig right sturdily at the foot of the monument. at the sound of the very first blow he made, thirteen gigantic otters came out of the black lake and, sitting in a circle, watched him. and at every thirteenth blow they tapped the ground with their tails in concert the miser heeded them not, but labored lustily for hours. at last, overturning a thin scale of rock, he found a square cavity filled to the brim with hiaqua. "he was a millionaire. "the otters retired to a respectful distance, recognizing him as a favorite of tamanous. "he reveled in the treasure, exulting. deep as he could plunge his arm, there was still more hiaqua below. it was strung upon elk sinews, fifty shells on a string. but he saw the noon was passed, so he prepared to depart. he loaded himself with countless strings of hiaqua, by fifties and hundreds, so that he could scarcely stagger along. not a string did he hang on the tamanous of the elk, or the salmon, or the kamas--not one--but turned eagerly toward his long descent. at once all the otters plunged back into the lake and began to beat the waters with their tails; a thick, black mist began to rise threateningly. terrible are the storms in the mountains--and tamanous was in this one. instantly the fierce whirlwind overtook the miser. he was thrown down and flung over icy banks, but he clung to his precious burden. utter night was around him, and in every crash and thunder of the gale was a growing undertone which he well knew to be the voice of tamanous. floating upon this undertone were sharper tamanous voices, shouting and screaming, always sneeringly, 'ha, ha, hiaqua!--ha, ha, ha!' whenever the miser attempted to continue his descent the whirlwind caught him and tossed him hither and thither, flinging him into a pinching crevice, burying him to the eyes in a snow drift, throwing him on jagged boulders, or lacerating him on sharp lava jaws. but he held fast to his hiaqua. the blackness grew ever deeper and more crowded with perdition; the din more impish, demoniac, and devilish; the laughter more appalling; and the miser more and more exhausted with vain buffeting. he at last thought to propitiate exasperated tamanous, and threw away a string of hiaqua. but the storm was renewed blacker, louder, crueler than before. string by string he parted with his treasure, until at the last, sorely wounded, terrified, and weak, with a despairing cry, he cast from him the last vestige of wealth, and sank down insensible. [illustration: rooster rock, columbia river, ore. on the union pacific ry.] "it seemed a long slumber to him, but at last he woke. he was upon the very spot whence he started at morning. he felt hungry, and made a hearty breakfast of the chestnut-like bulbs of the kamas root, and took a smoke. reflecting on the events of yesterday, he became aware of an odd change in his condition. he was not bruised and wounded, as he expected, but very stiff only, and his joints creaked like the creak of a lazy paddle on the rim of a canoe. his hair was matted and reached a yard down his back. 'tamanous,' thought the old man. but chiefly he was conscious of a mental change. he was calm and content. hiaqua and wealth seemed to have lost their charm for him. tacoma, shining like gold and silver and precious stones of gayest lustre, seemed a benign comrade and friend. all the outer world was cheerful, and he thought he had never wakened to a fresher morning. he rose and started on his downward way, but the woods seemed strangely transformed since yesterday; just before sunset he came to the prairie where his lodge used to be; he saw an old squaw near the door crooning a song; she was decked with many strings of hiaqua and costly beads. it was his wife; and she told him he had been gone many, many years--she could not tell how many; that she had remained faithful and constant to him, and distracted her mind from the bitterness of sorrow by trading in kamas and magic herbs, and had thus acquired a genteel competence. but little cared the sage for such things; he, was rejoiced to be at home and at peace, and near his own early gains of hiaqua and treasure buried in a place of security. he imparted whatever he possessed--material treasures or stores of wisdom and experience--freely to all the land. every dweller came to him for advice how to spear the salmon, chase the elk, or propitiate tamanous. he became the great medicine man of the siwashes and a benefactor to his tribe and race. within a year after he came down from his long nap on the side of tacoma, a child, my father, was born to him. the sage lived many years, revered and beloved, and on his death-bed told this history to my father as a lesson and a warning. my father dying, told it to me. but i, alas! have no son; i grow old, and lest this wisdom perish from the earth, and tamanous be again obliged to interpose against avarice, i tell the tale to thee, o boston tyee. mayst thou and thy nation not disdain this lesson of an earlier age, but profit by it and be wise!" so far the siwash recounted his legend without the palisades of fort nisqually, and motioning, in expressive pantomime, at the close, that he was dry with big talk and would gladly "wet his whistle." the town of tacoma contains about , inhabitants, and is in a highly prosperous condition. from here one may start on the grand alaskan tour, winding up through all the wonders of sound and strait, bay and ocean, to the far north summerland--a trip of most entrancing interest. the return from tacoma to portland may be made by either rail or boat. so much has already been said in preceding pages about puget sound that it would seem the subject might be somewhat overdone. but it still remains to be said that justice can never be done to the scenic glories of this beautiful inland sea. the views from different points, and from almost every point on the sound, are of sublime grandeur. on the east are the cascade mountains, ranging from , to , feet in height, mount rainier for tacoma, (as it is also called) being of the latter altitude, and only third in height of the mountains of the united states. on the west are the olympic mountains, the highest peaks of which reach up to , feet. both ranges, brilliantly snow-crowned, are within view at the same time from various points, and the scenery in its entirety, with its continual changefulness and features of sublimity, can not be excelled. strangers and travelers who have visited every part of the world never leave the deck of the steamers while going through the waters of the sound country. in noting a single feature, mount rainier, senator george f. edmunds wrote as follows: "i have been through the swiss mountains, and am compelled to own that there is no comparison between the finest effects exhibited there and what is seen in approaching this grand and isolated mountain. i would be willing to go miles again to see that scene. the continent is yet in ignorance of what will be one of the grandest show places, as well as sanitariums. if switzerland is rightly called the play-ground of europe, i am satisfied that around the base of mt. rainier will become a prominent place of resort, not for america only, but for the world besides, with thousands of sites for building purposes that are nowhere excelled for the grandeur of the view that can be obtained from them, with topographical features that would make the most perfect system of drainage both possible and easy, and with a most agreeable and health-giving climate." a more enthusiastic writer says: "puget sound scenery is the grandest scenery in the world. one has here in combination the sublimity of switzerland, the picturesqueness of the rhine, the rugged beauty of norway, the breezy variety of the thousand islands of the st. lawrence, or the hebrides of the north sea, the soft, rich-toned skies of italy, the pastoral landscape of england, with velvet meadows and magnificent groves, massed with floral bloom, and the blending tints and bold color of the new england indian summer. features with which nothing within the vision of another city can be placed in comparison are the olympic range of mountains in front of seattle, and the sublime snow peaks of the rainier, baker, adams, and st. helens, with their glaciers and robes of eternal white, and the great falls of the snoqualmie, feet high, near by." [illustration: mount st. helens, washington, from near mouth of the willamette river. reached via the union pacific ry.] the geography and topography of this sheet are alone a wonder and a study. glance upon the map. the elements of earth and water seem to have struggled for dominion one over the other. the strait of juan de fuca and the gulf of georgia to the south narrow into admiralty inlet; the inlet penetrates the very heart of the territory, cutting the land into most grotesque shapes, circling and twisting into a hundred minor inlets, into which flow a hundred rivers, fed in their turn by myriads of smaller creeks and bayous--a veritable network of lakes, streams, peninsulas, and islands which, with the mountain ranges backing the landscapes on either hand, can not fail to be picturesque in the extreme. here on the placid bosom of this inland sea, the pleasure seeker can enjoy all the delights and exhilarating influences of ocean travel without its inconveniences. no sea sickness, no proneness to reflect on "to be or not to be," but, amid the bracing breezes, the steady, easy glide of the commodious steamer over pleasant waters, takes him through scenes as fair as the poet's brightest dreams. this "mediterranean of the pacific" throughout its length and breadth is adorned with heavily-wooded and fantastically-formed islands. the giant firs are the tallest and straightest in the world. here the "great eastern" came for her masts, and here thousands of ships obtain their spars yearly. to repeat, the scenery is indeed something unsurpassed. a ride over these placid waters, in and out, around rocky headlands, among woody mountains, along beautiful beaches and graceful tongues of velvety meadows--all 'neath the shadows of towering, snow-clad peaks, is a delight worth days of travel to experience. it enraptures the artist and enthuses even ordinarily prosy folks. there is no single feature wanting to make of such places as tacoma, seattle, and port townsend, the most delightful and agreeable watering places in the world. surrounded by magnificent and picturesque scenery, with beautiful drives and lovely bays for yachting purposes, with splendid fishing and sport of every description to be had, with a climate that would charm a misanthrope, why should they not become the favorite resorts on the great west coast? these facts led to the building of the magnificent hotel tacoma, at a cost of a quarter of a million dollars. other such caravansaries will follow, and in time puget sound will be famous the world over for its incomparable attractions for the health and pleasure seeker. the average traveler has but a faint idea of the wonderful resources of this grand empire. puget sound has about , miles of shore line, and all along this long stretch is one vast and almost unbroken forest of enormous trees. the forests are so vast that, although the saw-mills have been ripping , , feet of lumber out of them every year for the past ten years, the spaces made by these inroads seem no more than garden patches. an official estimate places the amount of standing timber in that area at , , , feet, or a thousand years' supply, even at the enormous rate the timber is now being felled and sawed. in the vicinity of olympia, the capital of washington, are a number of popular resorts for sportsmen and campers--beautiful lakes filled with voracious trout, and streams alive with the speckled mountain beauties. the forests abound in bear and deer, while grouse, pheasants, quail, and water-fowl afford fine sport to the hunter of small game. the new empire of eastern washington. the recent extensions of the union pacific system have aided in the most important way the development of the richest and most fertile lands of eastern washington. the great plains of the upper columbia, stretching from the river away to the far north, are incomparably rich, the soil of great depth and wondrous fertility, rainless harvests, and a luxuriance of farm and garden produce which is almost tropical in its wealth. this favored region has been for years known as the palouse country, and is reached from portland via pendleton, on the main line of the union pacific ry. from pendleton to spokane falls on the north the soil is rich beyond belief; a black, loamy deposit so deep that it seems well-nigh inexhaustible. this heavy soil predominates in the valleys, and while the uplands are not so rich, still immense crops of wheat are raised. for hundreds of miles on this new division of the union pacific the country is a perfect garden land of wheat and fruit, and these farms are often of mammoth proportions. here are , , acres of land possessing all the requirements and advantages of climate and soil for the making of one vast wheat-field. the enormous yield of , , bushels of wheat has been harvested in one valley. the authentic figures of the crop yield in this splendid country seem almost incredible. fifty thousand bushels of wheat have been raised on , acres of land. as low as bushels and as high as - / bushels of wheat to the acre have been harvested in this section. the average covered seems to be from to bushels per acre, and no fertilizers of any sort being required. the berry in its full maturity is very solid, weighing from to pounds per bushel, this being from five to nine pounds over standard weight. while wheat is the staple product, oats are also grown, the yield being very heavy. rye, barley, and flax are also successfully cultivated. clover, bunch-grass, and alfalfa grow finely. in the growing of fruits and vegetables this grand empire of eastern washington is quite unsurpassed. at one of the recent agricultural fairs a farmer exhibited varieties of fruits, vegetables, and cereals. these included the best qualities of yellow nansemond sweet potatoes, mammoth melons of all varieties, eggplant, sorghum and syrup cane, broom-corn, tobacco, grapes, cotton, peanuts, and many other things, some of which do not attain to so high a degree of excellence elsewhere farther north than the carolinas. peaches, apples, and prunes of superior quality delighted the eye. peaches had been marketed continuously, from, the same orchards, from the th of july to the th of october. there were hanging in the pavilion diplomas awarded at the new orleans exposition to citizens in this valley for exhibits of the best qualities and greatest varieties of corn, wheat, oats, barley, and hops. the advantage to the farmer of rainless harvesting months is obvious. the wheat is all harvested by headers, leaving the straw on the ground for its enrichment. thus binding, hauling, and sacking are largely dispensed with. the grain, when threshed, is piled on the ground in jute sacks, saving the expense of granaries and hauling to and from them. these jute sacks cost for each bushel of grain about cents, which is far less than farmers elsewhere are subjected to in hauling their grain to and from granaries and through a system of elevators until it reaches shipboard. here, as well as in western washington, most vegetables grow to an enormous size, and are of superior quality when compared with the same varieties grown in the east. those kinds that require much heat, as melons, tobacco, peppers, egg-plants, etc., grow to great perfection. the root crops--beets, carrots, parsnips, potatoes, turnips, etc.--yield prodigiously on the fertile bottom-land soils, without much care besides ordinary cultivation. the table beet soon gets too large for the dinner-pot. it is nothing unusual for a garden beet to weigh ten pounds, and they often grow to eighteen or twenty pounds' weight. mangel wurzel, the stock beet, sometimes grows to forty and fifty pounds' weight, if given room and proper cultivation. they may easily be made to produce twenty-five tons per acre on good soil. all other vegetables, such as parsnips, carrots, peas, beans, tomatoes, onions, cabbages, celery, and cauliflower, are perfectly at home on every farm of eastern washington. market gardening is becoming quite an important pursuit, and holds out particularly high inducements to the farmer, because of the superb market now afforded by the non-producing mineral and timber regions, easily accessible in this and adjacent territories. there are over , square miles of arable land in this magnificent region, and there has never been a crop failure since its settlement. outside of government lands prices range at from $ to $ per acre for unimproved, and from $ to $ for improved lands. [illustration: horse tail falls, ore. on the union pacific ry.] along the line of union pacific in this grand new empire will be found many energetic, thriving young towns, all possessing those social and educational facilities which are now a part of every western village. pendleton, on the main line, is a wide-awake, bustling young city, situated in a fine agricultural district. walla walla, athena, weston, waitsburg, dayton, pullman, garfield, latah, tekoa, colfax, moscow, farmington, and rockford are all thriving towns, and are already good distributing centers. the last-named town enjoys the advantage of being in the center of a fine lumber district, and within a circuit of five miles from rockford there are ten saw-mills, besides an inexhaustible supply of mica. crossing the border into idaho, rich silver and lead mines are found along the coeur d'alene river. rockford is twenty-four miles from spokane falls, and has about , population; its elevation is , feet. four miles distant is the boundary of the coeur d'alene reservation, a lovely tract, thirty by seventy miles in extent, embracing beautiful coeur d'alene lake and the three rivers, st. joseph, st. marys, and coeur d'alene, which empty into it. there about indians on this reservation, and they enjoy the proud distinction of being the only tribe who refuse government aid. they have been offered the usual rations, but preferred to remain independent. they live in houses, farm quite extensively, and use all kinds of improved farm machinery; many of them are quite wealthy. the lake is one of the prettiest sheets of water on the continent; its waters are full of salmon, and in the heavy pine woods are many varieties of game, from quail to grizzly bear and elk. the town of rockford will in the near future assume importance as a tourist point, both from its own healthy and picturesque location, and its nearness to coeur d'alene lake. a government commission is now at work on a settlement with the indians, whereby the whole or a part of this noble domain will be thrown open to the public. the peculiar attractions of coeur d'alene must in a short time render it a much sought for resort. spokane falls is one of those miracles possible only in the alert, aggressive west. when mr. hayes was inaugurated it was a blank wilderness. not a single civilized being lived within a hundred miles of it. one day in a white man came along in a "bull team," saw the wild rapids and the mighty falls of the spokane river, reflected on the history of st. paul and minneapolis with their little falls of st. anthony, looked at the tide of immigration just turning toward the farther northwest, and concluded he would sit right down where he was and wait for a city to grow around him. this far-sighted pioneer is still living within earshot of those rumbling falls, and they make a cheerful music for him. the city is there with him, , people, and he can draw a check to-day good for $ , , . for several years his eyes fell on nothing but gravel-beds and foamy waters. now, as he looks around, he sees mills and factories, railroad lines to the north, south, east, and west, churches, theatres, school-houses, costly dwellings and stores, paved streets, and all that makes living easy and comfortable. the greater part of this has come within his vision since . but even then there was quite a village. after this pioneer had spent a lonely year or two on his homestead, two other men came along. they were friends, who, upon an outing, had chanced to meet. they were captivated by the waterfall, and by what the pioneer told them of the fine fanning lands in the adjacent country, and they offered each to take a third of his holding. then they began to advertise, and to place adventurous farmers on homestead claims. they were wise in their day and generation, and they worked harder to fill the country with grain-producers than to sell real estate around the falls. they soon had their reward. the merchants were quickly provided with store-houses, rental values were kept low, every inducement was offered that could possibly stimulate building activity, and in three years the farming country was made to perceive that spokane was its natural point of entry and of shipment. the turbulent waters of the spokane river, a clear and beautiful mountain stream, were caught above the falls, and directed wherever the factories and mills that had been established above them required their services. four large flouring-mills quickly took advantage of the rich opportunity growing out of this unique situation. from two enormous agricultural areas they are enabled to draw their supplies of grain, flour, therefore, being manufactured for the farmers more cheaply at spokane: than anywhere else. this circumstance alone exercised a large influence in giving the new town a hold upon the country districts. these constitute more than a region--they are really a grand division of the state, and form what is known as the great plain of the columbia river. the coeur d'alene mines have reached a high and profitable state of development. these mines extend over a comparatively limited area. they are close together, and their ores, producing gold, silver, and lead, are all similar. their output for the last three years has been quite remarkable, and has placed the coeur d'alene district among the foremost lead-producing regions in the country. gold, associated with iron, and treated by the free-milling process, is largely found in the northern part of the district, but the greatest amount of tonnage is derived from the southern country, where the galena silver mines, a dozen or more in number, have been discovered. that minerals in large quantity existed in this country has been known for years. but the want of railroad facilities for a long while prevented any serious effort to get at them. the matter of transportation is now laid at rest, and within the last three years $ , , has been spent in development. the returns have already more than justified the investment. tributary to spokane, and reached by the various railroads now in operation, are five other mining districts, at colville, okanagan, kootenai, metaline, and pend d'oreille. they are in various stages of development, but their wealth and availability have been clearly ascertained. spokane's population, in a degree greater than that of most all these new cities, consists of young men and young women from the new england and middle states. they have enjoyed a remarkable and wholly uninterrupted period of prosperity. some of them have grown quickly and immensely rich from real estate operations, but the great majority have yet to realize on their investments because of the large sacrifices they have made in building up the city. they are to-day in an admirable position. as they have made money they have spent it; spent it in street railroads, in the laying out of drives, in the building of comfortable houses, in the establishment of electrical plants, and in a large number of local improvements, every one of which has borne its part in making the city attractive. wonderful vitality. it has been well said of spokane falls, that "it was another fire-devastated city that did not seem to know it was hurt." if washington can stand the loss of millions of dollars in its four great fires of the year, at cheney, ellensburg, seattle, and spokane, it is the strongest evidence that its recuperative powers have solid backing. it does seem to stand the loss, and actually thrive under it. the great fire at spokane falls on the th of august, , burned most of the business portion of the city. four hundred and fifty houses of brick, stone, and wood were destroyed, entailing a loss, according to the computation of the local agent of r.g. dun & co., of about $ , , . the insurance in the burned district amounted to $ , , . no people were ever in better condition to meet disaster, and none ever met it with braver hearts or with quicker and more resolute determination to survive the blow. the city was in the midst of a period of marvelous prosperity. its population was increasing rapidly, many fine buildings were in process of construction, its trade was extending over a vast region of country which was being penetrated by new railroads centering within its limits, and there were flowing to it the rich fruits of half a dozen prosperous mining districts. [illustration: oneonta gorge, columbia river, ore. on the union pacific ry.] its working people were all employed at good wages, and money was abundant with all classes. hardly had the sun of the day following the fire risen upon the scene of smoking desolation, when preparations began for rebuilding. it was felt at once that the city would be rebuilt more substantially and more handsomely than before. the rebuilding of spokane commenced on a very extensive scale; the city will be entirely restored within twelve months, and far more attractively than ever before. the class of buildings erected are of a very superior character. the new opera house has been modeled after the broadway theatre, new york; the new hotel spokane, a structure creditable not only to the city, but to the entire pacific northwest; five national bank buildings, at a cost of $ , each; upon the burned district have arisen buildings solid in substance, and beautiful architecturally, varying from five to seven stories in height, and costing all the way from $ , to $ , . this sturdy young giant of the north arises from her ashes stronger, more attractive, more substantial, than before. and there is abundant reason for solid faith in the future of spokane falls. it is the metropolis of a region , square miles in extent, including , square miles of washington, or all that portion east of the cascade mountains, more than half of idaho, the northern and eastern portions of oregon, a large part of montana, and as much of british columbia as would make a state as large as new york. it is the distributing point for the coeur d'alene, the colville, the kootenai, and the okanagan mining districts, all of which are in a prosperous condition, and all of which are yielding rich and growing tributes of trade. it has adjacent to it the finest wheat-growing country in the world, producing from to bushels per acre. it has adjacent to it a country equally rich in the production of fruits and vegetables. it has adjacent to it the finest meadow lands between the cascade and rocky mountains. it has adjacent to it extensive grazing lands, on which are hundreds of thousands of cattle, sheep, and horses. it has, adjacent to it, on lakes pend d'oreille and coeur d'alene, inexhaustible quantities of white pine, yellow pine, cedar and tamarack, the manufacturing of which into lumber is one of the important industries of the city, and a source of great future income. it has a power in the falls of the spokane river second to none in the united states, and capable of supplying construction room and power for different mills and manufactories. the entire electric lighting plant of the city, the cable railway system, the electric railway system, the machinery for the city water works, and all the mills and factories of the city--the amount of wheat which was last year ground into flour exceeding , tons--are now operated by the power from the falls. one company alone, the washington water power company, having a capital of $ , , , is now spending upward of $ , in the construction of flumes and other improvements for the accommodation of new mills and factories. most fortunately for the city, all the milling properties and improvements on the falls and along the river were saved from the fire. the city has a water-works system which cost nearly half a million dollars, and which is capable of supplying , , gallons daily, or as much as the supply of minneapolis when it had a population of , , or as much as the present supply of denver with a population of , , and more than the city of portland, oregon, with a population of , . a bird's-eye view of spokane falls. it requires no very profound knowledge of western geography, no very lengthy study of the state of washington, to enable anyone to understand without difficulty some of the minor reasons why spokane falls should become a great and important city, the metropolis of a vast surrounding country. a glance at the map will show the mountain range that extends up through the idaho panhandle, and then along the british columbia frontier, to the east and north of the city. these mountains are incalculably rich in ores of all kinds, and would amply suffice to make a denver of spokane falls, even if she had no other natural resources to draw from. the spokane river is the outlet of lake coeur d'alene, a sheet of water sixty miles by six, which is fed by the st. joseph, st. mary and coeur d'alene rivers, and which flows through a vast plain until it empties its waters into the columbia, the mississippi of the pacific coast. from its point of junction with the spokane, the columbia makes a big bend in its course until the snake river is reached, when it turns once more westward, and flows on to empty into the pacific ocean. south of the city, stretching westward for some distance from the mountains, and extending in a southerly direction to the clearwater and snake rivers, is a vast country comprising millions of acres, through which the palouse river and its tributary streams meander, and which is known as the palouse valley, a country of unlimited agricultural resources. in the center of all this immense territory is located spokane falls, like the hub in the center of a wheel. the word immense is not used unwittingly, for the mountains and plains and valleys make up a country that in europe would be called a nation, and in new england would form a state. only a far-off corner of the union, it may seem to some readers, yet there are powerful empires which possess less natural resources than it can call its own. the city itself lies on both sides of the spokane river, at the point where that stream, separated by rocky islands into five separate channels, rushes onward and downward, at first being merely a series of rapids, and then tumbling over the rocks in a number of beautiful and useful waterfalls, until the several streams unite once again for a final plunge of sixty feet, making a fall of feet in the distance of half a mile. this waterfall, with its immense power, would alone make a city; engineers have estimated its force at , horse-power, and it is so distributed that it can be easily utilized. [illustration: a fish wheel, columbia river. on the union pacific ry.] * * * * * _fourth tour_.--to alaska. the native islanders called the mainland "al-ay-ek-sa," which signifies "great country," and the word has been corrupted into "alaska." this immense empire, it will be remembered, was sold by russia to the united states october , , for $ , , . the country was discovered by vitus behring in . alaska has an area of , square miles, and is nearly one-fifth as large as all the other states and territories combined. it is larger than twelve states the size of new york. the best time to visit alaska is from may to september. the latter month is usually lovely, and the sea beautifully smooth, but the days begin to grow short. the trip occupies about twenty-five days. as the rainfall in alaska is usually very large, it naturally follows that an umbrella is a convenient companion. a gossamer for a lady and a mackintosh for a gentleman, and heavy shoes, and coarse, warm and comfortable clothing for both should be provided. there are no "palace" hotels in alaska. one will have no desire to remain over there a trip. the tourist goes necessarily when and where the steamer goes, will have an opportunity to see all there is of note or worth seeing in southeastern alaska. the steamer sometimes goes north as far as chilcat, say up to about the th degree of north latitude. the pleasure is not so much in the stopping as in the going. one is constantly passing through new channels, past new islands, opening up new points of interest, until finally a surfeit of the grand and magnificent in nature is reached. a correspondent of a western journal signing himself "emerald" has written a description of this alaskan tour in september, . it is so charmingly done, so fresh, so vivid, and so full of interesting detail, that it is given herewith entire: on steamship "george w. elder," puget sound, september, . we have all thought we were fairly appreciative of the wealth and wonders of uncle sam's domain. at niagara we have gloried in the belief that all the cataracts of other lands were tame; but we changed our mind when we stood on the brink of great shoshone falls. in yellowstone the proudest thought was that all the world's other similar wonders were commonplace; and at yosemite's inspiration point the unspeakable thrill of awe and delight was richly heightened by the grand idea that there was no such majesty or glory beyond either sea. but after all this, we now know that it yet remains for the alaskan trip to rightly round out one's appreciation and admiration of the size and grandeur of our native land. some of our most delighted _voyageurs_ are from portland, maine. when they had journeyed some , miles to omaha they imagined themselves at least half way across our continent. then, when they had finished that magnificent stretch of some , miles more from omaha to portland, oregon, in the palace cars of the union pacific, they were quite sure of it. of course, they confessed a sense of mingled disappointment and eager anticipation when they learned that they were yet less than half way. they learned what is a fact--that the extreme west coast of alaska is as far west of sitka as portland, maine, is east of portland, oregon, and the further fact that san francisco lacks , mile's of being as far west as uncle sam's "land's end," at extreme western alaska. it is a great country; great enough to contain one river--the yukon--about as large as the mississippi, and a coast line about twice as long as all the balance of the united states. it is twelve times as large as the state of new york, with resources that astonish every visitor, and a climate not altogether bad, as some would have it. the greatest trouble is that during the eighteen years it has been linked to our chain of territories it has been treated like a discarded offspring or outcast, cared for more by others than its lawful protector. but, like many a refugee, it is carving for itself a place which others will yet envy. but, to our trip. there are seven in our party, mainly from chicago. after a week of delightful mountaineering at idaho springs, in platte cañon, and other union pacific resorts in colorado, we indulged in that delicious plunge at garfield beach, salt lake, and, en route to portland over the union pacific ry., quaffed that all but nectar at soda springs, idaho, and dropped off a day to take a peep, at shoshone falls, which, in all seriousness, have attractions of which even our great niagara can not boast. we found that glorious dash down through the palisades of the columbia, and the sail, through the entrancing waterways of puget sound, a fitting prelude to our recent alaskan journey. the alaskan voyage is like a continuous dream of pleasure, so placid and quiet are the waters of the landlocked sea and so exquisitely beautiful the environment. the route keeps along the east shore of vancouver island its entire length, through the gulf of georgia, johnstone strait, and out into queen charlotte sound, where is felt the first swell of old ocean, and our staunch steamship "elder" was rocked in its cradle for about four hours. oftentimes we seemed to be bound by mountains on every side, with no hope of escape; but the faithful deck officer on watch would give his orders in clear, full tones that brought the bow to some passage leading to the great beyond. in narrow straits the steamer had to wait for the tide; then would she weave in and out, like a shuttle in a loom, among the buoys, leaving the black ones on the left and the red ones on the right, and ever and anon they would be in a straight line, with the wicked boulder-heads visible beneath the surface or lifting their savage points above, compelling almost a square corner to be turned in order to avoid them. at such times the passengers were all on deck, listening to the captain's commands, and watching the boat obey his bidding. from victoria to tongas narrows the distance is miles, and here was the first stop for the tourists. the event here was going ashore in rowboats, and in the rain, only to see a few dirty indians--a foresight of what was to follow--and a salmon-packing house not yet in working order. from tongas narrows to fort wrangel, thousands of islands fill the water, while the mainland is on the right and prince of wales island on the extreme left. fort wrangel. like all alaska towns, it is situated at the base of lofty peaks along the water's edge at the head of moderately pretty harbors. it seems to be the generic home of storms, and the mountains, the rocks, the buildings, and trees, and all, show the weird workings of nature's wrath. in it was a thriving town where miners outfitted for the mines of the stikeen river and cassian mines of british columbia; but that excitement has temporarily subsided, and the $ , government buildings are falling in decay. the streets are filled with debris, and everything betokens the ravages of time. the largest and most grotesque totem poles seen on the trip here towered a height of fifty feet. those poles represent a history of the family and the ancestry as far as they can trace it. if they are of the wolf tribe a huge wolf is carved at the top of the pole, and then on down with various signs to the base, the great events of the family and the intermarriages, not forgetting to give place to the good and bad gods who assisted them. the genealogy of a tribe is always traced back through the mother's side. the totem poles are sometimes very large, perhaps four feet at the base. when the carving is completed they are planted firmly in front of the hut, there to stay until they fall away. at the lower end, some four feet from the ground, there is an opening into the already hollowed pole, and in this are put the bones of the burned bodies of the family. it is only the wealthier families who support a totem pole, and no amount of money can induce an indian to part with his family tree. [illustration: sitka harbor, alaska. reached via the union pacific ry.] the graves of those not having totems are found in clusters, or scattered on the mountain sides, or anywhere convenience dictates. the bones are put in a box with all the belongings of the deceased, and then deposited anywhere. the natives are exceedingly superstitious and jealous in their care of the dead, and would sooner die than molest or steal from a grave. that tourists who are supposed to be civilized, refined, and christianized should steal from them is a crime which should never be tolerated, as it was among the passengers of our steamer. the natives have a belief that all bodies cremated turn into ravens, and that probably accounts to them for the endless number of those birds in alaska. ravens are sacred birds to them, and are never molested in anyway. there are other methods of disposing of the dead in different parts of alaska. the bones are sometimes put in a canoe and raised high in the air on straddles; again, in trees above the reach of prowling animals, or set adrift in a discarded canoe. juneau--the treadwell mine. after leaving wrangel the steamer anchored off salmon bay to lighter eighty tons of salt for fishermen, then on to juneau and douglas islands. here was the same general appearance of location, the gigantic background of densely wooded mountains, the tide-washed streets, on broken slopes, the dirty native women with their wares for sale, with prices advanced per cent, since the steamer whistled, and behind them their stern male companions, goading them on to make their sales, and stealthily kicking them in their crouched positions if they came down on their prices to an eager but economical tourist. juneau is the only town of any importance on the mainland. it has arisen to that dignity through the quality of its mines, and it is now the mining centre of alaska. here we found edward i. parsons, of san francisco, erecting an endless-rope tramway for conducting ores to a ten-stamp mill now under construction. mr. parsons has had large experience in this line, and his tales of "tramway life" in mexico are intensely thrilling and full of interest. it is to be hoped that the good people of juneau will see to it that he does not have to eat the native dishes, as he did in the land of the greasers. the festive dog is all right in his place, but rather revolting to an epicure. the famous treadwell gold mine lies across the bay, on douglas island. it is noted, not so much for its richness per ton, but for its vast extent. the -stamp mill makes such a deafening noise that there is no fear that the curious minded will cause employés to waste any time answering questions, for nothing can be heard but the rise and fall of the great crushers and the crunching of the ores. the ore is so plentiful that an addition of stamps is being added to the present capacity. the hole blasted by the miners looks like the crater of a huge volcano without the circling top, and sloping down to an apex from which is the tunnel to the mill. the treadwell yields about $ , per month, and will double that when the mill is completed. there are many pleasant homes in juneau, and some of its society people are charming indeed. the business houses carry some large stocks of goods, and outfitting for the interior mines in the yukon country is all done at this place. there are two weekly papers, one the _mining record_, an eight-page, bright, newsy paper which deserves a liberal support. one of the most novel and grotesque features of the entire trip was a dance given by the indians at a "potlatch," a term applied to any assemblage of good cheer, although in its primary sense it means a gift. a potlatch is given at the outset, or during the progress of some important event, such as the building of a new house, confirming of a sub-chief, or celebrating any good fortune, either of peace or war. in this instance, a sub-chief was building a new house, and the frame work was inclosed in rough boards with no floor laid. there is never but one entrance to an indian hut. this is in front, and elevated several feet from the ground, so that you must go down from the door-sill inside as well as out. no windows were yet in the building, and it was really in a crude state. these grand festivities last five days, and this was the second day of merry-making. there are two tribes at juneau, located at each extreme of the town. the water was black with canoes coming to the feast and dance, bringing gifts to the tyhee, who, in return, gives them gifts according to their wealth, and a feast of boiled rice and raisins and dog-meat. the richest men of the tribe dressed, in the rear of the building, in the wildest and most fantastic garbs, some in skins of wild animals. there was a full panoply of blankets, feathers, guns, swords, knives, and, as a last resort, an old broom was covered with a scarlet case. jingling pendant horns added to their usual order, and the savage faces were painted with red and black in hideous lines. anything their minds could shape was rigged for a head-dress, and finally, when all was ready, they ran with fiendish yells toward the beach, some twenty yards, and there behind a canvas facing the water they began their strange dance. only one squaw was with them, and she was the wife of the tyhee (chief) giving the feast. the medicine man had a large bird with white breast, called the loon. while dancing he picked the white feathers and scattered them on the heads of the others. the other squaws were sitting on the ground in long rows in front of the canoes reaching to the water's edge, about feet below. their music was a wild shout or croon by all the tribe, and the dancing is a movement in any irregular way, or a swaying motion given to the time given by the voices, and they only advanced a few inches in an hour's time. the tribe approaching in canoes had their representative men dressed in the same styles, only gayer, if possible. when the canoes glided onto the beach, four abreast, it was the signal to drop the canvas hiding the host and party, and advance a little distance to meet them. then they broke ranks and made way for the visitors to approach the house with their gifts of blankets or other valuables for the tyhee. most of the indians convert their riches into blankets. these nations, seen by the tourist in an ordinary trip to alaska, seem very much the same in all points visited. none of them are poor, all have some money, and many have wealth counted by thousands. to be sure, some of them are in a measure christianized, but the odors arising from the homes of the best of them are such as a civilized nose never scented before. rancid grease, dried fish, pelts, decaying animals, and human filth made the strongest perfume known to the commercial or social world. [illustration: granville channel, alaska. reached via the union pacific ry.] the squaws, if they were in mourning or in love, would have their faces painted black with oil and tar. then again, a great many wear a wooden or ivory pin thrust through the lip just below the fleshy part. it is worn for ornament, the same as ear-rings or nose-rings, and is called a labret. the missionary work done among them is a commendable one, but it seems a hopeless task. their houses are always built with one object in view, to be able to tie the canoe to the front door. a long row of huts just above high-tide line can always be safely called a rancherie in that country. their food is brought by the tide to their very doors, and the timbered mountains abound in wild game, and offer ample fuel for the cutting. chilcot, or pyramid harbor, is about twelve hours run from juneau, and it is here the famous chilcot blanket is made from the goat's wool, woven by hand, and dyed by native dyes, and worked from grotesque patterns. here, also, are two of the largest salmon canneries in alaska, and here, indeed, were we in the land of the midnight sun. the hours passed quickly by as the supposed night wore away. at midnight the twilight was so bright that one could read a newspaper easily. then the moon shone in the clear sky with all regal splendor until . in the morning, when old sol again put in his claims for admission. he lifted his golden head above the snowy peaks, and spirited away the uncertain light of unfolding dawn by drawing the curtains of the purpling east, and sending floods of radiance upon the entire world. it was a sight never to be forgotten, if seen but once in a lifetime. onward once again when the tide was in, and our next awakening was on the grand glacier fields. the greatest sight of the entire trip, or of any other in america, now opened out before many eager eyes. for several days, icebergs had been seen sailing along on the smooth surface from the great glaciers, and speeding to the southern seas like phantom ships. as the ship neared the bay, these huge bergs increased in size and number, with such grotesque and weird shapes, that the mind is absorbed in shaping turrets, ghosts, goblins, and the like, each moment developing more and more of things unearthly, until the heart and eyes seem bursting with the strain, when suddenly a great roar, like the shock of an explosion of giant powder, turns the eyes to the parent glacier to see the birth of these unnatural forms. they break from the icy wall with a stupendous crash, and fall into the water with such force as to send our great ship careening on her side when the swell from the disturbed waters strikes her. the muir glacier is the one that occupies the most attention, as it is the most accessible to tourists. it rises to a perpendicular height of feet, and stretches across the entire head of the glacier bay, which is estimated from three to five miles in width. the muir and davidson glaciers are two arms of that great ice field extending more than miles in length, covering more area than all switzerland, and any one of the fifteen subdivisions of the glacial stream is as large as the great rhone glacier. underlying this great ice field is that glacial river which bears these mountains of ice on its bosom to the ocean. with a roar like distant artillery, or an approaching thunder-storm, the advancing walls of this great monster split and fall into the watery deep, which has been sounded to a depth of some feet without finding anchor. the glacial wall is a rugged, uneven mass, with clefts and crevices, towering pinnacles and domes, higher than bunker hill monument, cutting the air at all angles, and with a stupendous crash sections break off from any portion without warning and sink far out of sight. scarcely two minutes elapse without a portion falling from some quarter. the marble whiteness of the face is relieved by lines of intense blue, a characteristic peculiar to the small portions as well as the great. going ashore in little rowboats, the vast area along the sandy beach was first explored, and it was, indeed, like a fairy land. there were acres of grottoes, whose honey-combed walls were most delicately carved by the soft winds and the sunlight reflections around and in the arches of ice, such as are never seen except in water, ice, and sky. mountains of ice, remnants of glaciers, along the beach, stood poised on one point, or perchance on two points, and arched between. these icebergs were dotted with stones imbedded; great bowls were melted out and filled with water, and little cups made of ice would afford you a drink of fresh water on the shore of this salt sea. at five o'clock in the morning, with the sun kissing the cold majestic glacier into a glad awakening from its icy sleep, the ascent was begun. too eager to be among the first to see the top, many started without breakfast, while others chose the wiser part, and waited to be physically fortified. the ascent is not so difficult as it is dangerous. there is no trail and no guide, and many a step had to be retraced to get across or around some bottomless fissure. for some distance the ground seemed quite solid. soon it was discovered that there was but a thin covering of dirt on the solid ice below; but anon in striking the ground with the end of an alpine stick it would prove to be but an inch of ice and dirt mixed, and a dark abyss below which we could not fathom. it is to be hoped, for the good of future tourists, that there are not many such places, or that they may soon be exposed so they can be avoided. reaching the top after a tedious and slippery climb, there was a long view of icy billows, as if the sea had suddenly congealed amid a wild tempestuous storm. deep chasms obstructed the way on all sides, and a misstep or slip would send one down the blue steps where no friendly rope could rescue, and only the rushing water could be heard. to view the solid phalanxes of icy floes, as they fill the mountain fastnesses and imperceptibly march through the ravines and force their way to the sea, fills one with awe indescribable. the knowledge that the ice is moving from beneath one's feet thrills one with a curious sensation hard to portray. below, it seems like the constant wooing of the sea that wins the offering from this wealth of purity, instead of the voluntary act of this giant of the arctic zone. for twenty-four hours the awful grandeur of these scenes was gloried in, when captain hunter gave the order to draw the anchor and steam away. the whistles call the passengers back to the steamer, where they were soon comparing specimens, viewing instantaneous photographs, hiding bedraggled clothing, casting away tattered mufflers, and telling of hair-breadth escapes from peril and death. many a tired head sought an early pillow, and floated away in dreams of ghoulish icebergs, until the call for breakfast disclosed to opening eyes that the boat was anchored in the beautiful harbor of sitka. the steamer's whistle is the signal for a holiday in all alaska ports, and sitka is no exception to the rule. six o'clock in the morning, but the sleepy town had awakened to the fact of our arrival, and the inhabitants were out in force to greet friends or sell their canoes. there are some , people living in sitka, including all races. the harbor is the most beautiful a fertile brain can imagine. exquisitely moulded islands are scattered about in the most enchanting way, all shapes and sizes, with now and then a little garden patch, and ever verdant with native woods and grasses and charming rockeries. as far out as the eye can reach the beautiful isles break the cold sea into bewitching inlets and lure the mariner to shelter from evil outside waves. the village nestles between giant mountains on a lowland curve surrounded by verdure too dense to be penetrated with the eye, and too far to try to walk--which is a good excuse for tired feet. the first prominent feature to meet the eye on land is a large square house, two stories high, located on a rocky eminence near the shore, and overlooking the entire town and harbor. once it was a model dwelling of much pretension, with its spacious apartments, hard-wood six-inch plank floors, elaborately-carved decorations, stained-glass windows, and its amusement and refreshment halls. all betoken the former elegance of the russian governor's home, which was supported with such pride and magnificence as will never be seen there again. the walls are crumbling, the windows broken, and the old oaken stairways will soon be sinking to earth again, and its only life will be on the page of history. [illustration: devil's thumb, alaska. reached via the union pacific ry.] the mission-school hospital, chapel, and architectural buildings occupied much of the tourists' time, and some were deeply interested. there are eighteen missionaries in sitka, under the presbyterian jurisdiction, trying to educate and christianize the indians. they are doing a noble work, but it does seem a hopeless task when one goes among the indian homes, sees the filth, smells the vile odors, and studies the native habits. these indians, like the other tribes, are not poor, but all have more or less money. many are rich, having more than $ , in good hard cash, yet the squalor in which they live would indicate the direst poverty. the stroll to indian river, from which the town gets its water supply, is bewitching. the walk is made about six feet through an evergreen forest, the trees arching overhead, for a distance of two miles, and is close to the bay, and following the curve in a most picturesque circle. the water is carried in buckets loaded on carts and wheeled by hand, for horses are almost unknown in alaska. there are probably not more than half a dozen horses and mules in all alaska--not so much because of the expense of transportation and board, as lack of roads and the long, dark days and months of winter, when people do not go out but very little. all the packing is done in all sections of alaska by natives carrying the packs and supplies on their backs. sitka's most interesting object is the old greek church, located in the middle of the town, and also in the middle of the street. its form is that of a greek cross, with a copper-covered dome, surmounted by a chime-bell tower. the inside glitters with gold and rare paintings, gold embroidered altar cloths and robes; quaint candelabra of solid silver are suspended in many nooks, and an air of sacred quiet pervades the whole building. there were no seats, for the russians remain standing during the worship. service is held every sabbath by a russian priest in his native language, and the church is still supported by the russian government. indeed, russia does more for the advancement of religion than does our own government for alaska. the walk through the indian ranch was but a repetition of the other towns, only that they were wealthier and uglier, if possible, than the other tribes. the hydahs are very powerfully built, tall, large boned, and stout. two days were spent in visiting and trafficking with these people. then the anchor came up, and soon a silver trail like a huge sea serpent moved among the green isles, and followed us once more--now on the homeward sail. but one new place of importance was made on the home trip, and that was at killisnoo. when the steamer arrived, the evening after leaving sitka, the city policeman met us at the wharf and invited us to visit his hut. of course, he was a native, who expected to sell some curios. over his door was the following: "by the governor's commission, and the company's permission, i am made the grand tyhee of this entire illahee. "prominent in song and story, i've attained the top of glory. as saginaw i am known to fame, jake is but my common name." the time when he attained his fame and glory must have been when he and his wife were both drunk one night, and he put the handcuffs on his wife and could not get them off, and she had to go to sitka to be released. he appears in at least a dozen different suits while the steamer is in port, and stands ready to be photographed every time. killisnoo used to be a point where , barrels of herring oil were put up annually. the industry is now increasing again. natural wealth. and this reminds me that i am almost neglecting a reference to alaska's vast resources in forests, metals, furs, and fish. there are , , of acres densely wooded with spruce, red and yellow cedar, oregon pine, hemlock, fir, and other useful varieties of timber. canoes are made from single trees, sixty feet long, with eight-feet beams. gold, silver, lead, iron, coal, and copper are encountered in various localities. though but little prospected or developed, alaska is now yielding gold at the rate of about $ , , per year. there is a respectable area of island and mainland country well adapted to stock-raising, and the production of many cereals and vegetables. the climate of much of the coast country is milder than that of colorado, and stock can feed on the pastures the year round. but, if alaska had no mines, forests, or agriculture, its seal and salmon fisheries would remain alone an immense commercial property. the salmon are found in almost any part of these northern waters where fresh water comes in, as they always seek those streams in the spawning season. there are different varieties that come at stated periods and are caught in fabulous numbers, sometimes running solid ten feet deep, and often retarding steamers when a school of them is overtaken. at idaho inlet mr. van gasken brought up a seine for the ancon tourists containing salmon for packing. at nearly every port the steamer landed there was either one or more canning or salt-packing establishments for salmon. of these, , , pounds were marketed last year. besides the salmon there is the halibut, black and white cod, rock cod, herring, sturgeon, and many other fish, while the waters are whipped by porpoises and whales in large numbers all along the way. governor swineford estimates the products of the alaska fisheries last year at $ , , . the seal fisheries are still , miles west of sitka. st. paul and st. george islands are the best breeding places of the seals, sea lions, sea otter, and walrus. these islands are in a continuous fog in summer, and are swept by icy blasts in winter. there are many interesting facts connected with these islands and the habits of these phocine kindred, but space is limited. suffice that , seals are killed each year for commercial purposes. over , , seal pups are born every year, and when they leave for winter quarters they go in families and not altogether. an average seal is about six feet long, but some are found eight feet long and weigh from to pounds. the work of catching is all done between the middle of june and the first of august. the fur company are supposed to pay our government $ for each pelt. these hides are at once shipped to london to be dyed and made ready to be put on the market in the united states. in fact, alaska seems full to overflowing with offerings to seekers of fortune or pleasure. its coast climate is mild, with no extreme heat, because of the snow-clad peaks which temper the humid air, and never extreme cold, because of the japan current that bathes its mossy slopes and destroys the frigid wave before it does its work. three thousand miles along this inland sea has revealed scenes of matchless grandeur--majestic mountains (think of snow-crowned st. elias, rising , feet from the ocean's edge), the mightiest glaciers, world's of inimitable, indescribable splendor. it is a trip of a lifetime. there is none other like it, and our party unanimously resolves that the tourist who fails to take it misses very much. * * * * * _fifth tour_.--from portland to san francisco by steamer is one of the most enjoyable trips offered the tourist in point of safety and comfort, and the service is exceptionally fine. the steamers "oregon," "columbia," and "state of california" are powerful iron steamers, built expressly for tourist travel between portland and san francisco. the traveler will find this fifty-hour ocean voyage thoroughly enjoyable; the sea is uniformly smooth, no greater motion than the long swell of the pacific, and the boats are models of neatness and comfort. it affords a grand opportunity to run down the california coast, always in sight of land, and derive the invigorating exhilaration of an ocean trip without any of its discomforts. among the many points of interest to be seen are the picturesque columbia river bar, the beautiful ocean beach at clatsop, the towering heights of cape hancock, the lonely mid-ocean lighthouse at tillamook rock, the historical rogue river reef, cape mendocino, humboldt bay, point arena, and last, but not least, the world-renowned golden gate of san francisco. [illustration: moonlight at the old block house, columbia river. on the union pacific ry.] the steamships of this company are all new, modern-designed iron vessels, supplied with steam steering apparatus, electric light and bells, and all improved nautical appliances. the state-rooms, cabins, salons, etc., are elaborately furnished throughout, the whole presenting an unrivaled scene of luxurious ocean life. the advantages of this charming ocean trip to the tourist are most obvious; there is the healthful air of the grand old pacific ocean, complete freedom from dust, heat, cinders, and all the discomforts which one meets in midsummer railway travel. * * * * * standard publications by the passenger department of the union pacific railway. the passenger department of the union pacific railway will take pleasure in forwarding to any address, free, of charge, any of the following publications, provided that with the application is enclosed the amount of postage specified below for each publication. all of these books and pamphlets are fresh from the press, many of them handsomely illustrated, and accurate as regards the region of country described. they will be found entertaining and instructive, and invaluable as guides to and authority on the fertile tracts and landscape wonders of the great empire of the west. there is information for the tourist, pleasure and health seeker, the investor, the settler, the sportsman, the artist, and the invalid. the western resort book. send cents for postage. this is a finely illustrated book describing the vast union pacific system. every health resort, mountain retreat, watering place, hunter's paradise, etc., etc., is depicted. this book gives a full and complete detail of all tours over the line, starting from sioux city, council bluffs, omaha, st. joseph, leavenworth, or kansas city, and contains a complete itinerary of the journey from either of these points to the pacific coast. sights and scenes. send cents postage for each pamphlet. there are five pamphlets in this set, pocket folder size, illustrated, and are descriptive of tours to particular points. the set comprises "sights and scenes in colorado;" utah; idaho and montana; california; oregon, washington, and alaska. each pamphlet, deals minutely with every resort of pleasure or health within its assigned limit, and will be found bright and interesting reading for tourists. facts and figures. send cents postage for each pamphlet. this is a set of three pamphlets, containing facts and figures relative to kansas, nebraska, and colorado respectively. they are more particularly meant for intending settlers in these fertile states and will be found accurate in every particular; there is a description of all important towns. vest pocket memorandum book. send cents for postage. a handy, neatly gotten-up little memorandum book, very useful for the farmer, business man, traveler, and tourist. calendar, . send cents for postage. an elegant calendar for the year , suitable for the office and counting room. comprehensive pamphlets. send cents postage for each pamphlet. a set of pamphlets on colorado, wyoming, montana, utah, idaho, oregon, and washington. these books treat, of the resources, climate, acreage, minerals, grasses, soil, and products of these various empires on an extended scale, entering very fully upon an exhaustive treatise of the capabilities and promise of the places described. they have been very carefully compiled, and the information collated from official reports, actual settlers, and residents of the different states and territories. theatrical diary. send cents for postage. this is a theatrical diary for - , bound in turkey morocco, gilt tops, and contains a, list of theatres and opera houses reached by the union pacific system, seating capacity, size of stage, terms, newspapers in each town, etc., etc. this diary is intended only for the theatrical profession. commercial salesman's expense book. send cents for postage. a neat vest pocket memorandum book for --dates, cash accounts, etc., etc. outdoor sports and pastimes. send cents for postage. a carefully compiled pamphlet of some thirty pages, giving the complete rules of this year, for lawn tennis, base ball, croquet, racquet, cricket, quoits, la crosse, polo, curling, foot ball, etc., etc. there are also diagrams of a lawn tennis court and base ball diamond. this pamphlet will be found especially valuable to lovers of these games. map of the united states. send cents for postage. a large wall map of the united states, complete in every particular, and compiled from the latest surveys; just published; size, x inches; railways, counties, roads, etc., etc. stream, sound and sea. send cents for postage. a neat, illustrated pamphlet descriptive of a trip from the dalles of the columbia to portland, ore., astoria, clatsop beach; through the strait of juan de fuca and the waters of the puget sound, and up the coast to alaska. a handsome pamphlet containing valuable information for the tourist. wonderful story. send cents for postage. the romance of railway building. the wonderful story of the early surveys and the building of the union pacific. a paper by general g.m. dodge, read before the society of the army of the tennessee, september, . general sherman pronounces this document fascinatingly interesting and, of great historical value, and vouches for its accuracy. gun club rules and revised game laws. send cents for postage. this valuable publication is a digest of the laws relating to game in all the western states and territories. it also contains the various gun club rules, together with a guide to all western localities where game of whatsoever description may be found. every sportsman should have one. "the oldest inhabitant." send cents for postage. this is a buffalo head in sepia, a very artistic study from life. it is characterized by strong drawing and wonderful fidelity. a very handsome acquisition for parlor or library. crofutt's overland guide, no. . send $ . . this book has just been issued. it graphically describes every point, giving its history, population, business resources, etc., etc., on the line of the union pacific hallway, between the missouri river and the pacific coast, and the tourist should not start west without a copy in his possession. it furnishes in one volume a complete guide to the country traversed by the union pacific system, and can not fail to be of great assistance to the tourist in selecting his route, and obtaining complete information about the points to be visited. a glimpse of great salt lake. send cents for postage. this is a charming description of a yachting cruise on the mysterious inland sea, beautifully illustrated with original sketches by the well-known artist, mr. alfred lambourne, of salt lake city. this startling phenomena of sea and cloud and light and color are finely portrayed. this book touches a new region, a voyage on great salt lake never before having been described and pictured. general folder. no postage required. a carefully revised general folder is issued regularly every month. this publication gives condensed through time tables; through car service; a first-class map of the united states, west of chicago and st. louis; important baggage and ticket regulations of the union pacific railway, thus making a valuable compendium for the traveler and for ticket agent in selling through tickets over the union pacific railway. the pathfinder. no postage required. a book of some fifty pages devoted to local time cards; containing a complete list of stations with the altitude of each; also connections with western stage lines and ocean steamships; through car service; baggage and pullman sleeping car rates and the principal ticket regulations, which will prove of great value as a ready reference for ticket agents to give passengers information about the local branches of the union pacific railway. alaska folder. no postage required. this folder contains a brief outline of the trip to alaska, and also a correct map of the northwest pacific coast, from portland to sitka, alaska, showing the route of vessels to and from this new and almost unknown country. [illustration: oregon, washington and alaska. sights and scenes for the tourist.] [illustration: tourist map of union pacific and connecting lines.] none reminiscences of a pioneer by colonel william thompson editor alturas, cal., plaindealer san francisco contents chapter i farewell to the old southern home ii first winter in the willamette valley iii indian outbreak of iv in which various experiences are discussed v taking revenge on marauding snakes vi one bad tale from canyon city history vii col. thompson's first newspaper venture viii history of the modoc indians ix the ben wright massacre x treaty with the modocs made xi battle in the lava beds xii the peace commission's work xiii three days battle in the lava beds xiv trailing the fugitives xv the great bannock war xvi snake uprising in eastern oregon xvii bannocks double on their tracks xviii another attack that miscarried xix reign of the vigilantes xx passing of the mogans xxi the lookout lynching illustrations colonel william thompson frontispiece (from photo taken at close of bannock war) typical scene in the lava beds runway and fort in lava beds captain jack's cave in the lava beds captain jack (from photo belonging to jas. d. fairchild, yreka, cal.) colonel william thompson (from photo taken at close of modoc war) foreword so rapidly is the far west changing character, our pioneers should feel in duty bound to preserve all they can of its early history. many of them are giving relics of frontier days to museums and historical societies. and they do well. yet such collections are unfortunately accessible to only the few. hence they do better who preserve the living narratives of their times. for however unpretentious from the cold aspect of literary art, these narratives breathe of courage and fortitude amid hardships and perils, and tell as nothing else can of the hopes and dreams of the hardy pathfinders, and of the compensations and pleasures found in their sacrifices. it is with this end in view, to preserve the life of the old days in its many colors, that these recollections are penned. there was more to this life than has been touched by the parlor romancers or makers of moving-picture films. perhaps some day these memories may serve to illumine the historian delving in the human records of the past. and perhaps, also, and this is the author's dearest wish, they may inspire young readers to hold to the hardy traditions of the 'fifties and to keep this spirit alive in a country destined soon to be densely peopled with newcomers from the long-settled parts of the world. reminiscences of a pioneer chapter i. farewell to the old southern home. i have often wondered, when viewing a modern passenger coach, with its palace cars, its sleeping and dining cars, if those who cross the "great american desert," from the mississippi to the pacific in four days, realize the hardships, dangers and privations of the argonauts of fifty-eight years ago. the "plains" were then an unbroken wilderness of three thousand miles, inhabited by hordes of wild indians, and not too friendly to the white man journeying through his country. the trip then required careful preparation--oxen, wagons, provisions, arms and ammunition must be first of all provided. these were essentials, and woe to the hapless immigrant who neglected these provisions. to be stranded a thousand miles from the "settlements" was a fate none but the most improvident and reckless cared to hazard. it is to recount some of the trials, adventures, hardships, privations, as i remember them, that these lines are written. for truly, the immigrants of the early 's were the true "conquerors of the wilderness." cutting loose from home and civilization, their all, including their women and children, loaded into wagons, and drawn by slow-moving ox teams, they fearlessly braved three thousand miles of almost trackless wilderness. as a small boy i remember the first mention of california, the land of gold. my father returned from new orleans in january. on board the steamer coming up the mississippi river, he had fallen in with some gentlemen "returning to the states." they had given him a glowing description of the "land of gold," and almost the first words spoken after the family greetings were over was, "we are going to california in the spring." my mother was more than agreeable and from that time nothing was talked or thought of but the journey to california. the old refrain was sung from morning to night, "in the spring we 're going to journey, far away to california." my chum, tant, a negro boy of my own age, and i seriously discussed the prospects and dangers of the journey. direful tales of the tomahawk and scalping knife were recounted by the older children. but tant's fears were allayed by the assurance that the "injuns" would not kill and scalp a black boy with a woolly head. for once in my life i envied that imp of darkness. in february a gentleman came to our home and after dinner he and my father rode over the plantation. the next morning they rode over to bolliver, the county seat. returning in the evening my father announced that the plantation was sold. then began the real preparations for the journey. my father was constantly in the saddle. oxen, wagons, ox yokes, ox bows, cattle, covers for wagons, arms, ammunition and provisions were purchased and brought to the plantation. all was hurry and excitement. two shoemakers came to our home to make up the leather purchased at st. louis or from neighboring tanneries. meantime aunt ann and the older girls of the family were busy spinning and weaving. every article of wearing apparel must be made at home. "store clothes" were out of the question in those days. wool must be carded and spun into thread for. aunt ann's old wooden loom. the cloth was then fashioned into garments for clothing to last a year after we should reach our goal far out on the pacific shores. the clank of the old wooden loom was almost ceaseless. merrily the shuttle sang to an accompaniment of a camp meeting melody. neighbors also kindly volunteered their services in weaving and fashioning garments for the family. all was bustle and hurry. at last all was in readiness for the start. spring with all its beauty and glory was with us, and friends from the country round and about had come to bid us a final farewell--friends, alas, we were destined never to meet again. the parting i remember as the first real sorrow of a life that has experienced most of the hardships, dangers, privations and sufferings of a wild frontier life. it was a beautiful morning early in april, , that the leaders were pointed to the west and a start was made. four wagons were drawn by five yoke of oxen each, while the fifth, the family wagon, was drawn by three yoke. the first weeks of our journey were passed without anything happening worthy of note. at caw river we were detained several days by high water. here we began falling in with others, who, like, ourselves, were bound for the golden shores of the pacific. and it was here that we made the acquaintance of families, and friendships formed that were to survive not only the privations of the plains but were to last a life time. men were drawn together on the plains as in the everyday walks of life, only the bonds were closer and far more enduring. the very dangers through which they passed together rendered the ties more lasting. "our train" henceforth consisted of my father's, littleton younger, john gant, "uncle" johnny thompson and a party of five welsh gentlemen, under the leadership of a gentleman named fathergill, and a prince of a gentleman he was. at that time there was not a cabin in what is now the great and populous state of kansas. only vast undulating plains, waving with grass, traversed here and there with timberskirted streams. game was abundant, consisting mostly of antelope and prairie chickens. our welsh friends, being bachelors and having no loose stock, were the hunters for the train, and supplied us with an abundance of fresh meat. as we proceeded westward more immigrants were met, and often our camp resembled a tented city. all was then a pleasure trip--a picnic, as it were. no sooner was camp struck than a place was cleared and dancing began to the sound of the violin. many of these young ladies were well dressed--actually wore "store clothes!" but alas, and alack, i was destined to see these same young ladies who started out so gay and care-free, in tattered dresses, barefooted and dusty, walking and driving the loose cattle. too many excursions and pleasure jaunts had reduced their horses to skeletons before the real trials of the journey had fairly begun. but the women of ' and ' were not of the namby-pamby sort. when the trials came they were brave and faced privations and dangers with the same fortitude as their stronger brothers. at fort laramie we crossed the platte river by fording. the stream, as i remember it, was near a mile wide, but not waist deep. thirty and forty oxen were hitched to one wagon, to effect the crossing. but woe to the hapless team that stalled in the treacherous quicksands. they must be kept going, as it required but a short stop for the treacherous sands to engulf team and wagon alike. men wading on either side of the string of oxen kept them moving, and soon all were safely on the north side of the platte river. we soon began to see great herds of buffalo. in fact, at times the hills were black with the heaving, rolling, bellowing mass, and no meal was served for many days without fresh buffalo. as we wended our way up the valley of the platte one could look back for miles and miles on a line of wagons, the sinuous line with vari-colored wagon covers resembling a great serpent crawling and wriggling up the valley. fortunately for "our train" we were well in advance and thus escaped the sickness that later dotted the valley of the platte with graves. on and on. independence rock, sweet water, and devil's gate were passed. members of our train had observed two men who traveled with us, yet held themselves aloof. they appeared to prefer their own company, and while they traveled along with us, probably for protection, they always camped by themselves. some said they were mormons, while others asserted they were merely a selfish pair. one day one of the men was missing. the other on being questioned gave evasive and very unsatisfactory replies. his actions excited the suspicions of our men. he appeared anxious to get ahead and left us, making a long night drive. it was then determined to make an investigation. two of our party mounted good horses and started back on the trail. each camp was carefully examined until they were rewarded by finding the body of a murdered man beneath the ashes of a camp fire, buried in a shallow grave. by riding all night they overtook the train, before starting back burying the body of the unfortunate traveler. the news spread rapidly and a party followed the murderer. he was soon overtaken and halted at the muzzles of rifles. when the train came up a council was held. probably a hundred wagons were halted. it was determined to give the man a trial. the evidence was conclusive, and after conviction the miserable wretch confessed all, but begged for mercy. he said the murdered man had picked him up out of pity and was taking him through for his company and his help. there being no trees, three wagons were run together, the wagon tongues being raised to form a tripod and to answer for a gallows. to the center of the tripod a rope was attached with the other end around the neck of the trembling, writhing, begging wretch. but he had committed a cruel, cold-blooded murder and his crime could not be condoned. he was stood on the back of a horse, and a sharp cut being given the animal the wretch was swung into eternity. a grave had been dug and into this the body of the murderer was placed. the property of the murdered man was taken through to the settlements. his relatives were communicated with, the property sold and the proceeds sent to the proper owners. such was the swift but terrible justice administered on the plains. without law or officers of the law, there was no other course to pursue consistent with safety to the living. july th, , we reached green river. traders had established six ferry boats at the crossing. in order to keep down competition, five of the boats were tied up and the sum of $ was demanded for each and every wagon ferried over the stream. they had formed a kind of "trust," as it were, even in that day. the rate was pronounced exorbitant, unfair, outrageous, and beyond the ability of many to pay. train after train had been blocked until a city of tents had been formed. on the morning of the th a meeting of immigrants was called to discuss the situation. a few counseled moderation, compromise, anything to prevent a clash with the traders, who boasted that they could turn the indians loose on us. the great majority defied both traders and indians and boldly announced that they would fight before they would submit to being robbed. many fiery speeches were made, and about o'clock a long line of men, with shouldered rifles flashing in the sun, marched down and took possession of the ferry boats. the traders fumed and threatened, and indians with war-whoops and yells mounted horses and rode off from the opposite side. the traders said they were going after the tribe to exterminate the entire train. they were plainly told that the first shot fired by traders or indians would sound their own death knell--that they, the traders, would be shot down without mercy. the ferry boats were then seized and the work of crossing the river began. as fast as the wagons were crossed over they were driven down the river, one behind another, forming a corral, with the open side facing the river in the form of a half wheel. when the wagons had all been crossed, the loose stock was swum over into the opening. there was no confusion, but everything proceeded with almost military precision. a committee had been appointed to keep tally on the number of wagons crossed on the boats. the traders were then paid $ for each and every wagon. still they fumed and threatened. the faces of the more timid blanched and a few women were in tears. i beheld the whole proceedings with childish wonder. but the circumstances of that th of july and the execution of the murderer were burned into my brain with letters of fire, never to be effaced while memory holds her sway. every man was under arms that night. horses were tied up and the work oxen chained to the wagons, a strict guard being kept on the traders in the mean time. the next morning the long string of wagons started out on the road. two hundred men rode on either side to defend the train, while scouting parties rode at a distance to guard against surprise. this formation was kept up for several days, but seeing neither traders nor indians the different trains separated and each went its way unmolested. bear river and soda springs were next passed. a few miles this side of soda springs the roads forked, one going to california and the other to oregon. here a council was held. a portion of "our train" wanted to take the california road. others preferred the oregon route. a vote was taken and resulted in a majority for oregon, and association and friendship being stronger than mere individual preference, all moved out on the oregon road. snake river was finally reached, and here the real trials of the journey began. from some cause, not then understood, our oxen began to die. the best and fattest died first, often two and three in one camp. cows were drawn into the yoke and the journey resumed. but it soon became evident that loads must be lightened. wagons loaded with stores and provisions were driven to the side of the road and an invitation written with charcoal for all to help themselves. to add to the difficulties of our situation, the snake indians were surly and insolent to a degree. gradually a gloom settled over all. no more of laughter, of dancing and song. and faster and faster the oxen died. camping places were almost unbearable on account of the dead and decaying cattle. and then the terrible mountains of which we had heard so much were before us. would we ever reach the settlements? this was a question that began to prey upon the minds of many. a few of the young men shouldered a blanket and some provisions and started on foot to reach the valley. others began to despair of ever reaching the promised land. if those who cross the continent now in palace cars and complain of the tediousness of the journey could take one look at the wreck and desolation that lined the poisoned banks of snake river, they would hide their heads in very shame. as our situation became more desperate it appeared the indians became more sullen and mean. guards were kept night and day, the women and children driving the teams and loose cattle and horses in order that the men might get some rest. at one point the danger seemed imminent. the men on night guard reported that the horses were snorting and acting as if indians were about. mr. fathergill's mule appeared especially uneasy. the cattle and horses were then all driven to camp, the horses tied up and the oxen chained to the wagons. the next morning moccasin tracks were discovered within a hundred yards of our camp, showing plainly that only extreme caution and foresight had saved us all from massacre. after that camps were selected with a view to defense. a point was finally reached where we were to bid farewell to the dread snake river. several trains camped there that night. among them was a man named wilson, a brother of ex-senator henry wilson of colusa county. cattle had been rounded up and oxen placed under the yoke. wilson became involved in a quarrel with a young man in his employ. suddenly both drew revolvers and began firing at each other. the duel ended by wilson falling from his mule, a dead man. the young man rode away and was seen no more. a grave was dug, the dead man buried and within two hours the train was in motion. there was no time for tears or ceremonies. winter was coming on, and the terrible mountains must be crossed. besides the dread of an indian attack was ever present. after leaving snake river we lost no more cattle. we crossed the blue mountains without any mishap. we met several settlers coming out with teams to help any that might be in distress. they were told to go on back, as others were behind far more in need of assistance than we. on reaching the columbia river we found the indians very friendly and obtained an abundance of fresh salmon. trifles were traded for salmon and wild currants, which formed a welcome addition to our bill of fare. the dreaded cascade mountains were finally reached. a storm was raging on the mountain and we were advised by settlers whom we met coming out to assist the immigrants, to wait for better weather. some disregarded the advice and paid dearly for their temerity, losing many of their cattle, and only for the help rendered by the settlers might themselves have perished. as soon as the storm spent its force a start was made and the dreaded mountains passed in six days, and without any serious mishap. on reaching the valley we were everywhere greeted with genuine western hospitality. vegetables were plentiful and cheap--in fact could be had for the asking. but while wheat was abundant there were no mills to grind it into flour, and we soon discovered that that very necessary article could not be had for love or money. we were therefore soon reduced to a daily diet of boiled wheat, potatoes, pumpkins and wild meat, the latter requiring but little exertion to secure. but we were as well off as anybody else, and with the remnants of clothing saved from the wreck of the desert and plains passed the winter in health and some degree of comfort. chapter ii. our first winter in the willamette valley. the winter of - will forever be memorable in the annals of pioneer days in oregon. indeed, nothing comparable had been experienced by immigrants in former years. deep snows encompassed us from without, and while we were sheltered from the storms by a comfortable log cabin, and were supplied with a fair amount of provisions such as they were, a gloom settled over all. cattle and horses were without forage and none could be had. reduced to skin and bone by the long and toilsome journey across the plains, they were illy prepared to stand the rigors of such a winter. in this extremity recourse was had to the forest. the oregon woods, as all are aware, are covered by long streamers of yellow moss, and in the cutting of firewood it was discovered this moss was devoured with a relish by cattle and horses. then began the struggle to save our stock. from early morning to night the ring of the ax was unceasing. the cattle, especially, soon learned the meaning of the cracking of a tree and bolted for the spot. to prevent them being killed by the falling trees, the smaller children were pressed into service to herd them away until the tree was on the ground. the stock soon began to thrive and cows gave an increased amount of milk which was hailed with delight by the small children and afforded a welcome addition to their bill of fare--boiled wheat, potatoes, meat, and turnips. thus wore away the terrible winter of - . i say terrible, and the word but poorly expresses our situation during that memorable winter. to fully understand our situation one has but to imagine oneself in a strange land, far from human aid, save from those environed as ourselves. we were three thousand miles from "home," surrounded by a primeval wilderness, in which ever lurked the treacherous savage. happily for us and for all, no annoyance or real danger threatened us from that quarter. a few years before, a salutary lesson had been taught the savages. the deadly rifles of the pioneers had instilled into their bosoms a wholesome fear. information had reached the settlers that the indians contemplated a massacre--that they were going to break out. the information reached them through the medium of a friendly indian. the result was that the settlers "broke out" first. a company was formed, consisting of about all of the able-bodied men within reach. the savages were encountered on the molalley and after a sharp fight were dispersed or killed. several were left dead on the ground. the whites had one man wounded. thus the war power of the molalleys was destroyed forever. in this connection i wish to make a digression, which i trust my readers will pardon. it has often been urged that the white man has shown little gratitude and no pity for the aborigines of this country. this i wish to refute. the indian that brought the word of warning to the white settlers was ever after the object of tender solicitude on the part of those whom he had befriended. i have seen that indian, then old and possibly worse off for his association with civilization, sitting down and bossing a gang of chinamen cutting and splitting wood for dan'l waldo. the indian, "quinaby," always contracted the sawing of the wood at $ . per cord and hired the chinamen to do the work for cents per cord. he had a monopoly on the wood-sawing business for mr. waldo, wesley shannon, and other old pioneers. it mattered not to "quinaby" that prices went down, his contract price remained the same, and the old pioneers heartily enjoyed the joke, and delighted in telling it on themselves. but enough of this. spring came at last and a new world burst upon the vision of the heretofore almost beleaguered pioneers. we had wintered on a "claim" belonging to a young man named john mckinney, two miles from the present town of jefferson. he had offered his cabin as a shelter with true western hospitality, including the free use of land to plant a crop. accordingly about twenty acres were plowed and sown to wheat. this work was performed by my elder brothers. meantime my father had started out to look for a claim. nine miles north of eugene city he purchased a "claim" of acres, paying therefor an indian pony and $ in cash. to this place we moved early in may, and there began the task of building up a home in the western wilds. a small cabin of unhewn logs constituted the only improvement on the "claim," but a new house of hewn logs was soon erected and a forty-acre field inclosed with split rails. we had plenty of neighbors who, like ourselves, were improving their lands, and mutual assistance was the rule. as summer approached it became necessary to return to our wintering place, where a crop had been sown, and harvest the same. accordingly, my father, accompanied by my two older brothers, the late judge j. m. thompson of lane county, and senator s. c. thompson, jr., of wasco, then boys of and years, went back and cared for the grain. the wheat was cut with a cradle, bound into bundles and stacked. a piece of ground was then cleared, the grain laid down on the "tramping floor" and oxen driven around until the grain was all tramped out. after the grain was all "threshed out," it was carried on top of a platform built of rails and poured out on a wagon sheet, trusting to the wind to separate the wheat kernels from the straw and chaff. by this primitive method the crop was harvested, threshed, cleaned, and then sacked. it was then hauled by ox teams to albany where a small burr mill had been erected by a man named monteith, if my memory serves me correctly, and then ground to flour. and then, joy of joys! we had wheat bread. no more boiled wheat, nor flour ground in a coffee mill,--but genuine wheat bread. you, reader, who probably never ate a meal in your life without bread, have little conception of the deliciousness of a biscuit after the lapse of a year. as captain applegate once said to the writer, referring to the first wheat bread he ever remembered eating: "no delicacy,--no morsel of food ever eaten in after life tasted half so delicious as that bread." it must be remembered that captain applegate crossed the plains in and was therefore an "old settler" when we arrived. his trials were prolonged only a matter of eight years; but looking back, what an eternity was emcompassed in those eight years. one of the leading characteristics of the anglo-saxon is that on coming to the western hemisphere he brought with him his wife and children,-- his school books, and his bible. as soon, therefore, as a spot for a home had been selected and a rude shelter of logs erected for loved ones, the neighbors began discussing the question of school. it was finally arranged that we must have a school, and the cabin of a bachelor settler was tendered and accepted, and my father chosen as teacher. logs were split open and placed on legs, with the flat sides turned up to serve as seats. the floor,--well, mother earth provided that. it was sprinkled and swept out with "split brooms" twice daily. to prevent the pupils getting lost in the tall grass of the prairies, furrows were plowed from the settlers' cabins to the school house. this also served as a protection to the barefoot girls and boys going to and from, school. my father belonged to the old school and did not believe in "sparing the rod," and as a result, it became indelibly impressed upon my juvenile mind that he used the rod upon me to better preserve order among the other pupils. in those days girls dressed in "linsey woolsey," while the boys of all ages wore buckskin pantaloons and hickory shirts. now, buckskin is well calculated to stand the wear and tear of even a robust boy. yet there were awkward drawbacks. the legs of the pantaloons absorbed too much moisture from the dew-bedecked grass and they would stretch out to almost any length. the boy, therefore, must roll them up at the bottom. arrived at school, however, the drying process set in, and he, perforce, must unroll the legs. as the boy occupied a sitting position, the legs of his buckskins set to the crook of his knees. imagine, if you will, a row of boys ranging from to years, standing in a class reciting their lessons, straight as hickories, yet the pantaloons of every mother's son of them still sitting down. but it mattered little to the boy of that day, as he had only to wet them again, stretch them out straight and wear them to "meetin' in the grove" sunday. there was no aristocracy--no "four hundred"--in those primitive days. all dressed alike, ate the same kind of food, and every man, woman, and child was as good as every other man, woman, and child, provided they were honest, kind neighbors, ready and willing to render assistance in sickness or in need. in fine, these pioneers constituted a pure democracy, where law was the simple rule of honesty, friendship, mutual help, and good will, where "duty was love and love was law." one must not imagine that life was wholly devoid of pleasures in those days. the young of both sexes always rode horseback, whether to church in the grove, or going the round of parties, candy pullings, or kissing bees. o, how in my young days i did dote on the candy pulling and the kissing bee. to my young and unsophisticated mind they were divine institutions; and, even now, after the lapse of so many years when the "heydey in the blood is tame," how i look back upon those few days with unalloyed pleasure. among the early pioneers, i mean the great masses, there was a stern code of morals little understood at the present time. exceptions there were, to be sure, but i refer to the people as a whole. one instance will serve as an illustration. the beaux and belles, in linsey-woolsey and buckskins, were assembled from the country around and about. my father had sent me along with brothers and sisters to bring back the saddle horses, as there was not stable room for all. other neighbor boys were there on a like errand. we were sitting on our horses and ready to start, when several of the young ladies, among them my sisters, came out of the house and told us to wait. presently, practically all of the girls came out with hats and riding habits and a consultation was held in the front yard. while they all stood there a man and a woman came out, mounted their horses and rode away. we were then told to go on home with the horses. i afterwards learned that the whole trouble originated in the fact that the lady who had ridden away was a divorced woman. to present-day readers, this may appear absurd, prudish, but not so to the men and women of that day. this is not repeated here to "point a moral," but merely to "adorn a tale" of pioneer days. for excitement, the frequent indian uprisings, and more frequent indian scares, afforded abundant material upon which the young enterprising and adventurous spirits of the day could work off their surplus energies. hunting, too, afforded a pleasurable and profitable pastime to the young when not engaged in the work of building houses, barns, and fences, and the boy of ten who could not pick off the head of a grouse or pheasant at thirty or forty yards was only fit to be "tied to mama's apron string." in times of danger age was no bar, the boy of marched side by side with the gray haired volunteer, or remained at home to protect "mother and the children." i well remember once when the neighborhood was thrown into a turmoil of excitement. a large grizzly bear had left his mountain lair and was playing havoc with the cattle and other stock in the valley. news reached the school house and my father at once dismissed school, hurrying to join those in pursuit of the robber. arriving at home he mounted his horse, and taking his rifle and revolver galloped away to join the neighbors. now, i wanted to go and see the fight, but was curtly told to stay at home. no sooner, however, than my father had got fairly started than i mounted a pony and followed. i was warned that punishment would follow. but what cared i for punishment at such a time? go i would, though promised a dozen whippings. the bear had taken shelter on a small mountain stream that coursed through the valley, and was bordered on either side by a narrow strip of ash, thorn, and rose bushes, while beyond this was the level prairie. in spite of scores of men and dogs the huge beast made progress towards the mountains. baying dogs and the quick snarl of the rifles marked the rapid progress of the beast which at length reached a wooded ravine near the home of "squire" miller, that led up the mountain, where a mile above an old indian was camped. the bear evidently came upon him unawares, but whether he was asleep or was getting water from the small stream, was never known, for, with one sweep of his mighty paw, the grizzly completely disemboweled the indian, strewing his entrails fifteen feet on the ground. half a mile above the body of the indian the fatal shot, among many, was delivered and the chase was over. as the neighbors gathered triumphantly around the dead body of the monarch of the oregon forest i saw for the first time sitting on a horse, a boy destined to make a name in the world of letters, c. h. or "joaquin" miller. i remember him as a slender, light haired boy, several years my senior. during subsequent years it was given me to see much of this boy, at school, in the mines and later as an apprentice in the eugene city herald, a newspaper of which he was the editor. chapter iii. the indian outbreak of . the years of - were years of comparative peace, free from actual indian wars, and afforded the pioneers an opportunity of improving their farms, building up more comfortable homes and surrounding their families with some comforts and conveniences of civilization. yet even these years were not free from alarms and stampedes. time and again swift riders spread the news that the redskins had dug up the tomahawk and had gone on the war path. these scares arose from isolated murders by the indians, whose cupidity could not withstand the temptations of the white man's property. it was not, therefore, until midsummer of that hostilities began in earnest. a federation had been formed among all the tribes of northern california, southern and eastern oregon and washington. the great leaders of this insurrection were tyee john and his brother "limpy," rogue river indians, and john was one of the greatest, bravest and most resourceful warriors this continent has produced. another was pe-mox-mox, who ruled over the cayouses and the columbias, and was killed early in the war while attempting to lead the white troops into ambush. the outbreak was sudden and fierce, lighting up the frontier with the burning cabins of the settlers. travelers were waylaid, prospectors murdered and in many instances entire families wiped out, their homes becoming their funeral pyres. neither age nor sex was spared. little children were seized by the heels and their brains dashed out against the corner of the cabin. one entire family perished amid the flames of their burning home. women were butchered under circumstances of peculiar and diabolical atrocity. a man named harris, attacked by indians on the rogue river, defended himself until killed. his wife then took up the defense of her home and little daughter, and with a heroism that has rendered her name immortal in the annals of oregon, held the savages at bay until relief came twenty-four hours later. mock sentimentalists and fake humanitarians have walled their eyes to heaven in holy horror at the "barbarities" practiced by white men upon the "poor persecuted red man." yet had they witnessed scenes like those i have so faintly portrayed, they too, would have preached a war of extermination. you and i, reader, have an exceedingly thin veneering of civilization, and in the presence of such scenes of diabolical atrocity would slip it off as a snake sheds his skin. i have seen men as kind and gentle,--as humane--as yourself transformed into almost savages in the presence of such scenes. for a year previous to the great outbreak, the indians would leave their reservations in squads, and after murdering and pillaging the settlements, would return with their plunder to the protection of the agencies. demands made for their surrender by the settlers were answered by a counter demand for their authority, which required delay and generally ended with the escape of the murderers. the result was that squads of indians off the reservations were attacked and sometimes exterminated. thus affairs grew from bad to worse until the final great outbreak during the summer of . geo. l. curry, governor of the territory of oregon, at once issued a call to arms and volunteers from every part of the territory instantly responded. a company of u. s. dragoons under command of capt. a. j. smith, who subsequently achieved fame in the war of the states, was stationed in southern oregon, and rendered all possible aid, but the slow tactics of the regulars was illy calculated to cope with the savages. the main reliance, therefore, must be placed in the citizen soldiery. every county in the territory answered the call to arms, forming one or more companies, the men, as a rule, supplying their own horses, arms, ammunition, and at the beginning of the outbreak, their own blankets and provisions. there was no question about pay. the men simply elected their own officers and without delay moved to the front. linn county furnished one company under capt. jonathan keeny and went south to join col. ross' command and was joined by many of our neighbors. my two brothers also went with this command, one as teamster, the other shouldering the spare rifle. as previously remarked, age was not considered, the boy of marching side by side with the gray haired man, armed with the rifles they brought from the states. the ammunition consisted of powder, caps and molded bullets, nor was the "patchen" for the bullet omitted. the powder was carried in a powder horn, the caps in a tin box, the bullets in a shot pouch and patchen for the bullets was cut out the proper size and strung on a stout leather thong attached to and supporting the shot pouch and powder horn. in the fall after the departure of the first contingent, and at a time when families were practically defenseless, news reached us by a tired rider that indians had crossed the trail over the cascade mountains and were burning the homes and butchering the settlers on the calapooya, twenty miles away. the news reached us in the night, and one can easily imagine the confusion and consternation that everywhere prevailed. to realize our situation one must remember that most of the men and about all of the guns had gone south. i shall never forget the awful suspense and dread that prevailed in our home as the family sat in a group through the long weary hours of that night, anxiously awaiting the return of the day, yet dreading what the day might bring forth. horses were gathered and securely tied about the house, and such arms as we possessed made ready for instant use. at last day broke, and searching with the eye the almost boundless prairie, no enemy was in sight. as the sun rose above the rim of the distant mountains my father determined to disprove or verify the rumor. neighbors sought to dissuade him, but mounting a swift horse he started for brownsville on the calapooya. meantime everything was in readiness for forting up should it become necessary. the day wore on, still no news. in vain we gazed from the house top over the prairie for a sight of a horseman. doubt and uncertainty as to the fate of my father and our own fate was almost worse than death. the day wore on. would father never return--had he been killed? were the questions whispered one with another. my mother alone was confident, relying on father's discretion and the further fact that he was riding the swiftest horse in the territory. at last near sunset we descried him galloping leisurely toward home. when within a short distance he settled into a walk, and we then knew that the danger, at least for the present, was not imminent. the only emotion manifested by my mother was a stray tear that coursed down her pale and trouble-worn cheek. my father reported a false alarm, originating in the overwrought imagination of settlers on the exposed margin of the valley. at other times the alarm came from the west side of the river. fears were entertained that the savages from the south would cross over the calapooya mountains and attack the settlements in lane county. one settler had a large bass drum, and the beating of this, which could be heard for miles, was the signal of danger. more than once the deep roll of the drum roused the country, only to discover that it was a false alarm. but these constant alarms were trying indeed, especially on the timid and nervous, and women became almost hysterical on the most trivial occasions. time wore on, and at length the news came of the defeat of col. ross' volunteers and capt. smith's dragoons. many were killed with no compensating advantage to the whites. among the number killed was one of our neighbor boys, john gillispie, son of a minister, and my father and mother went over to their home to convey the sad news and to render such poor consolation to the parents as was possible. every family in the land had one or more of its members with the troops, and any day might bring tidings of death or even worse. hence there was a close bond of sympathy between all. happily, the death of young gillispie was to be the only one to visit our neighborhood. the stay-at-homes, those gallant (?) soldiers who fight their battles with their mouths, were loud in fault finding and severe in censure of those in command, and would tell how the battle should have been fought and how not. this was especially true of the one-horse politicians, too cowardly to go to the front, and of disgruntled politicians. to the shame of our common humanity be it said, there were not wanting those who sought to coin the very blood of the brave men at the front, and these ghouls and vampires talked loudest when the war was at length brought to a close, to be quoted in after years as history by bancroft and others. chief john adopted a fabian policy from the first. he would disappear with his warriors, hiding away in the deep recesses of the mountains only to appear again when and where least expected, but towards the close of his people grew tired of war. they said the more men they killed the more came and took their places, and in spite of john and limpy they determined to sue for peace. the terms were finally agreed upon, and john and limpy, deserted but not conquered, at last surrendered. after the surrender, john and son, a lad of , were placed on board a steamer and started to a reservation up the coast. when off the mouth of rogue river and beholding the hunting grounds of his people and the familiar scenes of his youth, he made a desperate attempt to capture the ship. it was a "call of the wild," and snatching a sabre from his guard he succeeded in driving them below and for a time had possession of the ship's deck. but firearms were brought into play, one leg of the boy was shot off and john, badly wounded, was placed in irons. he told his captors that it was his purpose to capture the ship, run her ashore and escape into the mountains. on a reservation, john spent the remainder of his days,--a captive yet unconquered save by death. as previously stated, in point of courage, cunning, savage ferocity and soldierly ability and generalship, tyee john has had few equals and no superiors on the north american continent. it was not my purpose to attempt a detailed history of the rogue river war as that task were better left to the historian with leisure to delve into the musty records of the past, but i sincerely hope that when the true story of that bloody time is written the kernel of truth will be sifted from the mass of chaff by which it has thus far been obscured. my purpose is merely to give the facts in a general way as i received them, and the conditions surrounding the pioneers of which i was one. the true story of the rogue river war is but a duplicate of many other indian wars. it is a story of incompetent, bigoted, self-opinionated, indian agents, wedded to form and red tape, without any of common sense or "horse sense," required in dealing with conditions such as existed prior to the breaking out of he war. the early immigrants to the oregon, and indeed, to the pacific coast, merely sought to better their conditions. they came with their flocks and herds, their wives and their children, their school books and their bibles, seeking not to dispossess or rob the occupants of the land. they found a vast empire, of which the natives were utilizing but a small portion. there was room for all and to spare. the natives at first received the white strangers with kindness and hospitality. there were exceptions even to this rule, but it was the exception. the white man's property soon excited the cupidity of the indian, and knowing no law but the law of might, he sought to possess himself of the same. and right here i want to say, that from an experience covering more than half a century, the only thing an indian respects on earth, is power. courage he respects for the simple reason that courage is power. and i might further add, that this rule applies with equal force to the white as well as to the copper-colored savage. treaties had been made with the rogue rivers and the umpquas but in a true sense were not treaties, but, on the part of the government, merely bribes to be good. they moved to reservations, enjoyed the blankets and other good things provided by the government so long as it suited them. then they would steal out of the reservations, rob, murder and plunder the settlers, and return to the protection of the agents. tracked to the reservations, the agents refused to surrender them. the red tape here interposed and red handed murderers were saved, that more murders might be committed. instead of the government and the agents being a protection to the settlers, they were the protectors of the indians, and as sometimes happened, troops were called upon to lend a helping hand. such conditions could not last--such outrages could not be endured. hence when bands were caught off the reservations they were destroyed like dangerous, noxious beasts. apologists of murder and rapine have held up their hands in holy horror at such acts on the part of the settlers. the "poor, persecuted people," according to them, were foully wronged, massacred and exterminated. they saw but one side, and that was the side of the savages. with the close of the rogue river war, the indian question west of the cascade mountains was settled forever. john and limpy had made a heroic struggle for the hunting grounds of their fathers and incidentally for the goods and chattels, and the scalps of the white invaders. but, moralize as you may, the fiat of god had gone forth; the red man and the white man could not live peaceably together; one or the other must go. and in obedience to the law of the survival of the fittest, it was the red man that must disappear. it was, in my opinion, merely a continuation of the struggle for existence--a struggle as old as man, which began when "first the morning stars sang together," and will continue till the end of time. that law applies to all creatures. take for instance, the lower order of animals. in the tropics the deer is small, not much larger than a coyote. the weakling as well as the strong and vigorous can survive. further north, where conditions are harder, the deer is larger. continuing on north, where only the strong and vigorous can survive the rigors of winter, we find the caribou. it may be pointed out that the largest animals of earth are found in the tropics, where the struggle for existence is least severe. yet in the frozen mud of siberia and alaska we find the remains of animals the elephant and the mastodon--compared to which old jumbo was but a baby. and imbedded in the asphalt of southern california is found the remains of the sabre toothed, tiger, by the side of which the royal bengal is but a tabby cat. but i am getting into deep water, and will leave this question for the naturalist, the geologist and the theorist. and the passing of the "noble red man" to the gentleman in silk gown and slippers--and to the sentimental novelist. oregon settlers now had leisure time for building up their homes, so better houses were erected, fields were fenced and plowed, school houses and churches built, scythes and axes were wielded in place of the rifle that now rested in idleness above the cabin door. a new era had dawned on the oregon, and gentle peace like a brooding spirit hovered above the erstwhile desolate land. during the succeeding years, up to , there was little to distract the attention of the pioneers. my time was occupied during that period in assisting on the farm during summer and attending the district school during the winter. the loop holes in the wall of the old school house for the rifles had been boarded up, and the larger boys no longer "toted" their guns, and stacked them in the corner. on the east side of the cascade mountains, however, the gentle savage was lord of all the lands over which he roamed. here he was yet master, and thereby hangs a tale. in an immigrant train attempted to enter the oregon by way of the "meeks cut off." with them were the durbins, simmons, tetherows, herrins and many others i cannot now recall. the history of that journey is one of hardship, starvation, and death. after enduring sufferings such as sicken one in the bare recital the remnant staggered into the settlements, more dead than alive. they crossed the cascade mountains, coming down the middle fork of the willamette river, and somewhere west of harney valley they stopped on a small stream. an old indian trail crossed at that point, and the oxen in sliding down the bank to water uncovered a bright piece of metal. it was picked up and taken to camp, where a man who had been in the mines in georgia pronounced it gold. he flattened it out with a wagon hammer, and was quite positive it was the precious metal. but men, women and children subsisting on grasshoppers and crickets and fighting indians most of the day, had something else to think about. the incident, therefore, was soon forgotten amid the dire stress of their surroundings. but when gold was discovered at sutter's fort in california, sol tetherow called to mind the finding of the piece of metal on the banks of the stream not far from harney valley. he told about it--told and retold the story, and as the stories from california grew, so grew the story of the old man, until finally he declared he could have "picked up a blue bucket full in the bed of the creek." hence originated the name, the "blue bucket diggins." during the years of - - - and , companies were formed in the valley counties to search for the "blue bucket diggins." the companies were loosely formed, with little or no discipline, and were, therefore, predestined to end in disaster. after crossing the mountains and seeing no sign of indians, the officers had no power and less inclination to enforce discipline. there being no signs of indians, it was useless to maintain guards; they could whip all the indians east of the mountains, and why attempt to put on "military airs?" they were destined to a rude awakening. some morning about daylight, twenty or thirty red blanketed men, with hideous yells would charge the horse herds, while a hundred or more with equally hideous yells would attack the sleeping men. then would result a stampede, those who had talked loudest and talked most about cowards, being first to lose their heads. the few cool heads would make a stand, while the savages after getting away with the horses, would beat a retreat, leaving the gold hunters to straggle afoot back across the mountains to the settlements. these expeditions served to work off the surplus energy of the adventurous and restless, until the news arrived in the spring of of the discovery of gold in the nez perce mountains. the reports, as in most similar cases, were greatly exaggerated, but it served to create a genuine stampede, and while yet a boy of , i was drawn into that torrent rushing to the new el dorado. in justice to the good sound sense and mature judgment of my parents, i am compelled to say that it was not with their consent that i was drawn into this wild whirlpool, but, i argued, was i not a man? could i not ride and shoot with the best of them? and, perforce, why should i not go to the mines and make my fortune? i went. but by way of parenthesis, will say to my young readers--don't. chapter iv. in which various experiences are discussed. i have now arrived at a point where i shall speak more of myself, and the insignificant part i was to play in molding history and shaping the destinies of oregon and the northwest. joining a company of neighbors we crossed the cascade mountains by way of the barlow route. all had saddle horses with one pack horse, or mule, to two men. at grass valley, between the deschutes and john day river we fell in with a large company returning from a search for the "blue bucket diggins." they, had been successful (in saving their horses) and hearing of the oro fino strike were bound, like ourselves, for the new el dorado. at the crossing of the john day river we found a ferry boat kept and owned by a couple of thrifty traders, who had set themselves down to make their fortunes quickly and without the aid of the pick and shovel. but their covetousness was their ruin. the sum of $ was demanded for a horseman and $ for a pack horse. our party argued with them, but to no purpose. they would take nothing less. after parleying for some time the traders were asked the price for ferrying over a foot-man and his luggage. wall cushman, one of the traders, replied, "one dollar." then saddles and packs began to come off the backs of horses and mules. cushman threatened, swore and plead, but all to no purpose. he should receive one dollar for ferrying footmen and no more. saddles, packs, provisions, and blankets were piled up at the ferry landing and the most stupendous amount of luggage ever carried by a hobo was then, one after another, piled on the backs of footmen. the footman would stand within a step of the boat and, after his luggage was piled on his back, would make a step on to the boat, and drop his load. often two and three men would steady him until the step was made. all was fun and laughter except to cushman and his partner. while this was going on, others had crowded the horses to the river bank and were endeavoring to make them swim the river. but try as they would, the horses upon striking the swift current of the river would swing around and come out on the same side. it was now cushman's time to laugh. in this extremity a reward of $ was offered any one who would swim his horse ahead of the band and guide them over. i quickly volunteered. i wanted the twenty, and i wanted to save my dollar. some of the older men objected. but i had swum my horse across the williamette river and the insignificant john day, not a fourth as wide, had no terrors for me. mounting my horse, i rode down into the river until almost swimming. meantime i had divested myself of all clothing save that provided by mother nature, and having loaded my saddle and effects on the back of my partner, fastened my right hand in my horse's mane and gave the word. sliding off on the lower side i guided my horse with my hand and he took the current of the stream like a steamboat. the other horses to an animal followed, and in a few moments were all safely on the other shore. the crowd cheered heartily and even wall cushman could not restrain his feelings, but exclaimed, "my boy, you are a brick." the $ was not only given me, but several who had not contributed to the first "pot" gave a half dollar. altogether i was handsomely paid for my few moment's work, and as the water was not cold, i rather enjoyed the swim. from there we went to walla walla, following the old nez perce trails. at that time there were not a dozen habitations between the dalles and walla walla, where now is a densely settled country and one of the great wheat belts of the continent. a few days after crossing the john day i made my first horse trade. an old school teacher in the company fell in love with my horse, and not only gave me a better animal, but almost the value of my own to boot. i began then to flatter myself that i was not only a traveler, but a business man as well. but alas! i had many a sad lesson to learn ere i got my "teeth cut." arriving at walla walla, then a small village, with a government post half a mile away, we purchased a few supplies and then pushed on to the mines. going down the alpowwa i saw apple trees planted by father spaulding, of blessed memory, in . the trees were thrifty and some of them very large, and were being cared for by nez perce indians. the good father spaulding, with other presbyterian missionaries, had come among these people bearing the message of peace and good will and they, with the exception of the rebellion of chief joseph, had ever after adhered to his gentle teachings. the nez perce indians are the most intelligent and finest looking indians i have ever seen. they are also a brave, self-reliant race, and joseph's band bears the distinction of being the only indians on the continent with the steady courage to charge an equal number of the enemy in the open field. we crossed snake river at lewiston, then a trading village of half a dozen tents. the ferry boat was towed up the river half a mile by a horse and then rowed across with oars pulled by two men. lewiston is located at the junction of the snake and clearwater, but we went by way of camas prairie and crossed at craig's ferry, and two days later landed in oro fino city. hundreds of miners had preceded us, and when we arrived the ground was all taken up. i, therefore, found a job at sluice forking at $ per month, a boy's wages. men were receiving $ per day of ten hours, but for night work $ . was paid. i remained with my job but a short time, having found a better one in a store, more suited to my strength and at better wages. i was also agent for miller & mossman's express and received a good commission for all the envelopes sold bearing their name. envelopes were sold at $ each, and were carried to walla walla by pony express. the miller here referred to was then plain heme miller, express rider, but now known to fame and the world of letters as "joaquin" miller. the little store where i was employed was located about three miles above oro fino city on rhode's creek, the richest placer diggings in the district. sunday was a busy day for miners. clothes had to be washed, picks sharpened, letters written to the "folks at home," and as often happened, "dust" sent to them also. this had to be carefully weighed on gold scales, a receipt given and the dust marked and placed in a buckskin purse. there was no other means of communication with the outside world, and both letters and dust must be sent by miller & mossman's express. to the credit of mr. miller, be it said, that thieves, robbers and murderers let him severely alone. not only that, but no one ever lost a dollar entrusted to heine's care, though murders and robberies were quite frequent, and it was well known that he always carried a large quantity of gold dust; but they simply didn't want the job of taking it away from heine miller. it was one of my duties to take the "express matter," letters and gold dust, to oro fino in time for the walla walla express monday morning. as the express started at o'clock i had to get up early, besides it was deemed safest to "hoof down the trail" before daylight. the trail was a mere foot path cut through the bull pines, in the shadow of which imagination more than once pictured a lone robber. but i always carried my revolver in my hand and, though a boy, i was almost as good a shot as miller--at least i thought so. however, i always arrived on time and without mishap or accident. after delivering my express matter i had leisure to walk about town, view the sights and watch the swaying crowds of gamblers, sure thing sharps and other forms of human flotsam and jetsam as they fleeced their victims, the miners. one occasion i shall never forget. it was the funeral of one of the prominent citizens of oro fino. the aforesaid prominent citizen bore the euphonious cognomen of "bob-up-the-creek." bob, probably at his christening, was given another name answers as well as another, especially among the aristocracy of which bob was an honored member. bob was a bad actor, too, especially when under the influence of liquor. one sunday bob imbibed quite freely and finally "declared himself chief." there were none who cared to dispute with bob his self assumed title, but he finally ran "up against" an old frenchman who kept a pie stand. bob concluded to take possession of the stand, but his right to do so was disputed by the frenchman. to settle the dispute the frenchman emptied the contents of a double barreled shot gun into bob's head. that settled the dispute and likewise bob. being a citizen of prominence, his friends and admirers determined to give bob a respectable send off. accordingly a neat coffin was purchased and bob reverently placed therein. a procession was formed and from fifty to seventy-five of his friends followed his remains to the newly made cemetery on the hill. all were in full dress--black pantaloons, checked flannel shirt with white collar, and with a revolver and knife swung conveniently to the belt. now, no self-respecting or prudent gentleman of the class of which i am speaking, moved abroad in those days without the ever handy knife and pistol. as the occasion was one of importance, i followed after the procession. arriving at the grave, the coffin was placed upon two poles laid across the vault. the burial service was then read by one of the mourners, a faro dealer, if my memory serves me right, a solemn hymn was sung and then all that was mortal of "bob-up-the-creek" was consigned to the grave. four lusty mourners then began shoveling in the dirt. when the grave was about two-thirds filled, a repulsive looking vagabond, the town drunk, threw himself across the grave bellowing like a bull buffalo, and exclaiming "here is a poor soul gone to eternity and not one tear shed over his grave." meanwhile the dirt kept falling--it appeared to me a little faster, when the old drunk, seeing himself about to be buried alive, crawled upon his feet, shaking himself very much as a wet dog is wont to shake himself. this action was greeted with peals of laughter and shouts from the mourners. such was the funeral of "bob-up-the-creek." shocked and disgusted i turned and walked down the hill to town, to be followed soon after by a laughing, jesting crowd, who dispersed to their different "places of business" to lie in wait for the unwary sucker, the miner. i remained at the store until the proprietor, mr. vaughn, sold out, and hearing that a company was being formed at pierce city to go to the blackfoot country on a prospecting expedition, i went there and applied to the, leader for admission. he looked me over, smiled and said that it was too dangerous an expedition for a boy. i replied that i supposed there was danger, that i was not afraid and could shoot as good as any of them. at this the men listening began laughing and the leader told me he didn't want me. indignant, i turned away, but was followed a little way by a rather pleasant looking man. he said, "my boy, you are too young to go with the crowd. they are a rough set and not fit for a boy of your age to associate with." he then shook hands with me and bade me good bye. i returned to oro fino, and as winter was approaching, i joined a strong party and started back to walla walla. this was deemed prudent, for besides the robbers, there were rumors of indian troubles after we should have passed beyond the nez perce country. about this time we began hearing rumors of the battle of bull run, and this formed the chief subject for conversation around the camp fire of evenings. at lewiston a very dignified indian, a nez perce, asked permission to join our company to walla walla. he was accompanied by a boy about whom we judged to be his son. permission, of course, we readily granted and we proceeded on our way. that evening the usual subject of conversation came up, northern and southern men good naturedly discussing the news, and each construing a victory for his side. finally the indian spoke up and said, "i think, gentlemen, i can settle your controversy. i have received the latest papers and all are agreed that the battle resulted in a disaster to the federal arms." all looked at him in astonishment, but he continued and gave us a vivid description of the battle. we at once knew the speaker to be none other than lawyer, chief of the nez perces, scholar and graduate of an eastern college, and one of the bright men of any race red or white. i met him after our arrival at walla walla and recognized in the superbly dressed man our fellow traveler. he wore a broadcloth suit, silk hat and carried a gold headed cane. his son was also well dressed. again following the old nez perce trails, which everyone who has traveled over that country during the early days will remember, we proceeded to the john day river. here i met some old lane county friends, a mr. driskol and his son, a young man of about years of age. they had driven over the mountains a band of cattle and turned them on the range at john day and rock creek. two brothers named john and zim smith, from douglas county, had also driven out cattle and turned them loose on the same range. the smiths had returned to the valley, but were expected back in a week or such a matter. driskol and his son now asked me to remain with them and assist in rounding up the cattle preparatory to leaving them for the winter. they would pay me good wages and then, the smiths returning, we would all go home together. the free wild life of the prairie having an almost irresistible charm for me, it did not require much persuasion to induce me to remain. our task consisted in riding the river and tributary streams and driving the cattle back on the range. the men at the ferry told us that the columbias were friendly and to be trusted. they cautioned us that the country further up the river and rock creek was frequently raided by roving bands of snake indians. these savages were hostile at all times, and this was one reason it was desirable to prevent the cattle straying too far and thus falling an easy prey to the snakes. they also said it would be prudent to keep a sharp lookout when riding too far south. we continued riding and driving in the cattle for a couple of weeks, hoping for the return of the smiths before venturing too far. but they not returning, we decided to go up rock creek above the cattle and drive them down. the first day we traveled leisurely along and made about twenty miles. that night we camped and made our beds in a rye grass bottom, having previously cooked our supper and riding until after dark. this was done to prevent any roving band of snakes that might be in the country from discovering our camp and attacking us at disadvantage. the old gentlemen driskol was uneasy and he and his son watched our camp time about. i offered to take my turn, but the old gentleman said "the boy will go to sleep," an arrangement very satisfactory to a tired, sleepy-headed boy. the next morning we packed up and rode to a favorable place and cooked our breakfast. while we were eating an indian rode into camp, who hailed us in jargon and we assumed at once that he was a columbia. he said he had lost a horse while deer hunting and if we were going any further south he would like to travel with us. we thought little of the matter and readily gave permission, the more so as he carried a good rifle and would be a welcome addition to our party in the event of a "scrap" with the snakes. as we proceeded up rock creek, we still found cattle tracks and were loth to turn back. we halted at noon to rest our horses and cook our dinner by the side of a pool in the bed of a creek. while the younger driskol was getting dinner, the elder driskol keeping a watch, a wild goose lit in the pond feet away. picking up my rifle i shot its head off. i will now confess that if ever a foolish, thoughtless boy got a scolding i got it then and there, from the elder driskol. he declared i was trying to bring "the snakes right down to murder us all." i was sorry of course for my thoughtlessness, but all the same i got my goose. that evening that goose was the subject of many lectures, was in fact a continued story. as evening wore on and we were getting further and further away from our camp on the john day, we were more than usually careful. patches of willows, narrow canyons and high rye grass bottoms were avoided. in fact, we kept on open ground where we could see an enemy several hundred yards away. we figured that in an open field fight we could more than hold our own, notwithstanding the fact that we were only four in number, counting the indian. but by-and-by, our traveling companion became a source of considerable uneasiness. when questioned regarding his lost horse he did not give straight replies, but was evasive and somewhat contradictory, and mr. driskol began to have suspicions regarding his friendly intentions. but what to do, or how to rid ourselves of his presence, was a puzzling question. besides, we felt that we were safer where he could be watched than if out of our sight. that night, after eating our suppers, we traveled some distance after dark and stopped on a level piece of ground away from the creek bottom. we felt safer in the open country than in the high rye grass, especially on account of our indian companion. we were very careful not to let the indian see that we were suspicious of him, and after unsaddling and unpacking our horses all but the elder driskol rolled up in their blankets, the indian choosing a spot about ten steps away from us. before lying down, it was deemed best to keep a strict watch on our fellow traveler, and if necessary keep him with us if we had to make him a prisoner. of course nothing was said to him about keeping watch. during the night he was several times detected, cautiously rising on his elbow and looking around. discovering the guard he would lie down with a grunt as if with satisfaction. when daylight came we started to saddle up and load our two pack horses, intending to go some distance upon our return trip, before stopping for breakfast. saddles were on the riding horses and the driskols were loading the packs. i had been directed to keep a close watch on the indian, "and if he attempts to get away, shoot him," said the elder driskol. they were perhaps twenty steps away, and one of the pack horses starting off, the young man went to bring him back. the old gentleman was busy with the pack, when suddenly, quick almost as a flash, the indian leaped upon young driskol's horse and started off. the movement took me by surprise and for an instant i sat as if stupified. then seeing the rascal going like sin, i raised my rifle, took deliberate aim, and fired. the indian threw back his head and throwing his arms aloft, plunged headlong into the grass. "there goes that d----d boy, shooting another goose," said old gentleman driskol, almost without looking around. the young man, however, saw his horse galloping in a circle back to the other horses. meantime i had dropped my muzzle loader and with revolver stood looking at the indian kicking in the grass forty rods away. mr. driskol flow ran up to where i was standing and pointing to the indian, i said, "it wasn't a goose this time, mr. driskol." we were now all thoroughly alarmed, and imagined the snakes would be down upon us in no time. hastily fastening the packs, we then took the lock off the indian's gun and breaking the stock, threw it away. the pony, belonging to the indian was unsaddled and turned loose, and we pulled out for the "home camp" in a hurry. why the indian came to our camp we could never understand. he would have stood a better chance of stealing our horses by watching the camp, then slipping in upon us in the night and driving them away, unless it was to throw us off our guard. the probabilities are that he was either a snake or a renegade columbia or umatilla indian, and counted on getting our horses. finding we were on our guard, and seeing an opportunity of "swapping horses" while the men were busy, paid no attention and gave no thought to the boy. certain it was our, or rather the old gentleman driskol's watchfulness, that saved us from being left afoot forty miles from home. whether he had confederates, we never knew, as we lost no time in putting as many miles between us and the "snake country" as possible. during the day we kept in the open country, avoiding any point where an advantage could have been taken of us. we of course talked over the affair of the morning, but not once was the goose mentioned by mr. driskol. he did not even refer to the goose when apologizing to me for scoldings he had given me. we arrived late at night at the ferry, and found everything in turmoil of excitement. two men, an old man and his son, briggs by name, if i remember correctly, had been killed by the indians in tye valley, about thirty miles away. the murders created intense excitement, all fearing it was the signal for a general massacre of the settlers around the dalles and the isolated traders on the walla walla road. the smith brothers had returned and had been assisting the two men at the ferry in fortifying the post. the house, a mere shack, was being walled in with rock, port holes for the rifles being left. our absence had created uneasiness on the part of the smiths, but they knew it would be futile to attempt to find us. besides, it was thought more than probable that we had already been massacred and to undertake to find us would be only to throw their own lives away. their surprise and pleasure was therefore great when we rode into the station at o'clock at night. they at once informed us of the murder of the old man and his son, and heartily congratulated us when in return we told them of our own adventure. the two men at the ferry were positive that the indian did not belong in that section, and by our prudence, they said, we had saved our horses and probably our lives. the next day we all joined in completing the fortifications, and when finished felt that we could "stand off" two or three tribes. yet, notwithstanding our confidence, we felt that in the event of a general outbreak we were still in a dangerous position and that every care should be exercised. upon my own part, i felt no uneasiness. zim smith was there, a rollicking devil-may-care fellow, and i believed he alone was the match for all of the indians east of the cascade mountains. a careful guard was maintained, however, our horses kept near at hand, and we anxiously awaited results. several days thus passed. the smiths and driskols seriously discussing the situation. they had ventured their all in the cattle speculation, and to abandon them to the mercy of the red devils was an alternative hard to contemplate. but what could four men and a boy do opposed by hundreds of blood thirsty savages? under all the circumstances, it was finally determined to embrace the first opportunity of getting out of the country. our lives, they argued--i had no say--were worth more than cattle. besides, we could not save the cattle cooped up in a stone fort as we were. we knew that the news would be carried to walla walla and that returning miners would travel in strong parties. a few days later a company of forty or fifty men came along, and as they were well armed, we determined to join them. the two men at the ferry also abandoned the place and went with us. i omitted to say that wall cushman, one of the owners of the ferry, had gone below some time before my arrival there, and i had no opportunity of renewing my acquaintance of the spring before. we arrived at the dalles without incident worthy of mention. there i sold my horse, saddle and bridle, rifle and revolver to a man who said he was going on a prospecting expedition, and took a columbia river steamer to portland. as horses and arms were in demand, not much trouble was experienced in selling, and most of the company with which i was traveling made similar disposition of their "outfits." going down the river, zim smith, who was quite a talker, told the story of the goose in my presence and in the presence of a crowd. i was terribly mortified, and informed his brother that "zim was making fun of me." he laughed and mollified my feelings so far as to say, "zim is only talking and means nothing by it." "in fact, he thinks you are a great boy." but i had made up my mind that i had seen enough of the wild life of the mines, mountains and plains; i would go home and attend school. no more indians, miners, and rough men for me. i had seen and experienced enough, and was heartily sick of it all. i had experienced a "call of the wild" and was satisfied. and i want to say to my young readers again, whenever you experience a similar call--don't. the trip home was made mostly on foot, the great flood of the early winter of - having washed out bridges and roads, seriously interfering with stage travel. an occasional boat made trips as far as albany and corvallis, but we failed to make proper connections. hence from oregon city to albany we traveled on foot, but it was a weary journey in the mud. here, if the reader will pardon a digression, i will relate a little anecdote illustrative of the times. we were passing through french prairie in marion county. the spot, one of the richest and most beautiful in all oregon, derived its name from the fact that it was settled principally by canadian french, employees of the hudson bay company. they were typical frontiersmen, hospitable and generous to a degree. we had asked at several farm houses for accommodations for the night, but there was so much travel that all were full and running over. our party consisted of six, the driskols, smiths, ben allen and myself. trudging through the mud, all were tired and hungry. as we neared the upper edge of french prairie, ben allen remarked that he had an old friend, a frenchman, and he was satisfied we would be welcomed to his home. he lived nearly a mile off the road, but that was better than walking to salem, six or seven miles. accordingly, we turned off to the home of ben's friend. the old frenchman received us with open arms. he was simply delighted and gave us the best of everything the house afforded. in fact, the old man fairly danced with delight that "bin" and his friends had paid him a visit. seated in home-made rocking chairs, before an open fire place in which was a roaring fire of oak logs, it was, as zim smith expressed it, "solid comfort." finally supper was announced, and the announcement was never more welcome than to that hungry crowd. besides ham, vegetables and other accompaniments of a farm house dinner, there was a certain stew with dumplings. this was an especially toothsome dish, and all partook freely and with relish. as we neared the end of the meal our host exclaimed, addressing mr. allen: "well, bin, how did you like the cat!" "cat, h--l" said ben. "oh, yes bin, he very fine cat. we fatten him three week." somehow, our dinner came to a sudden close. urged by our host to have more, all politely declined, "bin" saying it was very good, indeed, but he had eaten heartily and didn't care for more. the next morning we bade our hospitable host adieu, before breakfast, saying we were anxious to get to salem as we expected to catch a boat for albany, corvallis or possibly eugene city. that was the first cat i ever ate and since that time i have eaten bear, wild cat, horse, mule, but as a matter of fact, i never ate a more toothsome dish than the old frenchman's cat--until i discovered it was cat. hence i am inclined to the opinion that it is all a matter of education. i arrived at home after christmas and during the rest of the winter attended the district school. had i been told that that little district school was destined to be the last i should ever attend, i possibly should have better applied myself to my studies. i remained on the farm that summer assisting in the general work. in the fall of , joaquin miller and anthony noltner started the "herald," a weekly newspaper, at eugene city. instead of going to school, as my father wished, i applied for and obtained a position as "devil" in the office. mr. noltner was of the opinion that the name was very appropriate in my case. however, i soon gained the confidence and esteem of my employers. as evidence of this, i remained three years, and during the time did not lose three days, that is, if we except the several occasions when for a week or two, the herald was "excluded from the united states mails for disloyal utterances." publication would be suspended for a week or so and then come out under another name. the columns would be filled with news and "strictly literary matter" for a short time. then mr. miller would launch out and give expression to his opinion on things in general and certain politicians in particular. after a few weeks something said would incur the displeasure of the postmaster, and we would then have to begin all over under a new name. and do you know, i grieve to admit it now, but those little vacations came so regularly that i began to enjoy them--i could go hunting. thus miller and noltner struggled along, issuing their publication under three or four different names. there was talk at different times of providing mr. miller a residence at fort alcatraz, with board and lodging at the expense of the u. s. government. now, i may be "telling tales out of school" but there are few left to care, save mr. miller and the writer, and i trust that "heinie" will pardon me in thus living over the stirring times of our youth. in the spring of , i think it was, mr. miller sold his interest in the paper to his partner, mr. noltner. after that the office had few charms for me, and more and more my spirits bent to a "call to the wild." this feeling became the more pronounced by reason of a little misunderstanding with major rinehart who commanded the troops at that time stationed at eugene city. the circumstances leading up to the "misunderstanding," briefly are that a friend, henry mulkey, had been arrested for a political offense by order of major rinehart, and it had been determined to send him to ft. vancouver and possibly to alcatraz. i went to major rinehart's headquarters and applied for a pass to see mr. mulkey. that i played good-goody--lied like a tombstone in order to get the pass, is not necessary here to state, but i got it and arranged an escape with mulkey. that the arrangement miscarried was due to mr. mulkey, and not to the prudence of major rinehart or the failure upon my part to carry out the program. be that as it may. mulkey was re-captured, and my own arrest was ordered. a little boy, god bless him, overheard major rinehart give the order to lieutenant tichnor, and ran and told me. now, i did not relish the idea of a residence either at ft. vancouver or alcatraz--nor did i know how long it would last. consequently i leaped upon the best horse i saw standing hitched to the court house fence and rode out of town, sending the horse and saddle back by a son of "uncle jimmie" howard. that boy is now a baptist minister and i seriously question if he would now accommodate me so far as to return a "lifted horse." under all the circumstances, i concluded to absent myself permanently-- at least until major rinehart's soldiers should move on. securing an "outfit" i joined a small company in the mountains, crossing the cascades by mckinzie pass. chapter v. taking revenge on marauding snakes. on reaching the east side of the mountains, it became necessary to travel in the night, at least through the open country between the deschutes and bridge creek. the snake indians were raiding the country, and encumbered as we were with a small pack train, and with only a small company, we deemed that plan safest. during the day a careful guard was kept out and no fires lit. we thus passed safely through the dangerous country to bridge creek. we arrived there in the morning and finding quite a company from the dalles, concluded to "lay by" a day or two and rest our animals. about o'clock that evening we saw a horseman coming, and riding as if his life were at stake. coming up, the horseman proved to be jim clark, who informed us that the indians would be upon us in a few minutes and that they had killed his brother-in-law, george masterson, a lad of years. horses were at once rounded up and preparations made for defense. while the horses were being driven in, clark related the circumstances, which left a doubt in our minds as to the fate of young masterson. accordingly, and as quickly as possible, every man that could be spared from camp saddled his horse and started back with clark, either to save the boy or avenge his death. the circumstances, as related by clark, were that he and the boy had left the house, afterwards known as the "burnt ranch" for a load of fire wood. the house was located on the john day river about a mile below the mouth of bridge creek. opposite the house the river makes a sudden bend around the point of a high mountain, where the action of water and erosion of time had washed away the base of the mountain leaving a precipitous cliff, hundreds of feet high. under this cliff a great amount of drift wood has been deposited, and here jim clark went for his fire wood. the high bank of the river next the house, which was yards away, had been cut down so as to give an easy grade for loaded wagons. clark said for the first time they had left their rifles and other arms at the house, immunity from attack rendering them careless. while loading the wagon they happened to look towards the house, which was in plain view, and saw it in flames. they could also see the indians around the house. now the only means of escape was crossing the river, the way they had come. the mountains rose hundreds of feet perpendicularly at their backs, rendering escape impossible in that direction. hastily cutting the harness from the horses they mounted, and clark, who was a cool headed man in danger, and brave as a lion withal, told the boy to follow him. as they plunged into the ford they saw a number of indians lined upon the opposite bank. but it was the only alternative, and the indians thinking the two men were charging them, ran back out of sight. as they emerged from the river, which here was a shallow ripple, and started up the cut in the bank, the indians discovered they were unarmed and attempted to close in on them. however, clark and the boy had reached the top of the bank, and turning their horses up the river towards the mouth of bridge creek, sped for dear life. as soon as they had passed beyond the reach of the bullets and arrows of the savages, clark tried to persuade the boy to hold up and save his horse. the boy, however, was thoroughly frightened and drove his horse to the top of his speed. clark, meanwhile, had looked back and saw the indians mounting, and now began a race, on one side for life, on the other for scalps. the race was prolonged scarcely two miles when young masterson's horse began to fail. he was then a quarter of a mile ahead of clark, who, nursing his horse, kept just beyond reach of the bullets. gradually the gap between clark and the boy narrowed, and slowly the indians began to gain. at last clark rode up beside the boy whose horse was thoroughly spent. he remained beside him until an indian, riding a black horse, clark said, ran up within twenty feet of him. the boy saw him raise his gun, and throwing himself from his horse with the exclamation, "o, lord," was lost to view in the dust. the indian was at least fifty yards ahead of the others and did not stop to kill the boy, probably leaving him for those behind. sure of clark, he kept on, his black and savage heart leaping with joy in anticipation of torturing him. after tolling the indian some little distance and coming to a turn in the road, clark let his horse out and did not slacken his speed until our camp was reached. as may be well imagined, we did not spare our horses on the return, clark having been provided with a fresh animal. but it was six or seven miles back to where masterson left his horse. when we arrived there the search began. but failing to find the body, the awful possibility began to dawn upon us that he had been captured alive. clark was wild. had he found the dead body of the boy, it would have been nothing compared to the thought of his capture alive and death at the stake. a search now began for the trail of the indians, as they had evidently left before our approach. but while this was going on, some of the men found the boy under a bank, shielded from sight by over-hanging earth and matted roots. when pulled out he was more dead than alive, his long bath in the water rendering him practically helpless. when sufficiently revived, he told us that when he threw himself from his horse, he leaped into the brush, and coming to the creek, a small stream, ran down until he saw the overhanging bank. he said several times the indians in their search for him were within a few feet of him. after finding of young masterson, we returned to camp. clark had lost a great deal of property, besides that which had been consumed in his burned home. he was positive the party did not comprise more than fifteen or twenty warriors. he begged us to help him recover his property, or to at least get revenge. accordingly perry maupin, john atterbury, myself and three others, whose names i cannot now recall, volunteered for the undertaking, making seven in all. getting off at daybreak we struck the trail of the indians and followed as fast as the nature of the country would permit. in places the trail was very dim, and this occasioned considerable delay, but just about sunset the camp of the savages was located. as night was now upon us, it was deemed best to await until daylight to make the attack. we were satisfied they would remain until morning, probably feasting on some of the stolen stock. they were camped on the west branch of trout creek about one mile above the forks. their position was two hundred yards from the creek at a spring, and surrounded by a few scattering willows and quaking asps. on every side was open ground, with a high, bald mountain on the north side, and presenting a splendid opportunity for attack. the location of the camp also indicated that they felt secure from pursuit. everything being settled, both as to the manner of approach and point of attack, we withdrew and awaited the coming of morning. unsaddling our horses and picketing them, a portion lay down in an effort to get some sleep, the others standing guard. at o'clock we saddled our horses and by taking a circuitous route were enabled to approach the camp from the southwest side, and by following a slight depression in the ground reached a point within yards of where the savages rested in fancied security. to prevent the possibility of arousing them by any accidental noise, we had dismounted some distance back, and carefully led our horses by the head, lest a stumble or neigh might discover us to the enemy. it was yet dark when we reached a spot opposite the camp, and standing at our horses' heads, impatiently awaited the dawn. streaks of light soon began shooting through the eastern sky, but it seemed an eternity before we could see well enough to shoot. any one who has ever experienced waiting under similar circumstances will appreciate our impatience and the slow passage of time. but daylight came at last, and swinging into our saddles, we formed in line and slowly, cautiously advanced. as our heads rose above the slight elevation that had obscured the camp, our revolvers in hand, we spurred our horses into a run and began yelling like furies. scarcely had we done so when several indians sprang up and rushed towards us with hands up and calling at the top of their voices: "warm springs! warm springs! wascos, wascos!" they were calling in jargon, and recognizing them as friendly indians, and not snakes and therefore enemies, both jim clark and perry maupin called out, "for god's sake, boys, don't shoot!" we halted among them without firing a shot. they then related to us their story. they were camped at the place hunting when the snakes came upon them about o'clock the previous evening. a skirmish had taken place, but without serious consequences on either side, when the snakes made overtures for peace, saying they did not want to fight them, that they were only enemies of the white man. they proposed, in order to settle the terms of peace, that the two chiefs, polina, or as some give the name, penina, chief of the snakes, and queapama, chief of the warm springs and wascos, should meet half way alone and unarmed. all the warm springs earnestly opposed the meeting, feeling certain that treachery was meditated. but queapama believed otherwise, and the two chiefs, in sight of their people, went out to the meeting. scarcely had queapama reached the snake chief when he was treacherously murdered by a concealed assassin. burning for revenge, the warm springs renewed the fight, when the snakes drew off and were seen no more. they now volunteered to go with us in pursuit of the snakes, who, they declared, could not be many hours ahead. the snakes, they argued, could be easily overtaken as they were practically in their own country and would travel leisurely. we knew the two tribes were traditional enemies and the presence of their dead chief was evidence that their friendship for us could be relied upon. the warm springs, however, held the snakes in great dread and never ventured far into their country. the present camp was on neutral territory, and was the main hunting grounds of the former tribe. polina was especially dreaded, and was believed by the warm springs to be bullet-proof. many told of having shot him in the middle of the forehead, but that the bullet dropped down without injuring him. but may-be-so the white man had "good medicine" and could kill him. although with such superstitious dread we did not value the aid of the warm springs very highly, yet we knew them to be good trailers and skillful scouts, hence their company was accepted, the more readily as we would soon enter the pine timber of the mckay mountains. accordingly, after filling our "cantenas" with dried venison from the camp of our allies, we again took the trail. our horses were fresh and as the warm springs were such splendid trailers we made good progress, especially after entering the pine timber. the indians acted also as scouts, skirting each side of the trail and keeping well in advance. no effort had here been made by the snakes to cover their tracks, and we followed at a rapid pace. the trail led up the west branch of trout creek and in a southerly direction. we had not gone more than four miles when we came to the camp of the night before. their fires were still burning, showing their utter contempt for the warm springs. we followed up trout creek to its head and passed through a low gap on to the head of mckay creek, which flows in a southwesterly direction to its junction with crooked river. just after passing the divide one on the scouts dropped back and informed us that the enemy was not far ahead. they said the grass cut by the hoofs of their ponies was as fresh as when growing. it was not thought advisable to overtake them in the timber until they had gone into camp. we therefore sent word ahead to proceed with great caution, and to keep well back from the trail. proceeding now with the steathliness of a cat creeping upon a bird, the scouts kept well behind the ridges and only occasionally venturing to peep over a ridge or point into the creek bottom down which the snakes were traveling. about o'clock they came back and announced that the snakes had gone into camp about a mile or such a matter ahead. a council was now held to discuss the advisability of attacking them at once or waiting until morning. the warm springs were eager for an immediate attack. the camp was located in the edge of an open glade, presenting a splendid opportunity for a close approach. we naturally looked to jim clark as our leader and adviser, he being older and far more experienced than any of our party, unless it was our allies. clark finally advised an immediate attack. "we are getting into the snake territory, they might move again tonight and we would be compelled to go further on," and, he declared, "we might bite off more than we can chew." that settled the matter, and our allies were in high glee. it was arranged that a portion of the warm spring should approach from the west, keeping well behind the hill, and at the moment of attack should stampede their horses, while we were to make a detour and approach at the point of timber nearest the camp. after separating we turned to the left through the thick timber, keeping well behind the ridge until we were about opposite the camp. here we dismounted and tied our horses in a thicket of firs. silently, almost as shadows, we moved up the ridge and crossing over the crest began the descent through the woods, the moccasined feet of our dusky allies falling noiselessly upon the pine quills. we almost held our breath, lest the least noise, the accidental breaking of a twig, should startle the enemy. though this was to be my first real indian fight, i felt no fear and not so much excitement as when stalking my first buck. as we neared the edge of the wood and were almost prepared for the rush, the indians on the other side raised the yell. led on by their eagerness they had come into view of the camp and seeing they were discovered raised the war-whoop and made for the herd. the snakes sprang to their weapons and started to save their horses. concealment being now useless we burst out of the wood and opened fire. as we did so the savages turned down the creek and fled toward the nearest shelter. i remember dropping upon my left knee, and taking deliberate aim at a big fellow, fired. at the crack of the rifle he sprang into the air and fell, and i then knew i had made one "good siwash." springing to my feet i drew my revolver, a colt's navy, and kept with the crowd in a running fight until the snakes reached the shelter of the woods. to have followed further would have been madness, notwithstanding they were thoroughly frightened and running, as one of the warm springs expressed it, "like klanacks" (black-tailed deer). jim clark now called a halt. to follow further would result in some of us getting killed, as the snakes would then have the advantage. reloading our rifles we returned to count the result of our victory. we found four dead indians, including one that had had his leg broken by a rifle ball and had been dispatched by our allies, who now proceeded to scalp the dead according to the usages and traditions of their race. it was a gory spectacle, and when they generously offered to divide the bloody trophies, we politely declined, saying the scalps belonged to them, as they had lost their great chief by the treachery of the dead indians. the operation of lifting the scalp was a simple one. a knife was run around the head just above the ears and the skin peeled off. that was the first i ever saw, and i had no desire to see the operation repeated. some of those that escaped must have been wounded, but we had no means of knowing the number of these. the expedition had been partially successful, but keen regret was felt, not alone by our party, but by our allies, that old polina had escaped. he was the scourge of the whites in all southeastern oregon, and while he lived there could be no such thing as peace. he was reserved, however, for the rifle of howard maupin, father of the youth who was with us and was kneeling by my side when i fired at the fleeing savages. but that will be reserved for a future chapter. besides killing four indians we had captured a number of ponies and some of the stolen stock belonging to the whites. the ponies we gave to our friends, the warm springs, besides a captured gun. after destroying everything of value that we could not carry with us, including some camp effects, we returned to our horses and started back. we parted with our friends at their camp of the night before, who lost no time after their arrival there in packing up and, taking their dead chief with them, making haste to reach the reservation as soon as possible. after bidding them adieu, we traveled on our return until daylight when we stopped, unsaddled our horses and picketed them to graze and rest for a couple of hours. saddling up again we pushed on to bridge creek, where we arrived towards evening. we had been in the saddle now, with slight intermissions, for more than forty-eight hours, and rest and sleep were a most welcome boon. our horses, too, were nearly spent, and here we remained to rest and recruit. we remained at bridge creek several days, recruiting our horses and resting from the fatigues of our recent severe and trying expedition. in reading my simple narrative some may say we were taking desperate chances in following an enemy, outnumbering us several times, into his own country. that is true in a sense. but we had adopted his own tactics, and depended on a surprise. had we come out in the open and shown ourselves, we would probably have fared badly in such an unequal contest. secrecy, therefore, was our only safe course, and that required both skill and caution. we knew the indians would be off their guard, that they would never dream of pursuit, and when surprised would scatter like a covey of quail. another object was to come to close quarters as quickly as possible, so as to use our revolvers when the rifles had been emptied. howard maupin, an old indian fighter, and father of the youth who accompanied us, once remarked that in "close quarters an indian can't hit the side of a barn." i understood this when, years after in the first battle in the lava beds with the modocs, i asked general wheaton to signal to colonel bernard to cease firing and i would charge with the volunteers. we had them hemmed between two lines, with an intervening space of not more than yards. he refused, saying we had lost too many men and the country would not justify the sacrifice of human life. we had fought them all day, and had suffered severely, and finally retreated under cover of darkness. it cost nearly three hundred men to close the modoc war, including the life of the gallant general canby. i believed then--i know now we could have whipped them in twenty minutes with the loss of less than a dozen men. chapter vi. one sad tale from canyon city history. after a few days at bridge creek we joined a pack train going to canyon city from the dalles, and though the road was infested with savages, who mercilessly slaughtered small parties, we arrived at the then flourishing mining camp without mishap or adventure. canyon city at that time was a typical mining camp. there were congregated every known character, race, profession and creed. under a rough exterior the lawyer, doctor, minister, the rude western frontiersman and the staid and sober farmer, worked side by side. there was no distinction of dress among that restless, surging, throbbing throng of humanity, drawn thither by the all-absorbing motive--the glittering dust that lay hidden beneath the gravel and sands of the streams and along the ravines. the bond of sympathy, however, among the miners was close, and as warm hearts beat beneath the flannel shirts as ever throbbed in the breast of man. here, too, were congregated those human vultures that feed and fatten upon the frailties and follies of their fellowmen. the town proper numbered about six saloons to every legitimate business house. of evenings the gambling hells were a glare of light, and music, both vocal and instrumental, floated out upon the streets to tempt the miners to enter, while away an hour, and incidentally part with their well-earned dust. some of these hells had "lady waitresses," poor, faded, blear-eyed creatures, in gaudy finery, and upon whose features was stamped the everlasting brand of god's outlawry. these dens of iniquity were only too frequently the scene of awful tragedies, and the sawdust floors drank up the blood of many a poor unfortunate. if the encounter was between two gamblers the miners paid little attention. but if, as was often the case, some miner, crazed with an overdose of "double-distilled damnation," fell a victim to the revolver or knife of a gambler, there was sure to be "something doing." among these restless, adventurous men there was a semblance of law, but its administration was too often a mockery and a farce. this, however, only applies to the early days of the camp. one of the saddest of life's tragedies is associated in my mind with an employee of one of these places. his name was brown, and he was a musician of some merit. he had with him a young and beautiful wife and infant daughter. he played the violin at night and received $ for each of the seven nights of the week. he was a man of good morals as far as could be observed, and sober withal. one morning he left the saloon at o'clock, as was his custom. from the moment he passed out of the door he disappeared from the sight of men as effectually as the light of an extinguished candle. he was popular and had not a known enemy in the world. but whether he was murdered and his body concealed, or whether he left the country, remained an unsolved mystery. the latter theory had few or no adherents, as he was tenderly attached to his wife and child. be that as it may. soon after the disappearance of the musician, a young physician, who was handsome, accomplished, and talented, made his advent into canyon city. in due time he became interested in the comely widow, and when sufficient time had elapsed, and no tidings came back of the missing husband and father, legal steps were taken, a divorce secured and the young physician made the widow his wife. as years rolled away and the mines "played out," the doctor and his wife and little girl moved to a town in the willamette valley. there he prospered, gaining not only gold but that which is far more precious the love and respect of his fellow-man, and, being a public-spirited man, he took an active interest in political and other public matters. in the campaign of he received the nomination from his party for state senator. his election was a foregone conclusion, as his party had not only a majority of votes, but his talents as a speaker and his popularity among all classes were in his favor. about that time, however, the exposures regarding the past life of senator john h. mitchell were given to the world by the press of oregon. to offset the charges, there were dark hints and innuendoes thrown out about the disappearance of brown and the subsequent marriage of the widow to the young doctor. the talk was easily silenced, as it was shown that the doctor came to canyon city after brown's disappearance; but it was enough to sting the proud, sensitive heart of the young man to the quick. the mere fact that a suspicion of dishonor attached to his name was sufficient to cause him to withdraw from public life forever. as an orator he had few equals and no superiors, and only for his innocent connection with the brown tragedy at canyon city would have achieved a name the equal of that of his distinguished brother, senator and vice-president hendricks of indiana. dr. hendricks and his wife have long since passed over the river, to the white walled city of god. and there, let us hope, their rest will be eternal, and that the poison tongue of slander will come not to blast, to blacken and to sting. i remained at canyon city and vicinity until september and then returned to the valley. during the summer and fall many depredations were committed by indians. a party of eight men prospecting in the mountains to the west were surprised and all killed. every one had died apparently in his bed. the little stream, a tributary of the south john day river, was ever after known as "murderers' creek." the next year, i think it was, joaquin miller, then judge of grant county, led a company of a hundred miners against the snakes in harney valley. he was joined by lieutenant, now judge waymire of oakland, in command of a troop of u. s. volunteers. they were repulsed with some loss and returned without accomplishing anything of importance. the war dragged along until the summer of , when chief polina led a band of warriors into the john day country north of bridge creek, where they robbed a settler named clarno of a number of cattle and horses and started back. howard maupin then lived at antelope valley, miles from the clarno place. the indians attempted to capture his horses in the night, but were frustrated by the watchfulness of the dogs that gave the alarm. the horses were corralled, and maupin and his son and a young german stood guard all night. the next morning jim clark and john attebury arrived at the station, and it was determined to follow and punish the indians and recover the stolen stock. they followed the trail into the rough brakes of trout creek and located the camp. the indians had halted in a small basin on the mountain side through which ran a small branch, bordered with willows, where they had killed an ox and were enjoying a feast. the five men approached as near as possible and then leaving their horses made their way up the ravine upon which the unsuspecting savages were camped. howard maupin was armed with a henry rifle, a present to the old hero from general george crook. silently the men made their way up the rough and rugged ravine until they lay concealed seventy yards away. taking deadly aim the five men fired, killing four indians. the indians fled to the protection of a rugged cliff of rocks, but maupin's rifle kept following them with deadly effect. one indian was picked out as the chief and fell at the crack of the rifle. he raised on his hands and halloed to the others until they reached the shelter of the rocks. it required two more shots to finish him, and thus died polina, or penina, the leader of the snakes and scourge of the white man. the shot from howard maupin's repeating rifle closed the snake, or shoshone war, and peace reigned until their great uprising under chief egan in . for a year or more, or until the spring of , i followed the hum-drum life of a printer. a call of duty compelled me to lay all else aside to care for an invalid brother, judge j. m. thompson. he was dying of chronic dyspepsia. physicians had given him up. he was a mere shadow, and while we had little hope of recovery, we determined to take him into the mountains. as soon, therefore, as spring opened we made our preparations. our provisions consisted of unbolted flour and salt. nothing else was taken--no tea, coffee, or indeed anything else save our bedding, guns and ammunition. we journeyed up the mckinzie fork of the willamette. game was everywhere abundant and this and bread baked from our flour constituted our only food. it was going back to nature. a week or so after we arrived at our camp, my younger brother killed a very large bear that had just come out of his hibernating quarters and was as fat as a corn fed ohio porker. an old hunter endeavored to persuade my brother to eat some of the fat bear meat, assuring him it would not make him sick. now, grease was his special aversion, and to grease the oven with any kind of fat caused him to spit up his food. finally, to please the old hunter, he ate a small piece of fat bear meat. very much to his surprise, it did not make him sick. the next meal he ate more, and after that all he wanted. he gained flesh and strength rapidly, and it was but a short time until he could walk a hundred yards without assistance. after that his recovery was rapid and sure. now, high up on the mckinzie we were told of a hot spring, and that vast herds of elk and deer came there daily to lick the salt that was precipitated on the rocks by the hot water. we determined to move there. but when we arrived we found a rushing, roaring, turbulent river, yards wide, between us and the hot spring. the deer and elk were there all right, the great antlered monarchs tossing their heads in play, but safe as if miles away. in vain we sought a narrow place where we could fell a tree. we found, however, a spot where the water was smooth, though swift as a mill-race, and we determined to make a canoe. accordingly we set to work, and after many tedious days laboring with one axe and fire our canoe was completed. i was something of an expert in the management of a canoe and when it had been placed in the river, made a trip across. it was a success, and delighted with our achievement, we began ferrying over our effects. one after another, everything but our clothing and cooking utensils were ferried over, provisions, that is, the flour and salt, rifles, ammunition, bedding, in fact all but the above articles. my younger brother was assisting me with the canoe, and the last trip with the last load was being made. like the pitcher that goes often to the well, immunity had bred carelessness, with the result that the boat was turned over in the middle of the river, and we only saved our lives by swimming. that night we camped beneath the forest giants. a good fire was lighted, bread made on a piece of cedar bark and meat cooked on a stick and eaten out of our fingers. that was indeed getting back to nature, but a more dire misfortune was to befall me the first night. as before stated, we had pitched our camp beneath the shelter of forest giants. age after age the quills had been falling, forming a mould several inches thick. before retiring that night i laid my solitary pair of trousers and drawers on the ground before the fire to dry out by morning. they dried. i awoke in the middle of the night to find that my last garments had been consumed, leaving but the waistband of my trousers. the mould slowly dried, the fire had followed, leaving me about the most forlorn individual that ever was blessed with white hide. now that was going back to nature with a vengeance. in front rushed a roaring, foaming river, and relief was fifty miles away. but what was i to do, but simply do the best i could with a shirt and the waist-band of my trousers. the next day we constructed a shelter of cedar bark in the event of rain. and now i am going to repeat a story at the risk of being denounced as a "nature fakir." we had with us a band of dogs, trained for hunting. there were seventeen, all told, and of every breed, but with a mixture of bloodhound to give the "staying qualities." we, or rather i, had borrowed them of settlers living on the river fifty miles below. they would chase a bear or cougar all day, and if treed, would remain and bay around the tree until i came. the second night in camp an immense timber wolf came up close to camp and gave a prolonged howl. the dogs all broke away, but they came back faster than they went out. the wolf followed and caught one of them, a large, full-grown dog, and gave him one bite behind the shoulder. the dog gave one yelp and when we reached the spot, ten feet from our bed, he was dead. to make sure that the dog was bitten but once, the next morning i partly skinned him and found that the ribs were crushed and broken. now if a timber wolf can kill a dog with one bite on the back, why not a young caribou at one bite on the breast? that question i leave to others to solve. but to return to my forlorn and altogether ridiculous situation. with needle and thread it would have been an easy matter to manufacture a pair of buckskin pantaloons such as i had worn in years gone by and would have welcomed in my present predicament. but needles, thread, scissors, razor and combs had followed the cooking utensils to the bottom of the river. there was nothing to do but simply to "grin and bear it," and i did so with the best possible grace. on an exploring expedition one day i found a tall tree on the bank of the river at a spot where the channel was contracted between narrow banks. i had no axe and therefore set to work to burn it down, but it was a weary task. day after day i tended that fire, keeping in the shade to avoid the hot rays of the sun, and after six weeks of waiting had the satisfaction of seeing the tree spanning the river, and affording me a means of reaching clothing. but i could not go to the settlements clothed like the georgia major, minus the spurs. during the period of waiting for the tree to fall, i had made a needle of bone and taking an empty flour sack proceeded to manufacture a pair of legs which, with infinite pains, i stitched to the waistband of my long lost trousers and added wooden pegs to insure stability and strength to the flimsy ravelings. in order to form a fair idea of my appearance, one must imagine a youth with a six weeks' growth of hair and beard, a shirt that had to be taken off once a week to wash, a black band around his waist, to which was stitched and pegged parts of flour sacks. i say, imagine all this and you can form some idea of a youth who, under ordinary circumstances, was rather proud of his good looks. my brothers called me "robinson crusoe," and i imagine the resemblance between the unlucky sailor, marooned on an island, and a wretched young fellow marooned in the depths of the cascade mountains without clothing enough to hide his nakedness, was not an inapt comparison. however, i was now happy. a tree spanned the river and parts of flour sacks covered my limbs, and i would go to mr. allen's place, sixty miles below and get my clothing. crossing the river, however, i discovered that our horses, left in a prairie, had "skipped out." i knew they would be caught at mr. allen's place, and the next day i started out. all the dogs followed. they seemed to have an antipathy for my brothers, and, try as they would, they could not make friends with them. indeed, i have observed through life that children and dogs have an affinity for me. i started in the morning and made about miles the first day, camping and sleeping beside a fallen tree against which i kindled a big fire. after a breakfast of cold bread and venison roasted on a stick, i started on the final lap of my journey. about a mile from mr. allen's home is a spot known to campers as "rock house," where the mountains crowd the river bank, leaving a space of not more than thirty feet between the almost precipitous bluff and the roaring, foaming river. from an overhanging rock a spring of ice-cold water, rivaling the hypocrene in purity, bursts forth and plunges into the river. the space had grown up with young maples, and the underbrush being cleaned out, formed an ideal camping place for hunters and berry pickers. i was congratulating myself on not meeting a solitary individual when i reached "rock house" and found it blocked with wagons and tents. i cast one look at the foaming river and another at the bluff. i had passed through some scenes of danger, but never before had i been half so frightened. it was too late to retreat, the bluff could not be scaled and the river was out of the question. nerving myself, i determined to go ahead, come what might. in front of one of the wagons stood a lady with whom i was well acquainted. i asked her how i could get through. she replied without recognizing me that i would have to go through camp. as i passed around the wagon i came face to face with judge lemley's wife. her home had been my home for years and next to my mother and sisters i reverenced her above all women of earth. she looked at me. i bowed and she nodded her head and i passed on. no sooner had i passed out of sight than mrs. mcdaniels, the first lady i met, ran to mrs. lemley and said: "did you see that man?" "o," replied mrs. lemley, "it was only some old lousy hunter." i had made my escape and no one had recognized me. i was jubilant, happy. but horror of horrors! at a turn of the road i came full on a whole bevy, flock, troop or herd of young girls, and at their head was my "best girl." i here submit and affirm, that had i foreseen this, rivers, mountains, grizzly bears, indians, all the dangers of the wild would have had no terrors for me at that moment. my dogs closed round me and the girls at sight of that "old man of the woods," that awful apparition, ceased their laughter. with sobered faces they shied around me as i strode past, and when fairly safe broke into a run for camp. i heard them running, and in imagination could see their scared faces. but i was safe--no one had recognized me and i was again happy. arriving at mr. allen's, i related to him the story of my misfortunes. he trimmed my hair, gave me a shave and after changing my "clothes," i once more assumed the semblance, as mrs. allen expressed it, "of a christian man." that evening i saddled a horse and rode back to the camp. i began then to see the full humor of the whole affair, but it required an hour to convince them that i was really the strange apparition that passed through camp that morning. chapter vii. colonel thompson's first newspaper venture. i remained at the home of mr. allen a few days, making frequent visits, you may be sure, to the camp of my friends. i then returned to our camp at the hot springs. my brother had become quite strong and my other brother then decided to return to the valley. left alone, we indulged in long rambles in the mountains. taking a pair of blankets each, and baking up a lot of bread, we would strike out. we never knew where we were going, but wandered wherever fancy led. these tramps often lasted a week or ten days. if our bread gave out we simply went without bread until our return to camp. during one of these trips we ascended one of the three sisters, snow mountains standing together and reaching to the realms of the clouds. like mighty sentinels, white as the driven snow, they constitute one of the grandest sights to be seen on this or any other continent. to the north of these mountains and in a valley formed by the angle of the three mountains, we explored the largest glacier to be found in the united states. in this manner the months wore away until the approach of the fall storms admonished us that our wandering life must come to a close, but we had found that which we sought, perfect health. when we went to the mountains in the spring my brother weighed pounds, and when we reached eugene city on our return he weighed , nearly doubling his weight. i had also gained heavily, in fact, nearly pounds. i mention this that others seeking that most precious of all blessings, perfect health, may know how and where to find it--by simply going back to nature. soon after my return to civilization i embarked in my first newspaper venture. i was employed in the office as compositor and foreman and at the expiration of the first month had to take the "plant, fixtures and good will," for my pay. in fact, i was given the office on a promise to run the paper and keep it alive. i so far succeeded that after a year and a half i sold out, clearing $ . the paper, the eugene city guard, is still in existence. from there i went to roseburg and started the plaindealer. in this i had the moral support and hearty good will of general joseph lane, as well as other citizens of the county. my success was phenomenal, my subscription list running up to in two years. but as in all else in this world, success was not attained without gaining the enmity and bitter hatred of my would-be rivals in business. theirs was an old established paper, conducted by two brothers, henry and thomas gale. they soon saw their business slipping away and sought to regain it by indulging in abuse of the coarsest character. i paid no further attention to their attacks than to occasionally poke fun at them. one saturday evening i met one of the brothers in the post office. he began an abusive harangue and attempted to draw a pistol. i quickly caught his hand and struck him in the face. bystanders separated us and he left. i was repeatedly warned that evening to be on my guard, but gave the matter little concern. the next morning, sunday, june , , i went to my office as was my custom, to write my letters and attend to some other matters before going to church. on leaving the office i was joined by a young friend, mr. virgil conn. as we proceeded down the street towards the post office i saw the brothers standing talking on the street. one looked up and saw me, evidently spoke to his brother, and they then started toward me. i saw at once that it was to be a fight and that i must defend myself. some said i could have avoided a meeting by turning in a different direction. probably i could, at least for a time, but i had started to the post office and there i intended to go. as we approached the young men, one of them dropped behind, and as i passed the first one he dealt me a blow with a heavy cane. at the same instant the other drew a pistol and fired, the bullet taking effect in my side and passing partly through. stunned by the blow on my cheek, i reeled and drawing my pistol fired point blank at the breast of the one who had shot me. i was then between the men, and turning on the one with the cane, he threw up his hands, as if to say "i am unarmed." as i again turned he quickly drew his revolver and shot me in the back of the head, and followed it up with another shot which was aimed at the butt of my ear. i felt the muzzle of the revolver pressed against my ear, and throwing up my head the bullet entered my neck and passed up through my mouth and tongue and lodged back of my left eye. as i rushed at him he fired again, the bullet entering the point of my shoulder while another entered my body. that was his last shot. i was taken to my home in a blanket and few thought that i would live to reach it. i was not, however, done for yet, and the next thursday was out riding with one of my physicians. the affair created the wildest excitement, a noted surgeon, dr. sharples, coming from eugene city to attend me. throughout the eastern states there was various comment by various publications, referring to the affair as "the oregon style." i refer to the matter here because of the many distorted and unfair stories that have appeared from time to time. it is in no spirit of braggadocio, but simply to give the facts. that i deplored the affair, and deeply, too, i freely confess, but only for the necessity which compelled me to defend my life. on the following february received an offer to take charge of the salem mercury. leaders of the party, among them three ex-senators, the governor of the state and many others prominent in the affairs of oregon, purchased the paper and plant and tendered me a bill of sale for the same. ex-senator nesmith, ex-senator harding, governor grover, ex-governor whitaker, general joseph lane and many others urged me to the step. they argued that i could unite all the factions of the party in support of a party paper at the capital of the state. to a young man scarcely twenty-three this was a tempting and flattering offer. i sold my paper, therefore, at roseburg and with $ in money and good paper, and a bill of sale of an office costing $ , started to salem. my success there as a newspaper man was all that could be desired. a large circulation was rapidly built up, and a daily as well as weekly started. in november of the same year occurred the first outbreak of the modoc indians and a score of settlers and a few soldiers had been killed. governor grover had ordered out two companies of volunteers under general john e. ross, a veteran of the rogue river war, to assist the regular army in quelling the insurrection. the outbreak, only for the butchery of the citizens along the lost river and tule lake, was not regarded as at all serious, as a few weeks would suffice to crush or destroy the savages. but as weeks rolled on and still no surrender, nor even a fight, the governor became uneasy, since he could not understand the delay. finally, early in january, judge prim arrived from jackson county and had a conference with the governor. it was scarcely o'clock in the morning when mr. gilfrey, private secretary to the governor, came to my office with a message that governor grover wished to see me at his office at once. when i arrived there i found the governor, judge prim and general john f. miller in consultation. the governor explained to me that there were stories of needless waste of time, that the indians had not been attacked, though there were men within a few miles of their camp, that hints of graft were afloat. would i go in company with general miller and when could i start? i replied that i would go and by the eleven o'clock train if general miller was ready. perhaps here is a proper place for a short history of the modoc indians; their long series of murders and massacres--a series of appalling crimes that have given to their country the name of "the dark and bloody ground of the pacific." of all the aboriginal races of the continent the modocs stand pre-eminent as the most fierce, remorseless, cunning and treacherous. from the day the white man first set foot upon his soil the modoc has been a merciless foe with whom there could be no peace. the travelers through his country were forced to battle for their lives from the day his country was entered until the boundary was passed. trains of immigrants, consisting of men, women and children, worn and weary with the trials and hardships of the plains, were trapped and butchered. the number of these victims mount up into the hundreds and constitute one of the saddest chapters in the annals of american pioneers. chapter viii. history of the modoc indians. voltaire describes his countrymen as "half devil and half monkey," and this description applies with equal force to the modoc tribe of indians. in general appearance they are far below the tribes of the northern country. they did not possess the steady courage of the nez perces, nor the wild dash of the sioux, but in cunning, and savage ferocity they were not excelled even by the apaches. in war they relied mainly on cunning and treachery, and the character of their country was eminently suited for the display of these tactics. our first knowledge of the modocs was when they stole upon the camp of fremont in at a spring not far from the present site of the now prosperous and thriving village of dorris. it was here that fremont suffered the loss of some of his men, including two delaware indians, in a daylight attack, and it was here that he was overtaken by a courier and turned back to assist in the conquest of california. from that day to the day when ben wright, with a handful of yreka miners, broke their war power in the so-called "ben wright massacre" the modocs were ever the cruel, relentless foe of the white man, murdering and pillaging without other pretext and without mercy. it has been estimated, by those best capable of giving an opinion, that from first to last not less than three hundred men, women and children had been relentlessly murdered by their hands, up to the beginning of the last war. the shores of their beautiful lakes and tributary streams are scattered over with the graves and bleaching bones of their victims. even among neighboring tribes they were known and dreaded for their cunning duplicity and savage ferocity. they are yet known among the klamaths, pits, and piutes as a foe to be dreaded in the days of their power, and these people often speak of them in fear, not because they were brave in open field, but because of their skulking and sudden attacks upon unsuspecting foes. during the early 's many immigrants, bound for southern oregon and northern california, passed through their country, traveling the road that passed round the north end of rett, or tule lake, and crossed lost river at the then mouth of that stream on a natural bridge of lava. a short distance from where the road comes down from the hills to the lake is the ever-memorable "bloody point." this place has been appropriately named and was the scene of some of the most sickening tragedies that blacken the annals of this or any other country. at this point the rim rock comes down to the edge of the waters of the lake, and receding in the form of a half wheel, again approaches the water at a distance of several hundred yards, forming a complete corral. secreted among the rocks, the indians awaited until the hapless immigrants were well within the corral, and then poured a shower of arrows and bullets among them. the victims, all unconscious of danger, taken by surprise, and surrounded on all sides, with but the meager shelter of their wagons, were at the mercy of their savage foes. in , an immigrant train was caught in this trap, and of the eighty odd men, women and children, but one escaped to tell the awful tale. on the arrival of the news at jacksonville, colonel john e. ross raised a company of volunteers among the miners and hastened to the scene of butchery. arriving at bloody point, the scene was such as to make even that stern old veteran turn sick. the men had died fighting, and their naked bodies lay where they fell. those of the women not killed during the fight were reserved for a fate ten thousand times worse. the mutilated remains scattered about the ground were fearfully swollen and distorted and partly devoured by wolves and vultures, little children, innocent and tender babes, torn from their mothers' arms, had been taken by the heels and their brains dashed out against the wagon wheels, killed like so many blind puppies. one young woman had escaped out of the corral but had been pursued and butchered in a most inhuman manner. her throat was cut from ear to ear, her breasts cut off, and otherwise mutilated. her body was found a mile and a half from the wrecked and half-burned train, and was discovered by her tracks and those of her pursuers. again in captain john f. miller raised a company of volunteers at jacksonville and went out to meet and escort the immigrant trains through the country of the modocs. arriving at bloody point at daylight one morning and finding a train surrounded, he at once vigorously attacked the savages and drove them away, with the loss of several of their warriors. his timely arrival prevented a repetition of the previous year's horror. the savages were followed into the lava beds, but here he was compelled to give up the pursuit, as further advance into this wilderness was to court disaster. the train had been surrounded several days and a number of its members killed and wounded. an escort was sent with the train beyond lost river and then returned to guard the pass until all the immigrants should have passed through. during captain miller's stay here his scouts discovered smoke coming out of the tules several miles north and west of the peninsula. tule lake at that time was a mere tule swamp and not the magnificent body of water we see today. taking a number of canoes captured from the indians to lead the way, and mounting his men on their horses, the spot was surrounded at daylight and a large number of women and children captured. notwithstanding many were dressed in bloody garments, they were all well treated. they were held prisoners until the company was ready to leave, when they were turned loose. another company of immigrants was murdered on crooked creek not far from the ranch of van bremer bros. on the west and south side of lower klamath lake. who they were, where they came from, how many in the train, will ever remain an impenetrable mystery. waiting friends "back in the states" have probably waited long for some tidings of them, but tidings, alas, that never came. we only know that the ill-fated train was destroyed, the members murdered and their wagons burned. scarface charley told john fairchilds that when he was a little boy the indians killed a great many white people at this point. the charred remains of the wagons and moldering bones of the owners were yet visible when i visited the spot during the modoc war. charley said that two white girls were held captives and that one morning while encamped at hot creek the indians got into a dispute over the ownership of one of them and to end matters the chief caught her by the hair and cut her throat. her body, charley said, was thrown into the rim rock above the dorris house. hearing the story in february, , while we were encamped at van bremer's ranch, colonel c. b. bellinger and i made a search for the body of the ill-fated girl. we found the skull and some bones but nothing more. enough, however, to verify the story told by charley. what became of the other charley did not know, but her fate can better be imagined than described. chapter ix. the ben wright massacre. this so-called massacre has been the source of endless controversy, and during the progress of the modoc war afforded eastern sentimentalists grounds for shedding crocodile tears in profusion. they found in this story ample grounds for justification of the foul butchery of general canby and the peace commission. according to their view, these "poor persecuted people" were merely paying the white man back in his own coin, and a lot more such rot. according to this story, ben wright had proposed a treaty and while the indians were feasting, all unconscious of intended harm, were set upon and ninety of their warriors murdered in cold blood. captain jack's father, they said, was among the victims, and it was to avenge this wrong that canby and the peace commission were murdered under a flag of truce. the story was without other foundation than the bloody battle fought by ben wright and his yreka volunteers with the modoc tribe during the fall of . i will here give the true story as detailed to me by frank riddle, one of ben wright's men, and which i believe is absolutely true. in the fall of ben wright raised a company of thirty-six men around yreka and went out to guard the immigrants through the country of the modocs. the company arrived in time and safely escorted all trains past the danger point. the lesson taught the year before by captain miller had instilled into the savage heart a wholesome fear of the white man's rifle and revolver. they dared not attack the ever-watchful white men openly, but determined to effect by strategy what they dared not attempt in the open field. accordingly they sent a messenger to wright proposing a treaty. the messenger, among other things, told wright that they held two captive white girls, which they wished to surrender as an evidence of good faith. ben wright was anxious to rescue the girls and readily consented to a treaty, and promised to kill a beef and have a feast. the indians in considerable numbers came to the camp, headed by the chief. wright was then camped on the peninsula, a place admirably adapted to guard against surprise. a feast was had and all went well. the white girls were to be surrendered three days later at the mouth of lost river, to which place the white men moved, followed by the indians. the latter were very friendly and exerted themselves to win the confidence of the white men. three days passed but no white girls showed up. the chief assured wright that they were coming, that they were a long way off and would be on hand two days later. in the meantime the watchful white men observed that the numbers of the indians had more than doubled and more and more were coming with each succeeding day. they became suspicious and their suspicions ripened into a certainty that treachery was meditated. at the expiration of the two days ben wright informed his men of his plans. he was satisfied that the girls would never be surrendered, but that the indians, now outnumbering them five to one, intended a massacre. accordingly he told his men to quietly make ready; that he was going to the chief and if he refused to surrender the girls he would kill him then and there. he warned his men to pay no attention to him, that he would make his way out as best he could; that they must open fire at the instant his pistol rang out; that they were in a desperate situation and must resort to desperate measures or all would be butchered then and there. the morning was cool, riddle said, and ben wright covered himself with a blanket, his head passing through a hole in the middle, as was the custom of the time, the blanket answering the place of an overcoat. underneath the blanket he carried a revolver in each hand. he went directly to the chief and demanded that he make his promises good. the chief told him plainly, insolently, that he would not do so, and never intended to do so; that he had men enough to kill the white men and that they were now in his power. but the wily old chief little dreamed of the desperate valor of the man before him, for no sooner had the chief's defy passed his lips than ben wright shot him dead. then firing right and left as he ran, he made his escape out of the indian camp. meanwhile, as the first shot rang out from wright's pistol his men opened a deadly fire with their rifles. for an instant, riddle said, the savages formed a line and sent a shower of arrows over their heads, but they aimed too high and only one or two were slightly wounded. dropping their rifles, wright's men charged, revolvers in hand. this was too much for savage valor and what were left fled in terror. it was now no longer a battle. the savages were searched out from among the sage brush and shot like rabbits. long poles were taken from the wickiups and those taking refuge in the river were poked out and shot as they struggled in the water. to avoid the bullets the indians would dive and swim beneath the water, but watching the bubbles rise as they swam, the men shot them when they came up for air. this is the true story of the "ben wright massacre." it was a massacre all right, but did not terminate as the indians intended. riddle told me that about ninety indians were killed in this fight. it broke the war power of the modoc indians as a tribe for all time, and from that day the white man could pass unvexed through the country of the modocs. there were probably isolated cases of murder, but nothing approaching war ever again existed in the minds of the modocs. chapter x. treaty with the modocs is made. on the th day of october, , the modocs entered into a treaty with the federal government by which they ceded all rights to the lost river and tule lake country for a consideration of $ , . in addition to this they were to receive a body of land on the klamath reservation of , acres, or a little more than acres for each man, woman and child. immediately after the ratification of the treaty all the modoc indians moved to the lands allotted to them, where the tribe remained, and yet remains. this may be news to most of my readers, but it is a fact that the modoc indians as a tribe continued to keep faith with the government. the band under captain jack were merely renegades who, dissatisfied with their new home, left the reservation and went back to lost river and tule lake. jack himself was wanted for murder, and sought an asylum in the lava beds, or the country adjacent thereto, where he gathered around him renegades from other tribes--renegades outlawed by indians and whites alike. some of the indians in jack's band were from the columbia river region, others from coast tribes, and all were outlaws. one of the leaders, bogus charley, was an umpqua indian and was raised by a white man named bill phips. he spoke good english and asked me about many of the old timers. in securing his ascendancy over this band of outlaws jack was assisted by his sister, "queen mary," so-called, who lived many years with a white man near yreka. in the opinion of captain i. d. applegate. mary was the brains of the murderous crew who gathered in the "hole in the wall," under her brother. she was the go-between for the indians with the whites about yreka, where they did their trading and where they supplied themselves with arms and ammunition, and it was through her that judge steele, a lawyer of yreka, was interested in getting a reservation for them. steele made a trip to washington to plead their cause, and received a fee of $ . he failed, but held out hope to his clients and urged them under no circumstances to go back to their lands at klamath, advising them as counsel to take up lands in severalty under the pre-emption laws of the united states. it is charitable to suppose that judge steele did not foresee the disastrous consequences of his counsel, yet he knew that jack was wanted at the klamath agency for murder. in furtherance of his advice he wrote the following self-explanatory letter to henry miller, afterwards murdered in a most barbarous manner by the very men whom he had befriended: yreka, sept. , . mr. henry f. miller--dear sir: you will have to give me a description of the lands the indians want. if it has been surveyed, give me the township, range, section and quarter-section. if not, give me a rude plat of it by representing the line of the lake and the line of the river, so that i can describe it . . . mr. warmmer, the county surveyor, will not go out there, so i will have to send to sacramento to get one appointed. send an answer by an indian, so that i can make out their papers soon. i did not have them pay taxes yet, as i did not know whether the land is surveyed and open for pre-emption. respectfully yours, e. steele. other letters were written by judge steele to the indians. one which was taken to mrs. body to read for them advised them not to go to klamath, but to "remain on their yreka farm," as he termed the tule lake and lost river country, and told them they had as good a right to the lands as any one. he further told them to go to the settlers and compel them to give them written certificates of good character to show to the agents of the government, which they did, the settlers fearing to refuse. shortly after this, mr. t. b. odeneal, superintendent of indian affairs, attempted to have a conference with jack, who flatly refused, saying he was tired of talking; he wanted no white man to tell him what to do; that his friends and counselors at yreka had told them to stay where they were. under these circumstances the settlers became alarmed and made the superintendent promise that they should be notified before any attempt to use force was made. how that promise was carried out will appear later on. early in november, after repeated attempts to induce the indians under jack to go peaceably back to the reservation, superintendent odeneal determined to turn the matter over to the military. the commissioner of indian affairs directed him to put the indians back, peaceably if he could, by force if he must. he then referred the whole matter to major jackson, then in command at fort klamath, who had at his disposal thirty-six men of company b, first cavalry, and proceeded with his command to linkville, where he was met by captain i. d. applegate, at that time connected with the indian department and stationed at the yainax reservation. captain jackson was warned by applegate of the desperate character of the indians, but informed him the force was sufficient in his opinion if proper precautions were taken. in the meantime mr. odeneal had sent his messenger, o. a. brown, to notify the settlers. instead he proceeded to the bybee ranch, carefully concealing from all the proposed movements of the troops under jackson. afterwards when reproached by mrs. schira, whose husband, father and brothers had been murdered, he gave the heartless answer that he "was not paid to run after the settlers." after realizing the full extent of his conduct--conduct that could not be defended any other way--brown attempted to cast the odium upon his superior, mr. odeneal. however, the latter had a copy of his letter of instructions, hence brown lapsed into sullen silence. major jackson started for the indian encampment on lost river on the th of november, leaving linkville, now klamath falls, after dark. he was accompanied by captain applegate, and he had supplied his men with twenty rounds of ammunition. before reaching the encampment he halted his men, saddle girths were tightened, overcoats tied behind saddles and carbines loaded. it was then nearly daylight and proceeding with caution he reached the encampment just at daylight. it was understood that the command was to be divided so as to strike the camp on two sides, thus commanding the river bank and the brush back of the camp at one and the same time. instead of this, captain jackson galloped his troop in between the river and the camp and dismounted, his men forming a line with horses in the rear. while all this was going on another force, consisting of a dozen settlers, had come down from the bybee ranch to capture the hot creek band on the opposite side of the river from jack's camp. o. a. brown had arrived there in the evening but said nothing to any one until o'clock in the morning, when he roused them up and told them that the soldiers would attack the indians at daylight. they arrived just as jackson lined his men up on the opposite side. jud small, a stock man, was riding a young horse and at the crack of the first gun his horse began bucking. everything was confusion, the men retreating to a small cabin a hundred yards away, except small, who was holding on to his horse for dear life all this time. over wickiups, squaws, bucks and children the frightened beast leaped. just how he got out safe among his companions small never knew, but he escaped, only to be desperately wounded in the first fight in the lava beds, and later finding a watery grave in klamath river while sailing a pleasure boat. after dismounting his men, major jackson requested captain applegate to go forward among the indians and tell them they must surrender and go back to the reservation. but scarcely had captain applegate reached the center of the village, when he saw the women running and throwing themselves face downward in a low place between the two lines. he at once called to lieutenant boutelle to "look out, they are going to fire." scarcely had the words escaped his lips when the indians, concealed under their wickiups, opened a galling fire on the line of troops. applegate made his way back to the line as best he could and as he reached the line he picked up a carbine that had fallen from the hand of a wounded soldier. the poor fellow had just strength enough to unbuckle his belt and hand it to captain applegate, who now called to lieutenant boutelle that "if we don't drive them out of their camp they will kill us all." boutelle then ordered a charge, and drove the indians out of their camp, through the brush and out into the open hills beyond. but this was accomplished by the loss of several men killed and wounded. one indian had been killed, a columbia, one of the most desperate of the renegade band. when applegate got back to where jackson was standing he had all the women and children gathered around him and while several men had been killed or wounded, he deemed the trouble at an end. while the above events were transpiring, dave hill, a klamath indian, swam the river and drove in all the modocs' horses. with the women, children and horses in their possession all that remained for captain jackson to do to insure the surrender of the men, was to take them to the reservation and hold them. what was the surprise of captain applegate, therefore, when jackson announced his intention of turning them all loose. in vain he and dave hill protested, but to no purpose. jackson declared he was short of ammunition; besides, must care for his wounded men. he then told the squaws to pack up their horses and go to the men and tell them to come to the reservation. no more mad, idiotic piece of folly was ever perpetrated by a man than this move of captain jackson. while they were talking two travelers were seen riding along the road some hundreds of yards away. in vain the men on both sides of the river attempted to warn them of danger. the indians were seen to ride up to them and deliberately shoot them down. this of itself should have warned jackson of the desperate character of the outlaws. but no, he was either too cowardly to act intelligently or too indifferent of the consequences to act as he was advised. in fact, there is a certain class of army officers who deem it a disgrace to accept advice from a civilian. at any rate he crossed his wounded men over the river in canoes to the cabin held by the party of stock men, and mounting his men went six miles up the river to the ford and put the river between himself and command and danger. as soon as the squaws and children reached the men, a party headed by "black jim" mounted and started down the shores of the lake butchering the settlers. they came first to the body ranch, where the men were getting wood from the hills and heartlessly butchered them in cold blood. the manner is best told in mrs. body's own words in a letter to me in which she says: "i reside three miles from the indian camp on lost river. the indians had told us time and again that if the soldiers came to put them on the reservation they would kill every white settler. through hearing of these threats, we requested the messengers never to come with soldiers without first giving the settlers warning. this they failed to do. . . . the male portion of my family, not being aware of any disturbance, were out procuring firewood, and were suddenly attacked within a mile and a half of the house and butchered in cold blood. about a quarter to twelve my daughter saw her husband's team approaching the house at a rapid gait, and as the team reached the house she noticed that the wagon was covered with blood. thinking the team had run away she ran up the road to find him. about a quarter of a mile from the house she discovered him. i hastened after her with water, and as i arrived at the spot my daughter was stooping over the body of her husband. six indians then dashed out of the brush on horseback. two of them rode up to me and asked if there were any white men at the house. not dreaming that there was anything wrong with the indians, i told them that the team had run away and killed white man. they then gave a warwhoop and rode off towards the house. on examining my son-in-law, we found that he had been shot through the head. we then knew that the redskins were on the warpath, and determined to find the other men. going a short distance we found my eldest son killed and stripped naked. the four horses were gone. about a quarter of a mile further on we saw more indians in the timber where my husband was chopping wood, so we concluded we had better not go any further in that direction, and made our way to the hills. my youngest son, a boy of thirteen years of age, was herding sheep about a mile from the house when he was killed. they shot him and then cut his throat. we continued to travel until it became too dark to discern our way, and then sat down at the foot of a tree and stayed until daylight. we then started again, not knowing where we were going, but hoping to strike some house. there was two feet of snow on the ground and our progress was slow and tedious. finally we arrived at lost river bridge about o'clock saturday afternoon. here we learned for the first time that there had been a fight between the soldiers and indians. if the settlers had been warned in time not one white person would have been killed, as we all had arms and ammunition sufficient to defend themselves successfully." the brotherton family was not killed until the next day. they lived eight miles south of the bodys, and like the latter were attending to their duties about the ranch. a twelve-year-old boy, charley brotherton, while the indians were killing the hired man, cut one of the horses loose from the wagon and escaped to the house, where he built a pen of sacks of flour in the center of the floor to protect his mother and the little children and with a rifle held the savages at bay for three days, or until relieved by volunteers. the house, a two-story box affair, was literally riddled with bullets and how the boy escaped being shot is a mystery. the other settlers, seventeen in all, were similarly murdered. henry miller, who had befriended the indians, was murdered under conditions of peculiar atrocity, for the reason, it was supposed, that he had failed to notify the indians of the movements of the soldiers as he had promised. during all these three days of murder and horror, captain jackson made no attempt to protect the settlers, but remained forted up at the cabin on lost river. as soon as the news reached linkville, now klamath falls, captain o. c. applegate organized a company of settlers and friendly indians to protect what was left of the settlement. captain ivan d. applegate also exerted himself in saving the settlers, and did brave work, but there were women and children to protect and days elapsed before an effective force could be gathered to meet the indians. meantime news had reached jackson county and captain kelley hastily organized a force of a hundred men and by riding night and day reached the scene of the massacre. it was his company that relieved the besieged brothertons, defended by the brave boy. in the meantime the indians had retreated to the lava beds and bade defiance to the soldiers. general wheaton, commanding the district of the lakes, ordered the concentration of troops from camps warner and bidwell, while general canby sent the forces under colonel john green and major mason from ft. vancouver to join the command under general wheaton. as soon as the settlers could fort up for mutual protection, the entire forces of regulars and volunteers were concentrated at van bremer's ranch west of the lava beds under general wheaton and at land's ranch on the east side of tule lake and directly north of the stronghold. such was the disposition of the forces when i arrived at headquarters at van bremer's ranch. by orders of governor grover of oregon the volunteers under captains o. c. applegate and kelley were placed under the command of general wheaton. the two companies numbered about men, and were commanded by general john e. ross, a veteran indian fighter, but too old to withstand the hardships of a winter campaign against indians. the men were all poorly provided with clothing and bedding, most all having taken only what they could strap behind their saddles, but in spite of this and a temperature often below zero, no murmur was heard, and all anxiously, eagerly looked forward to a meeting with the brutal savage murderers of their fellow citizens. such were the conditions when i arrived at headquarters. chapter xi. battle in the lava beds. on sunday, january , , a strong reconnoitering force was sent out under colonel perry of the regulars and captain o. c. applegate of the volunteers. on the bluff overlooking the lava beds they found the indians and found them full of fight. a picket was surprised and a gun captured, but they were unable to say whether any of them had been wounded in the skirmish. the indians, however, came out in force and a brisk skirmish was kept up for some time when the troops, having accomplished the object of their mission, retired. all the reinforcements having now arrived it was determined to attack the savages on the following friday. the plans of general wheaton were submitted to the volunteer officers and fully approved. general frank wheaton was an officer of experience and unquestioned ability. he was a veteran of the civil war, and commanded , troops at the battle of the wilderness, besides having the confidence and esteem of officers and men. every contingency was guarded against, at least as far as it was possible to foresee it. the troops organized for the attack were bernard's and perry's troops of cavalry, and green's and mason's infantry, numbering men; captain applegate's and captain kelley's volunteers, numbering men, donald mckay's indian scouts numbering fifty and the california volunteers under john fairchilds and presley dorris. by general field order, bernard was to move down from land's ranch on wednesday, january th, and occupy a position not less than two miles from the stronghold. at the same time colonel perry was to push across the trail to the bluff with his dismounted troop, while general wheaton with the infantry and volunteers, ambulances, three howitzers, reserve ammunition, etc., was to go around by little klamath lake and join the command of colonel perry under cover of darkness. this was regarded advisable as it was feared that the indians, discovering our numbers, would leave the lava beds and scatter. every soldier and volunteer had been ordered to prepare four days' rations, cooked. there was no question in our minds as to whipping the indians, but we wanted to surround and capture them. on the morning of the th all was astir and as day began to break the troops were all drawn up in line. i had determined to cross the trail with perry and was sitting on my horse when i heard a man hallo "o," and as i turned my head heard the report of his gun. the fellow, a recruit in mason's battalion of regulars, had deliberately shot off his great toe to keep from going into the fight. he pulled the trigger of his gun and halloed, before the gun was discharged. i mention this to show the difference in men. here was a poor weak devil who would rather maim himself for life than to face danger where he might be killed, but it is safe to say that nine-tenths of the rest would have gone even after the loss of the toe. we arrived in sight of the rim of the bluff about o'clock and saw the indian pickets. colonel perry threw out a skirmish line and the advance was ordered. before getting within rifle range the pickets disappeared and we took possession. i now got my first view of the lava beds, as they stretched black and forbidding nearly a thousand feet below. a fog rested over the lake, but we could soon see through the rifts along the lake shore the indians on horseback coming out to attack us. they appeared like phantom horsemen, and our indian guide told us they were coming out to attack us, as there were "only a few and they are afoot." a few had reached the bluff and had begun a scattering fire, when we heard several shots that appeared to come directly from the stronghold. the indian guide told us he thought they were killing some indians that did not want to fight. as he had relatives among them the poor fellow showed the distress he felt. a few minutes later we heard several more shots, and i told colonel perry i heard bernard's bugle. a few minutes later the clear notes of the bugle rang out clear and distinct, though it was fully five miles away. yet in that clear, cold, dry atmosphere every note sounded as clear and distinct as though but a mile away. bernard's column had followed the lake, and under cover of the fog enveloping the shore, had approached much nearer than his orders contemplated. he was at once savagely attacked and all evening the rattle of the guns sounded like many bunches of fire crackers. repeatedly we heard him sound the charge and we all fretted that we could not descend and join in the battle. perry's men were desperately afraid that "the apache boys," as bernard's men were called, would clean out the indians and leave them nothing to do on the morrow. but our orders forbade and we contented ourselves with listening to the fight from a distance without being able to take a hand. toward night the fog cleared away and we had an unobstructed view of the stronghold. i have often been asked to describe the lava beds. that is beyond the power of language. in a letter to the army and navy journal, written at the suggestion of general wheaton, i compared the indians in the lava beds to "ants in a sponge." in the language of another it is a "black ocean tumbled into a thousand fantastic shapes, a wild chaos of ruin, desolation, barrenness--a wilderness of billowy upheavals, of furious whirlpools, of miniature mountains rent asunder, of gnarled and knotted, wrinkled and twisted masses of blackness, and all these weird shapes, all this turbulent panorama, all this far-stretching waste of blackness, with its thrilling suggestiveness of life, of action, of boiling, surging, furious motion was petrified--all stricken dead and cold in the instant of its maddest rioting fettered, paralyzed and left to glower at heaven in impotent rage for evermore." towards night the rattle of the guns gradually died away and the yell of the savages was hushed for the day. leaving a strong guard on the bluff we joined general wheaton a few hundred yards in the rear, anxiously awaited the coming of another day, little dreaming what that day was to bring forth. there was little sleep that night. the frozen ground with a pair of blankets is not a bed of roses, and is little conducive to sleep and rest. most of the night was spent around the fires until o'clock when all were ordered to "fall in." the order of march and battle was as follows: the command of fairchilds and dorris occupied the extreme left along the lake shore; mason's infantry battalion, with mountain howitzers packed, joined fairchild's right; captain kelley's command occupied the center with his left resting on mason's right; captain applegate connected with kelley's right and perry's left, who occupied the extreme left wing; while donald mckay's indians formed a skirmish line in advance. the whole line stretched out a mile or more. as the line filed out of camp, their arms glittering in the bright moonlight, they formed a beautiful and inspiring sight. the command, "forward on the line" was now given and we moved forward at a brisk walk. i galloped down the line and watched it as it descended the steep bluff. low down and stretching over the lava beds lay a dense fog, and as the head of the line disappeared it looked as if it were going into the sea. as i sat there general wheaton came up and insisted that i should leave my horse. on my consenting reluctantly, he detailed a soldier who took the animal back to camp. as we reached the bottom of the bluff the entire line was deployed in the form of a half wheel, the intention being to surround the savages by connecting with bernard's left and capture the entire band. daylight now began to peep through the fog and night, and "forward on the line" was given and taken up by subalterns and repeated until it died away in the distance. there were no skirmishers now. mckay and his indians fell back and remained in the rear for the rest of the day. slowly the line moved forward, stumbling along over rocks, but keeping in perfect order of battle. soon several shots were heard on the extreme right. it was daylight, and someone called that the indians were escaping around perry's right. up to this time i had been with general wheaton in the rear, but ran out to the line in time to see the indians in our front leaping from rock to rock about five hundred yards away. the fog had lifted and a clear day was promised. i jumped upon a lava wave and waited for them to stop to get a shot. instantly a bullet sang over my head, but thinking they were shooting at me from that distance paid no attention, but continued watching the leaping red devils. in about the time that is required to throw in a cartridge and take aim, another bullet went by, but it hissed this time and raised the hair on one side of my head. still thinking that they were shooting at me from a long distance, i dropped on my knee with rifle to shoulder. instantly the red devil, with sage brush tied round his head raised up about ninety yards from me and again fired. i only caught a glimpse of him as he made a few zig zag leaps among the rocks and disappeared. i fired at random but failed to wing my game. that taught a rash, presumptuous young fool a lesson, and he contented himself for the balance of the day imitating the men in the line, and keeping well under cover. "forward on the line" was ever the command and by o'clock we had driven the indians through the rocks several miles. presently word came down the line that the volunteers could not be found. i started up the line when general wheaton called to me to come back. returning he directed me to give that order to donald mckay. it was fortunate for me that i was called back, otherwise i should have gone in behind the "juniper fort," a strong fort built around a stunted juniper tree, and standing on a high point of lava. i gave the order to mckay who was riding a small pony, and he had proceeded but a short distance when the indians opened on him from the fort and killed his pony. some one remarked that "the volunteers are firing on mckay," as the shooting was considerably in the rear and to the right. we all ran up on a point when half a dozen bullets came singing around us. for once in my life i was glad as i distinctly saw col. john green dodge. he was an old soldier and had probably been in more battles than any man in the army and to see him dodge from bullets was salve to my pride. a few minutes later we heard a yell to the right and rear as kelley's and applegate's men found the fort and charged it on the run. it transpired that it was mason's line that had given way and the volunteers, feeling their way, had found the fort and taken it. but they lost two men, frank trimble and a man named brown of kelley's command. lieutenant evan ream of kelley's company, was also wounded, but he, refused to leave the line after his knee had been bandaged. a large caliber bullet had hit a rock and glancing had struck him on the knee with the flat side, cutting through his clothing and burying itself in the flesh. he was knocked down and we all thought for a time he was killed. he is now a merchant-banker at klamath falls. to give the reader a slight idea of the difficulties under which we labored, i will relate one incident occurring near where i was standing. a soldier was crawling up an upheaval, pushing his rifle before him, when he was shot through the body from underneath. at about o'clock col. perry came down the line and told gen. wheaton that he could go no further. a deep chasm, he said, in his front could not be crossed. "by gad," replied the general, "col. perry, you must cross it." "i can cross it, general, but it will cost me half my command. every man attempting to cross it has been killed, and two litter bearers going to the relief of a wounded man were killed." word now reached us from fairchilds that bernard was calling for help. he had called across an arm of the lake that ran up into the lava beds that he had more wounded men that he could take care of. gen. wheaton was now thoroughly distressed, saying "when bernard hallows he is badly hurt." we then determined to try shelling the indians with the howitzers and i started back to find the pack mules. reader, if you ever tried to appear as if you were'nt scared, with bullets screaming around you, and with your back to the enemy, you will know something of my feelings. those big fellows, striking in the rocks would glance and scream with an unearthly noise. my legs wanted to run, but pride held them in check. and right here i want to say, that bravery is only pride and a good control over your legs. i finally found the pack mules and started back, but it wasn't half as hard facing it and we came bravely up to the line. the guns were planted and opened with shells timed to three hundred yards. two burst and a call came from bernard's men that we were shelling their rear guard. firing with the howitzers ceased as it was clearly a failure, and a consultation was held. we knew our loss was heavy, gen. ross declaring it "is worse than hungry hill." it was finally determined to send a column to relieve col. bernard. accordingly fairchild's california volunteers, mason's battalion and perry's dismounted cavalry were ordered to cut their way around the lake shore and join bernard. fairchild's men passed over the point without loss, but several of mason's men were killed in plain sight. the soldiers balked and refused to advance. col. green ran down the line and leaping upon the point turned his back to the indians and with a gauntlet in his hand used language that was scarcely fit for a parlor. gen. wheaton also joined and with a sword taken from a bugler boy, ran down the line urging the men to move forward. they soon began the advance and passed over the point and out of sight. meantime i was moving the volunteers down towards the lake to take the places in our front vacated by the relief column. the battle now became desperate, the indians concentrating all their forces against the column going round the lake. in this situation the volunteers pressed forward and soon we could hear the women and children crying. applegate's men were almost on top of them and were getting into camp. we were within yards of the scalp pole over jack's cave which was the center of the stronghold. the volunteers were anxious to charge. i went back to where gen. wheaton was standing and explaining the situation asked permission to charge with all the volunteers. the fog had raised and capt. adams of the signal staff was signaling to bernard. i told gen. wheaton if he would have bernard cease firing i would charge and close the indians out in twenty minutes, that our men were on top of them. the general walked rapidly back and forth, snapping his fingers for a few moments, and then turning to me exclaimed: "you can go, but not with my consent. we have lost too many men already--five times more than jackson lost at new orleans. the country will not justify this sacrifice of human life. you have taken these young men and boys off the farms and from stores, schools and shops and their lives are worth something to their families and to their country. you can go but not with my consent." then turning to gen. ross, who had scarcely spoken a word during the day, he said: "general, what had we better, do?" "we had better get out of here, by god," exclaimed the bluff old veteran. "all right, capt. adams, tell bernard that as soon as the relief column reaches him to hold his position until dark and then withdraw," exclaimed wheaton in rapid succession. then turning to me he said: "colonel, we will have to depend on the volunteers to protect our wounded and mule train in getting out of this place." it was soon arranged that the men were to keep firing until dark and then begin the retreat. just after sundown bernard signaled that the relief column had reached him, but there is not a question of doubt had not the volunteers pressed the indians so hard at a critical time fairchild's, mason's and perry's command would have been annihilated. jud small was badly wounded in the shoulder and afterwards told me that he was shot by an indian not twenty feet away. at one point the men lay in the water and rolled over and over with only their heads exposed. night finally closed in and with the gathering darkness the fog rolled in from the lake, increasing its intensity. kelley's company was formed in the rear with applegate's company on the flank, and formed parallel with the lake, along the shores of which we were to make our way, with the wounded men on litters between. finally the word was passed along the lines to move forward. the night had meanwhile settled down to one of stygean blackness. objects a foot away were indistinguishable, and we had to feel rather than see our way. i fully realized the difficulties and dangers of our situation, but my anxiety was for the nineteen wounded men on the litters. i told col. bellinger that we must remain together and behind the litter bearers, that i would rather leave my body with our dead comrades in the rocks than to leave behind any of our wounded men. but we had proceeded but a short distance when the lines crumbled and became mixed up, in fact, an undistinguishable mob. under these circumstances, and relying on undisciplined troops, our position was critical in the extreme. one shot would have precipitated a stampede. wheaton, ross and miller were somewhere mixed up among the troops, but bellinger and i stuck to the litter bearers and kept as many of the men behind us as possible. donald mckay's indians were in the advance, somewhere, but we knew not where. in this order, or rather disorder, we stumbled along blindly, knowing the waters of the lake were on our right. the bottom of the bluff was finally reached and word passed back that the modocs had captured and held the summit. i stopped as many of the men as possible and asked col. bellinger to remain with the litter bearers and i would go forward and if necessary capture it back. reaching the front i found indians, volunteers and officers all jumbled together without semblance of order. the indians were confident the modocs had killed the guards left there in the morning and held the top of the bluff. i called for volunteers, but not an indian would go. i finally got a few volunteers and began the ascent of the steep, rocky trail. the climb was tedious in the extreme, and one can imagine my joy when on nearing the crest there came the sharp call, "who comes there?" i was prompt to reply "friends." learning that all was well, i retraced my steps to the bottom and gave out the welcome news that everything was clear. then began a scramble to reach the top. it was everybody for himself, as it was too dark to even attempt to preserve a semblance of order or discipline. going to the rear i found col. bellinger with the wounded men. holding as many men as possible we began the ascent. as the litter bearers gave out others took their places and the tired men slipped away in the darkness. as we neared the top, col. bellinger and i relieved two worn out bearers and that was the last we saw of them. in this condition we staggered into camp at o'clock in the morning, more dead than alive. to add to the discomfort of the situation others had reached our store of provisions ahead of us, and we simply had to do without. we had now been on the march hours. our boot soles were almost cut away on the sharp lava, and we were all but barefooted. but i had my horse, and though i had nothing to eat, i felt greatly relieved. a few hours sleep on the frozen ground and we were again astir. i was holding my horse to graze when gen. wheaton's orderly came to me and stated that the general wanted to see me at his tent. handing him the halter strap i walked down to the tent and stepped in. the general was sitting on the ground with a can of coffee before him. he said he had a couple of cups of coffee and four crackers and wanted to divide with me. it required no persuasion on his part to induce me to accept. while we were sipping our coffee we discussed the events of the previous day. the general was visibly affected and greatly worried. even then we did not know the full extent of our losses. the dead were left where they fell and only our wounded carried out. would the country justify the sacrifice of life, not knowing the character of the country over which we had fought? speaking of the lava beds, the general remarked: "i have seen something of war and know something of fortifications. i commanded , men at the battle of the wilderness and saw many of the great engineering works of the civil war, but i do not believe that a hundred thousand men in a hundred thousand years could construct such fortifications." this will give the reader a faint idea of the lava beds. indeed a regiment of men could conceal themselves in its caves and fissures and ten thousand men could be marched over them without seeing a man. placing the wounded in ambulances we now broke camp and started to our camp at van bremer's ranch. after a tiresome march by way of lower klamath lake, the wounded men undergoing terrible sufferings, we reached camp at o'clock that night. here another difficulty confronted us. our provision train had not arrived and we were reduced to beef straight. there was some murmuring among the men, kept up and agitated by a doctor attached to kelley's company who told the men that they had been robbed and swindled by the officers. hearing of this i hunted him up. he said that a "soldier did not dare to complain without being called a s-of-a-b." twenty or thirty volunteers were standing around. i explained that the wagons had been two weeks on the road; that they had made only ten miles in seven days; and that a man, private or officer who would talk about asking for his discharge, though all were entitled to the same, was a son of a b-h, and a d--d one at that. he went to gen. ross and complained of my language, but was told that the "colonel knew what he was talking about." the disgruntled pill mixer mounted his horse and left, and that was the last we heard about being discharged. we continued feasting on beef straight and fattened on the diet, at least i did. the day after our return we buried the man i had seen shot through the stomach, while crawling on his belly. patrick maher was buried with military honors. on the fourth day the troops sent to relieve col. bernard arrived at camp, and the reports all being in we found that men had been killed in the fighting on the th and th of january. the death of patrick maher made , besides a long list of wounded. when we consider that there were not more than engaged, counting mckay's indians, the loss was heavy, and would the government endorse or censure the officers, was the question. as before stated, we were camped at the ranch of van bremer bros. on our return col. bellinger and i had to give up our quarters in an out house to accommodate the wounded men and after that we slept, when we slept at all, on the frozen ground with two thicknesses of blanket beneath us. under such circumstances it may easily be imagined that our periods of sleep were of short duration. we would drop asleep and in an hour wake up shivering. we would get up, cut off some beef and roast it before the fires that were constantly kept burning, get warm and then lie down again. i mention this, not because we were undergoing hardships more trying than others, but to show how all, officers and men, fared. there was no difference. one day a surgeon came to me and asked if i could obtain some eggs for the wounded men, so i went to van bremer and got half a dozen eggs and paid cents each for them. he would not take script but demanded and received the cash, nearly all i had. from that time until our departure i spent a considerable portion of my time in studying human villainy with the van bremers as a model. but i got even with them--and then some. before leaving i asked gen. ross for permission to settle our hay bill in place of the quartermaster, mr. foudray. capt. adams and i then measured the hay used respectively by the regulars and volunteers, and i feel safe in saying that those eggs cost the van bremer bros. $ each. of course they raved and ranted, declaring that we were worse than the modocs, but when they saw the tents of the regulars and blankets of the volunteers being pulled down and rolled up they came to me and asked what it meant. i told them that we had been ordered to the mouth of lost river on tule lake to protect the oregon settlers, and that the regulars were going also, but that gen. wheaton was going to leave a detail at the fairchilds ranch and that if they did not feel safe with the modocs they could move up there. they lost no time in loading a few effects into a wagon and started with us to the fairchilds ranch. on the road they mired down and every man, regular and volunteer, passing them had something bitter and mean to say to them. the story of the eggs was known to all, and if ever men paid for a scurvy, mean trick it was the van bremers. we moved around to lost river and struck camp, where we remained about ten days. as gen. wheaton felt competent to protect the settlements, and as the term of enlistment of the volunteers had expired more than a month before, we proceeded to linkville and from there to jacksonville where the command of capt. kelley was disbanded, applegate's company having been discharged at linkville. i then returned to salem and a few days later paid a visit to gen. canby at ft. vancouver in company with governor l. f. grover. the entire situation was gone over, gen. canby expressing entire confidence in the ability of gen. wheaton and his officers. fortunate, indeed, would it have been had that brave officer and splendid gentleman been left to develop and carry out his plans, but unhappily that was not to be, for the churches succeeded in hypnotizing the grim soldier in the white house, and the result was the "peace commission." chapter xii. the peace commission's work. a. b. meacham was at that time in washington. he had been superseded as superintendent of indian affairs by t. b. odeneal. meacham wanted the place, and backed by the churches and humanitarians of new england, thought he could accomplish his purpose by means of a compromise with jack and his band. he declared to president grant that he knew jack to be an honorable man and that he could easily effect a compromise and induce the outlaws to return to the reservation. meantime a clamor went up all over the country, especially in the east. sentimentalists shed barrels of tears over the wrongs of the indians, the horrors of the ben wright massacre were recapitulated with all manner of untruthful variations, and the great beecher from the pulpit of his brooklyn tabernacle sent up a prayer for "that poor, persecuted people whose long pent up wrongs had driven them to acts of outrage and diabolical murder." delegations, at the instigation of meacham, visited the white house and finally succeeded in bending the iron will of the grim old soldier to their own. the hands that slew the bodys and brothertons were to be clasped in a spirit of brotherly love, and the principles and precepts of the "lowly nazarene" were to be extended to these gentle butchers. accordingly in february a commission was appointed consisting of a. b. meacham, jesse applegate, and s. case. the commission arrived at headquarters towards the last of february. they were instructed by the commissioner of indian affairs "to ascertain the causes which led to hostilities between the modocs and the u. s. troops;" to offer them a reservation somewhere on the coast with immunity for past crimes. in vain gov. grover of oregon protested against any compromise with the murderers of oregon citizens. he held that they were amenable to the laws of that state, had been indicted by a grand jury, and should be tried and executed as the law directs, but his protest was passed unheeded and the commissioners proceeded to carry out their instructions. bob whittle and his indian wife were sent to convey the terms to capt. jack and his band, but jack refused to have anything to do with the commissioners, although willing to talk to judges roseborough and steele of yreka. these gentlemen proceeded to the camp in the lava beds and held a conference and found that jack was anxious for peace; was tired of war; did not know the commissioners; but wanted to talk to the chief soldiers, generals canby and gillem. the former had arrived and assumed command of the one thousand or more troops assembled, while the latter had superseded gen. wheaton. john fairchilds also had an interview with them in the lava beds and was only saved from massacre by one of the indians, who kept him in his cave all night and escorted him beyond the lines the next morning. after some weeks of delay jack finally agreed to a conference with the commissioners, but the terms were such as to leave no doubt of intended treachery, and mr. applegate and mr. case resigned in disgust. it was apparent to these men that the indians only sought an opportunity to murder gen. canby and such other officers as they could get into their power, but meacham was determined to succeed, as that was the only means of getting back his job as superintendent of indian affairs. accordingly rev. dr. thomas of oakland and mr. dyer, indian agent at klamath, were appointed to fill the vacancies. in the meantime gen. canby had moved his headquarters to the foot of the bluff at the lower end of tule lake, while col. john green with mason's command had moved down from land's ranch to a position within striking distance of the stronghold. five mortars and three howitzers with an abundance of ammunition and provisions were also moved up to the front. but the dreary farce was not to be ended yet. on april th four bucks and five squaws rode into gen. canby's camp. they were fed and clothed by the commission, loaded with presents, and sent back asking for a conference between the lines. later in the day bogus charley, the umpqua, came into camp and surrendering his gun, stated that he would not return. he remained in camp over night and in the morning was joined by "boston charley," one of the leaders who stated that capt. jack was willing to meet the commissioners midway between the lines on the condition that jack was to be attended by four of his men, all unarmed. boston then mounted his horse and rode away. bogus accompanying him. a tent had been pitched midway between the lines and thither commissioners meacham, thomas, and dyer, and gen. canby repaired accompanied by frank riddle and his modoc wife as interpreters. before starting both riddle and his squaw in vain tried to dissuade the commissioners from their purpose. meacham told gen. canby that riddle only sought to delay negotiations in order to prolong his job as interpreter; that he knew capt. jack and that he "was an honorable man." rev. mr. thomas when appealed to by riddle replied that he "was in the hands of his god." both riddle and his squaw then, at the suggestion of mr. dyer, went to the tent of gen. canby and begged him not to go. with tears streaming down her cheeks the woman implored the general not to go, as treachery was surely meditated. gen. canby replied that "his government had ordered him to go, and a soldier had no choice but to obey orders." the general was dressed in full uniform, with sword belt and empty scabbard. gen. gillem intended to accompany them but was too indisposed to leave his tent. riddle, in describing what transpired at the "peace tent," told me that meacham made a short speech and was followed by dr. thomas and gen. canby. capt. jack then made a speech, demanding hot creek and cottonwood as a reservation, owned at that time by the dorris brothers, fairchilds and doten. meacham then explained to him the impossibility of acceding to his demands, as the property had already passed in title to these men. old sconchin then told meacham to "shut up;" that he had said enough. while sconchin was talking jack got up and was walking behind the others. he then turned back and exclaimed: "all ready!" at the same instant he drew a pistol and snapped at gen. canby, but cocking the pistol again shot him through the right eye. canby fell dead without a groan. almost at the same instant sconchin shot meacham through the shoulder, in the head and in the arm, while boston charley shot dr. thomas dead. just previous to the shooting mr. dyer had turned and walked back behind the tent. at the first crack of the pistols mr. dyer fled for his life, closely pursued by hooker jim. mr. dyer had concealed a small revolver about his person and turned at intervals of his flight and fired at his pursuer. by this means he was enabled to make headway. and at last escaped. gen. canby and dr. thomas were stripped and the general scalped. meacham was insensible and as the indians started in to scalp him riddle's squaw told them that the soldiers were coming, and they left him and fled. to this fact meacham was indebted for his scalp, as it was partly cut loose and in a few moments more would have been stripped off. while these scenes were being enacted, two indians approached the lines of mason and green bearing a flag of truce. lieutenants sherwood and boyle went out about yards beyond their line to meet them. the indians said they wanted to see maj. mason and when told by the officers that mason would not talk to them, they appeared disappointed. as the officers turned to go back to their lines they were fired upon by indians in ambush and lieut. sherwood was mortally wounded. early in the day capt. adams had been stationed on gillem's bluff and during all the proceedings at the peace tent had watched with a strong field glass. when the massacre of the commission began he telegraphed to gen. gillem, and the soldiers, held in readiness for an emergency, sprang to the advance on the double quick, but were too late to save the life of the gallant canby and his comrades. thus ended the long, dreary farce of the "peace commission." and at what a price! there lay the noble canby prone upon his face, cold and still in death; having breasted the hurricane of many a well-fought field to fall at last by the treacherous, assassin hand of a prowling savage to whom he had come upon a mission of peace and friendship. there was another of the commissioners, a man of peace, a preacher of the gospel of eternal love, stricken down with the words of mercy and forgiveness upon his lips, his gray and reverend locks all dabbled in his own blood. another, shot and hacked and stabbed, covered with wounds, beaten down with cruel blows, motionless but still alive. and there was another, with warwhoop and pistol shot ringing at his heels, fleeing for his life; while at the side scene was the "honorable" capt. jack, stage manager of the awful play, arch demon of massacre, with pistol that took the priceless life of canby still smoking in his hand, leaping with glee, his dark face all aglow with the glare of the dread spectacle, like a fiend dancing in the fire-light of hell. no wonder that in its lurid light the government for a moment forgot its dawdling "peace policy," and "let slip the dogs of war." no wonder the canting prayers of maudlin fanatics were stilled amid the wrathful cry for vengeance. the blood of canby and thomas and sherwood "cried unto god from the ground" against them. the ghastly, sickening tragedy which should send a thrill through the very heart of the nation was consummated. chapter xiii. three days' battle in the lava beds. the day following the massacre preparations were made for an attack in full force upon the stronghold. only the regulars were to be engaged in this task, as the volunteers had been discharged, under assurance from gen. canby that he was strong enough to control the situation and protect the settlements. the plan of battle which was the same as that adopted by gen. wheaton on the th of january was to form a cordon of troops around the hostiles and either kill or capture them. the troops were supplied with overcoats, blankets, three days' provisions and an abundance of ammunition. on april , donald mckay arrived with seventy-two wasco indians who were at once armed and assigned to duty, and who made a splendid record. some slight skirmishing had taken place, but no general forward movement was made until the th, when the rattle of small arms, the yells of the savages, and the deep boom of the mortars and howitzers told that the battle was on. all day long the troops continued to advance, slowly, keeping under cover as much as possible, and driving the indians before them. even with every precaution there was a list of killed and wounded. as night closed in the troops held their position, but the mortars and howitzers continued to send into the stronghold a stream of shells, mingled with the occasional discharge of small arms and the yells of the savages. during the night col. green and maj. mason, disobeying orders (i know what i am saying) drove a column in between the indians and the lake, thus shutting them off from water. this was carrying out the plans formulated and advised by gen. wheaton and gen. ross after the battle on the th of january. when the indians discovered this move they made a determined attempt to break the line, but the troops had had time to fortify and the attempt proved a failure. gen. gillem the next morning sent for john fairchilds and asked him to go with capt. bancroft and show him where to plant the mortars and also show him the center of the stronghold. fairchilds told the general that he would show him, but that he was tired acting as errand boy for tom, dick and harry--that he had risked his life enough. under these circumstances, the general had to go. they started out and had almost reached the line, bullets were singing around, when the general, rubbing his hands, remarked: "mr. fairchilds, this is a splendid day's work; how long did it take gen. wheaton to get this far?" fairchilds, as brave a man as ever trod in shoe leather, replied: "general, i do not remember exactly, but as near as i can judge it was about twenty minutes." that remark settled the friendly relations between the two men. i want to say here that gillem was not the man for the place. he was self-willed, self-opinionated, knew nothing about indian warfare; in fact, got his shoulder straps through the enterprise of one of his officers and the treachery of a woman, in killing the confederate gen. morgan. he had nothing else to recommend him, and would not take advice from old veterans like green, mason, bernard, perry and hasbrook--men who had grown gray in frontier service. at o'clock on the morning of the second day, col. green ordered an advance. the men answered with a cheer, and soon reached a position on top of the ridge next to jack's camp. some of the other lines also slowly advanced during the day. towards evening another desperate attempt was made by the indians to break the line between them and water. at this time a very near approach to a battle was reached. volley after volley of rifles rang out, and mingled with the yells of the savages and roar of the artillery made some of the old veterans of the civil war think they were really in a fight. all the same, men were being killed and others wounded, even though there was no battle. col. green realized that if the indians could be kept from the water, they would have to surrender or leave the stronghold, and he held on with the tenacity of a bulldog. during the night the squaws went out under the lines and returned with a load of snow, but the warm spell of weather melted the snow rapidly and soon this source was cut off. still the outlaws held on, and for three days and nights, pressed in by men and guns on every side, subjected to a fire from four sides, with five mortars and three howitzers raining shells upon them, they held to the "hole in the wall" that had been for ages their salvation and their safeguard. the constant rain of bursting shells had filled the caves and crevices of the lava beds with smoke, and cut off from water, on the night of the third day they quietly slipped out from under gen. gillem's lines and left--no one knew where. it may appear incredible, but it is true, that during all this battle of three days and nights, amid the hum of tons of leaden bullets and the bursting of countless shells, not a single indian was killed. we must except one buck who started in to investigate an unexploded shell. that buck was going to "get 'um powder and lead out" with file and hatchet, and was scattered out over the rocks for his inquisitiveness. but the other indians were nowhere to be seen. they had passed out under the line of troops as ants would pass through a sponge. the troops took possession of the lava beds, the stronghold, but the indians were gone. it yet remained for gen. gillem to learn another lesson in indian warfare. when the news was received by gov. grover that the indians had left the stronghold and that the settlers were again exposed, he ordered out two companies of volunteers, one from douglas county under capt. rodgers and the other from jackson county under capt. hizer. i was not ordered at the time to accompany the volunteers, the "mad-cap from salem" was to be left behind, but not for long. in spite of the abuse of enemies, mostly those fellows who sought safety with women and children behind strong stockades, and the declaration of mr. meacham that i was responsible for the slaughter of men on the th of january, "when the brave, reckless, madcap, col. thompson, drove his men against the lines of the modocs," i was again sent to the front. in my letters and newspaper articles i had severely censured mr. meacham and he took revenge in his "wigwam and warpath" by declaring the mad-cap was to blame for the slaughter. i never met him but once after the close of the war and that was in the library of the old russ house in san francisco, where i had gone to call upon a couple of friends. this was in august after the close of the war. he was walking back and forth in the library, his head yet bandaged where the indians had started to scalp him, when he suddenly turned and said, "col. thompson. i want to speak to you." i excused myself to rollin p. saxe, one of my friends, and walked up to mr. meacham. he said "i had made up my mind to shoot you on sight." then hesitating an instant, continued, "but i have changed my mind." "perhaps," i replied, "mr. meacham, it is fortunate for you or i that you have changed your mind." he then went on to detail how i had abused him. i said, "mr. meacham, before god, you are responsible for the death of gen. canby, a noble man and soldier, and i don't know how many others." after conversing some time we separated, never to meet again. but to return to the war. on the th gen. gillem sent out col. thomas and major wright on a scouting expedition in the lava region to discover if possible the whereabouts of the savages. the scouting party numbered sixty-two men, including lieutenants cranston, harve, and harris. instead of sending out experienced men, these men were sent to be slaughtered, as the result demonstrated. gillem was not only incompetent personally, but was jealous of every man, citizen or regular, who was competent. the party scouted around through the lava for a distance of several miles. they saw no indians or sign of indians. the hostiles had fled and were nowhere to be found. they sat down to eat their lunch. they were quietly surrounded and at the first fire the soldiers, as is almost always the case, became panic stricken. the officers bravely strove to stem the tide of panic, but hopelessly. the panic became a rout and the rout a massacre, and of the sixty-two men who were sent out that morning but two were alive, and they were desperately wounded. had any one of the old experienced officers, like green, mason, perry, bernard or hasbrook been sent on this duty a massacre would have been impossible. they would never have been caught off their guard and the sickening massacre would have been averted. the very fact of no indians in sight would have taught these men caution. the entire command of gen. gillem now became demoralized, and desertions were by the wholesale. gen. gillem fortified his camp at the foot of the bluff, and surrounded it with a rock wall. his communications were cut off and his trains captured and destroyed. "gillem's camp" was a fort as well as a "graveyard." trains of wagons were captured, the wagons burned and the animals taken away. the indians daily fired on his picket line. such was the deplorable conditions of affairs when gen. jeff c. davis assumed command. davis was eminently fitted for the task assigned him. he at once restored confidence among the disheartened and beaten men. he declared if there was to be more massacres he would know who to blame, and led the scouting parties in person. the camp at "gillem's graveyard" was broken up, and leaving a force to hold the stronghold he began scouting and searching for the enemy. he went with six men to search for traces of the hostiles. his action restored confidence, and the men manifested a spirit of fight. donald mckay and his wascos were sent to circle the lava beds. that night his signal fires informed gen. davis that the modocs had deserted the lava beds. all available cavalry were sent in pursuit. the command of capt. hasbrook had been out all day, and was accompanied by donald mckay's indians. arriving at dry lake, then politely called sauress lake, they found that there was no water. wells were dug but to no purpose, and mckay and his indians were sent back to boyles' camp for water. from dry lake to boyles' camp the distance was about twelve miles. with a pack train mckay was in no hurry; as a matter of fact, donald was never in a hurry when there was danger about. he was an arrant coward, but had some brave men of the wascos with him. i speak advisedly of what i know. capt. hasbrook's command went into camp feeling secure, as the indians were in hiding. but hasbrook, old soldier as he was, had a lesson to learn. during the night a dog, belonging to the packers, kept growling. the boss of the train, charley larengel, went to the officer of the guard and told him the indians were about and that they would certainly be attacked at daylight. mr. larengel told me that the officer treated his advice with indifference, not to say contempt. the "boss of the pack train was unduly alarmed, there were no indians around." but charley larengel knew a thing or two. he had been with crook and knew that hostiles did not come out, shake their red blankets and dare the soldiers to a fight, so he barricaded his camp, using the apparajos as breast works and told the packers to "let the mules go to the devil. we must look out for ourselves." just as day began to break over the desolate hills, the fun began. from three sides the indians poured into the camp a withering fire. as a result the entire command became panic stricken. seven men were knocked down, almost at the first fire, and it has always been a matter of surprise to me that hasbrook, old campaigner as he was, should be caught off his guard. it began to look like another wright-thomas massacre. captain jack stood well out of harm's way, dressed in the uniform of gen. canby, and giving orders. it was surely another massacre. but the modocs had not seen donald mckay and his wascos leave the camp the evening before, nor were they aware that he was within striking distance that morning, at a most critical time. hearing the firing and yells mckay left his pack animals, and under the leadership of captain george, chief of the wascos, attacked the modocs in the rear. from a rout of the soldiers it became a rout of the modocs. they quickly fled and jack was the first man to run. this brought on dissensions, for the hot creeks claimed they had to do all the fighting, all the guard duty, had, in fact, to endure all the hardships, while old jack in his gold braided uniform stood at a safe distance giving orders. during the dispute hooker jim shot at, or attempted to shoot jack. the modocs, or renegades were now out of the lava beds, and with soldiers and volunteers practically surrounding them, and with dissensions in their own camp, the band broke up. jack and his band went in a northeast direction, closely followed by hasbrook and mckay's indians, and two days later surrendered. the hot creeks went around the lower end of tule lake and surrendered to gen. davis at the fairchilds-doten ranch. hooker jim, followed them and seeing they were not massacred by the soldiers, determined to surrender. yet this indian, one of the worst of the band of outlaws, was an outlaw to every human being on earth. he dared not go to jack's band, his own party had disowned and tried to kill him. he watched the band from the bald hills above the ranch enter the camp of the soldiers. he saw they were not massacred. he then made up his mind to surrender. he fixed in his mind the tent of gen. davis. crawling as close to the line of pickets as possible, he raised his gun above his head and yelling "me hooker jim," ran through the lines, among soldiers, and up to the tent door of gen. davis, threw down his gun, and said, "me hooker jim, i give up." in speaking of the surrender, gen. davis said to me: "here was a man, an outlaw to every human being on earth, throwing down his rifle and saying, "me hooker jim, me give up." he stood before me as stolid as a bronze. i have seen some grand sights, but taking everything into consideration, that was the grandest sight i ever witnessed." hasbrook followed relentlessly jack's band and captured them in the canyon below steel swamp. jack was an arrant coward, but old sconchin, whose bows and arrows i retain as a souvenir, and which were presented to me by a sergeant of the troop, was a fighter, and would have died fighting. chapter xiv. trailing the fugitives. while all this was going on i was riding from salem, oregon, "gov. grover's mad-cap colonel," as jas. d. fay, harvey scott of the oregonian, and some other of my enemies, designated me. fay did not like me and i happened to to be with senator nesmith when he caned harvey scott in the chemeketa hotel at salem. my meeting with senator nesmith was accidental, but scott never forgave me, nor did he in fact neglect any opportunity to "lambaste" me after that time. but to return to my trip. the oregon volunteers had been ordered out, with general ross in command. the murderers of the settlers along the shores of tule lake had been indicted by the grand jury of jackson county, oregon. the governor demanded the surrender of the murderers from the united states authorities. the murderers were not yet captured but we knew it was only a matter of days. i left salem on thursday and went by train to roseburg that evening. there i took the stage, and telegraphing ahead for horses at jacksonville found a magnificent saddle horse awaiting me. did you ever travel from salem to roseburg by train and then by stage to jacksonville through the long weary night? if so you will have some faint idea of my condition. arriving at jacksonville i lost no time in proceeding on my journey. that night i rode to coldwells' place, sometimes called the soda springs. the next morning at o'clock, after only about hours' rest in , i started on my journey. i knew how to ride a horse, how to save him and how to rest him. at the head of "green springs" i met a government courier. he told me that gen. ross had left linkville that morning with his entire command. thanking the courier, i then began to ride, and at precisely half past o'clock was shaking hands with alex miller at linkville. i had ridden one horse miles that morning over a range of mountains. mr. miller asked me, when did you leave salem?" "day before yesterday noon," i replied. "if i did not have all kinds of respect for you i would call you a liar" remarked mr. miller. just them j. b. neil and mr. jackson, district attorney and sheriff of jackson county came up, and showing these gentlemen my papers with the dates, stopped all further discussion of the matter. but i said, "alex, i want the best horse in linkville, for i am going to overtake gen. ross tonight." "you shall have not only the best horse in linkville, but the best horse in the state of oregon." a ride of miles that evening accompanied by mr. neil and mr. jackson, convinced me that alex. miller told me the truth. we reached the headquarters of gen. ross late in the night. i had ridden that day miles on two horses, and i want here to plead guilty to cruelty to animals. the horse i rode into linkville, to use the common expression, "quit," and the only means i could use to get a "move on," was to shoot the tips of his ears off with my revolver. i will say further that this is the only instance in my life when i was cruel to a dumb brute, but i justified myself then and now on the grounds of "duty." arriving at headquarters, "for the night," as the general expressed it, the next morning we took up the trail of a band of jack's renegades. black jim, one of the worst of the band of murderers, headed the band. there were only about twenty men in the outfit, and the only means we had of following them was by a crutch used by an indian shot by john fairchilds on the th of january. late one evening, in fact just at sundown, we lost the trail. we had tracked the stick to a juniper tree, but there lost it. finally one of our boys discovered a hand up in the juniper and leveling his gun, told him to come down. after some parley the indian came down. gen. ross and i told him we were chiefs and that all indians surrendering would be protected. a hundred yards away, somewhere between tule lake and langel valley, there was a rim rock, and in this the indians were hiding. on assurance from our juniper tree man they finally surrendered. only black jim showed any hesitancy, but the muzzle of a caliber springfield answered as a magnificent persuader. we then returned to tule lake, sending for mrs. body and mrs. schira to identify the murderers of their families. we were still on the oregon side of the line, but much to our disappointment neither of the ladies could identify any of the men. we had black jim but the ladies did not and could not identify him. we therefore took them to the headquarters of gen. davis and surrendered them at the peninsula. we arrived about o'clock. i went to the tent of gen. wheaton and told him my business. mr. neil and mr. jackson were with me. gen. wheaton took us up to the tent of gen. davis and introduced us. i presented to gen. davis my papers and told him that the officers of the law were there. the general replied, as nearly as i can remember, "colonel, i will deliver them to you at any time after o'clock, at least, i will deliver to you their bodies." i simply replied, "that is entirely satisfactory, both to the officers present, the governor of oregon and to your humble servant." he then told me that he had the timbers all framed and ready to put together and intended to hang all the murderers promptly at o'clock. while we were talking a courier arrived with dispatches from the secretary of war instructing him to hold the murderers until further orders. all were astounded, but a soldier has no choice but to obey orders. gen. davis was angry, and remarked to me that if he "had any way of making a living for his family outside of the army he would resign today." mrs. body, mrs. schira, mrs. brotherton were all there. their entire families had been wiped out-butchered. the indians took a large amount of jewelry, pictures, and more than $ , in money. a tent had been spread for the ladies and gen. davis had ordered a tent, with tables, chairs, bed, writing material, etc., arranged for my convenience. the correspondent of the new york herald was living at the sutler's tent, in fact, with good old pat mcmanus. mrs. body and mrs. schira had also been provided with a tent. they sent to gen. davis and asked that they be permitted to talk with black jim, hooker jim and one or two others. they said that possibly some of the family relics could be reclaimed. the order was issued and the general and i were talking of the awful results of the war and its blunders. suddenly fox of the new york herald called at the door of gen. davis' tent and said, "the women are going to kill the indians." both of us sprang from the tent door and rushed to the tent where the women were domiciled. davis was ahead of me. i saw mrs. schira with a double edged knife poised. hooker jim was standing fronting the women, as stolid as a bronze. mrs. schira's mother was attempting to cock a revolver. gen. davis made a grab for the knife, catching the blade in his right hand and in the struggle his hand was badly lacerated. a surgeon was called who dressed the wounded hand, and then we all went to dinner at "boyles' mess." at the dinner table were seated about forty officers, men grown gray in the service of their country and young lieutenants just out from west point. the latter, as is always the case, were in full uniform, while the old fellows wore little or nothing that would indicate their calling or rank. during dinner one of the young men made some slighting remark about the conduct of the women in attempting to kill the indians, characterizing their act as unwarranted and a breach of respect to the general. instantly gen. davis pushed back from the table and rose to feet, fire flashing from his eyes, and if ever a young upstart received a lecture that young officer received one. i was sitting to the left of gen. davis while jesse applegate, one of the "makers of oregon," sat at his right. the general spoke of the women as the wife and daughter of a frontiersman, and before whom stood the bloody handed butcher of husbands and sons. it was one of the most eloquent, at the same time one of the most withering addresses that it has ever been my fortune to hear. resuming his seat the general continued his conversation with those about him, but there were no more remarks, you may be assured, upon this incident. the next morning at daylight the orderly to gen. davis came to my tent and awaking me said that the general wanted to see me at once. hastily dressing i walked over to the general's tent. he was sitting on the side of his camp bed, partly undressed. jas. fairchilds was sitting in the tent talking as i entered. the general asked him to repeat to me what he had been saying. mr. fairchilds then proceeded to relate that a bunch of indians, four bucks and a lot of women and children, had come in to the ranch and surrendered. he had loaded them into a wagon and started to the peninsula to turn them over to the military authorities. when within about six miles of his destination he was headed off by two men who were disguised past identification. they ordered him to stop and unhitch his team and after doing so was told to drive the horses up the road. when about thirty yards away he was ordered to stop. the men then began killing the indians while he stood looking on and holding to his team. after firing a dozen shots into the wagon, the men rode away, telling him to remain there and not to leave. he remained until dark and then mounting one of his horses rode to camp. while we were talking donald mckay came up and accused the volunteers of the massacre. i told gen. davis that it was impossible that the volunteers could have committed the crime. mckay was drunk and swaggered around a great deal and finally asked the general to let him take his indians and follow the volunteers and bring them back. becoming angered at the talk and swagger of mckay i told the general to let him go, and plainly told mckay that i would go with him. that he, mckay, was an arrant coward and could not take any one, much less a company of one hundred men. i then expressed my belief to gen. davis that the killing had been done by some of the settlers whose relatives had been massacred by the savages; that gen. ross had gone around the south end of the lake and that capt. hizer must have been many miles on his road towards linkville. i told him, however, that i would make an investigation and if possible bring the perpetrators of the act to justice. mounting my horse i rode rapidly back to where the wagon was standing in the road. the women and children were still in the wagon with their dead, not one of them having moved during the night. it was a most ghastly sight, the blood from the dead indians had run through the wagon bed, and made a broad, red streak for twenty yards down the road. soon after my arrival donald mckay rode up, and i ordered him to go to the lake and get some water for the women, one of whom had been severely wounded. soon after his return with the water mr. fairchilds came with the team and all were taken to the camp. the woman was not seriously hurt, but the four bucks were literally shot to pieces. i remained several days at the peninsula, making an excursion into the lava beds in company with capt. bancroft of the artillery, and with bogus chancy as guide. we explored many of the caves, at least as far as we were able with poor lighting material at our command. i then started to overtake the volunteers, coming up with them before reaching jacksonville, where capt. hizer's company was discharged. capt. rogers, of the douglas county company, was discharged at roseburg. after this i returned to my newspaper work at salem, oregon. the indians were moved from boyles' camp at the peninsula to fort klamath where five of them, jack, sconchin, black jim, hooker jim and boston charley were all executed on the same gallows. one of the murderers of the peace commission, "curley headed doctor," committed suicide on the road to klamath. the remainder of the indians were then moved to the indian territory, where the remnants now live. thus ended the farce-tragedy of the modoc war, a farce so far as misguided enthusiasts and mock humanitarians could make it in extending the olive branch of peace to redhanded murderers. and a tragedy, in that from first to last the war had cost the lives of nearly four hundred men and about five millions of dollars. the foregoing pages describe in simple language what i saw of the modoc war. several so-called histories have been written purporting to be true histories. one by a. b. meacham in his "wigwam and warpath." meacham wrote with the view of justifying all that meacham did and said. it was, in fact, written in self defense. another, by one "captain drehan," who claimed to have been "chief of scouts." the gallant captain was simply a monumental romancer. no such man served at any time during the war. donald mckay was chief of scouts, and the exploits of drehan existed only in his own imagination. i was personally acquainted with all the officers and know that no such man was there. for the truth of all i have said i simply refer the doubting thomases to the official reports on file at washington. chapter xv. the great bannock war. the last indian war worthy of mention broke out in the spring of . it was preceded by none of the acts of outlawry which usually are a prelude to savage outbreaks. there were none of the rumblings of the coming storm which are almost invariable accompaniments of these upheavals. indeed, it came with the suddenness of a great conflagration, and before the scattered settlers of western idaho and eastern oregon were aware of danger, from a thousand to twelve hundred plumed and mounted warriors were sweeping the country with the fierceness of a cyclone. as a rule the young and impatient warriors, thirsting for blood, fame and the property of the white man, to say nothing of scalps, begin to commit acts of outlawry before the plans of older heads are ripe for execution. these acts consist of petty depredations, the stealing of horses, killing of stock, and occasional murder of white men for arms and ammunition. but in the case of the great shoshone, or bannock, outbreak, there were none of these signs of the coming storm. settlers were therefore taken completely by surprise. many were murdered, their property stolen or destroyed, while others escaped as best they could. from observation and experience i make the assertion that nine of every ten indian outbreaks are fomented by the "medicine" men. these men are at the same time both priest and doctor. they not only ward off the "bad spirits," and cure the sick, but they forecast events. they deal out "good medicine," to ward off the bullets of the white man, and by jugglery and by working upon the superstitions of their followers, impress them with the belief that they possess supernatural powers. this was especially conspicuous in the pine ridge outbreak. the medicine men made their deluded followers believe the white men were all to be killed, that the cattle were to be turned to buffalo and that the red man would again possess the country as their fathers had possessed it in the long ago, and that all the dead and buried warriors were to return to life. this doctrine was preached from the borders of colorado and the dakotas to the pacific, and from british columbia to the grottoes of the gila. the doctrine probably had its origin in the ignorant preaching of the religion of the savior by honest but ignorant indian converts. they told their hearers of the death, burial and resurrection of the son of man. the medicine men seized upon the idea and preached a new religion and a new future for the red man. missionaries were sent from tribe to tribe to preach and teach the new doctrine, and everywhere found willing converts. the craze started in nevada, among the shoshones, and in a remarkably short time spread throughout the tribes on both sides of the rocky mountains. lieutenant strothers of the united states army and i talked with piute indians in modoc county, after the "ghost dance" scare had subsided, who were firm in the belief that a chief of the piutes died and then came back. they assured us that they had talked with a man who had seen him, and that there could be no mistake. but they said: "maybe so; he did not know. the white man medicine heap too strong for ingin." so it was with the bannocks. their medicine men taught that the white man was to be destroyed, that his horses, his cattle and his houses and land were to revert to the original owners of the country. accordingly few houses were burned throughout the raid of several hundred miles. even the fences around the fields were not destroyed, but were left to serve their purposes when the hated white man should be no more. the few exceptions were where white men were caught in their homes and it was necessary to burn the buildings in order to kill the owners. the home of old man smith in happy valley, on the north side of stein mountain, the french ranch in harney and the cummins ranch on the john day were exceptions. in the fights at these places some of the indians were killed and the houses were burned out of revenge. with characteristic indian wantonness and wastefulness hundreds of cattle were shot down, only the tongue being taken out for food. they, however, would come back as buffalo and cover the land with plenty. but horses were everywhere taken, and when that armed, mounted and tufted host debouched into harney valley they had a mighty herd of from seven to ten thousand horses. the bannocks, under their noted chief, buffalo horn, left their reservation in idaho and at once began the work of murder and plunder. buffalo horn had served under howard during a portion of the nez perce war, but left him because of his dilatory tactics and his refusal to attack when he had the enemy at his mercy. he told col. reddington, who was following howard as correspondent of the oregonian and new york herald, that howard did not know how to fight, that next summer he would fight and show him how to make war. about the same time, the shoshones, under egan and otis, left their reservation and united their forces in harney valley, numbering at that time from a thousand to twelve hundred warriors. they were encumbered, however, by their women and children and a vast herd of stock, and as a result moved slowly. meantime the scattered detachments of troops were being concentrated and sent in pursuit. but while this was being done the tufted host swept a belt thirty miles wide through western idaho and eastern oregon, spreading death and destruction in its path. at happy valley they killed old man smith and his son. both had escaped with their families to camp harney, but had imprudently returned to gather up their horses and bring away a few household effects. another brother and a young man had accompanied them, but had turned aside to look for stock. the two young men arrived at the ranch after nightfall. it was very dark, and before they were aware of the fact they rode into a herd of horses. but supposing they were animals gathered by the father and brother, rode on. when near the center a mighty wail smote their ears. some of the indians had been killed by the smiths, and the women were wailing a funeral dirge. one who has never heard that wail cannot imagine its rhythmic terrors. when the appalling noise broke upon their ears the young man with smith started to wheel his horse and flee. but smith caught the bridle reins and whispered to him, "for god's sake don't run," and, holding to the reins, quietly rode out of the herd, the darkness of the night alone proving their salvation. at the french ranch on blixen river an attack was made by a detached war party, but mr. french saved himself and men by cool daring and steady bravery. all were endeavoring to make their escape, french holding the indians at bay while the others fled along the road. he was the only man armed in the crowd, and at turns in the road would make a stand, checking for a time the savages. the chinese cook was killed and left where he fell, being horribly mutilated by the indians. most of the men with french were in wagons, and only for the bravery displayed by him would certainly have been killed. about the same time two men were coming out with teams, and hearing of the indian raid, left their wagons and fled to the shirk ranch in catlow valley. after a few days they returned for their wagons, being accompanied by w. h. shirk, now a banker at lakeview, oregon. the wagons were found as left, and after hitching up the horses, mr. shirk rode on ahead, imprudently leaving his rifle in one of the wagons. on the grade above the blixen ranch shirk looked back and saw the men coming and had little thought of danger. the men drove up to the crossing, when they were fired upon and both killed. mr. shirk was also fired upon, but miraculously escaped death. an indian on a fleet horse was pursuing him, and his own horse was lagging. as he neared the sage brush toward which he had been making, mr. shirk looked back and to his relief saw the indian off his horse. he thinks the horse fell with the indian, but they pursued him no farther and he made good his escape. many other miraculous escapes were made by both men and women, some of the latter escaping almost in their night clothes and on barebacked horses. during all this time the scattered forces of the department were being concentrated and sent in pursuit. that indomitable old scotch hero and indian fighter, bernard--who had risen from a government blacksmith to the rank of colonel of cavalry--who believed that the best way to subdue indians was to fight and kill them and not to run them to death--was following with four companies of cavalry, numbering men. behind him was gen. howard, with infantry, but with his ox teams and dilatory tactics managed to herd them two days ahead. as the cavalry under bernard drew near, the indians called in all detached parties and concentrated their forces. on the th of june pete french joined bernard with ranchers and cowboys. bernard had been ordered by gen. howard not to attack, but to wait until he came up. at old camp curry, on the western side of harney valley, or more properly speaking, on silver creek, on the evening of the th, bernard's scouts reported the indians encamped in the valley, at the baker ranch, seven miles away. in spite of orders, bernard, always spoiling for a fight, determined to make the attack at daylight. his four companies numbered men, besides french's volunteers. bernard had no confidence in the french contingent and declined to permit them to accompany his command in the attack. he directed french, however, to make a dash for the horse herd and if possible capture the animals, while with his regulars he would charge the main camp. bernard afterwards, in explanation of his disobedience of orders, claimed that he was misled by his scouts. bernard broke camp two hours before daylight, or about two o'clock in the morning. he reached the camp just at break of day. evidently the indians were not prepared for him, and "little bearskin dick," one of the chiefs, rode out with a white flag in his hand. bernard had already made a talk to his men, especially to the recruits, telling them they might as well be killed by the indians as by him, as he would kill the first man that flinched. as dick rode up, bernard spoke to a sargeant and asked him if he was going to "let the black rascal ride over him." instantly several carbines rang out and "little bearskin dick" for the first time in his life was a "good indian." at the same instant the bugle sounded the charge, and the troops bore down upon the encampment, firing their rifles first and then drawing their revolvers and firing as they swept through the great camp. but bernard had not been fully informed regarding the lay of the camp. after sweeping through he discovered to his dismay that the indians were encamped on the margin of an impenetrable swamp--in a semi-circle, as it were, and he could go no farther. nothing dismayed, the column wheeled and rode helter-skelter back the road they had come, this time his men using their sabres. when clear of the camp bernard turned his attention to the men under pete french. the latter had gotten into a "hot box," two of his men had been killed and one or two wounded and required help. bernard was not slow in giving it, and when all were safely joined, bernard dismounted his men and fought the indians for several hours with his carbines. the loss sustained by bernard in the charge and subsequent engagement was four men killed and several wounded, not counting the loss sustained by french. bernard continued to hover near the indians throughout the day. he had taught them a lesson they would not forget. those terrible troopers on open ground, they discovered, could go where they liked, and that nothing could stop them. accordingly toward night they withdrew to a rim rock, protected on three sides by high perpendicular walls. the neck of their fort was then fortified and the savages felt they could bid defiance to the fierce troopers. in this fight the indians lost heavily, forty-two bodies being pulled out of a crevice in the rim rock where they had been concealed. among this number was buffalo horn, the greatest leader of the hostiles. toward evening gen. howard arrived within seven miles of the hostiles. bernard sent a courier telling of the position of the indians and that with reinforcements and howitzers under howard the surrender could be forced in a few hours, or days at most. they had entrapped themselves, and without water must surrender at the discretion of the soldiers. gen. howard, however, complained that his troops were worn out, that he could not come up until the following day, and ended by ordering the command under bernard to return to his camp. this was gen. howard's first fatal blunder, to be followed by others equally as serious. the indians remained in their position until the next day, when they moved out towards the head of the south fork of the john day river. they camped on buck mountain three days while howard was resting his troops. they then moved out leisurely to the north, keeping in the rough mountains to be out of the reach of bernard's terrible cavalry. meanwhile gen. howard followed, keeping pace with the indians. his men were mostly employed in grading roads through the rough, broken country to enable his ox teams to follow. some have questioned this statement. but i saw with my own eyes the road down swamp creek and the mountain road leading down to the south john day river, seven miles south of the mouth of murderer's creek. at the south john day crossing he again laid over three days while the indians were resting at the stewart ranch, seven miles away. think of an army following a horde of indians through one of the roughest countries imaginable! no wonder that the fiery bernard hovered close up to them, ready to strike when opportunity and an excuse for disobeying orders was presented. rumors of the coming of the indians had reached john day valley, and my old friend jim clark gathered a force of men and started out to discover, if possible, which way the indians were heading. at murderer's creek he ran into them almost before he knew it. they were not the skulking indians of former years, armed with bows and arrows, but fierce, wild horsemen, armed with modern weapons. in a running fight that followed, a young man named aldrige was killed and jim clark's horse shot from, under him. he escaped into the brush and defended himself so successfully, more than one of the redskins biting the dust, that when night closed in he made his way on foot through the brush to the river and followed the stream all night, wading and swimming it twenty-six times. the balance of his command escaped by outrunning their pursuers and all reached the valley in safety. as soon as the news spread, the women and children were sent to canyon city and something over a hundred men gathered at the ranch of a man named cummins. the latter had seen some service and was elected captain. some were horseback and others had come in wagons. while the men were making final preparations for starting out in search of jim clark, a horseman was seen riding along the side of the mountain to the east of the cummins ranch. warren cassner pointed to the horseman and asked cummins what it meant. "oh, i guess it is a sheep herder," replied the old man. "a queer looking sheep herder," replied cassner, and mounting his horse started out to make an investigation. west of the cummins house the river was lined with tall cottonwoods which obscured a view of the bald mountain side beyond. as cassner raised the side of the mountain, enabling him to look over and beyond the cottonwoods, he discovered that the whole mountain side was covered with indians. twelve hundred indians and eight thousand head of horses blackened the side of the slope. he called to the men below to get out. at the same time he saw a party of indians cutting him off from his men. then began a race seldom witnessed in indian or any other kind of warfare. men on horseback fled for dear life, while others piled into wagons and followed as fast as teams could travel. but cummins was a brave man and had a cool head. he succeeded in rallying a half dozen horsemen and at points on the road made such a determined stand that the wagons were enabled to escape. at one point emil scheutz was standing by the side of cummins, when some indians that had worked around to the side fired a volley, one of the bullets ripping a trench in scheutz's breast that one could lay his arm into. scheutz staggered and told cummins he was shot. the latter helped him to mount his horse and amid a rain of bullets fled for life. that was the last stand. but only for the fact that bernard had followed the indians closely, preventing them from scattering, all would have been massacreed. as it was most of the men kept running until canyon city was reached, each imagining the fellow behind an indian. at the cassner ranch many halted and were that evening joined by col. bernard with his cavalry. bernard was told that there were six hundred umatilla indians at fox valley only a few miles from the john day river, and knowing that they were only waiting to be joined by the bannocks, determined to attack the latter before reaching them. he was told that the bannock's must pass through a canyon to reach fox valley. that was his opportunity, and he had sounded "boots and saddles" when gen. howard, surrounded by a strong body guard, rode up and ordered him to remain where he was. this was an awful blunder, and cost the lives of a number of settlers in fox valley. they, all unconscious of danger, were resting in fancied security when the bannocks arrived, fraternized with the umatillas and butchered them in cold blood. but gen. howard had made a still more serious blunder. gen. grover was coming into john day valley with troops and had reached prairie city, south of canyon city, and about miles from the cummins ranch. he was coming in ahead of the indians and would have been in a position, with the troops under howard, to surround and destroy the savages. he was, however, halted by orders from howard and turned back to the malheur reservation. in justice to gen. howard it should be said that he claimed his aide misunderstood the orders, and caused the fatal blunder. but be that as it may, it saved the savages from annihilation or surrender and cost the lives of a large number of citizens throughout eastern oregon. from john day valley, gen. howard continued to herd the savages, following with his ox teams and his army of road makers, while the enemy were sweeping a belt thirty miles in width through the state and spreading death and desolation in their path. many skirmishes took place before the indians reached the umatilla reservation. here gen. miles encountered them and in the battle that followed completely routed them. disheartened and losing confidence in the good medicine of their medicine men, the savages split up, a portion going on to snake river and the columbia, while the stein's mountain and nevada piutes doubled on their tracks and started back, for a greater portion of the way over the road they had come. this again left the settlers exposed to butchery and plunder. the military had followed the main bands towards the columbia and snake rivers. one band attempted to cross the columbia by swimming their stock. a steamer had been despatched up the river armed with gattling guns and protected by a force of soldiers. while the vast herd of horses and indians were struggling in the water the boat came in sight and opened with the gatlings. some of the indians succeeded in crossing, but most of them were driven back, and the carcasses of indians and horses floated down the river. chapter xvi. snake uprising in eastern oregon. while these events were transpiring all eastern oregon was wild with excitement. there were no telegraphs through the country in those days, if we except a line running up the columbia from the dalles to pendleton and walla walla. the wildest stories were set afloat, which of course lost nothing by repetition. when the first news of the outbreak reached me i was doing jury duty in judge l. l. mcarthur's court at the dalles. i was engaged in the cattle business in what is now crook county, and my ranch was miles to the south of the dalles. my family had been left on the ranch which was being cared for by a couple of young men in my employ. my brother, senator s. g. thompson also lived a couple of miles from my ranch. on coming down stairs at the umatilla house one morning i met judge mcarthur who expressed surprise at finding me yet in town, saying he supposed i and my friends were well on our way home. i replied that i was waiting the good pleasure of the court. "why, man, have you not heard the news?" replied the judge. "i have heard no news," i replied, but seeing that the judge was in earnest asked to what news he referred. judge mcarthur then told me in a few excited words of the outbreak of the bannocks, declaring that in all probability the indians would reach my section before i could get there. i waited to hear no more, and running across the street to the livery stable ordered my team harnessed. while i was waiting three young men, one of them being a lawyer named g. w. barnes, and with whom i had come to the dalles in a two-seated rig, came up. while the team was being harnessed we secured from a store several hundred rounds of winchester ammunition, besides a couple of needle guns and some ammunition which we borrowed. one of my friends ran across to the hotel and returned with some provisions for breakfast. we had no time to wait. other thoughts occupied our minds. we then began the home run, ninety-six miles away. i insisted on driving and nursed the team as best i could, giving them plenty of time on the uphill grade, but sending them along at a furious pate on level ground and down hill. from the dalles to shear's bridge on the deschutes we made a record run. there we changed horses, the generous owner returning not a word when our urgent errand was told. mrs. shear also kindly gave us some food to eat on the road. by o'clock we were at bakeoven, miles from the dalles. here we again changed horses, and secured some food, which we literally ate on the run. our next lap was a long one and it was necessary to save our horses as much as possible. but we had a good team and made good progress, and when night closed in we were more than miles from home. we finally reached the ranch of old man crisp, whose son was most savagely butchered a few days later by the indians at fox valley. my ranch was reached about midnight, possibly a little later, and i found, to my inexpressible relief, that all was well. my wife hastily prepared a cup of coffee for my companions and set them a lunch. while they were eating the young men harnessed up another team, with which mr. barnes and companions reached prineville some time after daylight. almost the first word spoken by my wife to me after i had asked the news, was that capt. george, chief of the warm spring indians, had been there and enquiring for me. i asked her where he had gone. she replied that he had come there in the evening, and she had ordered supper for him and that he had put up his horse and was sleeping at the barn. the news was a relief to me, you may be sure. after my friends had gone and while my wife and i were discussing the news, george walked in. he shook hands with me and i gave him a seat. i knew he had news for me. but an indian always takes his time. after he had sat for some time, and consumed with anxiety to know the nature of his visit, i said: "well, george, what is it?" "have you heard about the snakes," was his instant answer. "yes, i heard about it at the dalles, and that was what brought me home. but what do you think about it?" "i do not believe the snakes will come this way, but, if they do i will know it in plenty of time. i will then bring lots of indians over from the reservation, we will gather up your horses, all of georges' horses and all of maupin's horses and will take them and all the women and children to the reservation and then we will go out and fight snakes and steal horses." that was george's idea of war. it mattered not to him if everybody else was killed, so long as the property and families of his friends were safe. the conversation, of course, was carried on in the chinook language, which is a mixture of the wasco tongue and hudson bay french. captain george was, as i have stated, chief of the warm spring and wasco indians. he was one of the most perfect specimens of physical manhood i have ever beheld. he was proud as lucifer and would scorn to tell a lie. in fact, he was one of the really good live indians i have known. years after, when residing at prineville, my front yard was the favorite camping place of capt. george, and my stables were always open for the accommodation of his horses. he was my friend, and as he expressed it, "we are chiefs." poor old george! he has long since been gathered to his fathers. i do not know that i shall meet george in the happy hunting grounds. but this i know, i will meet no truer friend or braver or nobler soul than that of this brave old indian. the next morning after my arrival at home george went up to see my brother, and from there went on to the ranch of mr. maupin. so far as i was concerned, after my talk with george, i felt perfectly at ease. i knew he would do as he had promised. but the whole country was in panic and it could not be stayed. some had abandoned their farms and fled across the mountains to the willamette valley, while others were getting ready to go. i allayed the fears of immediate neighbors as far as possible by selecting the ranch of dr. baldwin as a rallying point in case of danger. but each hour, almost, would bring a new story of danger and a new cause for a stampede. some of my neighbors buried their effects and prepared to flee. in the midst of this word reached me one afternoon that the people at prineville were forting up, and that a company had been organized to go out to meet the indians. mounting good horses my brother and i set out for prineville, nearly thirty miles away. we arrived there about dark after a hard ride, but it did not take me long to size up the situation. the "company" was worse panic stricken than the people, and the fort that had been started was worse than a trap. it was absolutely worthless for defense. everything, however, was confusion and one scare followed another in rapid succession. i tried to get a few, men to go with me on a short scouting expedition to discover if the indians were coming that way. not one could be found who would volunteer to go. i then returned home and taking one of my young men and a younger brother, struck out for the old indian trail leading along the crest of the mckay mountains. after riding some distance, keeping well in the timber, we met two white men who were making their way through the mountains. they told us that the indians had crossed the john day at the cummins ranch, of the fight jim clark had at murderers creek and the death of young aldridge. as it was now useless to proceed any further we turned back, and reached prineville next day. all the ranches were deserted, but we had no difficulty in obtaining food for ourselves and horses. chapter xvii. bannocks double on their tracks. matters now settled down, the scare was over and ranchers returned to their homes and began repairing damages. fences that had been thrown down that stock might help themselves were repaired that as much as possible of the crops might be saved. i returned to my ranch and was busy with haying and harvest when another report reached us, borne on the wings of the wind, that the bannocks had doubled on their tracks and were scattering death and destruction in their path. the last scare, if possible, was worse than the first. about the same time the governor ordered gen. m. v. brown with the linn county company, under capt. humphrey, to hasten to our aid. this was the only organized troop of the militia available for immediate service, and without loss of time they crossed the cascade mountains and arrived at prineville about the th of july. the company was a magnificent body of men, and represented the best families of linn county. one of the privates was the son of a former united states senator, while others were young men of superior attainments--law and medical students. george chamberlain, present united states senator from oregon, was first sergeant of the company, capt. humphrey was a veteran of the civil war, commanding a company in many sanguinary battles. gen. brown had seen service during the war between the states, but he, and all were ignorant of indian warfare. on his arrival at prineville gen. brown sent a courier to my ranch with a letter urging me to join the expedition. my business affairs had been sadly neglected during the past three months, and i was loth to start out on an expedition, the end of which was impossible to foresee. i however went to prineville and had a consultation with him. gen. brown was exceedingly desirous that i should go with him. he called my attention to personal obligations of friendship due from me to him. that settled it and i told him i would go. he authorized me to enlist men as scouts and placed me in command. the number were readily found, they providing their own horses, arms, ammunition and blankets. provisions were supplied from the commissary. in humphrey's company there was a character known as "warm spring johnny," whom i shall have occasion to mention further on. he was transferred to my contingent by order of gen. brown, as it was believed he would be of service to me. the start was made from prineville the next day, our course leading toward the head of crooked river and the south john day. on the evening of the second day we arrived at watson springs where we camped for the night. guards had been placed around the camp and i had laid down on my saddle blanket to rest when warm spring johnny came and sat beside me. he then told me that at this place he saw his first white man. going into the history of his life--he was then a man about years of age--he told me the snake indians had captured him when he was a mere child--so far back that he had no recollections of his parents or of the circumstances of his capture. he was raised by the snakes, and always supposed he was an indian like the rest of them, only that his skin was white. he did not attempt to account for this difference--he was an indian and that was all he knew. in the spring of , lieut. watson arrived and camped at the spring which was forever to bear his name. here the rim rock circles around the head of the spring in the form a half wheel. willows had grown up along the edge of the stream that flowed out into the dun sage brush plain. into this trap lieut. watson marched his men and camped. evidently he felt secure, as no indians had been seen, besides the warm spring scouts were out scouring the country. probably not a guard or picket was placed about the camp. they had been in camp an hour, and were busily engaged in cooking their meal when from the rim of the bluff on three sides a host of tufted warriors poured a shower of arrows and bullets upon them. lieut. watson was killed with several of his men at the first fire, while a number were wounded. the soldiers for protection took to the willows and defended themselves as best they could. but the snakes had overlooked the warm spring scouts, who, hearing the firing, rushed to the rescue and attacking the snakes in the rear, which was open ground, routed them with the loss of several warriors killed and half a dozen captured. among the latter was warm spring johnny. he was taken to the officer who had succeeded watson in command. great surprise was expressed at seeing a white man with the snakes and the soldiers were for making short work of the "white renegade." but it soon became evident that he was as much a wild indian as any of them, and his youth, about , making in his favor he was turned over to the warm spring captors to guard, along with the other captives. they were all taken down the little branch a few hundred yards and securely bound and tied to a stunted juniper tree. during the night the warm springs indulged in a war dance, each lucky warrior flourishing the scalp he had taken. along past midnight all the captives excepting johnny were securely bound to the juniper with green rawhide, a mass of sage brush collected and the captives roasted alive. johnny told me that every moment he expected to be served in the same manner, and could not understand why his comrades were burned while he was saved. he said he supposed that his skin being white they had reserved him for some particular occasion. i asked him if the soldiers knew that the captives were being burned. he replied that he learned afterwards that the indians told the soldiers they had all escaped except the white one. the probabilities are that the soldiers were too busy with their own troubles to pay any attention to what was going on in the camp of their allies. johnny could speak fairly good english, but to all intents and purposes he was as much of an indian as any of his copper colored friends. he was adopted into the warm springs tribe and remained with them for a number of years, but marrying a squaw from another tribe moved to the willamette valley, where he lived and died an indian. he was almost invaluable to me because of his knowledge of the ways and signs of the snakes. but aside from this he was absolutely useless as he was an arrant coward and could not be depended on when danger threatened. the next day we moved south and after a rapid march reached the elkins ranch on grindstone, a tributary of crooked river. it was known that the indians were returning practically by the same route they had previously traveled, and our duty was to prevent raids from the main body and protect the property of the settlers as far as was possible. first gaining permission from gen. brown, with my scouts and four volunteers, i started out to discover the camp of the indians, which from the lay of the country, i thought likely would be at the head of buck creek, at a spring in the edge of the timber. about o'clock we arrived at the vicinity of the supposed camp of the indians, and taking an elevated position, patiently waited for dawn. finally the gray dawn began to peep over the crest of the eastern mountains, and leading our horses we moved closer. when daylight finally arrived we were within a hundred yards of the spring, but nowhere was there a sign of life. assuring ourselves that the renegades had not passed that point, and that they were further back, we started to meet them, meantime keeping a careful lookout ahead. we continued on to crooked river and despairing of finding or overtaking them, we retraced our steps to camp, arriving there about dark after riding or miles. the next day it was determined to send a strong detachment into the rough brakes of the south john day. accordingly capt. humphrey detailed men and i joined him with the scouts. we were absent three days and returned to camp without encountering or seeing any signs of indians. after resting our horses one day we again struck out, this time going farther north in the direction of murderers creek. the country was indescribably rough, and our first night's camp was at the john day at a point on the trail made by gen. howard when he was herding the indians north. about o'clock one of the men from a picket came in and told me that the indians were signaling from two sides of the camp. i walked down to where capt. humphrey was sleeping and woke him up. we watched the signaling for a few minutes and then sent for warm spring johnny. he said they were signaling that we were a strong party of soldiers and had come from the south. he then explained how the flashes were made. a pile of dry grass was collected and then surrounded by blankets. the grass was then fired and when the blaze was brightest the blankets on one side was quickly raised and again lowered, giving out a bright flash light. i advised capt. humphrey to hold his men in readiness for a daylight attack, feeling certain nothing would be attempted until just at the break of day. we knew, however, they were not far distant and that great care was necessary. after discussing the situation with capt. humphrey it was determined to go on as far as murderers creek, striking the stream at the stewart ranch. as we passed over the intervening space we saw abundant evidence of the presence of indians and proceeded across the bald hills with caution. on the hill overlooking the stewart ranch we saw quite a commotion, a cloud of dust raising and pointing back towards a deep, rocky, precipitous canyon. believing the indians were beating a retreat, we rode forward at the gallop, but arrived only in time to see the last of them disappear in the mouth of the canyon. on the open ground at the mouth of the canyon we halted. the canyon presented a most forbidding appearance, and to follow an enemy of unknown strength into its gloomy depths was to court disaster. the canyon into which the indians had been driven was steep, rocky and with the sides covered with brush, while the ridge was covered with scattering pines back to the timber line where rose the jagged, serrated peaks of the extreme summit of the mountain. after taking a careful view of all the surroundings we retreated down the mountain pretty much as we had ascended it. capt. humphrey agreed with me that we did not have men enough to attack the indians in such a stronghold. there remained nothing but to return to the stewart ranch and go into camp for the night. while returning we decided to hold the indians in the canyon if possible and send a courier back to gen. brown for reinforcements. accordingly ad. marcks was selected for the night trip. he was familiar with the country and undertook the night ride without hesitation. that night a strong guard was kept around the camp, and daylight came without incident worthy of mention. it was then decided to circle the canyon into which we had driven the indians on the previous day. we made the start soon after sun-up, taking a course to the east of the point ascended the day before, and which would enable us to ascend with our horses. we reached the summit of the first steep raise and were rewarded by seeing three scouts disappear in the canyon. we gave chase and fired a few shots from the rifles of the scouts which had no other effect than to cause them to lean a little further forward on their horses and go a little faster. as we passed up the ridge we could see the smoke from the camp fires of the indians coming out of the canyon. the camp was evidently several hundred yards long and indicated they were in considerable force. nearing the timber line, the pines became very thick, in fact so dense that we could force our horses through with difficulty. my scouts were a couple of hundreds yards in advance, and as we burst out of the brush we came upon the horse herd guarded by four indians. taking in the situation at a glance, i put spurs to my horse, and calling to the men to come on, made a dash to cut them off from the canyon down which the herders were endeavoring to force them. we made no attempt to use our rifles, but drawing our revolvers opened fire on the scurrying herders. it was quite a mix-up, but we managed to capture nineteen head of good horses. after the fray i looked around for the first time and discovered that instead of all, but one man had followed me, that was the young boy, eugene jones. the others had taken to trees, one going back to hurry up capt. humphrey. had they all followed as did the boy we would have captured every horse and probably have got the herders as well. descending the ridge on the west side we crossed the trail made by the indians when coming into the canyon. at o'clock the next morning i again started to circle the camp with twenty men, leaving capt. humphrey at the stewart ranch. i ascended the mountain farther to the east than the day before and reached the timber line at daylight. a hundred yards or more from the timber line was a clump of stunted trees. i determined to dismount my men and rest our horses. as we were dismounting one of the scouts, al igo, asked permission to ride up the ridge a ways and get a better look at the country. i gave consent but cautioned him not to venture too far. as soon as the girths of our saddles were loosened and guards placed around i threw myself on the grass and was asleep in five minutes. but my sleep was of short duration, for igo came dashing back, calling, "get out of here, we are being surrounded." he said he had counted eighty odd warriors on one side and fifteen on the other. we lost no time, allow me to assure you, in "getting out of there." a quarter of a mile above us, and about the same distance from the timber line on every side, were three jagged peaks, and not more than twenty yards apart. here i stationed the men, first dismounting them and securing our horses among the rocks so as to shield them from the bullets of the indians. i felt sure that we were going to have a fight, and against heavy odds. but the rocks made a splendid fort, and i explained to the men that if they would save their ammunition and not get excited we could stand off all the indians west of the rocky mountains. after talking to them i took two men, charley long and a young man named armstrong, two of the best shots in the company, and crawled down through the grass about yards to another pile of rocks. i calculated that if i did not hold that point the indians could unseen reach it and pour a deadly fire into our position above. besides i had hopes of getting some of them when they came to the edge of the timber. we had reached the position but a few minutes when two rode out of the timber to our left and about yards away. the boys wanted to fire, but i held them back telling them that we would get surer shots by not disclosing our position. we could see them watching the men in the rocks above, and soon they turned and rode straight towards us, all the while watching the men in the rocks. when within , yards i told the men to take deliberate aim and we would fire together. i pulled on the trigger of my needle gun until i could feel it give. but something told me not to fire and i told the men to wait. on they came, and again we drew deadly beads on the unsuspecting horsemen, but there was an undefinable something that told me not to fire. when they had come within thirty yards we discovered they were white men. we rose up out of the rocks and grass and when they came up i discovered that one of them was an old friend, warren cassner, from john day valley. we also discovered for the first time that the sun was in total eclipse. everything looked dark, and they had taken us for indians and we had came within a hairs breadth of sending them into eternity under the same false impression. when i saw how near i had come to killing my friend i was all in a tremble. the two men belonged to a company of men raised in john day valley and canyon city and were pursuing a large band of indians that had come in the night before. they made a trail as broad as a wagon road and evidently numbered a hundred or more warriors. joined with those we had been watching they constituted quite a force and would evidently put up a stiff fight. we returned with the john day men to the stewart ranch, and gen. brown having arrived during the day, our forces numbered full men, and all full of fight. that night plans were discussed for the coming attack. i favored dividing our forces and attacking them from both sides of the canyon. in this, however, i was overruled and all was arranged for a combined attack on the indian position from the west side. it was arranged that i should start at o'clock with men, circle the west side of the camp, and if the indians had slipped out during the night i was to follow and send back a messenger to the main command. that there might be no mistake as to the course we should take in the morning, i pointed to the canyon in which the indians were encamped and the ridge up which we would go. chapter xviii. another attack that miscarried. everything was in readiness. two hundred rounds of ammunition was distributed to the men, and all were in high glee at the prospect of being able to revenge the cruel murder of friends and neighbors. at o'clock we were roused by the guards. horses were quickly saddled and after a meal of bread, meat and coffee we mounted and filed out of camp. besides the scouts i had ten men belonging to the john day volunteers. as daylight began to peep over the mountain tops we reached the head of the canyon in which the indians were encamped. we had kept a close lookout for any signs of the indians abandoning the canyon but found none. there could be no question as to their whereabouts--not more than a mile below us. we halted here and engaged in a discussion as to the advisability of going around to the west side of the canyon, and when the attack began to open on them from that side. the john day men were decidedly in favor of the move. but gen. brown had especially requested that i should be with the main force when the fight began, and i must return and meet him. it was finally arranged that i should return, taking one man with me, while the others should go down the west side of the canyon. accordingly i selected the boy eugene jones and we started back. it was arranged that the main force should follow me up the mountain within an hour after i left camp, and i expected to meet them about the time the attack began. i did not consider it as being particularly hazardous, as they could not be very far away. we rode at the gallop, expecting every moment to hear the report of the opening guns. it was broad daylight now and we sped on as fast as our horses could carry us. but nothing could be seen or heard of the command. our situation was now serious in the extreme. we passed within yards of the indian camp and could see the smoke curling up out of the canyon. but the only alternative that presented itself to us was to go ahead as we should certainly meet the troops within a short distance. as a matter of fact we were "so far stepped in that to retreat were worse than going o'er." on and on we sped until the brow of the mountain was reached overlooking murderers creek valley, and nowhere could we get sight of man or beast. "what does it mean?" these were the questions repeated one with the other. we finally concluded that the indians had slipped out behind us, or that we had overlooked their trail, and that gen. brown finding it had started in pursuit. descending the mountain we struck across the valley and at or near the creek we found the trail of the command. it was easy to distinguish the trail as our men rode shod horses while the indian ponies were bare-footed. picking up the trail we rode as fast as the condition of our tired horses would permit. about four miles from where we struck the trail we found the carcass of one of our pack mules. we at first thought there had been a skirmish and that the mule had been killed. an examination, however, showed us that the mule had fallen over an embankment and broken his neck. following a well beaten trail we did not discover that the command had left it until we had gone some two or three miles past the carcass of the dead mule. we therefore began to retrace our steps. it should be understood that the course taken by the command was due east, at right angles to that which they should have taken in following me in the morning. returning, we carefully examined each side of the trail in order to discover where it had been left. we finally came back to the carcass of the dead mule. we knew they had been there, but what had become of them? eugene suggested that they had "had an extra big scare and had taken to wing." while we were looking for the trail six of the men from whom we had separated in the morning rode up. they were as much bewildered as i. in fact, i could not account for the actions of the command except that there was rank, craven cowardice somewhere, and the language i used was freely punctuated with adjectives not fit for print. after a long search we discovered where they had left the trail. they had followed a shell rock ridge for a quarter of a mile, probably, as some of the men suggested, to hide their trail for fear the indians would follow them. the course was now due north. this they kept until reaching the summit, when they again turned west. we followed on as fast as the jaded condition of our horses would permit, until i discovered pony tracks following behind. keeping a sharp lookout, however, we continued on until we came to where one of the indians had dismounted, the imprint of his moccasin being clearly outlined in the dust. this presented a new difficulty, and we now understood why they had not picked us off in the morning. they were entrenched and were waiting to be attacked, but seeing the main force turn tail, the hunted had turned hunters. to follow the trail further appeared madness, and we turned down the mountain, keeping in the thick cover. i concluded the command would simply circle the camp and return to the stewart ranch that night. accordingly we bent our course so as to strike the head of the valley, which we reached at sundown, but nowhere could we discover the presence of man or beast. we waited until dark and then led our horses up through the willows lining the banks of the creek, and finding an open space picketed our horses, and leaving a guard of two men, laid down to sleep. i told the boy eugene to wake me up and i would stand guard, but he failed to do so, saying he was not as tired as i and stood both guards. at daylight we again saddled up and began a search for the command. we had eaten nothing since o'clock on the previous morning and began to feel keenly the effects of hunger. all that day we wandered through the mountains, returning to our hiding place in the willows of the night before. at daylight i wrote a note and left it at the stewart ranch and then determined to reach john day valley. food we must have, and we knew we could find something there. striking a course through the mountains we reached the cummins ranch at o'clock that day. we had now been without food for hours, and from that day to this i could never bear to see anything hungry--man or beast. here we found gen. brown with most of his command enjoying their ease. some kind ladies at the house, learning our condition, quickly set us some food, mostly soups and articles of light diet. in explanation of his remarkable course, gen. brown declared he was misled by the john day volunteers, while they in turn laid the blame on gen. brown. i was furious over the whole shameful affair and took no pains to conceal my disgust. capt. humphrey told me that he knew they were going in the wrong direction, and told brown so, but the latter said lieut. angel was acting as guide and that they would follow him, and on the head of that officer the blame finally rested. this incident and others led next day to the enforced resignation of lieutenant angel and the election of george chamberlain as his successor. from the cummins ranch we went to canyon city for supplies, and from there to bear valley, on the mountain to the west, and on the road leading to camp harney. after resting our horses for a day, gen. brown and i, with a small escort, went to camp harney hoping to get some news, and while awaiting the return of chamberlain. at camp harney a small force of regulars was posted and some thirty or forty families had gathered there for protection. many of the women and children had escaped from their homes, scantily dressed, and had been unable to procure any clothing during the lapse of more than a month. it was a sad sight, especially those who had lost husbands, sons and brothers. the day after our arrival, two ladies, the wives of major downing and major mcgregor, sent for me. the latter had two or three children besides her mother. their husbands were with howard's column and they were anxious to reach canyon city and go from there to walla walla. would i escort them to canyon city? i said certainly, i would do so, as i would go within a few miles of that place on my return to camp. lieut. bonsteil of the regulars spoke up and said he would provide them with an escort at any time. but mrs. mcgregor told him plainly that she would not go with the soldiers that if they got into trouble the soldiers would run away--but the volunteers would stay with them. the lieutenant suggested that "it was a fine recommendation for the united states army." "i know the army better than you do, lieutenant, and have known it much longer, and i will not risk my life and the lives of my children with them," said the plain spoken scotch lady. the next morning, bright and early, we started out. the ladies were riding in an ambulance, driven by a soldier. when near half way to bear valley and near mountain springs, we crossed the fresh trail of a strong party of indians, but we arrived at our destination safely, and next morning returned to camp. here we rested a couple of days and, chamberlain returning, we moved to our head camp at grindstone. we had accomplished nothing in the way of destroying hostiles, but had prevented them from scattering and committing all kinds of atrocities as they had done before reaching john day valley. arriving at our camp we found ourselves without any provisions. accordingly gen. brown and i started to prineville with a four horse team to obtain supplies to send back to the men who were to follow. we took along a teamster and the quartermaster. starting in the evening we arrived at the crossing of beaver creek, and i captured an old hen, all that was left at the ranch after its plunder by the indians in june. we drove until midnight and arriving at watson springs, stopped for the night. we dressed the hen and had the driver to sit up the balance of the night and boil her. when daylight came we tried to breakfast off the hen, but it was a rank failure, and we harnessed up and drove on, getting a meal at a ranch ten miles from prineville, to which place we drove that night. thus ended my last indian campaign, and one of which i never felt any great amount of pride. in one respect it was a rank failure, due, i have always thought, to the rank cowardice of some one--probably more than one. we had, however accomplished some good, as before remarked, and probably saved some lives, and that was worth all the hardships we had endured. i cannot close this narrative without a further reference to the boy, eugene jones. during the first two weeks of the campaign my eyes became badly affected from the dust and glare of the sun, reflected from the white alkali plains on the head of crooked river. at times i could scarcely bear the light, which seemed fairly to burn my eyeballs. from the first eugene had attached himself to me. he would insist on taking care of my horse in camp, and often would stop at a spring or stream and wetting a handkerchief would bind it over my eyes and lead my horse for miles at a time. at murderers creek, too, he was the only man to follow me when i made the dash after the indian horse herd. another thing i observed about the boy was that i never heard him use an oath or a vulgar, coarse expression. what then was my surprise on arriving at prineville to find a letter from sheriff hogan of douglas county telling me that the boy, eugene jones, was none other than eugene english, a notorious highwayman and stage robber. he was a brother of the english boys, well known as desperate characters. i was stunned, perplexed. the sheriff asked me to place him under arrest. but how could i do so, after all he had done for me? it appeared in my eyes the depth of ingratitude. in my dilemma i laid the matter before judge frank nichols of prineville. i related all the boy had done for me, and asked him what, under like circumstances, he would do. "by george, colonel, i would not give him up. it may be wrong, but i would not do it," replied the old judge. we then went to mr. brayman, a merchant of the town, and laid the matter before him. he fully agreed with us that the boy should be saved. i then went to the quartermaster, got a voucher for the boy's services, obtained the money on the voucher from mr. brayman, and putting a man on a horse, explained to him that he was to hand the letter and money to eugene, first having him to sign the voucher, or warrant, over to mr. brayman. the young man found the boy with the volunteers. he called him to one side, gave him my letter as well as the money. he signed the voucher, and that night disappeared and i never saw or heard of him again. but of this i feel certain, if he fell in with the right class of men he made a good man and citizen. otherwise, otherwise. do you blame me, reader? i have never felt a regret for what i did. put yourself in my place. chapter xix. reign of the vigilantes. every newly settled country has had to deal, to a greater or less extent, with lawless characters. generally these outlaws have been brought into subjection and destroyed under the operation of law. occasionally, however, this, from one cause or another, has been impossible. it is then that citizens, unable longer to bear the outrages committed by desperate criminals, take the law into their own hands and administer justice according to their own ideas of right, and without the forms of law. such occasions are always to be deplored. they arise from two causes, the maladministration of justice and bloodness of criminals whose long immunity from punishment renders them reckless and defiant of both law and the citizens. such conditions existed in the late 's and early 's in that portion of eastern oregon now embraced in the county of crook. during several years desperate characters had congregated in that section. from petty crimes, such as the stealing of cattle and horses, they resorted to bolder acts, embracing brutal and diabolical murder. for a time the citizens appeared helpless. men were arrested for crime and the forms of law gone through with. their associates in crime would go into court, swear them out and then boast of the act. on one occasion i went to one of the best and most substantial citizens of the country, wayne claypool, and asked him about an act of larceny of which he had been a witness. he had seen the crime committed from concealment. i asked him if he was going to have the men arrested. he replied that he was not. then, said i, if you do not i will. "mr. thompson," he replied, "rather than appear against them i will abandon all i have and leave the country. for if they did not kill me they would destroy all i have." under these circumstances i was forced to let the matter drop, and content myself with writing an article for the local paper. no names were mentioned and nothing at which an honest man could take offense. instead of publishing the article as a communication, it was published as an editorial. but scarcely had the paper appeared on the street, than three men, all known to be thieves and desperate characters, caught the editor, knocked him down, pulled out his beard, and would probably have done him greater bodily harm had not til glaze interfered and stopped them. while the editor was being beaten he hallowed pitifully, "i didn't do it, thompson did it." this embittered the whole gang against both glaze and myself. but they appeared satisfied with threats about what they were going to do, and for the time being made no attempt to carry out their threats against either of us. this was in the fall of the year. on the th of march, , a man dashed into town and riding up to me asked where he would find the coroner. he was greatly excited and his horse was covered with foam. i told him the nearest officer was at the dalles, miles away, but that a justice of the peace could act in his absence. i then asked him what was the matter? he replied that langdon and harrison had killed old man crook and his son-in-law, mr. jorey. i then told him to go to mr. powers, the justice of the peace. presently the deputy sheriff for that section of wasco county came to me and asked me to go with him to assist in the arrest of the murderers. there had been some dispute between the murderers and the murdered men, resulting a law suit. it was at best a trivial matter and no further trouble was apprehended. but immunity from punishment had emboldened the gang and they believed they could do as before, simply defy the law. i declined to go with the deputy, making as an excuse that i did not feel well. he then summoned me as a posse. i told him to "summons and be d-d," i would not go. that it was a long ride and that the men had been seen "going towards the dalles, saying they were going to give themselves up." the officer was furious and went away threatening me with the law. but i had other ideas regarding the whereabouts of the murderers. an old gentleman living on mill creek, east of prineville and about thirty miles from the scene of the murders, had told me of the finding of a cabin concealed in a fir thicket and that it contained both provisions and horsefeed and had the appearance of having been much used, but that there was no trail leading to it. as soon as i learned of the murders i made up my mind that the murderers would go to that cabin. i did not, for reasons of my own, mainly that he talked too much, tell the deputy of my plans. i went to four men--men of unquestioned courage and discretion--and told them of my plans. these men were til glaze, sam richardson, g. w. barns and charley long. they all agreed to go with me. it was arranged that we were to slip out of town singly and meet a few miles up the ochoco creek, at a designated place. we deemed this essential to success, as we knew that the men had confederates in town who would beat us to the cabin and give the alarm. meantime the angry deputy got a posse together and started on his fruitless errand. we loitered about town until about o'clock, taking particular pains to let ourselves be seen, especially about the saloons. we did not talk together, nor did we permit any of the gang to see us in company. we then dropped off saying we were going home, that it was bed time. but instead of going to bed we mounted our horses and taking back streets slipped out of town. the night was dark and stormy, but all five reached the rendezvous on time and we then proceeded to the ranch of mr. johnson whom we requested to pilot us to the secret cabin. the vicinity of the cabin was reached about two o'clock in the morning, and after securing our horses we cautiously approached it. a light was soon discovered and with still greater caution we attempted to surround the cabin. the barking of a dog, however, gave the alarm and both murderers seized their rifles, blankets and some provisions and made their escape. jumping over a log behind the cabin they stopped to listen and finally thinking it a false alarm, laid down their guns, etc., and walked around to the corner of the cabin. the snow was a foot deep and so dark was the night that they did not see us until we were within a few feet of them. they then started to run when richardson, glaze and barns opened on them with their revolvers. long and i were within a few feet of the front door and did not catch even a glimpse of the fleeing murderers. they were chased so closely that they had no time to get either their horses, guns or blankets, but made their escape in the darkness. when the shooting began the door flew open and a crowd of eleven men made a rush. long and i were armed with double barrel shot guns, and leveling them on the crowd we ordered them back or we would kill every man of them. you may be sure they lost no time in getting back and closing the door. i then stepped to the side of the door and told them we were after langdon and harrison, and did not wish to harm any one else, but that if one of them stuck his head out of the cabin he would get it blown off. we had got the horses, blankets and rifles of the murderers, and now began the watch that was to last until daylight. the wind was fierce, even in the shelter of the timber, and a cold snow drifted over us. we had not only to guard the house, but the shed in which the horses were tied as well. besides, we did not know what would happen when daylight came and they should discover that our party numbered five, instead of twenty, as they supposed. when daylight finally came i went to the door and told those inside to come out and to come out unarmed. they obeyed at once, and eleven men filed out of the cabin. of the number, there was but one that any of us had ever seen before, or to my knowledge ever saw again. the one was a brother of langdon, and we at once placed him under arrest that he might not render his brother assistance. we had agreed on our plans during the night, and taking young langdon, long and i started back to town, while the others began to circle for tracks of the fugitives in the snow. i should have stated that when the shooting began the night before, mr. johnson mounted his horse and rode home at top speed. arriving there, he sent one of his sons to prineville and the other up the ochoco, telling them that we had the murderers surrounded and were fighting as long as he was in hearing, and were in need of help. going up the mountain i discovered the tracks of the fugitives in the snow, and as we reached the summit we met or men coming out to help us. i turned them all back, saying the murderers had escaped, and that the rest of our party were coming a short distance behind. i had directed long to keep by the side of young langdon and that if he attempted to escape to kill him. i then called out four young men whom i could trust and told them to drop behind and watch for the trail of the fugitives when they should leave the road. we then all returned to prineville and i turned the young man over to the deputy sheriff, telling him to lock him up. the four young men struck the trail at the foot of the mill creek mountain, and following it until convinced the fugitives were endeavoring to reach home to get horses, abandoned it and struck out through the mountains the nearest route to the langdon place. they reached the ranch just as the men had got horses and some food and were coming through the gate. five--even one minute and they would have been too late. but leveling their shot guns on the murderers they surrendered. they were then brought to town, and instead of awakening the officers, they came to my house and asked me to get up and take charge of the prisoners. this circumstance enabled my enemies, especially the outlaw gang, to accuse me of being the head of the vigilantes. the prisoners were held at the livery stable, and as soon as i arrived i sent for the deputy sheriff and city marshal, and on their arrival moved the prisoners to the bar room of the hotel. the deputy asked me to remain and assist in guarding the prisoners. at the hotel the deputy and marshal guarded the street door, while i kept watch on the back door. langdon was shackled and laid down on a lounge and fell asleep. harrison was sitting near me and had started in to tell me all about the murder. i was sitting sidewise to the street door, and hearing it open, turned my head just as four men sprang upon the two officers and bore them to the floor. at the same instant two men rushed across the room and leveled their revolvers at me. the whole proceedings did not occupy five seconds, so sudden was the rush. all were masked, even their hands being covered with gloves, with the fingers cut off. in another instant the room was filled with the uncanny figures. apparently every man had a place assigned him, and in less time than one could think, every entrance to the hotel bar room was guarded by armed men. as the two men leveled their guns at me i put up my hands, and i want to say i stood at "attention." at the same time two men ran around the bar room stove, and as langdon sprang to his feet one of them struck him with his pistol. the weapon was discharged and they then emptied their revolvers into his body. while this was going on other men placed a rope around the neck of harrison and as he was rushed past me he wailed, "for god's sake save my life and i will tell it all." but i saw no more of him until next morning, when he was hanging under the bridge that spanned crooked river. twelve men were left in the room after the main mob had gone. not a word was spoken until i asked permission to go to the body of langdon and straighten it out. both men bowed, but followed me closely, at no time taking either their eyes or revolvers off me. they were, however, very cool, and i felt little danger of an accidental discharge of their weapons. after about twenty minutes one of the figures gave a signal and in an instant all were gone, passing out through two doors. it was now nearly daylight and a great crowd gathered about the hotel. there was a great deal of suppressed excitement, but i cautioned all to be prudent and not add to it by unguarded language. the mob appeared to be thoroughly organized, every man having and occupying his assigned place. this fact gave harvey scott an opportunity to declare in the oregonian that i "was the chief of the vigilantes, and could have any man in three counties hanged" that i should order. matters now quieted down for a time and it was hoped that no more such disgraceful scenes would darken the fair name of our citizens. as time wore on the gang again became more bold and many acts of outlawry were committed. some time in december a stock association was organized, with a constitution and by-laws. it was agreed that no one should ride the range without notifying the association. copies of the by-laws were sent to every stock owner in the county and all were asked to join. along in january, about the th, as i remember, a crowd of the rustlers came to town, and after filling up with bad whisky rode up and down the streets, pistols in hand, and declared they could take the town and burn it, and would do so "if there was any monkey business." little attention was paid to them, people going about their business, apparently unconcerned. but that night there was "monkey business." three of the gang were hung to a juniper two miles above town, while another was shot and killed in town. the next morning notices were found posted, with skull and cross-bones attached, telling all hard characters to leave the county. there was then such a higera as has seldom been witnessed. men not before suspicioned skipped the country. they stood not upon the order of their going, but went--and went in a hurry. among the number was an ex-justice of the peace. again things quieted down. the county was divided, courts organized and justice administered without let or hindrance. the reign of the vigilantes was over, and citizens everywhere looked to the law for protection. chapter xx. the passing of the mogans. a few years previous to the occurrences before given, two young men arrived in the county and gave their names as tom and frank page, being brothers. i gave one of them, frank, employment on my cattle ranch, but soon became satisfied that he was not the right kind of a man, and discharged him. both remained in the section, accepting such employment as they could obtain. one day a man came along and recognized the page brothers as men he had known in nevada under a different name. hearing of this, they admitted that the name first given was an alias, and that their true names were mike and frank mogan. they were a quarrelsome pair and posed as bad men, and were not long in involving themselves in trouble and were shunned by the better class of citizens. in a case against the younger of the two, frank mogan, a young lawyer, c. w. barnes, was employed as opposite counsel. this seemed to embitter both men against barnes and some threats were made against him. no attention was paid to the matter by barnes, but he kept a watch on them when in their company. finally in the fall after the last lynching mike came to town and in order to pick a quarrel with mr. barnes, began to abuse his younger brother, a boy of about years. the boy went to his brother and told him of mogan's conduct. he was told that if he associated with such men as mogan he must suffer the consequences. the boy then went home, and securing an old cap and ball revolver, came back to the street. mogan began on him again, and after suffering his abuse for some time, drew the revolver and shot him through the chest. mogan ran a short distance and drawing his revolver, started back. seeing that young barnes was ready for him, he turned off, walked a short distance, sank down and died the next day. the affair created some excitement. the boy was arrested but subsequently came clear. at the time of the homicide i was out of town and knew nothing of the shooting until late that night. the other mogan brother, however, affected to believe that i had given the revolver to the boy and had told him to use it. i explained to him the absurdity of the charge, proving to him that i was out of town. this appeared to make no difference, he still holding a grudge against me for discharging him. he made many threats against my life, all of which were borne to me. he declared he would "kill me if he had to lay behind a sage brush and shoot me in the back." still i paid no apparent attention to the threats, being satisfied he would never at any rate face me. one evening i was called to the store of hahne & fried to attend to some business. it was just after dark and while i was there i was notified by a friend that a daughter of judge nichols had overheard mogan tell one of his friends that he had come to town to kill me and would not leave until he had accomplished his purpose. this was going a little too far, and i determined to settle the matter one way, or the other at our first meeting. the test came sooner than i anticipated. on seeing me he attempted to draw his gun but was too slow, and fell with more than one bullet: through his body. i sent for sheriff geo. churchill and surrendered myself as a prisoner. he told me to go home and if he wanted me he would send me word. the committing magistrate, at my request, placed me under bonds to appear before the grand jury. the announcement caused an uproar among the throng with which the court-room was packed, and i was compelled to go among them and explain that it was done at my especial request. i wanted the matter to come up in the grand jury room and so told the people. the oregonian published distorted and untruthful statements regarding the affair, and attorneys from every part of the state volunteered their services to defend me free of charge. i wrote to them, of course thanking them, but told them i had no use for attorneys, as the matter would never go beyond the grand jury, and there it ended, the district attorney, mr. mcbride, proving my strongest witness. i have gone somewhat into detail in this matter through no spirit of bravado, for no one could deplore the necessity of my action more than i. but to show to those who have never experienced frontier life the dangers, difficulties and hardships through which one must pass. it may be said that i should have had mogan arrested for threatening my life. to such i will say that under all the circumstances such a course would only have still more embittered the situation and made the end inevitable. another thing, among frontiersmen the man who goes to law for protection of that kind, makes of himself a pusillanimous object for every vagabond to spit upon and kick. i was not "built: that way." chapter xxi. the lookout lynching. coming down to a later date, perhaps no event of its character has attracted so much comment, and been the subject, of more gross misrepresentation than the "lookout lynching." i have, therefore, been asked to give a true account of the deplorable affair, the causes leading up to the same, and the sensational trial of nineteen citizens accused of participating in the act. to begin at the beginning: along in the early 's the united state government established a military post at fort crook, in fall river valley, which was occupied by a company of cavalry under command of one capt. wagner. the post was designed to afford protection to settlers against depredations by hostile indians. soon after the arrival of the troops the captain began to cast eyes of favor on a comely young indian woman, the wife of a pit river brave. the captain had been sent to civilize the indians, and was not long in taking the woman under his protection. the arrangement was agreeable to the woman, who preferred the favor of the white chief to that of her dusky husband. time wore on and the government concluded to abandon the post, and ordered capt. wagner and his company elsewhere. of course, he could not take the indian woman with him, and she must be got rid of. the means presented itself in the person of a soldier named calvin hall, whose term of enlistment had expired. he proposed to hall that if he would take the woman off his hands he, the captain, would give him a small portable sawmill which the government had sent to the post to saw lumber with which to build quarters, etc. the arrangement being agreeable to hall, the trade was made and the woman and sawmill passed to a different ownership. in the course of time hall sold the sawmill and settled on a piece of land not far from the present town of lookout. here the two full blood children of the woman grew to manhood. another child was born to the woman, the father being a man named wilson, with whom she lived during one of her changes of lovers, for mary (her christian name) was a woman of many loves. the half breed boy was fifteen years old, and probably by reason of environment was not a model. the two full bloods, frank and jim hall, the names by which they were known, gradually became looked upon as desperate characters. their many misdeeds brought them into prominence, and frequent arrests followed. but somehow hall managed to enable them to escape the vengeance of the law. this only served to make them bolder in their misdeeds. cattle were killed and horses mutilated, merely because the owners had incurred their enmity. the school house in the neighborhood was broken open, books destroyed and other vandal acts committed. in fact, they became the terror of the neighborhood, the hall home being a place of refuge and shelter, and hall a protector when arrests followed their crimes. this condition of affairs could not exist for long. when the law fails to protect life and property, i have always observed that men find a way to protect them. about a year and a half before the finale, a gentleman living in lookout visited alturas and detailed the many misdeeds of these men to me. one in particular i remember. dr. shearer, a wealthy stock man living some distance this side of lookout, had employed some indians in harvesting his hay crop. frank hall had a grievance against the indians, and during their absence from their camp went there and cut their wagons and harness to pieces. the indians trailed him to within a short distance of halls, but were afraid to go further. they complained to mr. shearer, who promptly sent word to frank hall that if he ever came on his ranch he, shearer, would shoot him. some time after this mr. shearer found a saddle animal belonging to his wife cut and mutilated in a most shameful manner. the horse, a beautiful animal and a pet, had his ears and tail cut off, while deep gashes were cut in his side and hips. mr. shearer could not prove that frank hall committed the dastardly act, but was more than satisfied of his guilt. this and other like acts were detailed to me, and i wrote an article for my paper detailing the grievances of the people of that section and ending by predicting that, unless it was stopped, "juniper trees would bear fruit." my prediction came true a year and a half later, only that the pit river bridge and not the junipers bore the fruit. some time during the year of a man named yantes came to the vicinity of lookout and took up with the halls. later he took mary, the indian woman, away from old man hall, and lived with her on a ranch he had located. he carried a big gun and posed as a bad man, and of course found genial companionship in the sons of the indian woman. the coming of yantes seemed to add to the boldness and reckless conduct of frank and jim hall and the half-breed boy wilson. along towards the last of may, , a burglary was committed in the neighborhood. of course the hall crowd was suspected and a search warrant obtained. at the hall home several of the articles were found, as well as on the persons of the men. the hides and meat of animals recently killed were found at the hall and yantes homes and the brands identified by the owner. this discovery led to the arrest of the entire gang, including hall and the half-breed boy wilson. they were taken to lookout and a guard placed over them. the grand jury was in session at alturas, and next morning r. e. leventon and isom eades came to alturas to secure the indictment of the men. the proof was positive, and they felt that at last a conviction could be secured. but unfortunately the grand jury adjourned that morning. they then applied to the district attorney to go to lookout and prosecute the criminals. but mr. bonner had a case coming up at lake city, and the justice refusing to postpone it, could not go. the matter was finally arranged by the appointment by mr. bonner of c. c. auble, an adin attorney, as a special deputy to prosecute the cases. the appointment was made out and given to leventon and eades, but mr. bonner, a young lawyer and serving his first, term, made the fatal mistake of instructing mr. auble to dismiss the charge of burglary and rearrest the men for petty larceny. during all this time the five men, two white men, the half-breed boy and the two indians, were held under guard, the bar room of the hotel being used for the purpose. when it became known that the prisoners were merely to be prosecuted for the smaller crime, the whole country became aroused. both yantes and the halls made threats of dire vengeance upon those instrumental in their arrest. they declared they would get even as soon as they were free. all knew the indians and yantes to be desperate men, and to turn them loose would be equivalent to applying the torch to their homes, if not the knife to their throats. accordingly at the hour of : on the morning of may st a rush was made by masked men, the prisoners taken from the guards and all five hung to the railing of the pit river bridge. the news spread like wildfire and created intense excitement throughout the county and state. the great papers, in two column headlines, told of the "wiping out of a whole family." "an old man," said they, "his three sons and his son-in-law," were ruthlessly hung for a petty crime, the stealing of a few straps of leather. in modoc county the sentiment of nine-tenths of the people was that the leaders of the mob should be punished. young banner had made a mistake, due doubtless to youth and inexperience, but it remained for superior judge harrington to make a still more serious one. judge harrington wrote to the attorney-general asking that detectives and a special prosecutor be sent to investigate and prosecute the case against the lynchers. he also called the grand jury together in special session. but there never was any evidence. the grand jury convened on june th, and a host of witnesses were in attendance. the result of the grand jury session was the returning of indictments against r. e. leventon, isom eades and james brown. as the case against brown appeared to be the best, he was "brought to trial" november , . assistant attorney-general post and deputy attorney george sturtevant were sent from the attorney-general's office to prosecute the case. the prisoner was defended by ex-judge g. f. harris, e. v. spencer and john e. raker. soon after the trial began judge post sent for a noted gunfighter named danny miller. and during all those weary three months of the trial he could be seen trotting around after post, his mustache turned up, a la william of germany, like a rat terrier following a mastiff, to the infinite amusement of the small boy and utter disgust of sensible men. gibson, the noted san francisco detective, was here, assisted by other detectives and a dozen or more local head hunters, who were after a share of the big reward. district attorney bonner was pushed aside and completely ignored. he was not even given an insight into what was going on. in justice to mr. sturtevant i want to say that he had no hand in the high-handed measures adopted by post and harrington. and had he been in control the result of the brown trial might have ended differently. indeed, so favorably were the people of modoc impressed with mr. sturtevant that members of both parties--prominent citizens--went to him and offered him the superior judgeship at the coming fall election. for reasons of his own he declined, and before the end of the brown trial left in disgust. at one stage of the proceedings there was talk of supplying troops from the national guard to preserve order. and yet there had at no time been a breach of the peace or threats made except by the man miller. on one occasion miller drew a revolver in the court room and attempted to shoot attorney raker. at another time he beat a young man named russell over the head with a gun for some fancied offense. a brother of young russell kept the principal hotel in the town, and both had been open in their denunciation of the lynchers. i mention these facts to show why it was that the citizens of the county turned from nine-tenths in favor of prosecuting the lynchers to the utmost limit, to nine-tenths the other way. early in january detective gibson went to a young man who was stranded in alturas with his wife and offered him a portion of the reward, amounting to $ , to testify to a certain matter. the young man and his wife were working, for their board, but he told gibson that he knew nothing of the matter and that poor as he was he would not swear to a falsehood. gibson went away, but returned a few nights, later and again tried to get him to testify, saying that the men were guilty and that no one would ever be the wiser. slavin (the young man's name) then told gibson that if he ever came to his home with such a proposal that he, slavin, would shoot him like a dog. all these attempts at bribery soon became known and filled citizens everywhere with consternation. they argued that under such methods an innocent man might be sacrificed that a lot of head hunters could gain a big reward. on january th, , mary lorenz, a half breed daughter of old mary hall, swore to a warrant charging, fifteen others with complicity in the lynching. all were arrested, but not one was found to be armed. they were placed in jail, and on the th indictments were filed charging each one with five different murders. the causes leading to these arrests were said to be the confessions of john hutton and claude morris. it subsequently developed that morris was taken to a room, there plied with whisky by the detectives, aided by simmons, and at two o'clock in the morning signed an affidavit that had been prepared for him. after he regained consciousness he denied the whole thing, but was told that he would be sent to the penitentiary for perjury if he went back on the confession he had signed before a notary public. under the circumstances the poor, weak boy, kept under guard and away from friends and relatives, was compelled to stick to the evidence that had been prepared for him. as the trial of brown dragged its "slimy length along," the scenes in the court room at times beggared description. harrington, badgered by the attorneys for the defense, raved like a madman, and generally ended by sending one or more of the attorneys for brown to jail. he refused to permit any evidence to be introduced for the purpose of impeachment. disinterested men were brought from tule lake to prove that the boy hutton was on his way to lookout from that place when the lynching took place. another witness was placed on the stand and testified that he stood on the ground, back of leventon's shop and saw certain of the accused, among them brown, and heard them plotting. harrington refused to permit any evidence to be introduced tending to impeach the witness. when harrington would rule against the admission of this evidence, harris, raker or spencer would argue the point and manage to get the evidence before the jury and end by going to jail. the attorneys took turns going to jail, but managed for one to remain outside to conduct the case. thus wore away the weary months until the jury brought in a verdict of "not guilty." in conversation with one of the jurymen that morning he stated that the character of the witnesses for the prosecution was enough. they were indians, half-breeds, and disreputable characters of every shade and degree. the morning after the verdict was rendered not one of these creatures could be found. during the night they had fled and scattered like a covey of quail. they feared arrest for perjury, of which they were guilty. all that remained the next morning was general post and his gun man, danny miller. they took the stage after breakfast and were seen no more. the prisoners were discharged one and two and three at a time and quietly returned to their homes. thus ended the dreary farce of the prosecution of the lookout lynchers. it had cost the county about $ , and had accomplished nothing, save to blacken the character of our citizens and cause the outside world to look upon us as outlaws and desperadoes. conclusion. the events here recorded were seen with my own eyes, or were received from the lips of the actors therein. hundreds of men and boys passed through equal or greater dangers and privations than i, and are entitled to equal or greater credit. reared in the wilderness and on the frontier of civilization, i was merely the product of environment, and lay claim to no particular distinction above those who were my companions. and yet, as i look back over the past, i must be excused for a feeling of pride in having been a part, however insignificant, in the building here on the western rim of the continent, of the mighty empire of the pacific. to have seen proud cities rear their heads from a wilderness--from a cluster of log huts in a primeval forest--whose everlasting stillness was alone broken by the yells of savage men, the long howl of the wolf and the scream of the panther--is something to have lived for. and yet i question if those who now possess this land of plenty--this land of "milk and honey" ever give a thought for those who "conquered the wilderness" and made it a fit and safe abode for the millions of civilized men and women who now enjoy its blessings. [transcriber's notes: the following words are noted as having changed between the publication of this book and the year : 'nuuanu valley', versus 'nuanu'; 'lei', vs. 'le' for a flower garland; 'holoku' vs. 'holaku' for a hawaiian black dress; 'wailua', vs. 'waialua'; 'kealakekua bay' vs. 'kealakeakua'; 'kahului' vs. 'kaului'; 'kuleana' vs. 'kuliana' for a small land-holding; 'kulolo' vs. 'kuulaau' for a taro pudding; 'piele' vs. 'paalolo' for a sweet-potato and coconut pudding; 'koa' trees vs. 'ko'; 'sausalito' vs. 'soucelito'; 'klickitat', vs. 'klikatat'; and 'mount rainier' vs. 'mount regnier'. also, in chapter , the author mis-stated information on taro fields; it should say that a square forty feet on each side will support a person for a year; this is equivalent to a square mile feeding , . an explanation of footnotes in the appendix: the book has both footnotes at the bottom of each page, to which i assigned letters, and four pages of notes at the end of the appendix. the latter includes comments by the translator in brackets, therefore these notes, which use numbers, will not be enclosed in the normal [footnote: ] brackets to avoid any confusion. the lettered footnotes follow the numbered notes at the end.] [illustration: the hawaiian archipelago.] northern california, oregon, and the sandwich islands. by charles nordhoff, author of "california: for health, pleasure, and residence," &c., &c. new york: harper & brothers, publishers, franklin square. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by harper & brothers, in the office of the librarian of congress, at washington. to my friends, mr. and mrs. henry a. dike, of brooklyn, n.y. preface. the favor with which my previous volume on california was received by the public induced me to prepare the present volume, which concerns itself, as the title sufficiently shows, with the northern parts of california, oregon (including a journey through washington territory to victoria, in vancouver's island), and the sandwich islands. i have endeavored, as before, to give plain and circumstantial details, such as would interest and be of use to travelers for pleasure or information, and enable the reader to judge of the climate, scenery, and natural resources of the regions i visited; to give, in short, such information as i myself would like to have had in my possession before i made the journey. since this book went to press, lunalilo, the king of the sandwich islands, has died of rapid consumption; and his successor is the hon. david kalakaua, a native chief, who has been prominent in the political affairs of the islands, and was the rival of the late king after the death of kamehameha v. colonel kalakaua is a man of education, of better physical stamina than the late king, of good habits, vigorous will, and a strong determination to maintain the independence of the islands, in which he is supported by the people, who are of like mind with him on this point. his portrait is given on the next leaf. [illustration: king kalakaua.] contents. chapter i. honolulu and the island of oahu chapter ii. hilo, with some volcanoes chapter iii. maui, and the sugar culture chapter iv. kauai, with a glance at cattle and sheep chapter v. the hawaiian at home: manners and customs chapter vi. commercial and political chapter vii. the leper asylum on molokai * * * * * northern california: its agricultural valleys, dairies, forests, fruit-farms, etc. chapter i. the sacramento valley: a general view, with hints to tourists and sportsmen chapter ii. wine and raisins--profits of drying fruits chapter iii. the tule lands and land drainage chapter iv. sheep-grazing in northern california chapter v. the chinese as laborers and producers chapter vi. the mendocino coast and clear lake--general view chapter vii. an indian reservation chapter viii. the redwoods and the saw-mill country of mendocino chapter ix. dairy-farming in california chapter x. tehama and butte, and the upper country chapter xi. tobacco culture--with a new method or curing the leaf chapter xii. the farallon islands chapter xiii. the columbia river and puget sound--hints to tourists * * * * * appendix. contributions of a venerable savage to the ancient history of the hawaiian islands notes illustrations. map of the hawaiian archipelago king kalakaua diamond head and waikiki honolulu--general view hawaiian hotel, honolulu government buildings, honolulu royal school, honolulu court-house, honolulu mrs. lucy g. thurston kawaiaho church--first native church in honolulu dr. judd dr. coan bethel church dr. damon queen's hospital, honolulu native school-house in honolulu cocoa-nut grove, and residence of the late king kamehameha v., at waikiki, oahu hawaiian poi dealer the palace, honolulu emma, queen of kamehameha iv. a hawaiian chief the crater of kilauea--one phase kealakeakua bay, where captain cook was killed the volcano house hawaiian temple, from a russian engraving, about lava field, hawaii--flow of view of the crater of south lake in a state of eruption, from the crest of the north lake hilo surf bathing lahaina, island of maui cascade and river of lava--flow of map of the haleakala crater wailuku, island of maui keapaweo mountain, kauai chain of extinct volcanoes near koloa, island of kauai waialua falls, island of kauai implements grass house hawaiian warriors lunalilo kamehameha i. queen of kamehameha i. ancient gods of hawaii hawaiians eating poi native hat peddler hula-hula, or dancing-girls hawaiian style of dress native pipe necklace of human hair map of northern california a california vineyard wine vats training a vine a bottling-cellar indian rancheria piedras blancas point arena light-house shipping lumber, mendocino county a water-jam of logs mount hood, oregon coast view, mendocino county indian sweat-house another coast-view, northern california a saw-mill port on puget sound cape horn, columbia river saw-mill wood-chopper at work mount hood, oregon indians spearing salmon, columbia river chinook woman and child view on the columbia river lumbering in washington territory--preparing logs victoria harbor, vancouver's island port townsend, washington territory point reyes columbia river scene street in olympia, washington territory "tacoma," or mount rainier indian cradle, washington territory running the rookeries--gathering murre eggs light-house on the south farallon arch at west end, farallon islands sea-lions the gull's nest shags, murres, and sea-gulls contest for the eggs the great rookery indian girls and canoe, puget sound salem, capital of oregon seattle, washington territory victoria, british columbia map of puget sound and vicinity the duke of york queen victoria nanaimo, vancouver's island ancient hawaiian idol the taro plant [illustration: diamond head and waikiki.] northern california, oregon, and the sandwich islands. * * * * * chapter i. honolulu and the island of oahu. the hawaiian group consists, as you will see on the map, of eleven islands, of which hawaii is the largest and molokini the smallest. the islands together contain about square miles; and hawaii alone has an area of nearly square miles, maui , oahu (which contains honolulu, the capital) , and kauai . lanai, kahoolawe, molokai, niihau, kaula, lehua, and molokini are small islands. all are of volcanic origin, mountainous, and hawaii contains the largest active crater in the world--kilauea--one of the craters of mauna loa; while maui contains the largest known extinct crater, haleakala, the house of the sun--a pit thirty miles in circumference and two thousand feet deep. mauna loa and mauna kea are nearly , feet high, as high as mount grey in colorado; and you can not ride anywhere in the islands without seeing extinct craters, of which the hill called diamond head, near honolulu, is an example. [illustration: honolulu--general view.] the voyage from san francisco to honolulu is now very comfortably made in one of the pacific mail company's steamers, which plies regularly between the two ports, and makes a round trip once in every month. the voyage down to the islands lasts from eight to nine days, and even to persons subject to sea-sickness is likely to be an enjoyable sea-journey, because after the second day the weather is charmingly warm, the breezes usually mild, and the skies sunny and clear. in forty-eight hours after you leave the golden gate, shawls, overcoats, and wraps are discarded. you put on thinner clothing. after breakfast you will like to spread rugs on deck and lie in the sun, fanned by deliciously soft winds; and before you see honolulu you will, even in winter, like to have an awning spread over you to keep off the sun. when they seek a tropical climate, our brethren on the pacific coast have to endure no such rough voyage as that across the atlantic. on the way you see flying-fish, and if you are lucky an occasional whale or a school of porpoises, but no ships. it is one of the loneliest of ocean tracks, for sailing-vessels usually steer farther north to catch stronger gales. but you sail over the lovely blue of the pacific ocean, which has not only softer gales but even a different shade of color than the fierce atlantic. we made the land at daylight on the tenth day of the voyage, and by breakfast-time were steaming through the molokai channel, with the high, rugged, and bare volcanic cliffs of oahu close aboard, the surf beating vehemently against the shore. an hour later we rounded diamond head, and sailing past waikiki, which is the long branch of honolulu charmingly placed amidst groves of cocoa-nut-trees, turned sharp about, and steamed through a narrow channel into the landlocked little harbor of honolulu, smooth as a mill-pond. it is not until you are almost within the harbor that you get a fair view of the city, which lies embowered in palms and fine tamarind-trees, with the tall fronds of the banana peering above the low-roofed houses; and thus the tropics come after all somewhat suddenly upon you; for the land which you have skirted all the morning is by no means tropical in appearance, and the cocoa-nut groves of waikiki will disappoint you on their first and too distant view, which gives them the insignificant appearance of tall reeds. but your first view of honolulu, that from the ship's deck, is one of the pleasantest you can get: it is a view of gray house-tops, hidden in luxuriant green, with a background of volcanic mountains three or four thousand feet high, and an immediate foreground of smooth harbor, gay with man-of-war boats, native canoes and flags, and the wharf, with ladies in carriages, and native fruit-venders in what will seem to you brightly colored night-gowns, eager to sell you a feast of bananas and oranges. there are several other fine views of honolulu, especially that from the lovely nuanu valley, looking seaward over the town, and one from the roof of the prison, which edifice, clean, roomy, and in the day-time empty because the convicts are sent out to labor on public works and roads, has one of the finest situations in the town's limits, directly facing the nuanu valley. from the steamer you proceed to a surprisingly excellent hotel, which was built at a cost of about $ , , and is owned by the government. you will find it a large building, affording all the conveniences of a first-class hotel in any part of the world. it is built of a concrete stone made on the spot, of which also the new parliament house is composed; and as it has roomy, well-shaded court-yards and deep, cool piazzas, and breezy halls and good rooms, and baths and gas, and a billiard-room, you might imagine yourself in san francisco, were it not that you drive in under the shade of cocoa-nut, tamarind, guava, and algeroba trees, and find all the doors and windows open in midwinter; and ladies and children in white sitting on the piazzas. [illustration: hawaiian hotel, honolulu.] it is told in honolulu that the building of this hotel cost two of the late king's cabinet, mr. harris and dr. smith, their places. the hawaiian people are economical, and not very enterprising; they dislike debt, and a considerable part of the hawaiian national debt was contracted to build this hotel. you will feel sorry for messrs. harris and smith, who were for many years two of the ablest members of the hawaiian cabinet, but you will feel grateful for their enterprise also, when you hear that before this hotel was completed--that is to say, until --a stranger landing in honolulu had either to throw himself on the hospitality of the citizens, take his lodgings in the sailors' home, or go back to his ship. it is not often that cabinet ministers fall in so good a cause, or incur the public displeasure for an act which adds so much to the comfort of mankind. the mercury ranges between ° and ° in the winter months and between ° and ° during the summer, in honolulu. the mornings are often a little overcast until about half-past nine, when it clears away bright. the hottest part of the day is before noon. the trade-wind usually blows, and when it does it is always cool; with a south wind; it is sometimes sultry, though the heat is never nearly so oppressive as in july and august in new york. in fact, a new yorker whom i met in the islands in august congratulated himself as much on having escaped the new york summer as others did on having avoided the winter. the nights are cool enough for sound rest, but not cold. it is not by any means a torrid climate, and it has, perhaps, the fewest daily extremes of any pleasant climate in the world. for instance, the mercury ranged in january between ° at a.m., - / ° at p.m., and - / ° at p.m. the highest temperature in that month was °, and the lowest °. december and january are usually the coolest months in the year at honolulu, but the variation is extremely slight for the whole year, the maximum of the warmest day in july (still at honolulu) being only °, and this at noon, and the lowest mark being °, in the early morning in december. a friend of mine resident during twenty years in the islands has never had a blanket in his house. it is said that the climate is an excellent one for consumptives, and physicians here point to numerous instances of the kindly and healing effect of the mild air. at the same time, i suspect it must in the long-run be a little debilitating to americans. it is a charming climate for children; and as sea-bathing is possible and pleasant at all times, those who derive benefit from this may here enjoy it to the fullest extent during all the winter months as well as in the summer. of course you wear thin, but not the thinnest, clothing. white is appropriate to the climate; but summer flannels are comfortable in winter. the air is never as sultry as in new york in july or august, and the heat is by no means oppressive, there being almost always a fresh breeze. honolulu has the reputation of being the hottest place on the islands, and a walk through its streets at midday quickly tires one; but in a mountainous country like this you may choose your temperature, of course. the summits of the highest peaks on hawaii are covered with almost perpetual snow; and there are sugar planters who might sit around a fire every night in the year. unlike california, the islands have no special rainy season, though rain is more abundant in winter than during the summer months. but the trade-wind, which is also the rain-wind, greatly controls the rain-fall; and it is useful for visitors to bear in mind that on the weather side of every one of the islands--that side exposed to the wind--rains are frequent, while on the lee side the rain-fall is much less, and in some places there is scarcely any. thus an invalid may get at will either a dry or moist climate, and this often by moving but a few miles. not only is it true that at hilo it sometimes rains for a month at a time, while at lahaina they have a shower only about once in eighteen months; but you may _see_ it rain every day from the hotel piazza in honolulu, though you get not a drop in the city itself; for in the nuanu and manoa valleys there are showers every day in the year--the droppings of fragments of clouds which have been blown over the mountain summits; and if you cross the pali to go the windward side of the island, though you set out from honolulu amidst brilliant sunshine which will endure there all day unchanged, you will not ride three miles without needing a mackintosh. but the residents, knowing that during the greater part of the year the showers are light and of brief duration, take no precautions against them; and indeed an island shower seems to be harmless to any one but an invalid, for it is not a climate in which one easily "takes cold." the very slight changes in temperature between day and night make the climate agreeable, and i think useful, to persons in tender health. but i do not believe it can be safely recommended for all cases of consumption. if the patient has the disease fully developed, and if it has been caused by lack of nutrition, i should think the island air likely to be insufficiently bracing. for persons who have "weak lungs" merely, but no actual disease, it is probably a good and perfectly safe climate; and if sea-bathing is part of your physician's prescription, it can, as i said before, be enjoyed in perfection here by the tenderest body all the year round. [illustration: government buildings, honolulu.] honolulu, being the capital of the kingdom, contains the government offices; and you will perhaps be surprised, as i was, to find an excellent public hospital, a reform school, and other proper and well-managed charities. when you have visited these and some of the numerous schools and the native churches, and have driven or ridden to waikiki for a sea-bath, and have seen the nuanu valley and the precipice called the pali, if you are american, and familiar with new england, it will be revealed to you that the reason why all the country looks so familiar to you is that it is really a very accurate reproduction of new england country scenery. the white frame houses with green blinds, the picket-fences whitewashed until they shine, the stone walls, the small barns, the scanty pastures, the little white frame churches scattered about, the narrow "front yards," the frequent school-houses, usually with but little shade: all are new england, genuine and unadulterated; and you have only to eliminate the palms, the bananas, and other tropical vegetation, to have before you a fine bit of vermont or the stonier parts of massachusetts. the whole scene has no more breadth nor freedom about it than a petty new england village, but it is just as neat, trim, orderly, and silent also. there is even the same propensity to put all the household affairs under one roof which was born of a severe climate in massachusetts, but has been brought over to these milder suns by the incorrigible puritans who founded this bit of civilization. [illustration: royal school, honolulu.] in fact, the missionaries have left an indelible mark upon these islands. you do not need to look deep to know that they were men of force, men of the same kind as they who have left an equally deep impress upon so large a part of our western states; men and women who had formed their own lives according to certain fixed and immutable rules, who knew no better country than new england, nor any better ways than new england ways, and to whom it never occurred to think that what was good and sufficient in massachusetts was not equally good and fit in any part of the world. patiently, and somewhat rigorously, no doubt, they sought from the beginning to make new england men and women of these hawaiians; and what is wonderful is that, to a large extent, they have succeeded. as you ride about the suburbs of honolulu, and later as you travel about the islands, more and more you will be impressed with a feeling of respect and admiration for the missionaries. whatever of material prosperity has grown up here is built on their work, and could not have existed but for their preceding labors; and you see in the spirit of the people, in their often quaint habits, in their universal education, in all that makes these islands peculiar and what they are, the marks of the puritans who came here but fifty years ago to civilize a savage nation, and have done their work so thoroughly that, even though the hawaiian people became extinct, it would require a century to obliterate the way-marks of that handful of determined new england men and women. [illustration: court-house, honolulu.] their patient and effective labors seem to me, now that i have seen the results, to have been singularly undervalued at home. no intelligent american can visit the islands and remain there even a month, without feeling proud that the civilization which has here been created in so marvelously short a time was the work of his country men and women; and if you make the acquaintance of the older missionary families, you will not leave them without deep personal esteem for their characters, as well as admiration of their work. they did not only form a written language for the hawaiian race, and painfully write for them school-books, a dictionary, and a translation of the scriptures and of a hymn-book; they did not merely gather the people in churches and their children into schools; but they guided the race, slowly and with immense difficulty, toward christian civilization; and though the hawaiian is no more a perfect christian than the new yorker or massachusetts man, and though there are still traces of old customs and superstitions, these missionaries have eradicated the grosser crimes of murder and theft so completely, that even in honolulu people leave their houses open all day and unlocked all night, without thought of theft; and there is not a country in the world where the stranger may travel in such absolute safety as in these islands. the hawaiian, or sandwich islands, were discovered--or rediscovered, as some say--by captain cook, in january, , a year and a half after our declaration of independence. the inhabitants were then what we call savages--that is to say, they wore no more clothing than the climate made necessary, and knew nothing of the christian religion. in the period between and this group had in the union armies a brigadier-general, a major, several other officers, and more than one hundred private soldiers and seamen, and its people contributed to the treasury of the sanitary commission a sum larger than that given by most of our own states. [illustration: mrs. lucy g. thurston.] in the first missionaries landed on the shores of these islands, and mrs. lucy g. thurston, one of those who came in that year, still lives, a bright, active old lady, with a shrewd wit of her own. thirty-three years afterward, in , the american board of missions determined that "the sandwich islands, having been christianized, shall no longer receive aid from the board;" and in this year, , the natives of these islands are, there is reason to believe, the most generally educated people in the world. there is scarcely a hawaiian--man, woman, or child--of suitable age but can both read and write. all the towns and many country localities possess substantial stone or, more often, framed churches, of the oddest new england pattern; and a compulsory education law draws every child into the schools, while a special tax of two dollars on every voter, and an additional general tax, provide schools and teachers for all the children and youth. [illustration: kawaiaho church--first-native church in honolulu.] nine hundred and three thousand dollars were given by christian people in the united states during thirty-five years to accomplish this result; and to-day the islands themselves support a missionary society, which sends the gospel in the hands of native missionaries into other islands at its own cost, and not only supports more than a dozen "foreign" missionaries, but translates parts of the bible into other polynesian tongues. nor was exile from their homes and kindred the only privation the missionaries suffered. they came among a people so vile that they had not even a conception of right and wrong; so prone to murder and pillage that the first kamehameha, the conqueror, gave as excuse for his conquest that it was necessary to make the paths safe; so debauched in their common conversation that the earlier missionaries were obliged for years rigidly to forbid their own children not only from acquaintance with the natives among whom they lived, but even from learning the native language, because to hear only the passing speech of their neighbors was to suffer the grossest contamination. of those who began this good work but few now remain. most of them have gone to their reward, having no doubt suffered, as well as accomplished, much. of the first band who came out from the united states, the only one living in is mrs. lucy g. thurston, a bright, active, and lively old lady of seventy-five years, who drives herself to church on sundays in a one-horse chaise, and has her own opinions of passing events. how she has lived in the tropics for fifty years without losing even an atom of the new england look puzzles you; but it shows you also the strength which these people brought with them, the tenacity with which they clung to their habits of dress and living and thought, the remorseless determination which they imported, with their other effects, around cape horn. [illustration: dr. judd.] then there was dr. judd, who has died since these lines were written, who came out as physician to the mission, and proved himself in the islands, as the world knows, a very able man, with statesmanship for some great emergencies which made him for years one of the chief advisers of the hawaiian kings. it was to me a most touching sight to see, on a sunday after church, mrs. thurston, his senior by many years but still alert and vigorous, taking hold of his hand and tenderly helping him out of the church and to his carriage. [illustration: dr. coan.] and in hilo, when you go to visit the volcano, you will find dr. coan, one of the brightest and loveliest spirits of them, all, the story of whose life in the remote island whose apostle he was, is as wonderful and as touching as that of any of the earlier apostles, and shows what great works unyielding faith and love can do in redeeming a savage people. when dr. and mrs. coan came to the island of hawaii, its shores and woods were populous; and through their labors and those of the reverend mr. lyman and one or two others, thousands of men and women were instructed in the truths of christianity, inducted into civilized habits of life, and finally brought into the church. as you sail along the green coast of hawaii from its northern point to hilo, you will be surprised at the number of quaint little white churches which mark the distances almost with the regularity of mile-stones; if, later, you ride through this district or the one south of hilo, you will see that for every church there is also a school-house; you will see native children reading and writing as well as our own at home; you may hear them singing tunes familiar in our own sunday-schools; you will see the native man and woman sitting down to read their newspaper at the close of day; and if you could talk with them, you would find they knew almost as much about our late war as you do, for they took an intense interest in the war of the rebellion. and you must remember that when, less than forty years ago, dr. and mrs. coan came to hilo, the people were naked savages, with but one church and one school-house in the district, and almost without printed books or knowledge of reading. they flocked to hear the gospel. thousands removed from a distance to hilo, where, in their rapid way, they built up a large town, and kept up surely the strangest "protracted meeting" ever held; and going back to their homes after many months, they took with them knowledge and zeal to build up christian churches and schools of their own. over these dr. coan has presided these many years; not only preaching regularly on sundays and during the week in the large native church at hilo, and in two or three neighboring churches, but visiting the more distant churches at intervals to examine and instruct the members, and keep them all on the right track. he has seen a region very populous when he first came to it decrease until it has now many more deserted and ruined house-places than inhabited dwellings; but, also, he has seen a great population turned from darkness to light, a considerable part of it following his own blameless and loving life as an example, and very many living to old age steadfast and zealous christians. on your first sunday at honolulu you will probably attend one or other of the native churches. they are commodious buildings, well furnished; and a good organ, well played, will surprise you. sunday is a very quiet day in the islands: they are a church-going people, and the empty seats in the honolulu native churches give you notice of the great decrease in population since these were built. [illustration: bethel church.] if you go to hear preaching in your own language, it will probably be to the seamen's chapel where the rev. mr. damon preaches--one of the oldest and one of the best-known residents of honolulu. this little chapel was brought around cape horn in pieces, in a whale-ship many years ago, and was, i believe, the first american church set up in these islands. it is a curious old relic, and has seen many changes. mr. damon has lived here since a most zealous and useful life as seamen's chaplain. he is, in his own field, a true and untiring missionary, and to his care the port owes a clean and roomy seamen's home, a valuable little paper, _the friend_, which was for many years the chief reading of the whalemen who formerly crowded the ports of hawaii; and help in distress, and fatherly advice, and unceasing kindness at all times to a multitude of seamen during nearly thirty years. the sailors, who quickly recognize a genuine man, have dubbed him "father damon;" and he deserves, what he has long had, their confidence and affection. [illustration: dr. damon.] the charitable and penal institutions of honolulu are quickly seen, and deserve a visit. they show the care with which the government has looked after the welfare of the people. the queen's hospital is an admirably kept house. at the reform school you will see a number of boys trained and educated in right ways. the prison not only deserves a visit for itself, but from its roof you obtain, as i said before, one of the best views of honolulu and the adjacent country and ocean. [illustration: queen's hospital, honolulu.] then there are native schools, elementary and academic, where you will see the young hawaiian at his studies, and learn to appreciate the industry and thoroughness with which education is carried on all over these islands. you will see also curious evidence of the mixture of races here; for on the benches sit, and in the classes recite, hawaiian, chinese, portuguese, half white and half chinese children; and the little pig-tailed celestial reads out of his primer quite as well as any. [illustration: native school-house in honolulu.] in the girls' schools you will see an occasional pretty face, but fewer than i expected to see; and to my eyes the hawaiian girl is rarely very attractive. among the middle-aged women, however, you often meet with fine heads and large, expressive features. the women have not unfrequently a majesty of carriage and a tragic intensity of features and expression which are quite remarkable. their loose dress gives grace as well as dignity to their movements, and whoever invented it for them deserves more credit than he has received. it is a little startling at first to see women walking about in what, to our perverted tastes, look like calico or black stuff night-gowns; but the dress grows on you as you become accustomed to it; it lends itself readily to bright ornamentation; it is eminently fit for the climate; and a stately hawaiian dame, marching through the street in black _holaku_--as the dress is called--with a long necklace, or _le_, of bright scarlet or brilliant yellow flowers, bare and untrammeled feet, and flowing hair, surmounted often by a low-crowned felt hat, compares very favorably with a high-heeled, wasp-waisted, absurdly-bonneted, fashionable white lady. [illustration: cocoa-nut grove, and residence of the late king kamehameha v., at waikiki, oahu.] as you travel through the country, you see not unfrequently one of the tall, majestic, large women, who were formerly, it is said by old residents, more numerous than now. i have been assured by several persons that the race has dwindled in the last half century; and all old residents speak with admiration of the great stature and fine forms of the chiefs and their wives in the early days. it does not appear that these chiefs were a distinct race, but they were despotic rulers of the common people; and their greater stature is attributed by those who should know to their being nourished on better food, and to easier circumstances and more favorable surroundings. when you have seen honolulu and the nuanu valley, and bathed and drunk cocoa-nut milk at waikiki, you will be ready for a charming excursion--the ride around the island of oahu. for this you should take several days. it is most pleasantly made by a party of three or four persons, and ladies, if they can sit in the saddle at all, can very well do it. you should provide yourself with a pack-mule, which will carry not only spare clothing but some provisions; and your guide ought to take care of your horses and be able, if necessary, to cook you a lunch. the ride is easily done in four days, and you will sleep every night at a plantation or farm. the roads are excellent for riding, and carriages have made the journey. it is best to set out by way of pearl river and return by the pali, as thus you have the trade-wind in your face all the way. if you are accustomed to ride, and can do thirty miles a day, you should sleep the first night at or near waialua, the next at or near what is called the mormon settlement, and on the third day ride into honolulu. if ladies are of your party, and the stages must be shorter, you can ride the first day to ewa, which is but ten miles; the next, to waialua, eighteen miles further; the third, to the neighborhood of kahuku, twelve miles; thence to kahana, fifteen miles; thence to kaalaea, twelve miles; and the next day carries you, by an easy ride of thirteen miles, into honolulu. any one who can sit on a horse at all will enjoy this excursion, and receive benefit from it; the different stages of it are so short that each day's work is only a pleasure. on the way you will see, near ewa, the pearl lochs, which it has recently been proposed to cede as a naval station to the united states; and near waialua an interesting boarding-school for hawaiian girls, in which they are taught not only in the usual school studies, but in sewing, and the various arts of the housewife. if you are curious to see the high valley in which the famous waialua oranges are grown, you must take a day for that purpose. between kahuku and kahana it is worth while to make a detour into the mountains to see the kaliawa falls, which are a very picturesque sight. the rock, at a height of several hundred feet, has been curiously worn by the water into the shape of a canoe. here, also, the precipitous walls are covered with masses of fine ferns. at kahana, and also at koloa, you will see rice-fields, which are cultivated by chinese. you pass also on your road several sugar-plantations; and if it is the season of sugar-boiling, you will be interested in this process. for miles you ride along the sea-shore, and your guide will lead you to proper places for a midday bath, preliminary to your lunch. after leaving the mormon settlement, the scenery becomes very grand--it is, indeed, as fine as any on the islands, and compares well with any scenery in the world. that it can be seen without severe toil gives it, for such people as myself, no slight advantage over some other scenery in these islands and elsewhere, access to which can be gained only by toilsome and disagreeable journeys. there is a blending of sea and mountain which will dwell in your memory as not oppressively grand, and yet fine enough to make you thankful that providence has made the world so lovely and fair. as you approach the pali, the mountain becomes a sheer precipice for some miles, broken only by the gorge of the pali, up which, if you are prudent, you will walk, letting your horses follow with the guide--though hawaiian horsemen ride both up and down, and have been known to gallop down the stone-paved and slippery steep. as you look up at these tall, gloomy precipices, you will see one of the peculiarities of a sandwich island landscape. the rocks are not bare, but covered from crown to base with moss and ferns; and these cling so closely to the surface that to your eye they seem to be but a short, close-textured green fuzz. in fact, these great rocks, thus adorned, reminded me constantly of the rock scenery in such operas as fra diavolo; the dark green being of a shade which i do not remember to have seen before in nature, though it is not uncommon in theatrical scenery. the grass remains green, except in the dry districts, all the year round; and the common grass of the islands is the _maniania_, a fine creeping grass which covers the ground with a dense velvety mat; and where it is kept short by sheep makes an admirable springy lawn. it has a fine deep color and bears drought remarkably well; and it is the favorite pasture grass of the islands. i do not think it as fattening as the alfilleria of southern california or our own timothy or blue grass; but it is a valuable grass to the stockmen, because it eats out every other and less valuable kind. on your journey around oahu you need a guide who can speak some english; you must take with you on the pack-mule provisions for the journey; and it is well to have a blanket for each of your party. you will sleep each night in a native house, unless, as is very likely to be the case, you have invitations to stop at plantation houses on your way. at the native houses they will kill a chicken for you, and cook taro; but they have no other supplies. you can usually get cocoa-nuts, whose milk is very wholesome and refreshing. the journey is like a somewhat prolonged picnic; the air is mild and pure; and you need no heavy clothing, for you are sure of bright sunny weather. for your excursions near honolulu, and for the adventure i have described, you can hire horses; though if you mean to stay a month or two it is better to buy. a safe and good horse, well saddled and bridled, brought to you every morning at the hotel, costs you a dollar a day. in that case you have no care or responsibility for the animal. but unless there are men-of-war in port you can buy a sufficiently good riding-horse for from twelve to twenty-five dollars, and get something of your investment back when you leave; and you can buy saddles and all riding-gear cheaply in honolulu. the maintenance of a horse in town costs not over fifty cents per day. your guide for a journey ought to cost you a dollar a day, which includes his horse; when you stop for the day he unsaddles your horses and ties them out in a grass-field where they get sufficient nourishment. for your accommodation at a native house, you ought to pay fifty cents for each person of your party, including the guide. the proprietor of the honolulu hotel is very obliging and readily helps you to make all arrangements for horses and guides; and if you have brought any letters of introduction, or make acquaintances in the place, you will find every body ready to assist you. riding is the pleasantest way of getting about; but on oahu the roads are sufficiently good to drive considerable distances, and carriages are easily obtainable. one of the pleasant surprises which meet a northern traveler in these islands is the number of strange dishes which appear on the table and in the bill of fare. strawberries, oranges--the sweetest and juiciest i have eaten anywhere, except perhaps in rio de janeiro--bananas and cocoa-nuts, you have at will; but besides these there are during the winter months the guava, very nice when it is sliced like a tomato and eaten with sugar and milk; taro, which is the potato of the country and, in the shape of poi, the main subsistence of the native hawaiian; bread-fruit; flying-fish, the most tender and succulent of the fish kind; and, in their season, the mango, the custard-apple, the alligator-pear, the water-melon, the rose-apple, the ohia, and other fruits. taro, when baked, is an excellent and wholesome vegetable, and from its leaves is cooked a fine substitute for spinach, called _luau_. poi also appears on your hotel table, being the national dish, of which many foreigners have become very fond. it is very fattening and easily digested, and is sometimes prescribed by physicians to consumptives. as you drive about the suburbs of honolulu you will see numerous taro patches, and may frequently see the natives engaged in the preparation of poi, which consists in baking the root or tuber in underground ovens, and then mashing it very fine, so that if dry it would be a flour. it is then mixed with water, and for native use left to undergo a slight fermentation. fresh or unfermented poi has a pleasant taste; when fermented it tastes to me like book-binder's paste, and a liking for it must be acquired rather than natural, i should say, with foreigners. [illustration: hawaiian poi dealer.] so universal is its use among the natives that the manufacture of poi is carried on now by steam-power and with yankee machinery, for the sugar planters; and the late king, who was avaricious and a trader, incurred the dislike of his native subjects by establishing a poi-factory of his own near honolulu. poi is sold in the streets in calabashes, but it is also shipped in considerable quantities to other islands, and especially to guano islands which lie southward and westward of this group. on these lonely islets, many of which have not even drinking-water for the laborers who live on them, poi and fish are the chief if not the only articles of food. the fish, of course, are caught on the spot, but poi, water, salt, and a few beef cattle for the use of the white superintendents are carried from here. taro is a kind of _arum_. it grows, unlike any other vegetable i know of unless it be rice, entirely under water. a taro patch is surrounded by embankments; its bottom is of puddled clay; and in this the cutting, which is simply the top of the plant with a little of the tuber, is set. the plants are set out in little clumps in long rows, and a man at work in a taro patch stands up to his knees in water. forty square feet of taro, it is estimated, will support a person for a year, and a square mile of taro will feed over , hawaiians. [illustration: the palace, honolulu.] by-the-way, you will hear the natives say _kalo_ when they speak of taro; and by this and other words in common use you will presently learn of a curious obliquity in their hearing. a hawaiian does not notice any difference in the sounds of _r_ and _l_, of _k_ and _t_, or of _b_, _p_, and _f_. thus the pali, or precipice near honolulu, is spoken of as the pari; the island of kauai becomes to a resident of it tauwai, though a native of oahu calls it kauai; taro is almost universally called _kalo_; and the common salutation, _aloha_, which means "love to you," and is the national substitute for "how do you do?" is half the time _aroha_; lanai is indifferently called ranai; and mauna loa is in the mouths of most hawaiians mauna roa. indeed, in the older charts the capital of the kingdom is called honoruru. society in honolulu possesses some peculiar features, owing in part to the singularly isolated situation of this little capital, and partly to the composition of the social body. honolulu is a capital city unconnected with any other place in the world by telegraph, having a mail once a month from san francisco and new zealand, and dependent during the remainder of the month upon its own resources. to a new yorker, who gets his news hot and hot all day and night, and can't go to sleep without first looking in at the fifth avenue hotel to hear the latest item, this will seem deplorable enough; but you have no idea how charming, how pleasant, how satisfactory it is for a busy or overworked man to be thus for a while absolutely isolated from affairs; to feel that for a month at least the world must get on without your interfering hand; and though you may dread beforehand this enforced separation from politics and business, you will find it very pleasant in the actual experience. as you stand upon the wharf in company with the élite of the kingdom to watch the steamer depart, a great burden falls from your soul, because for a month to come you have not the least responsibility for what may happen in any part of the planet. looking up at the black smoke of the departing ship, you say to yourself, "who cares?" let what will happen, you are not responsible. and so, with a light heart and an easy conscience, you get on your horse (price $ ), and about the time the lady passengers on the steamer begin to turn green in face, you are sitting down on a spacious _lanai_ or veranda, in one of the most delightful sea-side resorts in the world, with a few friends who have determined to celebrate by a dinner this monthly recurrence of their non-intercourse with the world. [illustration: emma, queen of kamehameha iv.] the people are surprisingly hospitable and kind and know how to make strangers at home; they have leisure, and know how to use it pleasantly; the climate controls their customs in many respects, and nothing is pursued at fever heat as with us. what strikes you, when you have found your way into honolulu society and looked around, is a certain sensible moderation and simplicity which is in part, i suspect, a remainder of the old missionary influence; there is a certain amount of formality, which is necessary to keep society from deteriorating, but there is no striving after effect; there are, so far as a stranger discovers, no petty cliques or cabals or coteries, and there is a very high average of intelligence: they care about the best things. they know how to dine; and having good cooks and sound digestions, they add to these one requisite to pleasant dining which some more pretentious societies are without: they have leisure. nothing is done in haste in honolulu, where they have long ago convinced themselves that "to-morrow is another day." moreover, you find them well-read, without being blue; they have not muddled their history by contradictory telegraphic reports of matters of no consequence; in fact, so far as recent events are concerned, they stand on tolerably firm ground, having perused only the last monthly record of current events. consequently, they have had time to read and enjoy the best books; to follow with an intelligent interest the most notable passing events; and as most of them come from families or have lived among people who have had upon their own shoulders some conscious share of government, political, moral, or religious, these talkers are not pedantic, but agreeable. as to the ladies, you find them charming; beautifully dressed, of course, but they have not given the whole day and their whole minds to the dress; they are cheerful, easily excited to gayety, long accustomed to take life easily, and eating as though they did not know what dyspepsia was. indeed, when you have passed a month in the islands you will have a better opinion of idleness than you had before, though in some respects the odd effects of a tropical climate will hardly meet your approval. euchre, for instance, takes the place here which whist holds elsewhere as the amusement of sensible people. [illustration: a hawaiian chief.] finally, society in honolulu is respectable. it is fashionable to be virtuous, and if you were "fast," i think you would conceal it. the government has always encouraged respectability, and discountenanced vice. the men who have ruled the islands--not the missionaries alone, but the political rulers since--have been plain, honest, and, in the main, wise men; and they have kept politics respectable in the little monarchy. the disreputable adventurer element which degrades our politics, and invades society too, is not found here. you will say the rewards are not great enough to attract this vile class. perhaps not; but at any rate it is not there; and i do not know, in short, where else in the world you would find so kindly, so gracefully hospitable, and, at the same time, so simple and enjoyable a society as that of honolulu. no one can visit the islands without being impressed by the boundless hospitality of the sugar planters, who, with their superintendents and managers, form, away from the few towns, almost the only white inhabitants. hospitality so free-handed is, i suspect, found in few other parts of the world. though honolulu has now a commodious hotel, the residents keep up their old habits of graceful welcome to strangers. the capital has an excellent band, which plays in public places several times a week; and it does not lack social entertainments, parties, and dinners, to break the monotony of life. not only the residents of foreign birth, but a few hawaiians also, people of education, culture, and means, entertain gracefully and frequently. as for the common people, they are by nature or long custom, or both, as kindly and hospitable as men can be. if you ask for lodgings at night-fall at a native hut, you are received as though you were conferring a favor; frequently the whole house, which has but one room, is set apart for you, the people going elsewhere to sleep; a chicken is slain in your honor, and for your exclusive supper; and you are served by the master of the house himself. the native grass-house, where it has been well built, is a very comfortable structure. it has but a single room, calico curtains serving as partitions by night; at one end a standing bed-place, running across the house, provides sleeping accommodations for the whole family, however numerous. this bed consists of mats; and the covers are either of tapa cloth--which is as though you should sleep under newspapers--or of blankets. the more prosperous people have often, besides this, an enormous bedstead curtained off and reserved for strangers; and you may see the women take out of their chests, when you ask hospitality, blankets, sheets, and a great number of little pillows for the bed, as well as often a brilliant silk coverlet; for this bed appears to be like a cape cod parlor--for ornament rather than use. the use of the dozen little pillows puzzled me, until i found that they were intended to tuck or wedge me in, so that i should not needlessly and uncomfortably roll about the vast bed. they were laid at the sides, and i was instructed to "chock" myself with them. on leaving, do not inquire what is the cost of your accommodations. the hawaiian has vague ideas about price. he might tell you five or ten dollars; but if you pay him seventy-five cents for yourself and your guide, he will be abundantly and thoroughly satisfied. [illustration: the crater of kilauea--one phase.] chapter ii. hilo, with some volcanoes. hilo, as you will perceive on the map, lies on the eastern or windward side of the island of hawaii. you get there in the little inter-island steamer _kilauea_, named after the volcano, and which makes a weekly tour of all the islands except far-off kauai, which it visits but once a month. the charge for passage is fifteen dollars from honolulu to hilo, and twenty-five dollars for the round trip. the cabin is small; and as you are likely to have fine weather, you will, even if you are a lady, pass the time more pleasantly on deck, where the steward, a goa man and the most assiduous and tactful of his trade, will place a mattress and blankets for you. you must expect to suffer somewhat from sea-sickness if you are subject to that ill, for the passage is not unlikely to be rough. on the way you see lahaina, and a considerable part of the islands of maui and hawaii; in fact, you are never out of sight of land. if you start on monday evening you will reach hilo on wednesday--and "about this time expect rain," as the almanac-makers say. they get about seventeen feet of rain at hilo during the year; and as they have sometimes several days without any at all, you must look for not only frequent but heavy showers. a hilo man told me of a curious experiment which was once made there. they knocked the heads out of an oil-cask--so he said--and it rained in at the bung-hole faster than it could run out at the ends. you may disbelieve this story if you please; i tell it as it was told me; but in any case you will do well to provide yourself for hilo and the volcano journey with stout water-proof clothing. hilo, on those days when the sun shines, is one of the prettiest places on the islands. if you are so fortunate as to enter the bay on a fine day you will see a very tropical landscape--a long, pleasant, curved sweep of beach, on which the surf is breaking, and beyond, white houses nestling among cocoa-nut groves, and bread-fruit, pandanus, and other southern trees, many of them bearing brilliant flowers; with shops and stores along the beach. men and boys sporting in the surf, and men and women dashing on horseback over the beach, make up the life of the scene. hilo has no hotel; it has not even a carriage; but it has a very agreeable and intelligent population of americans, and you will find good accommodations at the large house of mr. severance, the sheriff of hawaii. if his house should be full you need not be alarmed, for some one will take you in. this is the usual and most convenient point of departure for the volcano. here you hire horses and a guide for the journey. having gone to hilo on the steamer, you will do best to return to honolulu by schooner, which leaves you at liberty to choose your point and time of departure. hawaii lies to windward of oahu; and a schooner, which might need four or five days to beat up to hilo, will run down from any part of hawaii in twenty-four hours. if you are an energetic traveler, determined to see every thing, and able to endure a good deal of rough riding, you may spend six weeks on hawaii. in that time you may not only see the active volcano of kilauea, but may ascend mauna loa and mauna kea, whose immense slopes and lofty and in the winter snow-clad summits show gloriously on a clear day from hilo; and you may ride from hilo along the north-eastern coast, through the hamakua and kohala districts, ending your journey at kealakeakua bay where captain cook was killed. there you can take schooner for honolulu; or if your energies hold out ride through kau and puna back to hilo. the hamakua and hilo coasts you will see from the steamer, which sails close along this bold and picturesque shore on her way to hilo. this part of the island is but an extension of the vast slope of mauna kea; and all the waters which drain from its cloud-laden summit pour into the sea through numerous deep channels, or gorges which they have worn for themselves, and occasionally dash into the ocean from high cliffs, forming water-falls visible from the ship's deck. of the gorges or cañons, there are seventy-nine in a distance of about thirty miles; many of them are from five to eight hundred feet deep; and as you ride along the coast, you have no sooner emerged from one of these deep pits than you descend by a road seldom easy, and often very steep indeed, into another. the sides of these gorges are lined with masses of the most magnificent ferns, and at their bottoms you find sparkling streams; and as you look up the cañons you see picturesque water-falls. in short, to the lover of bold and strange scenery this ride offers many pleasures; and that its difficulties may not be exaggerated to any one's apprehension, i will mention that during the spring of an english lady, taking with her only a native woman as guide, made the tour of the whole seventy-nine gulches, and thought herself amply rewarded for her toils by what she saw. as for myself, i must confess that four of these gulches--the four nearest hilo--satisfied me; these i saw in visiting some sugar-plantations. [illustration: kealakeakua bay, where captain cook was killed.] if you do not intend such a thorough exploration of hawaii, but mean only to see the volcano of kilauea, your pleasantest plan is to ride from hilo by the direct road to the crater, and return by way of puna. you will have ridden a trifle over one hundred miles through a very remarkable and in some parts a beautiful country; you will have slept one night in a native house, and will have seen much of hawaiian life, and enjoyed a tiring but at the same time a very novel journey, and some sights which can not be matched outside of iceland. to do this, and spend two or three days in pleasant sight-seeing near hilo, will bring you back to honolulu in from twelve to fourteen days after you left it. your traveling expenses will be sufficiently moderate. at hilo you pay for board and lodgings eight dollars per week. the charge for horses is ten dollars each for the volcano journey, with a dollar a day for your guide. this guide relieves you of all care of the animals, and is useful in various ways. at the volcano house the charge for horse and man is five dollars per day, and you pay half-price for your guide. there is a charge of one dollar for a special guide into the crater, which is made in your bill, and you will do well to promise this guide, when you go in, a small gratuity--half a dollar, or, if your party is large, a dollar--if he gives you satisfaction. he will get you specimens, carry a shawl for a lady, and make himself in other ways helpful. [illustration: the volcano house.] when you get on your horse at hilo for the volcano, leave behind you all hope of good roads. you are to ride for thirty miles over a lava bed, along a narrow trail as well made as it could be without enormous expense, but so rough, so full of mud-holes filled with broken lava in the first part of the journey, and so entirely composed of naked, jagged, and ragged lava in the remainder, that one wonders how the horses stand it. a canter, except for two or three miles near the volcano house, is almost out of the question; and though the hawaiians trot and gallop the whole distance, a stranger will scarcely follow their example. you should insist, by-the-way, upon having all your horses reshod the day before they leave hilo; and it is prudent, even then, to take along an extra pair of shoes and a dozen or two horse-nails. the lava is extremely trying to the horse's shoes; and if your horse casts a shoe he will go lame in fifteen minutes, for the jagged lava cuts almost like glass. moreover, do not wait for a fine day; it will probably rain at any rate before you reach the volcano house, and your wisest way is to set out resolutely, rain or shine, on the appointed morning, for the sun may come out two or three hours after you have started in a heavy rain. each traveler should take his water-proof clothing upon his own saddle--it may be needed at any time--and the pack-mule should carry not only the spare clothing, well covered with india-rubber blankets, but also an abundant lunch to be eaten at the half-way house. india-rubber or leather leggings, and a long, sleeveless mackintosh seemed to me the most comfortable and sufficient guards against weather. ladies should ride astride; they will be most comfortable thus. there are no steep ascents or abrupt descents on the way. kilauea is nearly four thousand feet higher than the sea from which you set out; but the rise is so gradual and constant that if the road were good one might gallop a horse the whole distance. you should set out not later than half-past seven, and make up your mind not to be hurried on the way. there are people who make the distance in six hours, and boast about it; but i accomplished it with a party of ladies and children in ten hours with very little discomfort, and did not envy the six-hour people. there is nothing frightful, or dangerous, or disagreeable about the journey, even to ladies not accustomed to riding; and there is very much that is new, strange, and wonderful to americans or europeans. especially you will be delighted with the great variety and beauty of the ferns, which range from minute and delicate species to the dark and grand fronds of the tree-fern, which rises in the more elevated region to a height of twenty feet, and whose stalk has sometimes a diameter of three or four feet. from a variety of this tree-fern the natives take a substance called pulu, a fine, soft, brown fuzz, used for stuffing pillows and mattresses. your guide will probably understand very little english: let him be instructed in your wishes before you set out. the native hawaiian is the most kind and obliging creature in the world, and you will find your guide ready to do you every needful service. you can get nothing to eat on the road, except perhaps a little sugar-cane; therefore you must provide a sufficient lunch. at the half-way house, but probably nowhere else, you will get water to drink. when you reach the volcano house, i advise you to take a sulphur vapor-bath, refreshing after a tedious ride; and after supper you will sit about a big open fire and recount the few incidents and adventures of the day. the next day you give to the crater. unless the night is very foggy you will have gone to sleep with the lurid light of kilauea in your eyes. madame pele, the presiding goddess of the volcano, exhibits fine fire-works at night sometimes, and we saw the lava spurting up in the air above the edge of the smaller and active crater, one night, in a quite lively manner. on a moderately clear night the light from the burning lakes makes a very grand sight; and the bedrooms at the little volcano house are so placed that you have madame pele's fire-works before you all night. the house stands but a few feet from the edge of the great crater, and you have no tedious preliminary walk, but begin your descent into the pit at once. for this you need stout shoes, light clothing, and, if you have ladies in your party, a heavy shawl for each. the guide takes with him a canteen of water, and also carries the shawls. you should start about nine o'clock, and give the whole day to the crater, returning to dinner at five. the great crater of kilauea is nine miles in circumference, and perhaps a thousand feet deep. it is, in fact, a deep pit, bounded on all sides by precipitous rocks. the entrance is effected by a series of steps, and below these by a scramble over lava and rock debris. it is not difficult, but the ascent is tiresome; and it is a prudent precaution, if you have ladies with you, to take a native man for each lady, to assist her over the rougher places, and up the steep ascent. the greater part of the crater was, when i saw it, a mass of dead, though not cold lava; and over this you walk to the farthest extremity of the pit, where you must ascend a tolerably steep hill of lava, which is the bank of the fiery lake. the distance from the volcano house to the edge of this lake is, by the road you take, three miles. [illustration: hawaiian temple, from a russian engraving, about .] the goddess pele, who, according to the hawaiian mythology, presides over kilauea, is, as some say all her sex are, variable, changeable, mutable. what i shall tell you about the appearance of the crater and lake is true of that time; it may not have been correct a week later; it was certainly not true of a month before. we climbed into the deep pit, and then stood upon a vast floor of lava, rough, jammed together, broken, jagged, steaming out a hot sulphurous breath at almost every seam, revealing rolls of later lava injections at every deep crack, with caverns and high ridges where the great mass, after cooling, was forced together, and with a steep mountain-side of lava at our left, along the foot of which we clambered. this floor of lava, which seems likely to be a more or less permanent feature, was, three or four years ago, upon a level with the top of the high ridge, or ledge, whose base you skirt. the main part of the crater was then a floor of lava vaster even than it now is. suddenly one day, and with a crash which persuaded one or two persons at the volcano house that the whole planet was flying to pieces, the greater part of this lava floor sank down, or fell down, a depth of about five hundred feet, to the level whereon we now walked. the wonderful tale was plain to us as we examined the details on the spot. it was as though a top-heavy and dried-out pie-crust had fallen in in the middle, leaving a part of the circumference bent down, but clinging at the outside to the dish. [illustration: lava field, hawaii--flow of .] after this great crash the lava seems from time to time to have boiled up from beneath through cracks, and now lies in great rolls upon the surface, or in the deeper cracks. it is related that later the lake or caldron at the farther end of the crater boiled over, and sent down streams of lava which meandered over the black plain; that, continuing to boil over at intervals, this lake increased the height of its own banks, for the lava cools very rapidly; and thus was built up a high hill, which we ascended after crossing the lava plains, in order to look down, in fear and wonder, upon the awful sight below. what we saw there on the d of march, , was two huge pits, caldrons, or lakes, filled with a red, molten, fiery, sulphurous, raging, roaring, restless mass of matter, to watch whose unceasing tumult was one of the most fascinating experiences of my life. the two lakes were then separated by a narrow and low-lying ledge or peninsula of lava, which i was told they frequently overflow, and sometimes entirely melt down. standing upon the northern bank we could see both lakes, and we estimated their shortest diameter to be about feet, and the longest about one-eighth of a mile. within this pit the surface of the molten lava was about eighty feet below us. it has been known to sink down feet; last december it was overflowing the high banks and sending streams of lava into the great plain by which we approached it; and since i saw it, it has risen to within a few feet of the top of the bank, and has forced a way out at one side, where, in september, , it was flowing out slowly on to the great lava plain which forms the bottom of the main crater. what, therefore, madame pele will show you hereafter is uncertain. what we saw was this: two large lakes or caldrons, each nearly circular, with the lower shelf or bank, red-hot, from which the molten lava was repelled toward the centre without cessation. the surface of these lakes was of a lustrous and beautiful gray, and this, which was a cooling and tolerably solid scum, was broken by jagged circles of fire, which appeared of a vivid rose-color in contrast with the gray. these circles, starting at the red-hot bank or shore, moved more or less rapidly toward the centre, where, at intervals of perhaps a minute, the whole mass of lava suddenly but slowly bulged up, burst the thin crust, and flung aloft a huge, fiery wave, which sometimes shot as high as thirty feet in the air. then ensued a turmoil, accompanied with hissing, and occasionally with a dull roar as the gases sought to escape, and spray was flung in every direction; and presently the agitation subsided, to begin again in the same place, or perhaps in another. meantime the fiery rings moved forward perpetually toward the centre, a new one re-appearing at the shore before the old was ingulfed; and not unfrequently the mass of lava was so fiercely driven by some force from the bank near which we stood, that it was ten or fifteen feet higher near the centre than at the circumference. thus somewhat of the depth was revealed to us, and there seemed something peculiarly awful to me in the fierce glowing red heat of the shores themselves, which never cooled with exposure to the air and light. thus acted the first of the two lakes. but when, favored by a strong breeze, we ventured farther, to the side of the furthermost one, a still more terrible spectacle greeted us. the mass in this lake was in yet more violent agitation; but it spent its fury upon the precipitous southern bank, against which it dashed with a vehemence equal to a heavy surf breaking against cliffs. it had undermined this lava cliff, and for a space of perhaps one hundred and fifty feet the lava beat and surged into glaring, red-hot, cavernous depths, and was repelled with a dull, heavy roar, not exactly like the boom of breakers, because the lava is so much heavier than water, but with a voice of its own, less resonant, and, as we who listened thought, full of even more deadly fury. it seems a little absurd to couple the word "terrible" with any action of mere inanimate matter, from which, after all, we stood in no very evident peril. yet "terrible" is the only word for it. grand it was not, because in all its action and voice it seemed infernal. though its movement is slow and deliberate, it would scarcely occur to you to call either the constant impulse from one side toward the other, or the vehement and vast bulging of the lava wave as it explodes its thin crust or dashes a fiery mass against the cliff, majestic, for devilish seems a better word. meantime, though we were favored with a cool and strong breeze, bearing the sulphurous stench of the burning lake away from us, the heat of the lava on which we stood, at least eighty feet above the pit, was so great as to be almost unendurable. we stood first upon one foot, and then on the other, because the soles of our feet seemed to be scorching through thick shoes. a lady sitting down upon a bundle of shawls had to rise because the wraps began to scorch; our faces seemed on fire from the reflection of the heat below; the guide's tin water-canteen, lying near my feet, became presently so hot that it burned my fingers when i took it up; and at intervals there came up from behind us a draught of air so hot, and so laden with sulphur that, even with the strong wind carrying it rapidly away, it was scarcely endurable. it was while we were coughing and spluttering at one of these hot blasts, which came from the numerous fissures in the lava which we had passed over, that a lady of our party remarked that she had read an excellent description of this place in the new testament; and so far as i observed, no one disagreed with her. after the lakes came the cones. when the surface of this lava is so rapidly cooling that the action below is too weak to break it, the gases forcing their way out break small vents, through which lava is then ejected. this, cooling rapidly as it comes to the outer air, forms by its accretions a conical pipe of greater or less circumference, and sometimes growing twenty or thirty feet high, open at the top, and often with openings also blown out at the sides. there are several of these cones on the summit bank of the lake, all ruined, as it seemed to me, by some too violent explosion, which had blown off most of the top, and in one case the whole of it, leaving then only a wide hole. into these holes we looked, and saw a very wonderful and terrible sight. below us was a stream of lava, rolling and surging and beating against huge, precipitous, red-hot cliffs; and, higher up, suspended from other, also red or white hot overhanging cliffs, depended huge stalactites, like masses of fiercely glowing fern leaves waving about in the subterraneous wind; and here we saw how thin was in some such places the crust over which we walked, and how near the melting-point must be its under surface. for, as far as we could judge, these little craters or cones rested upon a crust not thicker than twelve or fourteen inches, and one fierce blast from below seemed sufficient to melt away the whole place. fortunately one can not stay very long near these openings, for they exhale a very poisonous breath; and so we were drawn back to the more fascinating but less perilous spectacle of the lakes; and then back over the rough lava, our minds filled with memories of a spectacle which is certainly one of the most remarkable our planet affords. when you have seen the fiery lakes you will recognize a crater at sight, and every part of hawaii and of the other islands will have a new interest for you; [illustration: view of the crater of south lake in a state of eruption, from the crest of the north lake.] for all are full of craters, and from kilauea to the sea you may trace several lines of craters, all extinct, but all at some time belching forth those interminable lava streams over which you ride by the way of the puna coast for nearly seventy miles back to hilo. i advise you to take this way back. almost the whole of it is a land of desolation. a narrow trail across unceasing beds of lava, a trail which in spots was actually hammered down to make it smooth enough for horses' feet, and outside of whose limits in most places your horse will refuse to go, because he knows it is too rough for beast or man: this is your road. most of the lava is probably very ancient, though some is quite recent; and ferns and guava bushes and other scanty herbage grow through it. in some of the cavernous holes, which denote probably ancient cones or huge lava bubbles, you will see a cocoa-nut-tree or a pandanus trying to subsist; and by-and-by, after a descent to the sea-shore, you are rewarded with the pleasant sight of groves of cocoa-nuts and umbrageous arbors of pandanus, and occasionally with a patch of green. almost the whole of the puna coast is waterless. from the volcano house you take with you not only food for the journey back to hilo, but water in bottles; and your thirsty animals get none until you reach the end of your first day's journey, at kaimu. here, also, you can send a more than half-naked native into the trees for cocoa-nuts, and drink your fill of their refreshing milk, while your jaded horses swallow bucketfuls of rain-water. [illustration: hilo.] it will surprise you to find people living among the lava, making potato-patches in it, planting coffee and some fruit-trees in it, fencing in their small holdings, even, with lava blocks. very little soil is needed to give vegetation a chance in a rainy reason, and the decomposed lava makes a rich earth. but except the cocoa-nut which grows on the beach, and seems to draw its sustenance from the waves, and the sweet-potato, which does very well among the lava, nothing seems really to thrive. it will add much to the pleasure of your journey to kilauea if you carry with you, to read upon the spot and along the road, brigham's valuable memoir on the hawaiian volcanoes. with this in hand, you will comprehend the nature, and know also the very recent date of some important changes, caused by earthquakes and lava flows, on the puna coast. near and at kaimu, for instance, there has been an apparent subsidence of the land, which is supposed in reality, however, i believe, to have been caused rather by the breaking off of a vast lava ledge or overhang, on which, covered as it was with earth and trees, a considerable population had long lived. in front of the native house in which you will sleep, at kaimu, part of a large grove of cocoa-nut-trees was thus submerged, and you may see the dead stumps still sticking up out of the surf. kaimu is twenty-five miles from the volcano house. the native house at which you will pass the night is clean, and you may there enjoy the novelty of sleeping on hawaiian mats, and under the native cover of tapa. you must bring with you tea or coffee, sugar, and bread, and such other food as is necessary to your comfort. sweet-potatoes and bananas, and chickens caught after you arrive, with abundant cocoa-nuts, are the supplies of the place. the water is not good, and you will probably drink only cocoa-nut milk, until, fifteen miles farther on, at captain eldart's, you find a pleasant and comfortable resting-place for the second night, with a famous natural warm bath, very slightly mineral. thence a ride of twenty-three miles brings you back to hilo, all of it over lava, most of it through a sterile country, but with one small burst of a real paradise of tropical luxuriance, a mile of tall forest and jungle, which looks more like brazil than hawaii. one advantage of returning by way of the puna coast, rather than by the direct route from kilauea, is that you have clear, bright weather all the way. the configuration of the coast makes puna sunny while hilo is rainy. if you desire a longer ride than that by the puna coast, you can cross the island, from the volcano house, by way of waiahino and kapapala to kauwaloa on the western coast, whence a schooner will bear you back to honolulu. a brief study of the map of hawaii in this volume will show the different routes suggested in this chapter. moreover, when you are at kilauea, you have done something toward the ascent of mauna loa; and guides, provisions, and animals for that enterprise can be obtained at the volcano house, as well as such ample details of the route that i will not here attempt any directions. it is not an easy ride; and you must carry with you warm clothing. a gentleman who slept at the summit in september, , told me the ice made over two inches thick during the night. if mauna loa is active, a traveler on the islands ought by all means to see it; for dr. coan assures me that it is then one of the most terrific and grand sights imaginable. i did not visit it, as it was not active while i was on the islands, though its fires were alive. the crater is a pit about three miles in circumference, with precipitous banks about two thousand feet deep. at the bottom is the burning lake, which has a curious habit of throwing up a jet, more or less constant, of fiery lava, to the height, this last summer, of four or five hundred feet from the surface of the lake. it is a fine sight, but, of course, somewhat distant. i am told that this jet has at times reached nearly to the summit level of the crater; and it must then have been a glorious spectacle. [illustration: surf bathing.] near hilo are some pretty water-falls and several sugar plantations, to which you can profitably give a couple of days, and on another you should visit cocoa-nut island, and--as interesting a spot as almost any on the islands--a little lagoon on the main-land near by, in which you may see the coral growing, and pick it up in lovely specimens with the stones upon which it has built in these shallow and protected waters. moreover, the surf-beaten rocks near by yield cowries and other shells in some abundance; and i do not know anywhere of a pleasanter picnic day than that you can spend there. finally, hilo is one of the very few places on these islands where you can see a truly royal sport--the surf-board. it requires a rough day and a heavy surf, but with a good day it is one of the finest sights in the world. the surf-board is a tough plank about two feet wide and from six to twenty feet long, usually made of the bread-fruit-tree. armed with these, a party of tall, muscular natives swim out to the first line of breakers, and, watching their chance to duck under this, make their way finally, by the help of the under-tow, into the smooth water far off: beyond all the surf. here they bob up and down on the swell like so many ducks, watching their opportunity. what they seek is a very high swell, before which they place themselves, lying or kneeling on the surf-board. the great wave dashes onward, but as its bottom strikes the ground, the top, unretarded in its speed and force, breaks into a huge comber, and directly before this the surf-board swimmer is propelled with a speed which we timed and found to exceed forty miles per hour. in fact, he goes like lightning, always just ahead of the breaker, and apparently downhill, propelled by the vehement impulse of the roaring wave behind him, yet seeming to have a speed and motion of his own. it is a very surprising sight to see three or four men thus dashed for nearly a mile toward the shore at the speed of an express train, every moment about to be overwhelmed by a roaring breaker, whose white crest was reared high above and just behind them, but always escaping this ingulfment, and propelled before it. they look, kneeling or lying on their long surf-boards, more like some curious and swift-swimming fish--like dolphins racing, as it seemed to me--than like men. once in a while, by some mischance the cause of which i could not understand, the swimmer _was_ overwhelmed; the great comber overtook him; he was flung over and over like a piece of wreck, but instantly dived, and re-appeared beyond and outside of the wave, ready to take advantage of the next. a successful shot launched them quite high and dry on the beach far beyond where we stood to watch. occasionally a man would stand erect upon his surf-board, balancing himself in the boiling surf without apparent difficulty. the surf-board play is one of the ancient sports of hawaii. i am told that few of the younger generation are capable of it, and that it is thought to require great nerve and coolness even among these admirable swimmers, and to be not without danger. in your journeys to the different islands you need to take with you, as part of your baggage, saddle and bridle, and all the furniture of a horse. you can hire or buy a horse anywhere very cheaply; but saddles are often unattainable, and always difficult to either borrow or hire. "you might as well travel here without your boots as without your saddle," said a friend to me; and i found it literally true, not only for strangers, but for residents as well. thus you may notice that the little steamer's hold, as she leaves honolulu, contains but few trunks; but is crowded with a considerable collection of saddles and saddle-bags, the latter the most convenient receptacles for your change of clothing. riding on hawaii is often tiresome, even to one accustomed to the saddle, by reason of the slow pace at which you are compelled to move. wherever you stop, for lunch or for the night, if there are native people near, you will be greatly refreshed by the application of what they call "lomi-lomi." almost everywhere you will find some one skillful in this peculiar and, to tired muscles, delightful and refreshing treatment. to be lomi-lomied, you lie down upon a mat, loosening your clothing, or undressing for the night if you prefer. the less clothing you have on the more perfectly the operation can be performed. to you thereupon comes a stout native, with soft, fleshy hands but a strong grip, and, beginning with your head and working down slowly over the whole body, seizes and squeezes with a quite peculiar art every tired muscle, working and kneading with indefatigable patience, until in half an hour, whereas you were sore and weary and worn-out, you find yourself fresh, all soreness and weariness absolutely and entirely removed, and mind and body soothed to a healthful and refreshing sleep. the lomi-lomi is used not only by the natives, but among almost all the foreign residents; and not merely to procure relief from weariness consequent on overexertion, but to cure headache, to relieve the aching of neuralgic or rheumatic pains, and, by the luxurious, as one of the pleasures of life. i have known it to relieve violent headache in a very short time. the old chiefs used to keep skillful lomi-lomi men and women in their retinues; and the late king, who was for some years too stout to take exercise, and was yet a gross feeder, had himself lomi-lomied after every meal, as a means of helping his digestion. it is a device for relieving pain or weariness which seems to have no injurious reaction and no drawback but one--it is said to fatten the subjects of it. [illustration: lahaina, island of maui.] chapter iii. maui, and the sugar culture. maui lies between oahu and hawaii, and is somewhat larger than the first-named island. it contains the most considerable sugar-plantations, and yields more of this product than any one of the other islands. it is notable also for possessing the mountain of haleakala, an extinct volcano ten thousand feet high, which has the largest crater in the world--a monstrous pit, thirty miles in circumference, and two thousand feet deep. there is some reason to believe that maui was originally two islands, the northern and southern parts being joined together by an immense sandy plain, so low that in misty weather it is hardly to be distinguished from the ocean; and some years ago a ship actually ran aground upon it, sailing for what the captain imagined to be an open passage. maui has also the famous wailuku valley, a picturesque gorge several miles deep, and giving you a very fair example of the broken, verdure-clad, and now lonely valleys of these islands; which are in reality steep, narrow cañons, worn out of the mountains by the erosion of water. the old hawaiians seem to have cared little how difficult a piece of country was; they not only made their taro patches in the streams which roar at the bottoms of such gorges, but they fought battles among the precipices which you find at the upper ends of these valleys, where the defeated usually met their deaths by plunging down into the stream far below. after seeing a live or burning crater like kilauea, haleakala, i thought, would be but a dull sight; but it is, on the contrary, extremely well worth a visit. the islands have no sharp or angular volcanic peaks. mauna loa and mauna kea, on hawaii, though , feet high, are mere bulbs--vast hills, not mountains; and the ascent to the summit of haleakala, though you surmount , feet, is neither dangerous nor difficult. it is tedious, however, for it involves a ride of about twelve miles, mostly over lava, uphill. it is best to ride up during the day, and sleep at or near the summit, where there are one or two so-called caves in the lava, broken lava-bubbles in fact, sufficiently roomy to accommodate several persons. you must take with you a guide, provisions, and blankets, for the nights are cold; and you find near the summit water, wood enough for a small fire, and forage for your horses. each person should have water-proof clothing, for it is very likely to rain, at least on the makawao side. [illustration: cascade and river of lava--flow of .] the great crater is best seen at sunrise, and, if you are so fortunate as to have a tolerably clear sky, you may see, lying far away below you, almost all of the islands. hawaii lies far enough away to reveal its entire outline, with mauna loa and mauna kea rising near either end, and the depression near which lies kilauea in the middle. the cloud effects at sunrise and sunset are marvelous, and alone repay the ascent. but the crater itself, clear of fog and clouds in the early morning, and lighted up by the rising sun, is a most surprising sight. it is ten miles in diameter, and the bottom lies feet below where you stand. the vast irregular floor contains more than a dozen subsidiary craters or great cones, some of them feet high, and nearly as large as diamond head. at the kaupo and koolau gaps, indicated on the map, the lava is supposed to have burst through and made its way down the mountain sides. the cones are distinctly marked as you look down upon them; and it is remarkable that from the summit the eye takes in the whole crater, and notes all its contents, diminished of course by their great distance. not a tree, shrub, or even tuft of grass obstructs the view. to describe such a scene is impossible. a study of the map, with the figures showing elevations, will give you a better idea of it than a long verbal description. it is an extraordinarily desolate scene. a few wild goats scramble over the rocks, or rush down the nearly perpendicular cliff; occasionally a solitary bird raises its harsh note; the wind howls fiercely; and as you lie under the lee of a mass of lava, taking in the scene and picking out the details as the rising sun brings them out one by one, presently the mist begins to pour into the crater, and often by ten o'clock fills it up completely. the natives have no tradition of haleakala in activity. there are signs of several lava flows, and of one in particular, clearly much more recent than the others. it must have presented a magnificent and terrible sight when it was in full activity. i did not ride into the crater, but it is possible to do so, and the natives have a trail, not much used, by which they pass. if you descend, be careful not to leave or lose this trail, for in many parts your horse will not be able to get back to it if you suffer him to stray off even a few yards, the lava is so sharp and jagged. as you descend the mountain on the makawao side you will notice two finely shaped craters on the side of the mountain, which also in their time spewed out lava. nearer the coast your eye, become familiar with the peculiar shape of these cones or craters, will notice yet others; and, indeed, to appreciate the peculiarities of sandwich island scenery, in which extinct craters and cones of all sizes have so great a part, it is necessary to have visited kilauea and haleakala. the latter name, by-the-way, means "house of the sun;" and as you watch the rising sun entering and apparently taking possession of the vast gloomy depths, you will think the name admirably chosen. if you carry a gun you are likely to have a shot at wild turkeys on your way up or down. it is remarkable that many of our domestic animals easily become wild on the islands. there are wild goats, wild cats, wild chickens and turkeys; the cattle run wild; and on hawaii one man at least has been killed and torn to pieces by wild dogs, which run in packs in some parts of the island. sugar plantations are found on all four of the larger islands; and on all of them there are successful examples of this enterprise; but maui contains, i believe, the greatest number, and is thought to be the best fitted for the business. it is on this island, therefore, that the curious traveler can see this industry under its most favorable aspects. there is no doubt that for the production of sugar these islands offer some extraordinary advantages. [illustration: map of the haleakala crater.] i have seen a field of thirty acres which two years ago produced nearly six tons of sugar to the acre. four tons per acre is not a surprising crop; and, from all i can hear, i judge that two and a half tons per acre may be considered a fair yield. the soil, too, with proper treatment, appears to be inexhaustible. the common custom is to take off two crops, and then let the field lie fallow for two years; but where they irrigate even this is not always done. there is no danger of frost, as in louisiana, and cane is planted in some part of the islands in almost every month of the year. in lahaina it matures in from fourteen to sixteen months; in some districts it requires eighteen months; and at greater altitudes even two years. but under all the varying circumstances, whether it is irrigated or not, whether it grows on bottoms or on hill slopes, in dry or in damp regions, everywhere the cane seems to thrive, and undoubtedly it is the one product of the islands which succeeds. a worm, which pierces the cane near the ground and eats out the pith, has of late, i am told, done some damage, and in some parts the rat has proved troublesome. but these evils do not anywhere endanger or ruin the crop, as the blight has ruined the coffee culture and discouraged other agricultural ventures. the sugar product of the islands has constantly increased. in they exported , , pounds of sugar; in , , , pounds; in , , , pounds; and in , , , pounds of sugar. what is remarkable is that, with this rapid increase in the production of sugar, you hear that the business is unprosperous; and if to this you reply that planters, like farmers, are hard to satisfy, they show you that the greater number of the plantations have at some time been sold by the sheriff, some of them more than once, and that, in fact, only six or seven are to-day in the hands of their founders. i do not doubt that there has been bad management on many plantations, and that this accounts in part for these failures, by which many hundred thousand dollars have been lost. for the advantages of the sugar planter on these islands are very decided. he has not only, as i showed you above, a favorable climate and an extraordinarily fertile soil, but he has a laboring population, perhaps the best, the most easily managed, the kindliest, and--so far as habits affect the steadiness and usefulness of the laborer--the least vicious in the world. he does not have to pay exorbitant wages; he is not embarrassed to feed or house them, for food is so abundant and cheap that economy in its distribution is of no moment; and the hawaiian is very cheaply housed. but bad management by no means accounts for all the non-success. there are some natural disadvantages serious enough to be taken into the account. in the first place, you must understand that the rain-fall varies extraordinarily. the trade-wind brings rain; the islands are bits of mountain ranges; the side of the mountain which lies toward the rain-wind gets rain; the lee side gets scarcely any. at hilo it rains almost constantly; at lahaina they get hardly a shower a year. at captain makee's, one of the most successful plantations on maui, water is stored in cisterns; at mr. spencer's, not a dozen miles distant, also one of the successful plantations, which lies on the other side of mount haleakala, they never have to irrigate. near hilo the long rains make cultivation costly and difficult; but the water is so abundant that they run their fire-wood from the mountains and their cane from the fields into the sugar-houses in flumes, at a very great saving of labor. near lahaina every acre must be irrigated, and this work proceeds day and night in order that no water may run to waste. then there is the matter of shipping sugar. there are no good ports except honolulu. kaului on maui, hanalei and nawiliwili on kauai, and one or two plantations on oahu, have tolerable landings. but almost everywhere the sugar is sent over vile roads to a more or less difficult landing, whence it is taken in launches to the schooners which carry it to honolulu, where it is stored, coopered, and finally reshipped to its market. many landings are made through the surf, and i remember one which, last spring, was unapproachable by vessel or boat for nearly four weeks. each sugar planter has, therefore, problems of his own to solve. he can not pattern on his neighbors. he can not base his estimate on theirs. he can not be certain even, until he has tried, which of the ten or a dozen varieties of cane will do best on his soil. he must look out for wood, which is by no means abundant, and is often costly to bring down from the mountain; he must look out for his landing; must see that taro grows near at hand; must secure pasture for his draught cattle: in short, he must consider carefully and independently many different questions before he can be even reasonably sure of success. and if, with all this uncertainty, he embarks with insufficient capital, and must pay one per cent. a month interest, and turn his crop over to an agent in honolulu, who is his creditor, and who charges him five per cent. for handling it, it will not be wonderful to any business man if he fails to grow rich, or if even he by-and-by becomes bankrupt. many have failed. of thirty-four plantations, the number worked in all the islands at this time, only six or seven are in the hands of their founders. some, which cost one hundred thousand dollars, were sold by the sheriff for fifteen or eighteen thousand; some, which cost a quarter of a million, were sold for less than a hundred thousand. if you speak with the planters, they will tell you that their great difficulty is to get a favorable market; that the duty on their sugar imported into san francisco eats up their profits; and that the only cure--the cure-all, i should say, for all the ills they suffer--is a treaty with the united states, which shall admit their product duty free. of course any one can see that if the sugar duty were remitted to them, the planters would make more money, or would lose less. an ingenuous planter summed up for me one day the whole of that side of the case, by saying, "if we had plenty of labor and a free market for our sugar, we should be thoroughly satisfied." but i am persuaded that, as there are planters now who are prosperous and contented, and who make handsome returns even with the sugar duty against them, so, if that were removed, there would be planters who would continue their regular and slow march toward bankruptcy; and for whom the remitted duty would be but a temporary respite, while it would deprive them of a cheap and easy way to account for their failure. wherever on the islands i found a planter living on his own plantation, managing it himself, and _out of debt_, i found him making money, even with low prices for his sugar, and even if the plantation itself was not favorably placed; not only this, but i found plantations yielding steady and sufficient profits, under judicious management, which in previous hands became bankrupt. but on the other hand, where i found a plantation heavily encumbered with debt and managed by a superintendent, the owner living elsewhere, i heard usually, though not always, complaints of hard times. if a sugar planter has his land and machinery heavily mortgaged at ten or twelve per cent interest; if he must, moreover, borrow money on his crop in the field to enable him to turn that into sugar; if then he sends the product to an agent in honolulu, who charges him five per cent. for shipping it to san francisco; and if in san francisco another agent charges him five per cent. more, _on the gross returns including freight and duty_, for selling it; if besides all this the planter buys his supplies on credit, and is charged one per cent. a month on these, compounded every three months until it is paid, and pays almost as much freight on his sugar from the plantation to honolulu as from there to its final market--it is highly probable that he will, in the course of time, fail. there are not many legitimate enterprises in the world which would bear such charges and leave a profit to the manager. but it is on this system that the planting of sugar has been, to a large extent, carried on for years in the islands. under it a good deal of money has been made, but not by the planters. nor is this essentially unjust. in the majority of cases, planters began rashly with small means, and had to borrow largely to complete their enterprises and get to work. the capitalist of course took a part of the profits as interest. but the capitalist was in many cases also the agent and store-keeper in honolulu; and he shaved off percentages--all in the way of business--until the planter was really no more than the foreman of his agent and creditor. when, under such circumstances, a planter complained that he did not make the fortune he anticipated, and reasoned that therefore sugar planting in the islands is unprofitable, he seemed to me to speak beside the question--for his agent and creditor, his employer in fact, made no complaint: _he_ always made money; and as he had invested the money to carry on the enterprise, this was but the natural result. the planters make a grave mistake in not acting together and advising together on their most important interests. there are so few of them that it should be easy to unite; and yet for lack of concerted action they suffer important abuses to go on. for instance, it is a serious loss to the planter that when he ships or engages a hand he must pay a large "advance," amounting usually to at least half a year's pay. this custom is hurtful to the laborer, who wastes it, and it inflicts a serious loss upon the planter. suppose he employs a hundred men, and pays fifty dollars advance, he invests at once five thousand dollars for which he gets no interest, though if, as is probable, he borrowed it, he must pay one per cent. a month. this abuse could be abolished in a day by the simple announcement that no planter would hereafter pay more than ten dollars advance. but it has gone on for years, and the sum paid gets higher every year merely by the planters outbidding each other. again, it is possible to ship sugar from some of the islands direct to san francisco, and for but little more than is now paid for shipping it to honolulu. half a dozen planters on hawaii or maui, clubbing together, could easily get a ship or half a dozen ships to come for their sugar, and thus save five per cent. on their gross returns, now paid to agents. but this is not done, partly because so many planters are in need of money, which they borrow in honolulu, with the understanding that they will submit their produce to the management of agents there. again, the planters err, i think, in not giving personal study to the question of a market for their sugar. they leave this to the agents to manage. no doubt these gentlemen are competent; but it is easy to see that their interests may be somewhat different from those of the planter. for instance, some years ago an arrangement was offered by the san francisco sugar refineries by which these agreed to take two-thirds of the product of the plantations in crude sugar, to furnish bags to contain this product, and to pay cash for it in honolulu. under this system the planter was saved the heavy expense of sugar kegs, and the cost of two agencies of five per cent. each, besides getting cash in honolulu, whereas now his sugar is usually sold at three months in san francisco, and he probably loses six months' interest, reckoning from the time his sugar leaves the plantation. this arrangement, several planters told me, was profitable to them; but it was discontinued--it was not to the advantage of the agents; its discontinuance was no doubt a blunder for the planters. moreover, the australian market has been too long neglected; but the advantage of possessing two markets instead of one is too obvious to require statement. it is a reasonable conclusion, from all the facts in the case, that sugar planting can be carried on at a fair and satisfactory profit in the hawaiian islands, wherever skill and careful personal attention are given, and due economy enforced by a planter who has at the same time sufficient capital to carry on the business. the example of captain makee and mr. a.h. spencer on maui, of mr. isenberg on kauai and others sufficiently prove this. if i seem to have given more space to this sugar question than it appears to deserve at the hands of a passing traveler, it is because sugar enters largely into the politics of the islands. it is the sugar interest which urges the offer of pearl river to the united states in exchange for a treaty of reciprocity; and it is when sugar is low-priced at san francisco that the small company of annexationists raises its voice, and sometimes threatens to raise its flag. there is room on the different islands for about seventy-five or eighty more plantations on the scale now common; and there are, i think, still excellent opportunities for making plantations. the sugar lands unoccupied are not high-priced; and men skilled in this industry, and with sufficient capital, can do well there, and live in a delightful climate and among pleasant society, in a country where, as i have before said, life and property are more absolutely secure than anywhere else in the world. but i strongly advise every one to avoid debt. it has been the curse of the planters, even of those who have kept out of debt, for it has prevented such unity of action among them as must have before this enabled them to effect important improvements. for instance, were they out of debt there is no reason that i can see why they should not succeed in making their market in honolulu, and drawing purchasers thither instead of sending their sugar to far-off markets at their own risk and expense. if ships can afford to sail in ballast to more distant islands for guano, calling at honolulu on the way, it is reasonable to suppose they could afford to come thither for the more valuable sugar cargoes. [illustration: wailuku, island of maui.] the planters err, i think, in not planting the mountain sides, wherever these are accessible and have soil, with trees. the forests of the country are rapidly disappearing, especially from the higher plains and the grass-bearing slopes. not only is the wood cut for burning, but the cattle browse down the young growth; and a pestilent grub has of late attacked the older trees and destroyed them in great numbers. already complaints are heard of the greater dryness and infertility of certain localities, which i do not doubt comes from suffering the ground to become bare. at several points i was told that the streams were permanently lower than in former years--of course because evaporation goes on more rapidly near their head waters now that the ground is bare. but little care or forethought is exercised in such matters, however. a few extensive plantations of trees have been made, notably by captain makee on maui, who has set out a large number of australian gum trees. the universal habit of letting cattle run abroad, and the dearness of lumber for fencing, discourages tree planting, which yet will be found some day one of the most profitable investments in the islands, i believe; and i was sorry to see in many places cocoa-nut groves dying out of old age and neglect, and no young trees planted to replace them. it remains to describe to you the "contract labor" system by which the sugar-plantations are carried on. this has been frequently and, as it seems to me, unjustly abused as a system of slavery. the laborers hire themselves out for a stated period, usually, in the case of natives, for a year, and in the case of chinese for five years. the contract runs in english and in hawaiian or chinese, and is sufficiently simple. thus: "this agreement, made and entered into this ---- day of ----, a.d. --, by and between the owners of the ---- plantation, in the island of ----, party of the first part, and ---- ----, party of the second part, witnesseth: "i. the said party of the second part promises to perform such labor upon the ---- plantation, in the district of ----, island of ----, as the said party of the first part shall direct, and that he will faithfully and punctually perform the same as becomes a good workman, and that he will obey all lawful commands of the said party of the first part, their agents or overseers, during the term of ---- months, each month to consist of twenty-six working days. "ii. the party of the first part will well and truly pay, or cause to be paid, unto the said party of the second part, at the end of each month during which this contract shall remain in force, compensation or wages at the rate of ---- dollars for each month, if said party of the second part shall well and truly perform his labor as aforesaid." the law requires that this contract shall be signed before a notary public. the wages are usually eight dollars per month and food, or eleven dollars per month without food; from which you will see that three dollars per month will buy sufficient poi, beef, and fish to support a native laborer in these islands. the engagement is entirely voluntary; the men understand what they contract to do, and in all the plantations where they are well treated they re-enlist with great regularity. the vicious custom of "advances" mentioned above has become a part of the system; it arose, i suppose, from the fact that the natives who shipped as whalemen received advance pay; and thus the plantation laborers demanded it too. the laborers are commonly housed in detached cottages, and live with their families, the women forming an important, irregular laboring force at seasons when the work is hurried. but they are not "contract" laborers, but paid by the day. it has been found the best plan on most of the plantations to feed the people, and food is so cheap that it is supplied without stint. this system has been vigorously, but, i believe, wrongly, attacked. the recent census is an uncommonly barren document; but there is strong reason to believe that while there is a general decrease in the population, on the plantations there is but little if any decrease. in fact, the hawaiian living in his valley on his kuliana or small holding, leads an extremely irregular life. he usually sups at midnight, sleeps a good deal during the day, and has much idle time on his hands. on the plantations he works regularly and not too hard, eats at stated intervals, and sleeps all night. this regularity conduces to health. moreover, he receives prompt and sufficient medical attendance, he lives a more social and interesting life, and he is as well fed, and mostly better lodged. there are very few instances of abuse or cruelty; indeed, a plantation manager said to me, "if i were to wrong or abuse one of my men, he would persuade a dozen or twenty others not to re-enlist when their terms are out, and would fatally embarrass me;" for it is not easy to get laborers. there is good reason to believe, therefore, that the plantation laborers are healthier, more prosperous, and just as happy as those who live independently; and it is a fact that on most of the islands the greater part of the younger people are found on the plantations. churches are established on or very near all the sugar estates, and the children are rigorously kept at school there as elsewhere. the people take their newspaper, discuss their affairs, and have usually a leader or two among the foremen. on one plantation one of the foremen in the field was pointed out to me: he was a member of the legislature. there is a good deal of complaint of a scarcity of labor. if more plantations were opened it would be necessary to import laborers; but for the present, it seems to me, the supply is not deficient. doubtless, however, many planters would extend their operations if they could get workmen readily. chinese have been brought over, though not in great numbers; and of late the absurd and cruel persecution of these people in california has driven several hundred to take refuge in the islands, where they are kindly treated and can live comfortably. the machinery used in the sugar-houses is usually of the best; the larger plantations all use vacuum-pans; and the planters are usually intelligent gentlemen, familiar with the best methods of producing sugar, and with the latest improvements. yet it is a question whether the expensive machinery is not in the long run a disadvantage, as it disables them from profitably making those low grades of sugar which can be cheaply turned out with the help of an "open train," and which appear to have, in these days, the most ready sale and the best market. [illustration: keapaweo mountain, kauai.] chapter iv. kauai, with a glance at cattle and sheep. kauai lies farthest to leeward of the main islands of the hawaiian group; the steamer visits it usually but once a month; and the best way to see it without unnecessary waste of time is to take passage in a schooner, so timing your visit as to leave you a week or ten days on the island before the steamer arrives to carry you back. we took passage on a little sugar schooner, the _fairy queen_, of about seventy-five tons, commanded by a smart native captain, and sailing one afternoon about two o'clock, and sleeping comfortably on deck wrapped in rugs, were landed at waimea the following morning at day-break. when you travel on one of these little native schooners you must provide food for yourself, for poi and a little beef or fish make up the sea ration as well as the land food of the hawaiian. in all other respects you may expect to be treated with the most distinguished consideration and the most ready and thoughtful kindness by captain and crew; and the picturesque mountain scenery of oahu, which you have in sight so long as daylight lasts, and the lovely star-lit night, with its soft gales and warm air, combine to make the voyage a delightful adventure. as usual in these islands, a church was the first and most conspicuous landmark which greeted our eyes in the morning. abundant groves of cocoa-nuts, for which the place is famous, assured us of a refreshing morning draught. the little vessel was anchored off the shore, and our party, jumping into a whale-boat, were quickly and skillfully steered through the slight surf which pours upon the beach. the boat was pulled upon the black sand; and the lady who was of my party found herself carried to the land in the stout arms of the captain; while the rest of us watched our chance, and, as the waves receded, leaped ashore, and managed to escape with dry feet. the sun had not yet risen; the early morning was a little overcast. a few natives, living on the beach, gathered around and watched curiously the landing of our saddles and saddle-bags from the boat; presently that pushed off, and our little company sat down upon an old spar, and watched the schooner as she hoisted sails and bore away for her proper port, while we waited for the appearance of a native person of some authority to whom a letter had been directed, requesting him to provide us with horses and a guide to the house of a friend with whom we intended to breakfast. presently three or four men came galloping along the beach, one of whom, a burly hawaiian, a silver shield on whose jacket announced him a local officer of police, reported that he was at our service with as many horses as we needed. [illustration: chain of extinct volcanoes near koloa, island of kauai.] it is one of the embarrassing incidents of travel on these islands that there are no hotels or inns outside of honolulu and hilo. whether he will or no the traveler must accept the hospitality of the residents, and this is so general and so boundless that it would impose a burdensome obligation, were it not offered in such a kindly and graceful way as to beguile you into the belief that you are conferring as well as receiving a favor. nor is the foreigner alone generous; for the native too, if you come with a letter from his friend at a distance, places himself and all he has at your service. when we had reached our friend's house, i asked my conductor, the policeman, what i should pay him for the use of three horses and his own services. he replied that he was but too happy to have been of use to me, as i was the friend of his friend. i managed to force upon him a proper reward for his attention, but i am persuaded that he would have been content without. kauai is probably the oldest of the hawaiian group; according to the geologists it was the first thrown up; the bottom of the ocean began to crack, up there to the north-west, and the rent extended gradually in the south-easterly direction necessary to produce the other islands. it would seem that kauai must be a good deal older than hawaii; for, whereas the latter is covered with undecayed lava and has two active volcanoes, the former has a rich and deep covering of soil, and, except in a few places, there are no very plain or conspicuous cones or craters. of course the whole island bears the clearest traces of its volcanic origin; and near koloa there are three small craters in a very good state of preservation. having thus more soil than the other islands, kauai has also more grass; being older, not only are its valleys somewhat richer, but its mountains are also more picturesque than those of maui and hawaii, as also they are much lower. the roads are excellent for horsemen, and for the most part practicable for carriages, of which, however, there are none to be hired. the best way to see the island is to land, as we did, at waimea; ride to a singular spot called the "barking sands"--a huge sand-hill, gliding down which you hear a dull rumble like distant thunder, probably the result of electricity. on the way you meet with a mirage, remarkable for this that it is a constant phenomenon--that is to say, it is to be seen daily at certain hours, and is the apparition of a great lake, having sometimes high waves which seem to submerge the cattle which stand about, apparently, in the water. from the sands you return to waimea, and can ride thence next day to koloa in the forenoon, and to na-wiliwili in the afternoon. the following day's ride will bring you to hanalei, a highly picturesque valley which lies on the rainy side of the island, waimea being on the dry side. at hanalei you should take the steamer and sail in her around the palis of kauai, a stretch of precipitous cliff twenty-five miles long, the whole of which is inaccessible from the sea, except by the native people in canoes; and many parts of which are very lovely and grand. thus voyaging, you will circumnavigate the island, returning to na-wiliwili, and thence in a night to honolulu. it is easy and pleasant to see kauai, taking a store of provisions with you and lodging in native houses. but if you have made some acquaintances in honolulu you will be provided with letters of introduction to some of the hospitable foreign families on this island; and thus the pleasure of your visit will be greatly increased. i do not, i trust, violate the laws of hospitality if i say something here of one of these families--the owners of the little island of niihau, who have also a charming residence in the mountains of kauai. they came to honolulu ten or twelve years ago from new zealand in a ship of their own, containing not only their household goods, but also some valuable sheep. thus fitted out they were sailing over the world, looking for such a little empire to own as they found in niihau; and here they settled, selling their ship; and here they remain, prospering, and living a quiet, peaceful, arcadian life, with cattle and sheep on many hills, and with a pleasant, hospitable house, where children and grandchildren are clustered together, and where the stranger receives the heartiest of welcomes. it was a curious adventure to undertake, this sailing over the great pacific to seek out a proper home; and i did not tire of listening to the account of their voyage and their settlement in this new and out-of-the-way land, from the cheery and delightful grandmother of the family, a scotch lady, full of the sturdy character of her country people, and altogether one of the pleasantest acquaintances i made on the islands. [illustration: waialua falls, island of kauai.] kauai has many german residents, mostly, like these scotch people i have spoken of, persons of education and culture, who have brought their libraries with them, and on whose tables and shelves you may see the best of the recent literature, as well as the best of the old. a new yorker who imagines, cockney-like, that civilization does not reach beyond the sound of trinity chimes is startled out of this foolish fancy when he finds among the planters and missionaries here, as in other parts of these islands, men and women of genuine culture maintaining all the essential forms as well as the realities of civilization; yet living so free and untrammeled a life that he who comes from the high-pressure social atmosphere of new york can not help but envy these happy mortals, who seem to have the good without the worry of civilization, and who have caught the secret of how to live simply and yet gently. kauai has four or five sugar-plantations, some of which are now successful, though they were not always so. success has been attained by a resolute expenditure of money in irrigation ditches, which have made the land yield constant and remunerative crops. but i could see here, as elsewhere, that close and careful management--the eye of the master and the hand of the master--insured the success. but a large part of the island is given up to cattle. in the mountains they have gone wild, and parties are made to hunt and shoot these. but on the plains, of course, they are owned and herded. the raising of cattle is an important and considerable business on all the islands; and at present, i believe, the cattle owners are making a good deal of money. in , , hides were exported, as well as , pounds of tallow, , goat skins, and , pounds of wool. the market for beef is limited, and the stockman boils down his beeves. in many cases the best machinery is used for this purpose; the boiling is done in closed vessels, and the business is carried on with precision. it seemed to me, who remembered the high price of beef in our eastern states, like a sad waste to see a hundred head of fat steers driven into a corral, and one after the other knocked on the head, slaughtered, skinned, cut up, and put into the boilers to be turned into tallow. but it is the only use to make of the beasts. the refuse, however, is here always wasted, which appeared to me unnecessary, for it might well be applied to the enrichment of the pastures. on many of the ranches you see open try pots used; it is a more wasteful process, i imagine, but it is simpler and requires a smaller expenditure of capital for machinery. the cattle are managed here, as in california, on horseback and with the help of the lasso; and he who on our pacific coast is called a _vaquero_, or cow-herd, is here known as a "spaniol." such a native man is pointed out to you as an excellent spaniol. this comes from the fact that in the early days of cattle-raising here the natives knew nothing of their management, and spaniards had to be imported from california to teach them the business. the native people now make excellent vaqueros; they are daring horsemen, and as they work cheaply and are easily fed and lodged, the management of cattle costs less here, i imagine, than even in california. but it is necessary to take care that the pastures shall not be overstocked; and the vast number of horses kept by the natives is on all the islands a serious injury to the pasturage of both sheep and cattle. the hawaiian, who seventy-five years ago did not know that there existed such a creature as a horse, and even fifty years ago beheld it as a rarity, now can not live without this beast. there are probably more horses than people on the islands; and the native family is poor, indeed, which has not two or three hardy, rough, grass-fed ponies, easy to ride, sometimes tricky but more often quite trustworthy, and capable of living where a european donkey would die in disgust. at a horse auction you see a singular collection of good and bad horses; and it is one of the jokes of the islands to go to a horse auction and buy a horse for a quarter of a dollar. the government has vainly tried to put a check to the reckless increase of horseflesh by laying a tax on these animals, and by impounding them if the tax is not paid. i was told of a planter who bought on one occasion fifty horses out of a pound, at twenty-five cents a head, and had them all shot and put into a manure pile. but if the horse is worth his tax it is pretty certain to be paid; and it is not easy to keep them off the pastures. cattle ranchos usually extend over from fifteen to thirty thousand acres of land; though many are smaller, and some, on hawaii, larger. the grass is of different varieties, but the most useful, as well as now the most abundant, is the _manienie_, of which i have before made mention. horses and sheep, as well as cattle, become very fond of this grass, and eat it down very close. the handling of the cattle is intrusted to native people, who live on the rancho or estate; and the planter or stock farmer has an advantage, in these islands, in finding a laboring population living within the bounds of his own place. the large estates were formerly the property of the chiefs. they are the old "lands." but when the kuliana law was made, the common people were allowed to take out for themselves such small holdings as they held in actual cultivation. these kulianas they still hold; and thus it often happens that within the bounds of a large estate fifty or sixty families will live on their little freeholds; and these form a natural and cheap laboring force for the plantation or rancho. on the island of niihau, i was told, there are still about three hundred native people. the sheep are allowed to run at large on the island, there being no wild animals to disturb them; at lambing and shearing times the proprietors hire their native tenants to do the necessary work; and these people at other times fish, raise water-melons and other fruits, and make mats which are famous for their fine texture and softness, and sell at handsome prices even in honolulu. where, as is the case almost universally, the relations between the stockman and the native people are kindly, there is a reciprocity of good offices, and a ready service from the people, in return for management and protection by the great proprietor, which is mutually agreeable, and in which the proprietor stands in some such relation to the people as the chief in old times, though of course with not a tithe of the power the ancient rulers had. at kauai you will also see rice growing. this is one of the products which is rapidly increasing in the islands. of rice and paddy, or unhulled rice, the exports were in , , pounds of the first, and , of the last. in there were exported , pounds of rice and , pounds of paddy. the taro patches make excellent rice fields; and it is an industry in which the chinese, who understand it, invest their savings. they employ native labor; and it is not uncommon to find that a few chinese have hired all the taro patches in a valley from their native owners, and then employ these natives to work for them; an arrangement which is mutually beneficial, and agreeable besides to the hawaiian, who has not much of what we call "enterprise," and does not care to accumulate money. the windward side of the islands of oahu and kauai produces a great deal of rice, and this is one of the products which promises to increase largely. the rice is said to be of excellent quality. [illustration: implements. _a_, calabash for _poi_.--_b_, calabash for fish.--_c_, water bottle.--_d_, _poi_ mallets.--_e_, _poi_ trough.--_f_, native bracelet.--_g_, fiddle.--_h_, flute.--_i i_, drums.] kauai contained once the most important coffee-plantations; and the large sugar-plantation of princeville at hanalei was originally planted in coffee. but this tree or shrub is so subject to the attacks of a leaf-blight that the culture has decreased. yet coffee grows wild in many of the valleys and hills, and here and there you find a small plantation of a few hundred trees which does well. the coffee shrub thrives best in these islands among the lava rock, where there seems scarcely any soil; and it must be sheltered from winds and also from the sun. i have seen some young plantations placed in the midst of forests where the trees gave a somewhat dense shade, and these seemed to grow well. [illustration: grass house.] chapter v. the hawaiian at home: manners and customs. as we rode one day near the sea-shore i heard voices among the rocks, and sending the guide ahead with the horses, i walked over to the shore with the lady and children who were my companions. there we saw a sight characteristic of these islands. three women decently clothed in a garment which covered them from head to foot, and a man with only a breech-clout on, were dashing into the surf, picking up sea-moss, and a little univalve shell, a limpet, which they flung into small baskets which hung from their shoulders. they were, in fact, getting their suppers, and they were quite as much surprised at our appearance as we at theirs. they came out politely, and showed the children what was in their baskets; the man, understanding that our horses had gone ahead, kindly volunteered to pilot us over the rocks to a village near by. i do not imagine that he was embarrassed at his lack of clothing, and after the first shock of surprise i am quite sure we were more inclined to admire his straight muscular figure and his shining dark skin than to complain of his nakedness. presently, however, he slipped away into the bush, and re-appeared in a hat, and a shirt which was so short that even my little girl burst into laughter at this ridiculous and futile effort toward decency; and thus arrayed, and with the kindly and gracious smile which illuminates a hawaiian's face when he puts himself to some trouble on your account, this funny guide led us to our horses. in the evening i related this incident to our host, an old resident, and said, "i suppose this man could read?" "read!" he replied; "he can read and write as well as you. i know him very well; he is a prosperous man, and is to be the next justice of the peace in that district. he doubtless went home and spent the remainder of the afternoon in reading his newspaper." native life in the islands is full of such contrasts, and i found, on examining the labor contracts on several sugar-plantations, that almost without exception the working people signed their own names. according to a census taken in december, , the hawaiian islands contained , souls, of whom , were natives and half-castes, and were foreigners. in six years the native population had decreased , and the foreigners had increased . since , therefore, the islands have lost souls. of the foreigners the chinese are the most numerous, outnumbering all the other foreign nationalities together except the americans. chinese have been brought over here as coolie laborers on the plantations. they readily intermarry with the native women, and these unions are usually fruitful of healthy and bright children. it is said that the chinese insist upon taking better care of their children than the native women, uninstructed, usually give them, and that therefore the chinese half-caste families are more thrifty than those of the pure blood hawaiians. moreover, the chinaman takes care of his wife. he endeavors to form her habits upon the pattern of his own; and requires of her the performance of fixed duties, which add to her happiness and health. in fact, the number of half-castes of all races has increased thirty per cent. in the last six years. the native population is admirably cared for by the authorities. the islands are divided for various governmental purposes into districts; and in every district where the people are much scattered the government places a physician--a man of skill and character--to whom it gives a small salary for attending upon the common people, and he is, i believe, expected to make a tour of his district at stated intervals. of course he is allowed to practice besides for pay. the sugar planters also usually provide medical attendance for their laborers. the government maintains a careful guard over the schools. a compulsory education law obliges parents, under fixed penalties, to send their children to school; and besides the common or primary schools, there are a number of academies, most of which receive some help from the government, while all are under government supervision. the census gives the number of children between six and fifteen years of age at ; and there are teachers, or one teacher for every twenty-seven children in the whole group. attendance at school is, i suspect, more general here than in any other country in the world. the last report of w.p. kamakau, the president of the board of education, made in march, , returns children actually attending upon schools of various grades, being common schools. under this system there is scarcely a hawaiian of proper age who can not both read and write. churches they maintain by voluntary effort, and their contributions are very liberal. they take a pride in such organizations. dr. coan's native church at hilo contributes $ per year to foreign missions. there are no beggars, and no public paupers except the insane, who are cared for in an asylum near honolulu, and the lepers, who are confined upon a part of molokai. the convicts and the boys in the reform school contribute to their own support by their labor. the queen's hospital is only for curable cases, and the people take care of their own infirm, aged and otherwise incapable dependents. it seems to me that very unusual judgment has been shown in the manner in which benevolent and penal institutions have been created and managed among these people; for the tendency almost everywhere in countries which call themselves more highly civilized is to make the poor dependent upon charity, and thus a fatal blow is struck at their character and respectability. here, partly of course because the means of living are very abundant and easily got, but also, i think, because the government has been wisely managed, the people have not been taught to look toward public charity for relief; and though we americans, who live in a big country, are apt to think slightingly of what some one called a toy kingdom, any one who has undertaken to manage or organize even a small community at home will recognize the fact that it is a task beset by difficulties. but in these islands a state, a society, has been created within a quarter of a century, and it has been very ably done. i am glad that it has been done mainly by americans. chief-justice lee, now dead, but whose memory is deservedly cherished here; dr. judd, who died in august, ; mr. c.c. harris, lately minister of foreign relations, and for many years occupying different prominent positions in the government; dr. j. mott smith, lately the minister of finance; chief-justice allen, and mr. armstrong, long at the head of the educational department, the father of general armstrong, president of the hampton university in virginia, deserve, perhaps, the chief credit for this work. they were the organizers who supplemented the labors of the missionaries; and, fortunately for the native people, they were all men of honor, of self-restraint, of goodness of heart, who knew how to rule wisely and not too much, and who protected the people without destroying their independence. what they have done would have given them fame had it not been done two thousand miles from the nearest continent, and at least five thousand from any place where reputations are made. of a total native population of , , are returned by the census as freeholders--more than one in every eight. only are returned as plantation laborers, and of these probably a third are chinese; returned themselves as mechanics, which is a very large proportion of the total able-bodied population. i believe that both freeholders and mechanics find employment on the plantations as occasional laborers. a people so circumstanced, well taught in schools, freeholders to a large extent, living in a mild and salubrious climate, and with cheap and proper food, ought not, one would say, to decrease. there are, of course, several reasons for their very rapid decrease, and all of them come from contact with the whites. these brought among them diseases which have corrupted their blood, and made them infertile and of poor stamina. but to this, which is the chief cause, must be added, i suspect, another less generally acknowledged. the deleterious habit of wearing clothes has, i do not doubt, done much to kill off the hawaiian people. if you think for a moment, you will see that to adopt civilized habits was for them to make a prodigious change in their ways of life. formerly the maro and the slight covering of the tapa alone shielded them from the sun and rain. their bodies became hardy by exposure. their employments--fishing, taro-planting, tapa-making, bird-catching, canoe-making--were all laborious, and pursued out-of-doors. their grass houses, with openings for doors and windows, were, at any rate, tolerably well ventilated. take the man accustomed thus to live, and put shoes on his feet, a hat on his head, a shirt on his back, and trowsers about his legs, and lodge him in a house with close-shutting doors and windows, and you expose his constitution to a very serious strain, especially in a country where there is a good deal of rain. being, after all, but half civilized, he will probably sleep in a wet shirt, or cumber his feet with wet shoes; he will most likely neglect to open his windows at night, and poison himself and his family with bad air, to the influence of which, besides, his unaccustomed lungs will be peculiarly liable; he will live a less active life under his changed conditions; and altogether the poor fellow must have an uncommonly fine constitution to resist it all and escape with his life. at the best, his system will be relaxed, his power of resistance will be lessened, his chances of recovery will be diminished in the same degree as his chances of falling ill are increased. if now you throw in some special disease, corrupting the blood, and transmitted with fatal certainty to the progeny, the wonder is that a people so situated have not died out in a single generation. in fact they have died out pretty fast, though there is reason to believe that the mortality rate has largely decreased in the last three years; and careful observers believe even that in the last year there has been an actual increase, rather than a decrease in the native and half caste population. in the islands had a population of , souls; in there were but , ; in , only , , of whom were foreigners; in , , , of whom were foreigners; and in , , , of whom were foreigners. the native population has decreased over sixty per cent. in forty years. in the same period the foreigners have increased very slowly, until there are now in all foreigners and persons born here, but of foreign parentage, on the islands. you will see that while the hawaiians have so rapidly decreased that all over the islands you notice, in waste fields and desolate house places, the marks of this loss, foreigners have not been attracted to fill up their places. and this in spite of the facts that the climate is mild and healthful, the price of living cheap, the government liberal, the taxes low, and life and property as secure as in any part of the world. one would think that a country which offers all these advantages must be a paradise for poor men; and i do not wonder that in the united states there is frequent talk of "annexing the islands." but, in fact, they offer no advantages, aside from those i have named, to white settlers, and they have such serious natural disabilities as will always--or, at least, for the next two or three millions of years--repel our american people, and all other white settlers. in the first place, there is very little of what we call agricultural land on the islands. they are only mountains rising from the sea, with extremely little alluvial bottom, and that usually cut up by torrents, and water-washed into gulches, until it is difficult in many parts to find a fair field of even fifty acres. from these narrow bottoms, where they exist, you look into deep gorges or valleys, out of which issue the streams which force their way through the lower fields into the sea. these valleys are never extensive, and are always very much broken and contracted. they are useless for common agricultural purposes. in several the culture of coffee has been begun; but they are so inaccessible, the roads into them are so difficult, and the area of arable soil they contain is, after all, so insignificant, that, even for so valuable a product as coffee, transportation is found to be costly. but it is along and in the streams which rush through the bottoms of these narrow gorges that the hawaiian is most at home. go into any of these valleys, and you will see a surprising sight: along the whole narrow bottom, and climbing often in terraces the steep hill-sides, you will see the little taro patches, skillfully laid so as to catch the water, either directly from the main stream, or from canals taking water out above. such a taro patch oftenest contains a sixteenth, less frequently an eighth of an acre. it consists of soil painfully brought down from above, and secured by means of substantial stone walls, plastered with mud and covered with grass, strong enough to resist the force of the torrent. each little patch or flat is so laid that a part of the stream shall flow over it without carrying away the soil; indeed, it is expected to leave some sediment. and as you look up such a valley you see terrace after terrace of taro rising before you, the patches often fifty or sixty feet above the brawling stream, but each receiving its proper proportion of water. near by or among these small holdings stand the grass houses of the proprietors, and you may see them and their wives, their clothing tucked up, standing over their knees in water, planting or cultivating the crop. here the hawaiian is at home. his horse finds its scanty living on the grass which fringes the taro patches; indeed, you may see horses here standing belly deep in fresh water, and feeding on the grasses which grow on the bottom; and again you find horses raised in the drier parts of the islands that do not know what water is, never having drunk any thing wetter than the dew on the grass. among the taro patches the house place is as narrow as a fishing schooner's deck--"two steps and overboard." if you want to walk, it must be on the dikes within which the taro land is confined; and if you ride, it must be in the middle of the rapid mountain torrent, or along a narrow bridle-path high up on the precipitous side of the mountain. down near the shore are fish ponds, with wicker gates which admit the small fry from the sea, but keep in the large fish. many of these ponds are hundreds of acres in area, and from them the hawaiian draws one of his favorite dishes. then there may be cocoa-nuts; there are sure to be bananas and guavas. beef costs but a trifle, and hogs fatten on taro. the pandanus furnishes him material for his mats, and of mats he makes his bed, as well as the floor of his house. in short, such a gorge or valley as i have tried to describe to you furnishes in its various parts, including the sea-shore, all that is needed to make the hawaiian prosperous; and i have not seen one which had not its neatly kept school-house and church, and half a dozen framed houses scattered among the humbler grass huts, to mark the greater wealth of some--for the hawaiian holds that the wooden house is a mark of thrift and respectability. but the same valley which now supports twenty or thirty native families in comfort and happiness, and which, no doubt, once yielded food and all the appliances of life in abundance to one or two hundred, would not tempt any white man of any nation in the world to live in it, and a thousand such gorges would not add materially to the prosperity of any white nation. that is to say, the country is admirably adapted to its native people. it favors, as it doubtless compelled and formed, all their habits and customs. but it would repel any one else, and an american farmer would not give a hundred dollars for the whole wailuku valley--if he had to live in it and work it--though it would be worth many thousands to the natives if it were once more populous as of old. as you examine the works of the old hawaiians, their fish ponds, their irrigation canals, their long miles of walls inclosing ponds and taro fields, you will not only see the proofs that the islands were formerly far more populous than now, but you will get a respect for the feudal system of which these works are the remains. the hawaiian people, when they first became known to the world, were several stages removed from mere savagery. they had elaborated a tolerably perfect system of government and of land tenure, which has since been swept away, as was inevitable, but which served its day very well indeed. under this system the chiefs owned every thing. the common people were their retainers--followers in war and servants in peace. the chief, according to an old hawaiian proverb, owned "all the land, all the sea, and all the iron cast up by the sea." [illustration: hawaiian warriors.] the land was carefully parceled out among the chiefs, upon the plan of securing to each one from his own land all that he and his retainers needed for their lives. what they chiefly required was taro ground, the sea for fish, the mulberry for tapa, and timber land for canoes; but they required also _ti_ leaves in which to wrap their parcels, and flowers of which to make their _les_, or flower necklaces. and i have seen modern surveys of old "lands" in which the lines were run very irregularly, and in some cases oven outlying patches were added, because a straight line from mountain to sea was found to exclude some one product, even so trifling as the yellow flowers of which _les_ are often made. on such a "land," and from it, the chief and his people lived. he appears to have been the brains and they the hands to work it. they owed him two days' labor in every seven, in which they cultivated his taro, cleaned his fish pond, caught fish for him, opened paths, made or transported canoes, and did generally what he required. the remainder of the time was their own, to cultivate such patches of taro as he allowed them to occupy, or to do what they pleased. for any important public work he could call out all his people, and oblige them to labor as long as he chose, and thus were built the surprisingly solid and extensive walls which inclose the old fish ponds, and many irrigating canals which show not only long continued industry, but quite astonishing skill for so rude a people. the chief was supreme ruler over his people; they lived by his tolerance, for they owned absolutely nothing, neither land, nor house, nor food, nor wife, nor child. a high chief was approached only with abject gestures, and no one dared resist his acts or dispute his will. the sense of obedience must have been very strong, for it has survived every change; and only the other day a friend of mine saw a hawaiian lady, a chiefess, but the wife of an american, and herself tenderly nurtured and a woman of education and refinement, boxing the ears of a tall native, whom she had caught furiously abusing his wife, and the man bore his punishment as meekly as a child. "why?" "he knows i am his chief, and he would not dare raise even an angry look toward me; he would not think of it, even," was her reply, when she was asked how she had courage to interfere in what was a very violent quarrel. yet the present law recognizes no allegiance due to a chief. when the young king lunalilo returned to the palace after the coronation, the pipe-bearer, an old native retainer, approached him on his knees, and was shocked at being ordered to get up and act like a man. the older natives to this day approach a chief or chiefess only with humble and deprecatory bows; and wherever a chief or chiefess travels, the native people along the road make offerings of the fruits of the ground, and even of articles of clothing and adornment. one of the curious sights of honolulu to us travelers, last spring, was to see long processions of native people, men, women, and children, marching to the palace to lay their offerings before the king, who is a high chief. each brought something--a man would walk gravely along with a pig under his arm; after him followed perhaps a little child with half a dozen bananas, a woman with a chicken tied by a string, a girl with a handkerchief full of eggs, a boy with a cocoa-nut, an old woman with a calabash of poi, and so on. in the palace yard all this was laid in a heap before the young king, who thereupon said thank you, and, with a few kind words, dismissed the people to their homes. as an illustration of the power of the old chiefs, as well as of the density of the population in former times, it is related that when the wall inclosing a certain fish pond on the windward side of oahu was to be built, the chief then ruling over that land gave notice that on a certain day every man, woman, and child within his domain must appear at a designated point, bearing a stone. the wall, which stands yet, is half a mile long, well built, and probably six feet high; and it was begun and completed in that one day. [illustration: lunalilo.] i was shown, on kauai, a young man of insignificant appearance, and of no particular merit or force of character. to him an old woman recently dying had by a will, written out for her by a friend of my own, left all her property--a taro patch, a house, and some other land. my friend asked why. he is my chief, was the reply; and sure enough, on inquiry my friend discovered, what he had not before known, that the man was a descendant of one of the chief families, of whom this old woman had in her early days been a subject. as the chief was the ruler, the people looked to him for food in a time of scarcity. he directed their labors; he protected them against wrong from others; and as it was his pride that his retainers should be more numerous and more prosperous than those of the neighboring chief, if the head possessed brains, no doubt the people were made content. food was abundant; commerce was unknown; the chief could not eat or waste more than his people could easily produce for him; and until disturbing causes came in with captain cook, no doubt feudalism wrought satisfactory results here. one wonders how it was invented among such a people, or who it was that first had genius enough to insist on obedience, to make rules, to prescribe the tabu, and, in short, to evolve order out of chaos. the tabu was a most ingenious and useful device; and when you hear of the uses to which it was put, and of its effectiveness, you feel surprised that it was not found elsewhere as an appurtenance of the feudal machinery. thus the chief allowed his people to fish in the part of the ocean which he owned--which fronted his "land," that is to say. he tabued one or two kinds of fish, however; these they were forbidden to catch; but as a fisherman can not, even in these islands, exercise a choice as to the fish which shall enter his net or bite at his hook, it followed that the tabued fish were caught--but then they were at once rendered up to the chief. one variety of taro, which makes poi of a pink color, was tabued and reserved for the chiefs. some birds were tabued on account of their feathers; one especially, a black bird which has a small yellow feather under each wing. the great feather cloak of kamehameha i., which is still kept as a sign of royalty, is made of these feathers, and contains probably several thousand of them, thus gathered, two from each bird. further, a tabu prohibited women from eating with men, even with their husbands; and when, on the death of the first kamehameha, his queen kahumanu, an energetic and fearless virago, dared for the first time to eat with her son, a cry of horror went up as though "great pan was dead;" and this bold act really broke the power of the heathen priests. a tabu forbade women to eat cocoa nuts and some other articles of food; and the prohibition appears to have been used also to compel sanitary and other useful restraints, for i have been told that a tabu preserved girls from marriage until they had attained a certain age, eighteen, i believe; and to this and some other similar regulations, rigorously enforced in the old times, i have heard old residents attribute the fertility of the race before foreigners came in. [illustration: kamehameha i.] he who violated a tabu was at once killed. capital punishment seems to have been an effective restraint upon crime among these savages, contrary to the theories of some modern philosophers; probably it was effective for two reasons, because it was prompt and because it was certain. one wonders how long the tabu would have been respected, had a violator of it been lodged in jail for eighteen months, allowed to appeal his case through three courts, and at last been brained amidst the appeals for mercy of the most respectable people of his tribe, and had his funeral ceremonies performed by the high-priest, and closed with a eulogy upon his character, and insinuations against the sound judgment and uprightness of the chief who ordered the execution. the first kamehameha, who seems to have been a savage of considerable merit, and a firm believer in capital punishment, subdued the islands to his own rule, but he did not aim to break the power of the chiefs over their people. he established a few general laws, and insisted on peace, order, and obedience to himself. by right of his conquest all lands were supposed to be owned by him; he gave to one chief and took away from another; he rewarded his favorites, but he did not alter the condition of the people. [illustration: queen of kamehameha i.] but as traders came in, as commerce began, as money came into use, the feudal system began to be oppressive. sandal-wood was long one of the most precious products of these islands--their chinese name, indeed, is "sandal-wood islands." the chiefs, greedy for money, or for what the ships brought, forced their unhappy retainers into the mountains to gather this wood. exposed to cold, badly fed, and obliged to bear painful burdens, they died in great numbers, so that it was a blessing to the islanders when the wood became scarce. again, supplies of food were sold by the chiefs to the ships, and this necessitated unusual labor from the people. one famous chief for years used his retainers to tow ships into the narrow harbor of honolulu, sending them out on the reef, where, up to their middle in water, they shouldered the tow-line. thus when, in ; the king, at the instance of that excellent man and upright judge, chief-justice lee, gave the kuliana rights, he relieved the people of a sore oppression, and at a single blow destroyed feudalism. the kuliana is the individual holding. under the kuliana law each native householder became entitled to the possession in fee of such land as he had occupied, or chose to occupy and cultivate. he had only to make application to a government officer, have the tract surveyed, and pay a small sum to get the title. it is creditable to the chiefs that, under the influence of the missionaries, they consented to this important change, fully knowing that it meant independence to the common people and an end of all feudal rights; but it must be added that a large part of their lands remained in their hands, making them, of course, still wealthy proprietors. thus the present system of land tenure on the islands is much the same as our own; but the holdings of the common people are generally small, and the chiefs, or their successors in many cases foreigners, still maintain their right to the sea fisheries as against all who live outside the old boundaries of their own "lands." the families of most of the great chiefs have become extinct. their wealth became a curse to them when foreigners came in with foreign vices and foreign luxuries. they are said to have been remarkable as men and women of extraordinary stature and of uncommon perfection of form. i have been told of many chiefesses nearly or quite six feet in height, and many chiefs from six feet two inches to six feet six, and in one case six feet seven inches high. there is no reason to doubt the universal testimony that they were, as a class, taller and finer-looking than the common people; but the older missionaries and residents believe that this arose not from their being of a different race, but because they were absolutely relieved from hard work, were more abundantly and carefully fed, and used the lomi-lomi constantly. it is supposable, too, that in the wars which prevailed among the tribes the weaklings, if any such were among the chiefs, were pretty sure to be killed off; and thus a natural selection went on which weeded out the small and inefficient chiefs. their government appears to have been a "despotism tempered by assassination," for great as was the respect exacted by a chief, and implicit as was the obedience he commanded, if he pushed his tyranny too far, his people rose and slew him. thus on kauai, in the lower part of the hanapepe valley, a huge cliff is shown, concerning which the tradition runs that it was once the residence of the chief who ruled this valley. this person, with a titanic and rabelaisian humor, was accustomed to descend into the valley in the evening, seize a baby and carry it to his stronghold to serve him as a pillow. having slept upon it he slew it next morning; and thus with a refinement of luxury he required a fresh baby every evening. when patience had ceased to be a virtue, according to our more modern formula, the people went up one night and knocked his brains out; and there was a change of dynasties. [illustration: ancient gods of hawaii.] the hawaiian of the present day reads his bible and newspaper, writes letters, wears clothes, owns property, serves in the legislature or parliament, votes, teaches school, acts as justice of the peace and even as judge, is tax collector and assessor, constable and preacher. in spite of all this, or rather with it, he retains the oddest traces of the habits and customs of another age. for instance, he will labor for wages; but he will persistently and for years give away to his relations all his pay except what he needs for his actual subsistence, and if he is prosperous he is pretty sure to have quite a swarm of people to support. a lady told me that having repeatedly clothed her nurse in good apparel, and finding this liberal soul, every time, in a day or two reduced to her original somewhat shabby clothing, she at last reproached her for her folly. "what can i do?" the woman replied; "they come and ask me for the holaku, or the handkerchief, or whatever i have. suppose you say they are yours--then i will not give them away." accordingly, the next new suit was formally declared to belong to the mistress: it was not given away. an old woman, kept chiefly for her skill in lomi-lomi by an american family, asked her master one day for ten dollars. he gave her two five-dollar gold pieces, and, to his amazement, saw her hand them over immediately, one to a little girl and one to a boy, who had evidently come to get the money--not for her use at all. a cook in my own family asked for the wages due him, which he had been saving for some time; he received forty-four dollars, and gave the whole amount at once to his father-in-law, who had come from another island on purpose to get this money. nor was it grudged to him, so far as any of us could see. "by-and-by, if we are poor and in need, they will do as much for us," is the excuse. as you ride along in the country, you will see your guide slyly putting a stone or a bunch of grass on a ledge near some precipice. if you look, you will see other objects of the same kind lying there. ask him about it and he will tell you, with a laugh, that his forefathers in other times did so, and he does the same. it is, in fact, a peace offering to the local divinity of the place. is he, then, an idolater? not at all; not necessarily, at least. he is under the compulsion of an old custom; and he will even tell you that it is all nonsense. the same force leads him to treat with respect and veneration a chief or chiefess even if abjectly poor, though before the law the highest chief is no better than the common people. they are hearty and even gross feeders; and probably the only christianized people who live almost entirely on cold victuals. a hawaiian does not need a fire to prepare a meal; and at a _luau_, or feast, all the food is served cold, except the pig, which ought to be hot. hospitable and liberal as he is in his daily life, when the hawaiian invites his friends to a _luau_ he expects them to pay. he provides for them roast pig, poi, baked ti-root, which bears a startling resemblance in looks and taste to new england molasses-cake; raw fish and shrimps, limu, which is a sea-moss of villainous odor; kuulaau, a mixture of taro and cocoa-nut, very nice; paalolo, a mixture of sweet-potato and cocoa-nut; raw and cooked cuttle-fish, roast dog, sea-eggs, if they can be got; and, if the feast is something above the ordinary, raw pickled salmon with tomatoes and red-pepper. the object of such a luau is usually to enable the giver to pay for his new house, or to raise money for some private object of his own. notice of the coming feast is given months beforehand, as also of the amount each visitor is expected to give. it will be a twenty-five cent, or a fifty cent, or a dollar luau. the pigs--the centre-piece of the feast--have been fattening for a year before. the affair is much discussed. it is indispensable that all who attend shall come in brand-new clothing, and a native person will rather deny himself the feast than appear in garments which have been worn before. a few of the relatives of the feast-giver act as stewards, and they must be dressed strictly alike. at one luau which i had the happiness to attend the six men who acted as stewards were arrayed in green cotton shirts and crimson cotton trowsers, and had green wreaths on their heads. i need not say that they presented a truly magnificent appearance. to such a luau people ride thirty or forty miles; arriving often the evening beforehand, in order to be early at the feast next day. when they sit down each person receives his abundant share of pig, neatly wrapped in ti-leaves; to the remainder of the food he helps himself as he likes. they eat, and eat, and eat; they beat their stomachs with satisfaction; they talk and eat; they ride about awhile, and eat again; they laugh, sing, and eat. at last a man finds he can hold no more. he is "pau"--done. he declares himself "mauna"--a mountain; and points to his abdomen in proof of his statement. then, unless he expects a recurrence of hunger, he carefully wraps up the fragments and bones which remain of his portion of pig, and these he must take with him. it would be the height of impoliteness to leave them; and each visitor scrupulously takes away every remaining bit of his share. if now you look you will see a calabash somewhere in the middle of the floor, into which each, as he completes his meal, put his quarter or half dollar. in the evening there are dancing and singing, and then you may hear and see the extremely dramatic meles of the hawaiians--a kind of rapid chant, the tones of which have a singular fascination for my ears. a man and woman, usually elderly or middle-aged people, sit down opposite each other, or side by side facing the company. one begins and the other joins in; the sound is as of a shrill kind of drone; it is accompanied by gesticulations; and each chant lasts about two or three minutes, and ends in a jerk. the swaying of the lithe figures, the vehement and passionate movements of the arms and head, the tragic intensity of the looks, and the very peculiar music, all unite to fasten one's attention, and to make this spectacle of mele singing, as i have said, singularly fascinating. the language of the meles is a dialect now unused, and unintelligible even to most of the people. the whole chant concerns itself, however, with a detailed description of the person of the man or woman or child to which or in whose honor it is sung. thus a mele will begin with the hair, which may be likened in beauty to the sea-moss found on a certain part of kauai; or the teeth, which "resemble the beautiful white pebbles which men pick up on the beach of kaalui bay on maui;" and so on. indeed an ancient hawaiian mele is probably, in its construction, much like the song of solomon; though i am told that the old meles concerned themselves with personal details by no means suitable for modern ears. a mele is always sung for or about some particular person. thus i have heard meles for the present king; meles for a man or woman present; meles for a chief; and on one occasion i was told they sang a mele for me; and i judged, from the laughter some parts of it excited, that my feelings were saved by my ignorance of the language. on all festive occasions, and on many others, the hawaiian loves to dress his head with flowers and green wreaths. les or garlands are made of several substances besides flowers; though the most favorite are composed of jasmine flowers, or the brilliant yellow flowers of one kind of ginger, which give out a somewhat overpowering odor. these are hung around the neck. for the head they like to use wreaths of the maile shrub, which has an agreeable odor, something like that of the cherry sticks which smokers like for pipe stems. this ornamentation does not look amiss on the young, for to youth much is forgiven; but it is a little startling, at a luau, to see old crones and grave grandfathers arrayed with equal gayety; and i confess that though while the flowers and leaves are fresh the decorated assembly is picturesque, especially as the women wear their hair flowing, and many have beautiful wavy tresses, yet toward evening, when the maile has wilted and the garlands are rumpled and decaying, this kind of ornamentation gives an air of dissipation to the company which it by no means deserves. finally, the daily life of the hawaiian, if he lives near the sea-coast and is master of his own life, is divided between fishing, taro planting, poi making, and mat weaving. all these but the last are laborious occupations; but they do not make hard work of them. two days' labor every week will provide abundant food for a man and his family. he has from five to ten dollars a year of taxes to pay, and this money he can easily earn. the sea always supplies him with fish, sea-moss, and other food. he is fond of fussing at different things; but he also lies down on the grass a good deal--why shouldn't he?--he reads his paper, he plays at cards, he rides about a good deal, he sleeps more or less, and about midnight he gets up and eats a hearty supper. altogether he is a very happy creature, and by no means a bad one. you need not lock your door against him; and an election and a luau occasionally, give him all the excitement he craves, and that not of an unwholesome kind. what there is happy about his life he owes to the fine climate and the missionaries. the latter have given him education enough to read his bible and newspaper, and thus to take some interest in and have some knowledge of affairs in the world at large. they and their successors, the political rulers, have made life and property secure, and caused roads and bridges to be built and maintained; and the hawaiian is fond of moving about. the little inter-island steamer and the schooners are always full of people on their travels; and as they do not have hotel bills to pay, but live on their friends on these visits, there is a great deal of such movement. it would hardly do to compare the hawaiian people with those of new england; but they will compare favorably in comfort, in intelligence, in wealth, in morals, and in happiness with the common people of most european nations; and when one sees here how happily people can live in a small way, and without ambitious striving for wealth or a career, he can not but wonder if, after all, in the year , our pushing and hard-pushed civilization of the nineteenth century will get as great praise as it gets from ourselves, its victims. [illustration: hawaiians eating poi.] chapter vi. commercial and political. commercial relations form and foster political alliances, especially between a weak state and a strong one. the annual report for of imports and exports, made up by the collector-general of the hawaiian kingdom, shows how completely the islands depend upon the united states. of merchant vessels and steamers entered at hawaiian ports during , were american, only were english; were german, belonged to other nations, and were hawaiian. of a total of , tons of shipping, , were american, hawaiian, and but british. of whaling vessels calling at island ports during the year, were american, hawaiian, and british. of a little less than , , pounds of sugar exported during the same year, , , were sent to the united states; of , pounds of coffee , were sent to us; of , , pounds of rice and paddy exported, , , pounds came to the united states. all the cotton, all the goat-skins, nearly all the hides, all the wool, the greater part of the peanuts and the pulu, in short, almost the whole exports of the islands, are sent to the united states. on the other hand, of $ , , , the value of duty-paying merchandise imported during into the islands, $ , worth came from the united states, $ , from great britain, and $ , from germany. besides this, of the total value of bonded goods, $ , , the large amount of $ , was brought from sea by whalemen, almost all of whom were americans; and $ , worth was goods from the united states; or $ , of american products against $ , of british, and $ , of german importation, in bond. it is plain that the island trade is so largely in our hands that no other nation can be said to dispute it with us. if our flag flew over honolulu we could hardly expect to have a more complete monopoly of hawaiian commerce than we already enjoy. moreover, almost all the sugar-plantations--the most productive and valuable property on the islands--are owned by americans; and the same is true of the greater number of stock farms. our political predominance on the islands is as complete as the commercial. in the present cabinet all the ministers except one are americans. this was true also of the cabinet of the late king. of the supreme court, two of the judges are americans, and one is german. almost all the executive and administrative offices are in the hands of americans or hawaiians. nor can any foreign power rightly find fault with this state of things. what the islands are they are because of american effort, american enterprise, american capital. american missionaries civilized them; americans gave them laws wisely adapted to the customs and habits of their people; american enterprise and boston capital established the sugar culture and other of the important industries; perhaps i ought to add that american sailors spread among the islands the vices and diseases which, more than all else, have caused the rapid decrease of the population, and to combat and check which added toil and trouble to the labors of the american missionaries. the government of the hawaiian islands consists of a king and a parliament. the parliament meets once in two years; and under the late king consisted of but a single house. the present king has promised to call together two houses, of which but one will be elected. the other consists of "nobles," who are nominated or created by the king for life, but have no title nor salary unless they are called to office. by the constitution the reigning king appoints his successor, but his nomination must be confirmed by the nobles. as, however, he may at pleasure increase the number of nobles, the appointment virtually rests with him. if he dies without naming a successor, the parliament has the right and duty to elect a new sovereign. there is a slight property qualification for voters, and a heavier one for members of parliament. the revenue of the government, which amounts to about half a million per annum, is derived from the various sources specified in the official returns of the minister of finance, which i copy below. it must be understood that this report covers two years: the balance in the treasury at the close of the last fiscal period (march , ) was . . . . . . . . $ , . and there has been received from foreign imports , . " " " fines, penalties, and costs , . " " " internal commerce , . " " " taxes , . " " " fees and perquisites , . " " " government realizations , . " " " miscellaneous sources , . ----------- $ , . ----------- $ , , . the expenditures during two years are detailed thus in the same report: for civil list . . . . . . . . $ , . " permanent settlements . . . . , . " legislature and privy council . . , . " department of judiciary . . . . , . " " foreign affairs and war , . " " interior . . . . , . " " finance . . . . , . " " attorney-general . , . " bureau of public instruction . . , . ----------- $ , . balance on hand march , . . . . . . . $ , . ------------ $ , , . the internal taxes include the property tax, which is quite low, one and a half per cent. every male adult pays a poll tax of one dollar, a school tax of two dollars, and a road tax of two dollars. the following is the detail of the internal taxes for the two years - : real estate and personal property $ , . horses . . . . . . . . . , . dogs . . . . . . . . . . , . mules . . . . . . . . . . , . carriages . . . . . . . . , . poll . . . . . . . . . . , . native seamen . . . . . . . , . ----------- $ , . among the licenses the monopoly of opium selling brings the government $ , , a prodigious sum when it is considered that there are but chinese in the islands; these being the chief, though not the only consumers. there is, besides, a duty of ten per cent. on the opium when imported, and the merchant must make his profit. i had the curiosity to look a little into the opium consumption. it is said that its use is slowly spreading among the natives, particularly where these are employed with chinese on the plantations. but the quantity used by the chinese themselves is prodigious. i was shown one man, a cook, whose wages, fourteen dollars per month, were entirely spent on opium; and whose master supplied the poor creature with clothes, because he had nothing left out of his pay. in other cases the amount spent was nearly as great. eight thousand two hundred and sixty-five dollars were also realized for awa licenses. awa is a root the use of which produces a frightful kind of intoxication, in which the victim falls into stupor, his features are contorted, and he has seizures resembling epilepsy. the body of the habitual awa drinker becomes covered with white scales; and it is said that awa drinking predisposes to leprosy. the manner of preparing awa is peculiarly disgusting. the root is chewed by women, and they spit out well-chewed mouthfuls into a calabash. here it settles, and the liquor is then drunk. it is said that in old times the chiefs used to get together the prettiest young girls to chew awa for them. the king receives a salary of $ , per annum; the cabinet ministers and the chief-justice receive $ , and the two associate justices $ per annum. these are the largest salaries paid; and in general the public service of the islands is very cheaply as well as ably and conscientiously conducted. there is an opportunity for retrenchment in abolishing some of the offices; but the saving which could thus be effected would after all not be great. the present government means, i have been told, to undertake some reforms; these will probably consist in getting the king to turn the crown lands into public lands, to be sold or leased for the benefit of the treasury. they are now leased, and the income is a perquisite of the king, a poor piece of policy, for the chiefs from among whom a sovereign is selected are all wealthy; the present king, for instance, has an income of probably $ , per annum from private property of his own. it is also proposed to lessen the number of cabinet ministers; but this will scarcely be done. they are but four in number now, having charge of foreign affairs, finance, and the interior and law departments. there is a debt of about $ , which is entirely held within the kingdom; and the public property is of value sufficient to pay three times this sum. it is probable, however, that, like many other governments, the hawaiian ministry will have to deal with a deficit when the next legislature meets; and this will probably bring reform and retrenchment before them. there is not much hope of increasing the revenue from new and still untouched sources, for there are but few such. the taxable industries and wealth of the islands can not be very greatly increased. finding yourself in a tropical country, with a charming and equable climate, and with abundant rains, you are apt to think that, given only a little soil, many things would grow and could be profitably raised. it is one of the surprises of a visitor to the hawaiian group to discover that in reality very few products succeed here. coffee was largely planted, and promised to become a staple of the islands; but a blight attacked the trees and proved so incurable that the best plantations were dug up and turned into sugar; and the export of coffee, which has been very variable, but which rose to , pounds in , fell to , pounds in the next year, and to , pounds in . sea-island cotton would yield excellent crops if it were not that a caterpillar devours the young plants, so that its culture has almost ceased. only , pounds were exported in . the orange thrives in so few localities on the islands that it is not an article of commerce: only two boxes were exported last year, though san francisco brings this fruit from otaheite by a voyage of thirty days. a burr worse than any found in california discourages the sheep-raiser in some of the islands. the cacao-tree has been tried, but a blight kills it. in the garden of dr. hillebrandt, near honolulu, i saw specimens of the cinnamon and allspice trees; but again i was told that the blight attacked them, and did not allow them to prosper. wheat and other cereals grow and mature, but they are subject to the attacks of weevil, so that they can not be stored or shipped; and if you feed your horse oats or barley in honolulu, these have been imported from california. silk-worms have been tried but failed. rice does well, and its culture is increasing. moreover, there is but an inconsiderable local market. a farmer on maui told me he had sent twenty bags of potatoes to honolulu, and so overstocked the market that he got back only the price of his bags. eggs and all other perishable products, for the same reason, vary much in price, and are at times high-priced and hardly attainable. it will not do for the farmer to raise much for sale. the population is not only divided among different and distant islands, but it consists for much the largest part of people who live sufficiently well on taro, sweet-potatoes, fish, pork, and beef--all articles which they raise for themselves, and which they get by labor and against disadvantages which few white farmers would encounter. for instance, the puna coast of hawaii is a district where for thirty miles there is so little fresh water to be found that travelers must bring their own supplies in bottles; and dr. coan told me that in former days the people, knowing that he could not drink the brackish stuff which satisfied them, used to collect fresh water for his use when he made the missionary tour, from the drippings of dew in caves. wells are here out of the question, for there is no soil except a little decomposed lava, and the lava lets through all the water which comes from rains. there are few or no streams to be led down from the mountains. there are no fields, according to our meaning of the word. formerly the people in this district were numbered by thousands: even yet there is a considerable population, not unprosperous by any means. churches and schools are as frequent as in the best part of new england. yet when i asked a native to show me his sweet-potato patch, he took me to the most curious and barren-looking collection of lava you can imagine, surrounded, too, by a very formidable wall made of lava, and explained to me that by digging holes in the lava where it was a little decayed, carrying a handful of earth to each of these holes, and planting there in a wet season, he got a very satisfactory crop. not only that, but being desirous of something more than a bare living, this man had planted a little coffee in the same way, and had just sold pounds, his last crop. he owned a good wooden house; politely gave up his own mats for me to sleep on; possessed a bible and a number of other works in hawaiian; after supper called his family together, who squatted on the floor while he read from his scriptures, and, after singing a hymn, knelt in family prayers; and finally spent half an hour before going to bed in looking over his newspaper. this man, thoroughly respectable, of good repute, hospitable, comfortable in every way so far as i could see, lived, and lived well, on twenty or thirty acres of lava, of which not even a vermonter would have given ten cents for a thousand acres; and which was worthless to any one except a native hawaiian. take next the grazing lands. in many parts they are so poorly supplied with water that they can not carry much stock. they also are often astonishingly broken up, for they frequently lie high up on the sides of the mountains, and in many parts they are rocky and lava-covered beyond belief. on hawaii, the largest island, lava covers and makes desolate hundreds of thousands of acres, and on the other and smaller islands, except, perhaps, kauai, there is corresponding desolation. thus the area of grazing lands is less than one would think. but on the other hand, cattle are very cheaply raised. they require but little attention; and the stock-owners, who are now boiling down their cattle and selling merely the hides and tallow, are said to be just at this time the most prosperous people on the islands. sheep are kept too, but not in great flocks except upon the small island of niihau, which was bought some years ago by two brothers, sinclair by name, who have now a flock of fifteen or eighteen thousand sheep there, i am told; on molokai and part of hawaii; and upon the small island of lanai, where captain gibson has six or eight thousand head. one of the conspicuous trees of the hawaiian forests is the kukui or candle-nut. its pale green foliage gives the mountain sides sometimes a disagreeable look; though where it grows among the ko trees, whose leaves are of a dark green, the contrast is not unpleasant. from its abundance i supposed the candle-nut might be made an article of export; but the country is so rough that the gathering of the nuts is very laborious; and several persons who have experimented in expressing the oil from the nut have discovered that it did not pay cost. only two thousand pounds of kukui nuts were exported in . sandal-wood was once a chief article of export. it grows on the higher mountain slopes, and is still collected, for , pounds were exported in , and a small quantity is worked up in the islands. the cocoa-nut is not planted in sufficient quantities to make it an article of commerce. only nuts were exported last year. of pulu , pounds were shipped; this is a soft fuzz taken from the crown of a species of fern; it is used to stuff bedding, and is as warm, though not as durable, as feathers. also , pounds of "fungus," a kind of toad-stool which grows on decaying wood, and is used in china as an article of food. there has been no lack of ingenuity, enterprise, or industry among the inhabitants. the government has imported several kinds of trees and plants, as the cinnamon, pepper, and allspice, but they have not prospered. private effort has not been wanting either. but nature does not respond. sugar and rice are and must it seems continue to be the staples of the islands; and the culture of these products will in time be considerably increased. this, it appears to me, decides the future of the islands and the character of their population. a sugar or rice plantation needs at most three or four american workmen aside from the manager. the laboring force will be hawaiians or chinese; for they alone work cheaply, and will content themselves in the situation of plantation laborers. it is likely, therefore, that the future population of the islands will consist largely, as it does now, of hawaiians and chinese, and a mixture of these two races; and, no doubt, these will live very happily there. [illustration: native hay peddler.] for farming, in the american sense of the word, the islands are, as these facts show, entirely unfit. i asked again and again of residents this question: "would you advise your friend in massachusetts or illinois, a farmer with two or three thousand dollars in money, to settle out here?" and received invariably the answer, "no; it would be wrong to do so." transportation of farm products from island to island is too costly; there is no local market except honolulu, and that is very rapidly and easily overstocked; oregon or california potatoes are sold in the islands at a price which would leave the local farmer without a profit. in short, farming is not a pursuit in the islands. a farmer would not starve, for beef is cheap, and he could always raise vegetables enough for himself; but he would not get ahead. moreover, perishable fruits, like the banana, have but a limited chance for export. the islands, unluckily, lie to windward of california; and a sailing vessel, beating up to san francisco, is very apt to make so long a passage that if she carries bananas they spoil on the way. hence but bunches were shipped from the islands in --which was all the monthly steamer had room for. these circumstances seem to settle the question of annexation, which is sometimes discussed. to annex the islands would be to burden ourselves with an outlying territory too distant to be cheaply defended; and containing a population which will never be homogeneous with our own; a country which would neither attract nor reward our industrious farmers and mechanics; which offers not the slightest temptation to emigration, except a most delightful climate, and which has, and must by its circumstances and natural formation continue to have, chiefly a mixed population of chinese and other coolies, whom it is assuredly not to our interest to take into our family. i suppose it is a proper rule that we should not encumber ourselves with territory which by reason of unchangeable natural causes will repel our farmers and artisans, and which, therefore, will not become in time americanized. if this is true, we ought not to annex the hawaiian islands. moreover, there is no excuse for annexation, in the desire of the people. the present government is mild, just, and liked by the people. they can easily make it cheaper whenever they want to. the native people are very strongly opposed to annexation; they have a strong feeling of nationality, and considerable jealousy of foreign influence. annexation to our own or any other country would be without their consent. as to the residents of foreign birth, a few of them favor annexation to the united states; but only a few. a large majority would oppose it as strenuously as the native people. most of the planters see that it would break up their labor system, demoralize the workmen, and probably for years check the production of sugar. one thing is certain, however. if the islands ever offer themselves to any foreign power, it will be to the united states. their people, foreign as well as native, look to us as their neighbors and friends; and the king last summer blurted out one day when too much wine had made him imprudent, this truth: that if annexation came, it must be to the united states. as i write a negotiation has been opened with the united states government, for the purpose of offering us pearl river in exchange for a reciprocity treaty. pearl river is an extensive, deep, and well-protected bay, about ten miles from honolulu. it would answer admirably for a naval station; and if the united states were a second-rate power likely to be bullied by other nations, we might need a naval station in the pacific ocean. in our present condition, when no single power dares to make war with us, and when, unless we become shamelessly aggressive, no alliance of european powers against us for purposes of war is possible, the chief use of distant naval stations appears to me to be as convenient out-of-the-way places for wasting the public money. pearl river would be an admirable spot for a dozen pleasant sinecures, and the expenditure of three or four millions of money. it seems to me, therefore, that it would be a dear bargain. for the accommodation of merchant steamers and ships and their repair, honolulu offers sufficient facilities. there are ingenious american mechanics there who have even taken a frigate upon a temporary dry-dock, and repaired her hull. [illustration: hula-hula, or dancing-girls.] but justice, kindly feeling, and a due regard for our future interests in the pacific ocean ought to induce us to establish at once a reciprocity treaty with the hawaiian government. we should lose but little revenue; and should make good that loss by the greater market which would be opened for our own products, in the islands. such a treaty would bring more capital to the islands, increase their prosperity, and, at the same time, bind them still more closely and permanently to us. it would pave the way to annexation, if that should ever become advisable. the politics of the hawaiian kingdom are not very exciting. in those fortunate isles the legislature troubles itself chiefly about the horse and dog tax. the late king, who was of an irascible temper, did not always treat his faithful commons with conspicuous civility. he sometimes told them that they had talked long enough and had better adjourn; and they usually took his advice. the present king, who belonged to "his majesty's opposition" during the late reign, has yet to develop his qualities as a ruler. he has shown sound judgment in the nomination of his cabinet; and he is believed to have the welfare of the people at heart. he is unmarried; but is not likely to marry; and he will probably nominate a successor from one of the chief or ruling families still remaining. the list from which he can choose is not very long; and it is most probable, as this is written, that he will nominate to succeed him mrs. bernice pauahi bishop, wife of the present minister of foreign affairs. mrs. bishop is a lady of education and culture, of fine presence, every way fit to rule over her people; and her selection would be satisfactory to the foreign residents as well as to the best of the hawaiian people. [illustration: hawaiian style of dress.] chapter vii. the leper asylum on molokai. so much has been said and written of late about the disease called leprosy and its ravages in the sandwich islands that i had the curiosity to visit the asylum for lepers at molokai, where now very nearly all the people suffering from this disease have been collected, under a law which directs this seclusion. the steamer _kilauea_ left honolulu one evening at half-past five o'clock, and dropped several of us about two o'clock at night into a whale-boat near a point on the lee side of molokai. here we were landed, and presently mounted horses and rode seven or eight miles to the house of a german, mr. meyer, who is the superintendent of the leper settlement, and also, i believe, of a cattle farm which belongs to the heirs of the late king. mr. meyer has lived on molokai since . he is married to a hawaiian, and has a large family of sons and daughters who have been carefully and excellently brought up, i was told. mrs. meyer, who presided at breakfast, is one of those tall and grandly proportioned women whom you meet among the native population not infrequently, who enable you to realize how it was that in the old times the women exercised great influence in hawaiian politics. she seemed born to command, and yet her benevolent countenance and friendly smile of welcome showed that she would probably rule gently. from mr. meyer's we rode some miles again, until at last we dismounted at the top or edge of the great precipice, at the foot of which, two thousand feet below, lies the plain of kalawao, occupied by the lepers. at the top we four dismounted, for the trail to the bottom, though not generally worse than the trail into the yosemite valley, has some places which would be difficult and, perhaps, dangerous for horses. from the edge of the pali or precipice the plain below, which contains about , acres, looks like an absolute flat, bounded on three sides by the blue pacific. horses awaited us at the bottom, and we soon discovered that the plain possessed some considerable elevations and depressions. it is believed to have been once the bottom of a vast crater, of which the pali we clambered down formed one of the sides, the others having sunk beneath the ocean, leaving a few traces on one side. it has yet one considerable cone, a hill two hundred feet high, a well-preserved subsidiary crater, on whose bottom grass is now growing, while a little pool of salt water, which rises and falls with the tide, shows a connection with the ocean. a ride along the shore showed me also several other and smaller cones. the whole great plain is composed of lava stones, and to one unfamiliar with the habits of these islanders would seem to be an absolutely sterile desert. yet here lived, not very many years ago, a considerable population, who have left the marks of an almost incredible industry in numerous fields inclosed between walls of lava rock well laid up; and in what is yet stranger, long rows of stones, like the windrows of hay in a grass field at home, evidently piled there in order to secure room in the long, narrow beds thus partly cleared of lava which lay between, to plant sweet-potatoes. as i rode over the trails worn in the lava by the horses of the old inhabitants, i thought this plain realized the vermonter's saying about a piece of particularly stony ground, that there was not room in the field to pile up the rocks it contained. yet on this apparently desert space, within a quarter of a century more than a thousand people lived contentedly and prosperously, after their fashion; and this though fresh water is so scarce that many of them must have carried their drinking water at least two or even three miles. and here now live, among the lepers, or rather a little apart from them at one side of the plain, about a hundred people, the remnant of the former population, who were too much attached to their homes to leave them, and accepted sentence of perpetual seclusion here, in common with the lepers, rather than exile to a less sterile part of the island. when we had descended the cliff, a short ride brought us to the house of a luna, or local overseer, a native who is not a leper; and of this house, being uncontaminated, we took possession. by a law of the kingdom it is made the duty of the minister of the interior, and under him of the board of health, to arrest every one suspected of leprosy; and if a medical examination shows that he has the disease, to seclude the leper upon this part of molokai. leprosy, when it is beyond its very earliest stage, is held to be incurable. he who is sent to molokai is therefore adjudged civilly dead. his wife, upon application to the proper court, is granted a decree of absolute divorce, and may marry again; his estate is administered upon as though he were dead. he is incapable of suing or being sued; and his dealings with the world thereafter are through and with the board of health alone. in order that no doubtful cases may be sent to molokai there is a hospital at kalihi, near honolulu, where the preliminary examinations are made, and where dr. trousseau, the skillful physician of the board of health, son of the famous paris physician of the same name, retains people about whom he is uncertain. the leper settlement at molokai was begun so long ago as ; but the law requiring the seclusion of lepers was not enforced under the late king, who is believed to have been himself a sufferer from this disease, and who, at any rate, by constantly granting exemptions, discouraged the officers of the law. since the accession of the present king, however, it has been rigidly enforced, and it is this which has caused the sudden and great outcry about leprosy, which has reached even to the united states, and has caused many people, it seems, to fear to come to the islands, as though a foreigner would be liable to catch the disease. you must understand that the native people have no fear of the disease. until the accession of the present king lepers were commonly kept in the houses of their families, ate, drank, smoked, and slept with their own people, and had their wounds dressed at home. if the disease were quickly or readily contagious, it must have spread very rapidly in such conditions; and that it did not spread greatly or rapidly is one of the best proofs that it is not easily transmitted. when i remember how commonly, among the native people, a whole family smokes out of the same pipe, and sleeps together under the same tapa, i am surprised that so few have the disease. there are at this time eight hundred and four persons, lepers, in the settlement, besides about one hundred non-lepers, who prefer to remain there in their ancient homes. since january, , when the first leper was sent here, one thousand one hundred and eighty have been received, of whom seven hundred and fifty-eight were males and four hundred and twenty-two females. of this number three hundred and seventy-three have died, namely, two hundred and forty-six males and one hundred and twenty-seven females. forty-two died between april and august of the present year. the proportion of women to men is smaller than i thought; and there are about fifty leper children, between the ages of six and thirteen. lepers are sterile, and no children have been born at the asylum. so great has been the energy and the vigilance of the board of health and its physician, dr. trousseau, that there are not now probably fifty lepers at large on all the islands, and these are persons who have been hidden away in the mountains by their relatives. in fact if there was ever any risk to foreign visitors from leprosy, this is now reduced to the minimum; and as the disease is not caused by the climate, and can be got, as the widest experience and the best authorities agree, only by intimate contact, united with peculiar predisposition of the blood, there is not the least ground for any foreign visitor to dread it. when a leper is sent to molokai, the government provides him a house, and he receives, if an adult, three pounds of paiai or unmixed poi, per day, and three pounds of salt salmon, or five pounds of fresh beef, per week. beef is generally preferred. they are allowed and encouraged to cultivate land, and their products are bought by the health board; but the disease quickly attacks the feet and hands, and disables the sufferers from labor. there are two churches in the settlement, one protestant, with a native pastor, and one catholic, with a white priest, a young frenchman, who has had the courage to devote himself to his co-religionists. there is a store, kept by the board of health, the articles in which are sold for cost and expenses. the people receive a good deal of money from their relatives at home, which they spend in this store. the government also supplies all the lepers with clothing; and there is a post-office. the little schooner which carried me back to honolulu bore over two hundred letters, the weekly mail from the leper settlement. for the bad cases there is a hospital, an extensive range of buildings, where one hundred patients lay when i visited it. these, being helpless, are attended by other lepers, and receive extra rations of tea, sugar, bread, rice, and other food. almost every one strong enough to ride has a horse; for the hawaiians can not well live without horses. some of the people live on the shore and make salt, which you see stored up in pandanus bags under the shelter of lava bubbles. when i was there a number were engaged in digging a ditch in which to lay an iron pipe, intended to convey fresh water to the denser part of the settlement. such is the life on the leper settlement of molokai; a precipitous cliff at its back two thousand feet high; the ocean, looking here bluer and lovelier than ever i saw it look elsewhere on three sides of it; the soft trade-wind blowing across the lava-covered plain; eternal sunshine; a mild air; horses; and the weekly excitement of the arrival of the schooner from honolulu with letters. there is sufficient employment for those who can and like to work--and the hawaiian is not an idle creature; and altogether it is a very contented and happy community. the islander has strong feelings and affections, but they do not last long, and the people here seemed to me to have made themselves quickly at home. i saw very few sad faces, and there were mirth and laughter, and ready service and pleasant looks all around us, as we rode or walked over the settlement. and now, you will ask, what does a leper look like? well, in the first place, he is not the leper of the scriptures; nor, i am assured, is the disease at all like that which is said to occur in china. indeed, the poor chinese have been unjustly accused of bringing this disease to the islands. with the first shipload of chinese brought to these islands came two lepers "white as snow," having, that is to say, a disease very different from that which now is called leprosy here. they were not allowed to land, but were sent back in the ship which brought them out. the hawaiian leprosy, on the other hand, has been known here for a quarter of a century, and men died of it before the first chinese were brought hither. the name mai-pakeh was given it by an accident, a foreigner saying to a native that he had a disease such as they had in china. there are but six chinese in the molokai leper settlement, and there are three white men there. the leprosy of the islands is a disease of the blood, and not a skin disease. it can be caught only, i am told, by contact of an abraded surface with the matter of the leprous sore; and doubtless the familiar habit of the people, of many smoking the same pipe, has done much to disseminate it. its first noticeable signs are a slight puffiness under the eyes, and a swelling of the lobes of the ears. to the practiced eyes of dr. trousseau these signs were apparent where i could not perceive them until he laid his finger on them. next follow symptoms which vary greatly in different individuals; but a marked sign is the retraction of the fingers, so that the hand comes to resemble a bird's claw. in some cases the face swells in ridges, leaving deep furrows between; and these ridges are shiny and without feeling, so that a pin may be stuck into one without giving pain to the person. the features are thus horribly deformed in many instances; i saw two or three young boys of twelve who looked like old men of sixty. in some older men and women, the face was at first sight revolting and baboon-like; i say at first sight, for on a second look the mild sad eye redeemed the distorted features; it was as though the man were looking out of a horrible mask. at a later stage of the disease these rugous swellings break open into festering sores; the nose and even the eyes are blotted out, and the body becomes putrid. in other cases the extremities are most severely attacked. the fingers, after being drawn in like claws, begin to fester. they do not drop off, but seem rather to be absorbed, the nails following the stumps down; and i actually saw finger-nails on a hand that had no fingers. the nails were on the knuckles; the fingers had all rotted away. the same process of decay goes on with the toes; in some cases the whole foot had dropped away; and in many the hands and feet were healed over, the fingers and toes having first dropped off. but the healing of the sore is but temporary, for the disease presently breaks out again. emaciation does not seem to follow. i saw very few wasted forms, and those only in the hospitals and among the worst cases. there appears to be an astonishing tenacity of life, and i was told they mostly choke to death, or fall into a fever caused by swallowing the poison of their sores when these attack the nose and throat. those diseased give out soon a very sickening odor, and i was much obliged to a thoughtful man in the settlement, who commanded the lepers who had gathered together to hear an address from the doctor to form to leeward of us. i expected to be sickened by the hospitals; but these are so well kept, and are so easily ventilated by the help of the constantly blowing trade-wind, that the odor was scarcely perceptible in them. you will, perhaps, ask how the disease is contracted. i doubt if any one knows definitely. but from all i heard, i judge that there must be some degree of predisposition toward it in the person to be contaminated. i believe i have dr. trousseau's leave to say that the contact of a wounded or abraded surface with the matter of a leprous sore will convey the disease; this is, of course, inoculation; and he seemed to think no other method of contamination probable. i was careful to provide myself with a pair of gloves when i visited the settlement, to protect myself in case i should be invited to shake hands; but i noticed that the doctor fearlessly shook hands with some of the worst cases, even where the fingers were suppurating and wrapped in rags. there are several women on the islands, confirmed lepers, whose husbands are at home and sound; one, notably, where the husband is a white man. on the other hand, a woman was pointed out to me who had had three husbands, each of whom in a short time after marrying her became a leper. there are children lepers, whose parents are not lepers; and there are parents lepers, whose children are at home and healthy. there are three white men on the island, lepers, two of them in a very bad state. so far as i could learn the particulars of their previous history, they had lived flagitiously loose lives; such as must have corrupted their blood long before they became lepers. in some other cases of native lepers i came upon similar histories; and while i do not believe that every case, or indeed perhaps a majority of cases, involves such a previous career of vice, i should say that this is certainly a strongly predisposing cause. as to the danger of infection to a foreign visitor, there is absolutely none, unless he should undertake to live in native fashion among the natives, smoking out of their pipes, sleeping under their tapas, and eating their food with them; and even in such an extreme case his risk would be very slight now, so thoroughly has the disease been "stamped out" by the energetic action of mr. hall, the minister of the interior, mr. samuel g. wilder, the head of the board of health, and dr. trousseau, its physician. in short, there is no more risk of a white resident or traveler catching leprosy in the hawaiian islands than in the city or state of new york. [illustration: native pipe. necklace of human hair.] i have heard one reason given why this disease has been more frequent in the last ten years. ten or twelve years ago the islands were visited by smallpox. this disease made terrible ravages, and the government at once ordered the people to be vaccinated. there seems to be no doubt that the vaccine matter used was often taken from persons not previously in sound health; this was perhaps unavoidable; but intelligent men, long resident in the islands, believe that vaccination thus performed with impure matter had a bad effect upon the people, leaving traces of a resulting corruption of their blood. the choice of the plain of kalawao as the spot on which to seclude the lepers from all the islands was very happy. it can not be said that to an agile native the place is inaccessible, for there are, no doubt, several points in the great precipice where men and women could make their way down or up; and there are instances of women swimming around the precipitous and surf-beaten shore, seven or eight miles, to reach husbands or friends in the settlement to whom they were devotedly attached. but it is easily guarded, and, for all practical purposes, the seclusion is perfect. a singular tradition, related to me on the island, points to its use for such a purpose and gives a sad significance to the leper settlement. it is said that in the time of the first kamehameha, the conqueror and hero of his race, upon an occasion when he visited molokai, an old sorceress or priestess sent him word that she had made a garment for him--a robe of honor--which she desired him to come and get. he returned for answer a command that she should bring it to him; and when the old hag appeared, the king desired her to tell him something of the future. she replied that he would conquer all the islands, and rule over them but a brief time; that his own posterity would die out; and that finally all his race would be gathered together on molokai; and that this small island would be large enough to hold them all. it is probable, of course, that this tale is of recent origin, and that no priestess of kamehameha the first possessed so fatal and accurate a gift of prophecy; but the tale, told me in the midst of the leper asylum, pointed to the gloomy end of the race with but too plain a finger. the hawaiians, once so numerous as to occupy almost all the habitable parts of all the islands, have so greatly decreased that they might almost find their support on the little island of molokai alone. happily the decrease has now ceased. the great pali of molokai, one of the most remarkable and picturesque sights of the islands, stretches for a dozen miles along its windward coast. it is a sheer precipice, in most parts from a thousand to two thousand feet high, washed by the sea at its base, and having, in most parts, not a trace of beach. this vast wall of rock is an impressive sight; here the shipwrecked mariner would be utterly helpless; but would drown, not merely in sight of land, but with his hands vainly grasping for even a bush, or root, or a projecting rock. northern california: its agricultural valleys, dairies, forests, fruit-farms, etc. [illustration: northern california.] [illustration: a california vineyard.] chapter i. the sacramento valley: a general view, with hints to tourists and sportsmen. the state of california extends over somewhat more than ten degrees of latitude. if it lay along the atlantic as it lies along the pacific coast, its boundaries would include the whole shore-line from cape cod to hilton head, and its limits would take in the greater portion of ten of the original states. it contains two great mountain ranges--the sierra nevada and the coast range. these, running parallel through the state, approach each other so closely at the south as to leave only the narrow tejon pass between them; while at the north they also come together, mount shasta rearing its splendid snow-covered summit over the two mountain chains where they are joined. inclosed within these mountain ranges lies a long, broad, fertile valley, which was once, no doubt, a great inland sea. it still contains in the southern part three considerable lakes--the tulare, kern, and buena vista--and is now drained from the south by the san joaquin river, flowing out of these lakes, and from the north by the sacramento, which rises near the base of mount shasta. these two rivers, the one flowing north, the other south, join a few miles below sacramento, and empty their waters into the bay of san francisco. that part of the great inland plain of california which is drained by the sacramento is called after its river. it is more thickly inhabited than the southern or san joaquin valley, partly because the foot-hills on its eastern side were the scene of the earliest and longest continued, as well as the most successful, mining operations; partly because the sacramento river is navigable for a longer distance than the san joaquin, and thus gave facilities for transportation which the lower valley had not; and, finally, because the sacramento valley had a railroad completed through its whole extent some years earlier than the san joaquin valley. the climate of the sacramento valley does not differ greatly from that of the san joaquin, yet there are some important distinctions. lying further north, it has more rain; in the upper part of the valley they sometimes see snow; there is not the same necessity for irrigation as in the lower valley; and though oranges flourish in marysville, and though the almond does well as far north as chico, yet the cherry and the plum take the place of the orange and lemon; and men build their houses somewhat more solidly than further south. the romance of the early gold discovery lies mostly in the sacramento valley and the adjacent foot-hills. between sacramento and marysville lay sutter's old fort, and near marysville is sutter's farm, where you may still see his groves of fig-trees, under whose shade the country people now hold their picnics; his orchards, which still bear fruit; and his house, which is now a country tavern. of all his many leagues of land the old man has, i believe, but a few acres left; and of the thousands who now inhabit and own what once was his, not a dozen would recognize him, and many probably scarcely know his name. his riches melted away, as did those of the great spanish proprietors; and he who only a quarter of a century ago owned a territory larger than some states, and counted his cattle by the thousands--if, indeed, he ever counted them--who lived in a fort like a european noble of the feudal times, had an army of indians at his command, and occasionally made war on the predatory tribes who were his neighbors, now lives upon a small annuity granted him by the state of california. he saved little, i have heard, from the wreck of his fortunes; and of all who were with him in his earlier days, but one, so far as i know--general bidwell, of chico, an able and honorable gentleman, once sutter's manager--had the ability to provide for the future by retaining possession of his own estate of twenty thousand acres, now by general consent the finest farm in california. as you go north in california the amount of rain-fall increases. in san diego county they are happy with ten inches per annum, and fortunate if they get five; in santa barbara, twelve and a half inches insure their crops; the sacramento valley has an average rain-fall of about twenty inched, and eighteen inches insure them a full crop on soil properly prepared. in they had less, yet the crops did well wherever the farmers had summer-fallowed the land. this practice is now very general, and is necessary, in order that the grain may have the advantage of the early rains. when a farmer plows and prepares his land in the spring, lets it lie all summer, and sows his grain in november just as the earliest rain begins, he need not fear for his crop. there is less difference in climate than one would suppose between the sacramento and the san joaquin valleys. cattle and sheep live out-of-doors, and support themselves all the year round in the shasta valley on the north as constantly as in los angeles or any other of the southern counties. the seasons are a little later north than south, but the difference is slight; and as far north as red bluff, in the interior, they begin their harvest earlier than in monterey county, far south but on the coast. snow rarely lies on the ground in the northern counties more than a day. the best varieties of the foreign grapes are hardy everywhere. light frosts come in december; and in the flower-gardens the geranium withers to the ground, but springs up from the roots again in march. the eucalyptus flourishes wherever it has been planted in northern california; and as far north as redding, at the head of the valley, the mercury very rarely falls below twenty-five degrees, and remains there but a few hours. [illustration: wine vats.] as you travel from marysville, either northward or southward, you will see before and around you a great wide plain, bounded on the west by the blue outlines of the coast range, and on the east by the foot-hills of the sierra: a great level, over which as far as your eye can reach are scattered groves of grand and picturesque white oaks, which relieve the solitude of the plain, and make it resemble a well-planted park. wherever the valley is settled, you will see neat board fences, roomy barns, and farm-houses nestling among trees, and flanked by young orchards. you will not find a great variety of crops, for wheat and barley are the staple products of this valley; and though the farms here are in general of acres or less, there are not wanting some of those immense estates for which california is famous; and a single farmer in this valley is said to have raised on his own land last year one-twentieth of the entire wheat crop of the state. northwest of marysville the plain is broken by a singularly lovely range of mountains, the buttes. they rise abruptly from the plain, and their peaks reach from two to three thousand feet high. it is an extremely pretty miniature mountain range, having its peaks, passes, and cañons--all the features of the sierra--and it is well worth a visit. butte is a word applied to such isolated mountains, which do not form part of a chain, and which are not uncommon west of the mississippi. shasta is called a butte; lassen's peaks are buttes; and the traveler across the continent hears the word frequently applied to mountain. it is pronounced with the _u_ long. along the banks of the sacramento there are large quantities of land which is annually overflowed by the river, and much of which is still only used for pasturage during the dry season, when its grasses support large herds of cattle and sheep, which are driven to the uplands when the rains begin to fall. but much of this swamp and tule land has been drained and diked, and is now used for farm land. it produces heavy crops of wheat, and its reclamation has been, and continues to be, one of the successful speculations in land in this state. it will not be long before the shores of the sacramento and its tributaries will be for many miles so diked that these rivers will never break their bounds, and thus a very considerable area will be added to the fertile farming lands of the state. already, however, the yuba, the feather, and the american rivers, tributaries of the sacramento, have been leveed at different points for quite another reason. these rivers, once clear and rapidly flowing within deep banks, are now turbid, in many places shallow, and their bottoms have been raised from twenty to thirty feet by the accumulation of the washings from the gold mines in the foot-hills. it is almost incredible the change the miners have thus produced in the short space of a quarter of a century. the bed of the yuba has been raised thirty feet in that time; and seeing what but a handful of men have effected in so short a period, the work of water in the denudation of mountains, and the scouring out or filling up of valleys during geological periods becomes easily comprehensible. all our northern fruits thriftily in the sacramento valley, and also the almond, of which thousands of trees have been planted, and a few considerable orchards are already in bearing. the cherry and the plum do remarkably well, the latter fruit having as yet no curculio or blight; and the canning and drying of peaches, plums, apricots, nectarines, and pears are already, as i shall show in detail farther on, a considerable as well as very profitable business. dried plums, in particular, sell at a price which makes the orchards of this fruit very valuable. excellent raisins have also been made, and they sell in the open market of san francisco for a price very little less than that of the best malaga raisins. the climate, with its long dry summer, is very favorable to the drying and curing of every fruit: no expensive houses, no ovens or other machinery, are needed. the day is not distant when the great sacramento plain will be a vast orchard, and the now unoccupied foot-hills will furnish a large part of the raisins consumed in the united states. for the present the population is scant, and cattle, horses, and especially sheep, roam over hundreds of thousands of acres of soil which needs only industrious farmers to make it bloom into a garden. [illustration: training a vine.] the farmer in this state is a person of uncommon resources and ingenuity. i think he uses his brains more than our eastern farmers. i do not mean to say that he lives better, for he does not. his house is often shabby, even though he be a man of wealth, and his table is not unfrequently without milk; he buys his butter with his canned vegetables in san francisco, and bread and mutton are the chief part of his living, both being universally good here. but in managing his land he displays great enterprise, and has learned how to fit his efforts to the climate and soil. the gathering of the wheat crop goes on in all the valley lands with headers, and you will find on all the farms in the sacramento valley the best labor-saving machinery employed, and human labor, which is always the most costly, put to its best and most profitable uses. they talk here of steam-plows and steam-wagons for common roads, and i have no doubt the steam-plow will be first practically and generally used, so far as the united states are concerned, in these californian valleys, where i have seen furrows two miles long, and ten eight-horse teams following each other with gang-plows. withal, they are somewhat ruthless in their pursuit of a wheat crop. you may see a farmer who plows hundreds of acres, but he will have his wheat growing up to the edge of his veranda. if he keeps a vegetable garden, he has performed a heroic act of self-denial; and as for flowers, they must grow among the wheat or nowhere. moreover, while he has great ingenuity in his methods, the farmer of the sacramento plain has but little originality in his planting. he raises wheat and barley. he might raise a dozen, a score, of other products, many more profitable, and all obliging him to cultivate less ground, but it is only here and there you meet with one who appreciates the remarkable capabilities of the soil and climate. near tehama some chinese have in the last two years grown large crops of pea-nuts, and have, i was told, realized handsome profits from a nut which will be popular in america, i suppose, as long as there is a pit or a gallery in a theatre; but the pea-nut makes a valuable oil, and as it produces enormously here, it will some day be raised for this use, as much as for the benefit of the old women who keep fruit-stands on the street corners. it would not be surprising if the chinese, who continue to come over to california in great numbers, should yet show the farmers here what can be done on small farms by patient and thorough culture. as yet they confine their culture of land mainly to vegetable gardens. to the farmer the valley and foot-hill lands of the sacramento will be the most attractive; and there are still here thousands of acres in the hands of the government and the railroad company to be obtained so cheaply that, whether for crops or for grazing, it will be some time before the mountainous lands and the pretty valleys they contain, north of redding, the present terminus of the railroad, will attract settlers. but for the traveler the region north of redding to the state line offers uncommon attractions. the sacramento valley closes in as you journey northward; and at red bluff, which is the head of navigation on the river, you have a magnificent view of lassen's peaks on the east--twin peaks, snow-clad, and rising high out of the plain--and also of the majestic snow-covered crag which is known as shasta butte, which towers high above the mountains to the north, and, though here miles off, looks but a day's ride away. redding, thirty miles north from shasta, lies at the head of the sacramento valley. from there a line of stage-coaches proceeds north into oregon, through the mass of mountains which separates the sacramento valley in california from the willamette valley in oregon. the stage-road passes through a very varied and picturesque country, one which few pleasure travelers see, and which yet is as well worth a visit as any part of the western coast. the sacramento river, which rises in a large spring near the base of mount shasta, has worn its way through the high mountains, and rushes down for nearly a hundred miles of its course an impetuous, roaring mountain stream, abounding in trout at all seasons, and in june, july, and august filled with salmon which have come up here through the golden gates from the ocean to spawn. the stage-road follows almost to its source the devious course of the river, and you ride along sometimes nearly on a level with the stream, and again on a road-bed cut out of the steep mountain side a thousand or fifteen hundred feet above the river; through fine forests of sugar-pines and yellow pines many of which come almost up to the dimensions of the great sequoias. the river and its upper tributaries abound in trout, and this region is famous among californian sportsmen for deer and fish. many farm-houses along the road accommodate travelers who desire to stay to enjoy the fine scenery, and to hunt and fish; and a notable stopping-place is fry's soda spring, fourteen hours by stage from redding, kept by isaac fry and his excellent wife--a clean, comfortable little mountain inn, where you get good and well-cooked food, and where you will find what your stage ride will make welcome to you--a comfortable bath. the river is too cold for bathing here in the mountains because of the snow-water of which it is composed. about ten miles south of fry's lies castle rock, a remarkable and most picturesque mountain of white granite, bare for a thousand feet below its pinnacled summit, which you see as you drive past it on the stage. fry's lies in a deep canon, with a singular, almost precipitous, mountain opposite the house, which terminates in a sharp ridge at the top, one of those "knife-edge" ridges of which professor whitney and clarence king often speak in their descriptions of sierra scenery. if you are a mountain climber, you have here an opportunity for an adventure, and an excellent guide in mr. fry, who told me that this ridge is sharp enough to straddle, and that on the other side is an almost precipitous descent, with a fine lake in the distance. if you wish to hunt deer or bear, you will find in fry an expert and experienced hunter. he has a tame doe, which, i was told, is better than a dog to mark game on a hunt, its sharp ears and nose detecting the presence of game at a great distance. if you are a fisherman, there are within three minutes' walk of the house pools abounding in trout, and you may fish up and down the river as far as you please, with good success everywhere. in june and july, when the salmon come up to spawn, they, too, lie in the deepest pools, and with salmon eggs for bait you may, if you are expert enough with your rod, take many a fat salmon. [illustration: a bottling-cellar.] it is astonishing to see how the salmon crowd the river at the spawning season. the indians then gather from a considerable distance, to spear and trap these fish, which they dry for winter use; and you will see at this season many picturesque indian camps along the river. they set a crotch of two sticks in a salmon pool, and lay a log from the shore to this crotch. upon this log the indian walks out, with a very long spear, two-pronged at the end and there armed with two bone spear-heads, which are fastened to the shaft of the spear by very strong cord, usually made of deer's sinews. the indian stands very erect and in a really fine attitude, and peers into the black pool until his eye catches the silver sheen of a salmon. then he darts, and instantly you see a commotion in the water as he hauls up toward the surface a struggling twenty-five or thirty pound fish. the bone spear heads, when they have penetrated the salmon, come off from the spear, and the fish is held by the cord. a squaw stands ready on the shore to haul him in, and he is beaten over the head with a club until he ceases to struggle, then cleaned, and roasted on hot stones. when the meat is done and dry it is picked off the bones, and the squaws rub it to a fine powder between their hands, and in this shape it is packed for future use. from one of these pools a dozen indian spearmen frequently draw out four hundred salmon in a day, and this fish forms an important part of their food. of course they kill a great many thousand female salmon during the season; but so far, i believe, this murderous work has not been found to decrease the number of the fish which annually enter the river from the ocean, and go up to its head waters to spawn. if you visit this region during the last of june or in july, you may watch the salmon spawning, a most curious and remarkable sight. the great fish then leave the deep pools in which they have been quietly lying for some weeks before, and fearlessly run up on the shallow ripples. here, animated by a kind of fury, they beat the sand off the shoals with their tails, until often a female salmon thus labors till her tail fins are entirely worn off. she then deposits her eggs upon the coarse gravel, and the greedy trout, which are extravagantly fond of salmon eggs, rush up to eat them as the poor mother lays them. they are, i believe, watched and beaten off by the male salmon, which accompanies the female for this purpose. when the female salmon has deposited her eggs, and the male salmon has done his part of the work, the two often bring stones of considerable size in their mouths to cover up the eggs and protect them from the predatory attacks of the trout. and thereupon, according to the universal testimony of the fishermen of these waters, the salmon dies. i was assured that the dead bodies often cumber the shore after the spawning season is over; and the mountaineers all assert that the salmon, having once spawned up here, does not go down to the ocean again. they hold that the young salmon stay in the upper waters for a year, and go to sea about eighteen months after hatching; and it is not uncommon, i believe, for fishermen hereabouts to catch grilse weighing from two to four pounds. these bite sometimes at the fly. the salmon bite, too, when much smaller, for i caught one day a young salmon not more than six inches long. this little fellow was taken with a bait of salmon eggs, and his bright silvery sides made him quite different from the trout which i was catching out of the same pool. his, head, also had something of the fierce, predatory, hawk-like form which the older salmon's has. fry is an excellent fisherman himself, and knows all the best pools within reach of his house, and, if you are a mountaineer, will take you a dozen miles through the woods to other streams, where you may fish and hunt for days or weeks with great success, for these woods and waters are as yet visited by but few sportsmen. and if you happen to come upon indian fishermen on your way--they are all peaceful hereabouts--you may get the noble red man's opinion of the great woman question. as i stood at the road-side one day i saw an indian emerging from the woods, carrying his rifle and his pipe. him followed, at a respectful distance, his squaw, a little woman not bigger than a twelve-year-old boy; and _she_ carried, first, a baby; second, three salmon, each of which weighed not less than twenty pounds; third, a wild goose, weighing six or eight pounds; finally, a huge bundle of some kind of greens. this cumbrous and heavy load the indian had lashed together with strong thongs, and the squaw carried it on her back, suspended by a strap which passed across her forehead. when an indian kills a deer he loads it on the back of his squaw to carry home. arrived there, he lights his pipe, and she skins and cleans the animal, cuts off a piece sufficient for dinner, lights a fire, and cooks the meat. this done, the noble red man, who has calmly or impatiently contemplated these labors of the wife of his bosom, lays down his pipe and eats his dinner. when he is done, the woman, who has waited at one side, sits down to hers and eats what he has left. "who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." miss anthony and mrs. cady stanton have good missionary ground among these indians. one wonders in what language an indian brave courts the young squaw whom he wishes to marry; what promises he makes her; what hopes he holds out; with what enticing views of wedded bliss he lures the indian maiden to the altar or whatever may be the digger substitute for that piece of church furniture. one wonders that the squaws have not long ago combined and struck for at least moderately decent treatment; that marriages have not ceased among them; that there has not arisen among the diggers, the pit river indians, and all the indian tribes, some woman capable of leading her sex in a rebellion. but, to tell the truth, the indian women are homely to the last degree. "ugly," said an oregonian to me, as we contemplated a company of squaws--"ugly is too mild a word to apply to such faces;" and he was right. broad-faced, flat-nosed, small-eyed, unkempt, frowzy, undersized, thickset, clumsy, they have not a trace of beauty about them, either young or old. they are just useful, nothing more; and as you look at them and at the burdens they bear, you wonder whether, when the woman's rights movement has succeeded, and when women, dressed like frights in such bloomer costume as may then be prescribed, go out to their daily toil like men, and on an equality with men--when they have cast off the beauty which is so scornfully spoken of in the conventions, and have secured their rights--whether they will be any better off than these squaws. when you have thoughtfully regarded the indian woman perhaps you will agree with gail hamilton that it is woman's first duty to be useless; for it is plain that here, as in a higher civilization, when women consent to work as men, they are sure to have the hardest work and the poorest pay. [illustration: indian rancheria.] as you ascend the sacramento you near mount shasta, and when you reach strawberry valley, a pretty little mountain vale, you are but a short ride from its base. it is from this point that tourists ascend the mountain. you can hire horses, guides, and a camp outfit here, and the adventure requires three days. you ride up to the snow-line the first day, ascend to the top the following morning, descend to your camp in the afternoon, and return to the valley on the third day. mount shasta has a glacier, almost, but not quite, the only one, i believe, within the limits of the united states. the mountain is an extinct volcano. its summit is composed of lava, and if your eye is familiar with the peculiar shape of volcanic peaks, you can easily trace the now broken lines of this old crater as you view the mountain from the shasta plain on the north. there are many extremely pretty valleys scattered through these mountains, and these are used by small farmers, and by sheep and cattle owners who in the winter take their stock into the lower valleys, but ascend into the mountains in may, and remain until october. this is also a timber region, and as it is well watered by permanent streams you see frequent saw-mills, and altogether more improvement than one expects to find. but, proceeding further north you come upon a large plain, the shasta valley, in which lies the considerable town of yreka, notable during the last winter and spring as the point from which news came to us about the modoc war. from yreka you may easily visit the celebrated "lava beds," where the indians made so stubborn and long-continued a defense against the united states troops; and at yreka you may hear several opinions upon the merits of the modocs and their war. you will hear, for instance, that the indians were stirred up to hostilities by mischievous and designing whites, that white men were not wanting to supply them with arms and ammunition, and that, had it not been for the unscrupulous management of some greedy and wicked whites, we should not have been horrified by the shocking incidents of this costly indian trouble, in which the united states government for six months waged war against forty-six half-starved modocs. the shasta valley is an extensive plain, chiefly used at present as a range for cattle and sheep. but its soil is fertile, and the valley contains some good farms. beyond yreka gold mining is pursued, and, indeed, almost the whole of the mountain region north of redding yields "the color;" and at many points along the upper sacramento and the mountain streams which fall into it, gold is mined profitably. one day, at the soda spring, several of us asked mr. fry whether he could find gold near the river. he took a pan, and digging at random in his orchard, washed out three or four specks of gold; and he related that when he was planting this orchard ten years ago he found gold in the holes he dug for his apple-trees. but he is an old miner, and experience has taught him that a good apple orchard is more profitable, in the long run, than a poor gold mine. a large part of the sacramento valley is still used for grazing purposes, but the farmers press every year more and more upon the graziers; and the policy of the government in holding its own lands within what are called "railroad limits"--that is to say, within twenty miles on each side of the railroad--for settlement under the pre-emption and homestead laws, as well as the policy of the railroad company in selling its lands, the alternate sections for twenty miles on each side of the road, on easy terms and with long credit to actual settlers, prevents land monopoly in this region. there is room, and cheap and fertile land, for an immense population of industrious farmers, who can live here in a mild climate, and till a fertile soil, and who need only intelligence and enterprise to raise profitably raisins, orchard fruits, castor-oil, peanuts, silk, and a dozen other products valuable in the world's commerce, and not produced elsewhere in this country so easily. it is still in this region a time of large farms poorly tilled; but i believe that small farms, from to acres, will prove far more profitable in the end. the progress of california in material enterprises is something quite wonderful and startling. a year brings about changes for which one can hardly look in ten years. it is but eighteen months ago that the idea of a system of irrigation, to include the whole of the san joaquin valley, was broached, and then the most sanguine of the projectors thought that to give their enterprise a fair start would require years, and a great number of shrewd men believed the whole scheme visionary. but a few experiments showed to land-owners and capitalists the enormous advantages of irrigation, and now this scheme has sufficient capital behind it, and large land-holders are offering subsidies and mortgaging their lands to raise means to hasten the completion of the canal. two years ago the reclamation of the tule lands, though begun, advanced slowly, and arguments were required to convince men that tule land was a safe investment. but this year eight hundred miles of levee will be completed, and thousands of acres will bear wheat next harvest which were overflowed eighteen months ago. two years ago the question whether california could produce good raisins could not be answered; but last fall raisins which sold in the san francisco market beside the best malagas were cured by several persons, and it is now certain that this state can produce--and from its poorest side-hill lands--raisins enough to supply the whole union. not a year passes but some new and valuable product of the soil is naturalized in this state; and one who has seen the soil and who knows the climate of the two great valleys, who sees that within five, or, at most, ten years all their overflowed lands will be diked and reclaimed, and all their dry lands will be irrigated, and who has, besides, seen how wide is the range of products which the soil and climate yield, comes at last to have what seems to most eastern people an exaggerated view of the future of california. but, in truth, it is not easy to exaggerate, for the soil in the great valleys is deep and of extraordinary fertility; there are no forests to clear away, and farms lie ready-made to the settlers' hands; the range of products includes all those of the temperate zone and many of the torrid; the climate is invigorating, and predisposes to labor; and the seasons are extraordinarily favorable to the labors of the farmer and gardener. the people have not yet settled down to hard work. there are so many chances in life out there that men become overenterprising--a speculative spirit invades even the farm-house; and as a man can always live--food being so abundant and the climate so kindly--and as the population is as yet sparse, men are tempted to go from one avocation to another, to do many things superficially, and to look for sudden fortunes by the chances of a shrewd venture, rather than be content to live by patient and continued labor. this, however, is the condition of all new countries; it will pass away as population becomes more dense. and, meantime california has gifts of nature which form a solid substratum upon which will, in a few years, be built up a community productive far beyond the average of wealthy or productive communities. this is my conclusion after seeing all parts of this state more in detail than perhaps any one man has taken the trouble to examine it. [illustration: piedras blancas.] chapter ii. wine and raisins--profits of drying fruits. i have now seen the grape grow in almost every part of california where wine is made. the temptation to a new settler in this state is always strong to plant a vineyard; and i am moved, by much that i have seen, to repeat here publicly advice i have often given to persons newly coming into the state: do not make wine. i remember a wine-cellar, cheaply built, but with substantial and costly casks, containing (because the vineyard was badly placed) a mean, thin, fiery wine; and on a pleasant sunny afternoon, around these casks, a group of tipsy men--hopeless, irredeemable beasts, with nothing much to do except to encourage each other to another glass, and to wonder at the eastern man who would not drink. there were two or three indians staggering about the door; there was swearing and filthy talk inside; there was a pretentious tasting of this, that, and the other cask by a parcel of sots, who in their hearts would have preferred "forty-rod" whisky. and a little way off there was a house with women and children in it, who had only to look out of the door to see this miserable sight of husband, father, friends, visitors, and hired men spending the afternoon in getting drunk. i do not want any one to understand that every vineyard is a nest of drunkards, for this is not true. in the napa and sonoma valleys, in the foot-hills of the sierra, at anaheim and elsewhere in the southern country, you may find many men cultivating the grape and making wine in all soberness. but everywhere, and in my own experience nearly as often, you will see the proprietor, or his sons or his hired men, bearing the marks of strong drink; and too often, if you come unexpectedly, you will see some poor wretch in the wine-house who about four o'clock is maudlin. [illustration: point arena light-house.] seeing all this, i advise no new settler in the state to make wine. he runs too many risks with children and laborers, even if he himself escapes. in giving this advice, i do not mean to be offensive to the great body of wine growers in california, which numbers in its list a great many able, careful, and sober men, who are doing, as they have done, much and worthily for the prosperity of the state and for the production of good wine, and whose skill and enterprise are honorable to them. but the best and most thoughtful of these men will bear me out when i say that wine growing and making is a business requiring eminent skill and great practical good sense, and that not every one who comes to california with means enough to plant a vineyard ought to enter this business or can in the long run do so safely or profitably. fortunately, no one need make wine, though every man may raise grapes; for it is now a fact, established by sufficient and practical trial, that raisins, equal in every respect to the best malaga, can be made in california from the proper varieties of grapes, and can be sold for a price which will very handsomely pay the maker, and with a much smaller investment of capital and less skill than are required to establish a wine-cellar and make wine. the vineyard owners already complain that they can not always readily sell their crude wine at a paying price; but the market for carefully-made raisins is, as i am told by the principal fruit dealers in san francisco, open and eager. to make wine requires uncommon skill and care, and to keep it so that age shall give it that merit which commands a really good price demands considerable capital in the necessary outlay for casks. while the skillful wine-maker undoubtedly gets a large profit on his vines, it begins to be seen here that there is an oversupply of poorly-made wine. but any industrious person who has the right kind of grapes can make raisins; and raisin-making, which in had still a very uncertain future in this state, may now safely be called one of the established and most promising industries here. in i ate excellent raisins in los angeles, and tolerable ones in visalia; but they sell very commonly in the shops what they call "dried grapes," which are not raisins at all, but damp, sticky, disagreeable things, not good even in puddings. this year, however, i have seen in several places good native raisins; and the head of the largest fruit-importing house in san francisco told me that one raisin-maker last fall sold the whole of his crop there at $ per box of twenty-five pounds, malagas of the same quality bringing at the same time but $ . - / . there is a market for all well-made raisins that can be produced in the state, he said, and they are preferred to the foreign product. at folsom, mr. bugby told me he had made last year boxes of raisins, and he was satisfied with the pecuniary return; and i judge from the testimony of different persons that at seven cents per pound raisins will pay the farmer very well. the malaga and the white muscat are the grapes which appear here to make the best raisins. nobody has yet tried the seedless sultana, which, however, bears well here, and would make, i should think, an excellent cooking raisin. for making raisins they wait until the grape is fully ripe, and then carefully cut off the bunches and lay them either on a hard clay floor, formed in the open air, or on brown paper laid between the vine rows. they do not trim out poor grapes from the bunches, because, as they assert, there are none; but i suspect this will have to be done for the very finest raisins, such as would tempt a reluctant buyer. the bunches require from eighteen to twenty-four days of exposure in the sun to be cured. during that time they are gently turned from time to time, and such as are earliest cured are at once removed to a raisin-house. this is fitted with shelves, on which the raisins are laid about a foot thick, and here they are allowed to sweat a little. if they sweat too much the sugar candies on the outside, and this deteriorates the quality of the raisin. it is an object to keep the bloom on the berries. they are kept in the raisin-house, i was told, five or six weeks, when they are dry enough to box. it is as yet customary to put them in twenty-five pound boxes, but, no doubt, as more experience is gained, farmers will contrive other parcels. chinese do all the work in raisin-making, and are paid one dollar a day, they supplying themselves with food. there is no rain during the raisin-making season, and, consequently, the whole outdoor work may be done securely as well as cheaply. enormous quantities of fruit are now put up in tin cans in this state; and you will be surprised, perhaps--as i was the other day--to hear of an orchard of peach and apricot trees, which bears this year ( ) its first full crop, and for one hundred acres of which the owners have received ten thousand dollars cash, gold, selling the fruit on the trees, without risk of ripening or trouble of picking. yet peaches and apricots are not the most profitable fruits in this state, for the cherry--the most delicious cherries in the world grow here--is worth even more; and i suspect that the few farmers who have orchards of plums, and carefully dry the fruit, make as much money as the cherry owners. there has sprung up a very lively demand for california dried plums. they bring from twenty to twenty-two cents per pound at wholesale in san francisco, and even as high as thirty cents for the best quality; and i am told that last season a considerable quantity was shipped eastward and sold at a handsome profit in new york. the plum bears heavily and constantly north of sacramento, and does not suffer from the curculio, and the dried fruit is delicious and wholesome. some day the farmers who are now experimenting with figs will, i do not doubt, produce also a marketable dried fig in large quantities. at san francisco, in october, , i found in the shops delicious dried figs, but not in great quantities, nor so thoroughly dried as to bear shipment to a distance. the tree nourishes in almost all parts of the state. usually it bears two and often three crops a year, and it grows into a noble and stately tree. i am told that when smyrna figs sell for twenty to thirty cents per pound, california figs bring but from five to ten cents. the tree comes into full bearing, where its location is favorable, in its third or fourth year; and ought to yield then about sixty pounds of dried figs. i suspect the cost of labor will control the drying of figs, for they must be picked by hand. if they fall to the ground they are easily bruised, and the bruised part turns sour. they are dried in the shade, and on straw, which lets the air get to every part. irrigation is not good after the tree bears, as the figs do not dry so readily. birds and ants are fond of the fruit; and in one place i was told the birds took almost the whole of the first crop. there are many varieties of the fig grown in this state, but the white smyrna is, i believe, thought to be the best for market. there are no large plantations of this tree in the state, but it is found on almost every farm and country place, and is a very wholesome fruit when eaten green. when the farmers of the sacramento valley become tired of sowing wheat, and when the land comes into the hands of small farmers, as it is now doing to some extent, it will be discovered that fruit-trees are surer and more profitable than grain. a considerable emigration is now coming into california; and i advise every one who goes there to farm to lose no time before planting an orchard. trees grow very rapidly, and it will be many years before such fruits as the cherry, plum, apricot, or the raisin-grape are too abundant to yield to their owners exceptionally large profits. [illustration: shipping lumber, mendocino county.] chapter iii. the tule lands and land drainage. while you are talking about redeeming the new jersey marshes these go-ahead californians are actually diking and reclaiming similar and, in some cases, richer overflowed lands by the hundred thousand acres. if you will take, on a map of california, stockton, sacramento, and san francisco for guiding points, you will see that a large part of the land lying between these cities is marked "swamp and overflowed." until within five or six years these lands attracted but little attention. it was known that they were extremely fertile, but it was thought that the cost and uncertainty of reclaiming them were too great to warrant the enterprise. of late, however, they have been rapidly bought up by capitalists, and their sagacity has been justified by the results on those tracts which have been reclaimed. these tule lands--the word is pronounced as though spelled "toola"--are simply deposits of muck, a mixture of the wash or sediment brought down by the sacramento and san joaquin rivers with the decayed vegetable matter resulting from an immense growth of various grasses, and of the reed called the "tule," which often grows ten feet high in a season, and decays every year. the tule lands are in part the low lands along the greater rivers, but in part they are islands, lying in the delta of the sacramento and san joaquin rivers, and separated from each other by deep, narrow "sloughs," or "slews" as they are called--branches of these rivers, in fact. before reclamation they are overflowed commonly twice a year--in the winter, when the rains cause the rivers to rise; and again in june, when the melting of the snows on the mountains brings another rise. you may judge of the extent of this overflowed land by the following list of the principal tule islands: acres. robert's island....................... , union island.......................... , grizzly island........................ , sherman island........................ , grand island.......................... , ryer island........................... , staten island.......................... , bacon island........................... , brannan island......................... , bouldin island......................... , mandeville island...................... , venice island.......................... , tyler island........................... , andros island.......................... , twitchell island....................... , sutter island.......................... , joyce island........................... , rough and ready island................. , long island............................ , in all........................... , these are the largest islands; but you must understand that on the mainland, along the sacramento and its affluents, there is a great deal of similar land, probably at least twice as much more, perhaps three times. the swamp and overflowed lands were given by congress to the state; and the state has, in its turn, virtually given them to private persons. it has sold them for one dollar per acre, of which twenty per cent. was paid down, or twenty cents per acre; and this money, less some small charges for recording the transfer and for inspecting the reclamation, is returned by the state to the purchaser if he, within three years after the purchase, reclaims his land. that is to say, the state gives away the land on condition that it shall be reclaimed and brought into cultivation. during a number of years past enterprising individuals have undertaken to reclaim small tracts on these islands by diking them, but with not encouraging success, and it was not until a law was passed empowering the majority of owners of overflowed lands in any place to form a reclamation district, choose a board of reclamation, and levy a tax upon all the land in the district, for building and maintaining the dikes or levees that these lands really came into use. [illustration: a water jam of logs.] now, this work of draining is going on so fast that this year nearly six hundred miles of levee will be completed among the islands alone, not to speak of reclamation districts on the main-land. there seems to be a general determination to do the work thoroughly, the high floods of - having shown the farmers and land-owners that they must build high and strong levees, or else lose all, or at least much, of their labor and outlay. during the spring of i saw huge breaks in some of the levees, which overflowed lands to the serious damage of farmers, for not only is the crop of the year lost, but orchards and vineyards, which flourish on the tule lands, perished or were seriously injured by the waters. chinese labor is used almost entirely in making the levees. an engineer having planned the work, estimates are made, and thereupon chinese foremen take contracts for pieces at stipulated rates, and themselves hire their countrymen for the actual labor. this subdivision, to which the perfect organization of chinese labor readily lends itself, is very convenient. the engineer or master in charge of the work deals only with the chinese foremen, pays them for the work done, and exacts of them the due performance of the contract. the levee stuff is taken from the inside; thus the ditch is inside of the levee, and usually on the outside is a space of low marsh, which presently fills with willow and cotton-wood. you may sail along the river or slough, therefore, for miles, and see only occasional evidences of the embankment. the soil is usually a tough turf, full of roots, which is very cheaply cut out with an instrument called a "tule-knife," and thrown up on the levee, where it seems to bind well, though one would not think it would. at frequent intervals are self-acting tide-gates for drainage; these are made of the redwood of the coast, which does not rot in the water. the rise and fall of the tides is about six feet. the levees have been in some places troubled with beaver, which, however, are now hunted for their fur, and will not long be troublesome. there is no musk-rat--an animal which would do serious damage here. the tule-rat lives on roots on the land, but is not active or strong enough to be injurious. the levee is usually from six to eight feet broad on top, with the inside sloping; but i was told that experience had shown that the outside should be perpendicular. it is not unusual for parts of a levee to sink down, but i could hear of no case of capsizing. the levee board of a district appoints levee-masters, whose duty it is to look after the condition of the work, and on the islands i visited there were gangs of chinamen engaged in repairing and heightening the embankments. you land at a wharf, and, standing on top of the levee, you see before you usually the house and other farm buildings, set up on piles, for security against a break and overflow; and beyond a great track of level land, two or three or five feet below the level of the levee, and, if it has but lately been reclaimed, covered with the remnants of tules and of grass sods. when the levee is completed, and the land has had opportunity to drain a little, the first operation is to burn it over. this requires time and some care, for it is possible to burn too deep; and in some parts the fire burns deep holes if it is not checked. if the land is covered with dry tules, the fire is set so easily that a single match will burn a thousand acres, the strong trade-wind which blows up the river and across these lands carrying the fire rapidly. if the dry tules have been washed off, a chinaman is sent to dig holes through the upper sod; after him follows another, with a back-load of straw wisps, who sticks a wisp into each hole, lights it with a match, and goes on. at this rate, i am told, it cost on one island only one hundred dollars to burn fifteen hundred acres. when this work is done you have an ash-heap, extremely disagreeable to walk over, and not yet solid enough to bear horses or oxen. accordingly, the first crop is put on with sheep. first the tract is sowed, usually with a coffee-mill sower or hand machine, and, i am told, at the rate of about thirty pounds of wheat to the acre, though i believe it would be better to sow more thickly. then comes a band or flock of about five hundred sheep. these are driven over the surface in a compact body, and at no great rate of speed, and it is surprising how readily they learn what is expected of them, and how thoroughly they tramp in the seed. dogs are used in this work to keep the sheep together, and they expect to "sheep in," as they call it, about sixteen acres a day with five hundred animals, giving these time besides to feed on the levee and on spare land. tule land thus prepared has actually yielded from forty to sixty bushels of wheat per acre. it does not always do so, because, as i myself saw, it is often badly and irregularly burned over, and probably otherwise mismanaged. the crop is taken off with headers, as is usual in this state. for the second year's crop the land is plowed. a two-share gang-plow is used, with a seat for the plowman. it is drawn by four horses, who have to be shod with broad wooden shoes, usually made of ash plank, nine by eleven inches, fastened to the iron shoes of the horse by screws. the soil does not appear to be sour, and no doubt the ashes from the burning off do much to sweeten it where it needs that. but several years are needed to reduce the ground to its best condition for tillage, and the difference in this respect between newly-burned or second-crop lands and such matured farms as that of mr. bigelow on sherman island--who has been there eight or nine years--is very striking. it seemed to me that the farmers and land-owners with whom i spoke knew "for certain" but very little about the best ways to manage these lands, and that the advice of a thorough scientific agriculturist, like professor johnson of yale, would be very valuable to them. now, they know only that the land when burned over will bear large crops of wheat; and, of course, in all practical measures for economically putting in and taking off a wheat crop the californian needs no instructor. the soil seemed to me, so far as they dig into it--say six feet deep--to be, not peat, but a mass of undecayed or but partly decayed roots, strongly adhering together, so that the upper part of a levee, taken of course from the lowest part of the ditch, lay in firm sods or tussocks. these, however, seem to decay pretty rapidly on exposure to the air. the drainage is not usually deeper than four feet, and in places the water-level was but three feet below the surface. the newly reclaimed land being very light, suffers from the dry season, and is often irrigated, which, as it lies below the river-level, can be quickly and cheaply done. sherman island was one of the earliest to be reclaimed, and there i visited the fine farm of mr. bigelow--a new hampshire man, i believe, and apparently a thorough farmer. he has lived on tule land ten years, and his fields were consequently in the finest condition. here i saw a three-hundred-acre field of wheat, as fine as wheat could be. he thought he should get about forty-five bushels per acre this year. he had got, he told me, between sixty-five and seventy bushels per acre, and without any further labor the next year brought him from the same fields fifty-two bushels per acre as a "volunteer" or self-seeded crop. here i saw luxuriant red clover and blue grass, and he had also a field of carrots, which do well on this alluvial bottom, it seems. but what surprised me more was to find that apples, pears, peaches, plums, grapes, apricots--all the fruits--do well on this soil. with us i think the pear would not do well on peat; but here it withstood last year's flood, which broke a levee and overflowed mr. bigelow's farm, and the trees do not appear to have suffered. he had also wind-breaks of osier willow, which of course grows rapidly, and had been a source of profit to him in, yielding cuttings for sale. timothy does not do well on tule land, as its roots do not push down deep enough, and the surface of such light soils always dries up rapidly. mr. bigelow told me that he once sowed alfalfa in february with wheat, and took off forty-five bushels of wheat per acre, and a ton and a half of alfalfa later; and pastured (in a thirty-acre field) twenty-five head of stock till christmas on the same land, after the hay was cut. they have one great advantage on the tule lands--they can put in their crops at any time from november to the last of june. it was very curious to sit on the veranda at the farm-house, after dinner, with a high levee immediately in front of us almost hiding the sacramento river, and with a broad canal--the inner ditch--full of fresh water, running along the boundary as far as the eye could reach, the level of the levee broken occasionally by tide-gates. the prospect would have been monotonous had we not had at one side the lovely mountain range of which mount diablo is the prominent peak. but the great expanse of clean fields, level as a billiard-table, and in as fine tilth as though this was a model farm, was a delight to the eye, too. it may interest grape-growers in the east to be told that of what we call "foreign grapes," the muscat of alexandria succeeds best in these moist, peaty lands. it is the market grape here. trees have not grown to a great size on the tule lands, but bees are very fond of the wild-flowers which abound in the unreclaimed marshes, and, having no hollow trees to build in, they adapt themselves to circumstances by constructing their hives on the outside or circumference of trees. [illustration: mount hood, oregon.] fencing costs here about three hundred and twenty dollars per mile. the redwood posts are driven into the ground with mauls. farm laborers receive in the tules thirty dollars per month and board if they are white men, but one dollar a day and feed themselves, where they are chinese. on twitchell island i found an experiment making in ramie and jute, mr. finch, formerly of haywards, having already planted twenty-six acres of ramie, and intending to put seven acres into jute, for which he had the plants all ready, raised in a canvas-covered inclosure. he raised ramie successfully last year, and sold, he told me, from one-tenth of an acre, two hundred and sixty three pounds of prepared ramie, for fifteen cents per pound. he used, to dress it, a machine made in california, which several persons have assured me works well and cheaply, a fact which ramie growers in louisiana may like to know; for the chief obstacle to ramie culture in this country has been, so far, the lack of a cheap and rapidly-working machine for its preparation. it struck me that mr. finch's experiment with ramie and jute would promise better were it not made on new land from which i believe only one crop had been taken. when these tule lands have been diked and drained, they are sold for from twenty to twenty-five dollars per acre. considering the crops they bear, and their nearness to market--ships could load at almost any of the islands--i suppose the price is not high; but a farmer ought to be sure that the levees are high enough, and properly made. to levee them costs variously, from three to twelve dollars per acre. the tule lands which lie on the main-land, and which are equally rich with the islands, are usually ditched and diked for less than six dollars per acre; and this sum is regarded, i believe, by the state commissioners as the maximum which the owners are allowed to borrow on reclamation land-bonds for the purpose of levee building. i spoke awhile back of the existence of beavers in the tule country. elk and grizzly bears used also to abound here, and i am told that on the unreclaimed lands elk are still found, though the grizzlies have gone to the mountains. one of the curiosities hereabouts is the ark, or floating house, used by the hunters, which you see anchored or moored in the sloughs: in these they live, using a small boat when they go ashore to hunt, and floating from place to place with the tide. on one of these arks i saw a magnificent pair of elk horns from an animal recently shot. [illustration: coast view, mendocino county.] chapter iv. sheep-grazing in northern california. in the last year i have received a good many letters from persons desirous to try sheep-farming in california, and this has led me to look a little closely into this business as it is conducted in the northern parts of california. there is no doubt that the climate of california gives some exceptional advantages to the sheep-grazer. he need not, in most parts of the state, make any provision against winter. he has no need for barns or expensive sheds, or for a store of hay or roots. his sheep live out-of-doors all the year round, and it results that those who have been so fortunate as to secure cheaply extensive ranges have made a great deal of money, even though they conducted the business very carelessly. it ought to be understood, however, by persons who think of beginning with sheep here, that the business has changed considerably in character within two or three years. land, in the first place, has very greatly risen in price; large ranges are no longer easily or cheaply obtained, and in the coast counties of southern california particularly large tracts are now too high-priced, considering the quality of the land and its ability to carry sheep, for prudent men to buy. moreover, southern california has some serious disadvantages for sheep-grazing which the northern part of the state--the sacramento valley and the adjoining coast-range and sierra foot-hills--are without, and which begin to tell strongly, now that the wool of this state begins to go upon its merits, and is no longer bought simply as "california wool," regardless of its quality. southern california has a troublesome burr, which is not found north of sacramento, except on the lower lands. in southern california it is often difficult to tide the sheep over the fall months in good order, whereas in the northern part of the state they have a greater variety of land, and do this more easily. the average of southern wool brings less by five or six cents per pound than that of the sacramento valley; and this is due in part to the soil and climate, and in part to the fact that sheep are more carefully kept in the northern part of the state. many of the sheep farmers in the sacramento valley have entirely done away with the mischievous practice of corraling their sheep--confining them at night, i mean, in narrow, crowded quarters--a practice which makes and keeps the sheep scabby. they very generally fence their lands, and thus are able to save their pasture and to manage it much more advantageously. they seem to me more careful about overstocking than sheep farmers generally are in the southern part of the state, though it should be understood that such men as colonel hollester, colonel diblee, dr. flint, and a few others in the south, who, like these, have exceptionally fine ranges, keep always the best sheep in the best manner. but smaller tracks, sown to alfalfa, are found to pay in the valleys where the land can be irrigated. in australia and new zealand sheep inspectors are appointed, who have the duty to examine flocks and force the isolation of scabby sheep; and a careless flock-master who should be discovered driving scabby sheep through the country would be heavily fined; here the law says nothing on this head, but i have found this spring several sheep owners in the sacramento valley who assured me that they had eradicated scab so entirely from their flocks that they dealt also by isolation with such few single specimens as they found to have this disease. moreover, i find that the best sheep farmers aim to keep, not the largest flocks, but the best sheep. there is no doubt that the sheep deteriorates in this state unless it is carefully and constantly bred up. "we must bring in the finest bucks from australia, or the east, or our own state," said one very successful sheep farmer to me; "and we must do this all the time, else our flocks will go back." "it is more profitable to keep fewer sheep of the best kind than more not quite so good. it is more profitable to keep a few sheep always in good condition than many with a period of semi-starvation for them in the fall," said another; and added, "i would rather, if i were to begin over again, spend my money on a breed worth six dollars a head, than one worth two or three dollars, and i would rather not keep sheep at all than not fence." he had his land--about twenty-five thousand acres--fenced off in lots of from four to six thousand acres, and into one of these he turned from six to eight thousand sheep, leaving them to graze as they pleased. he had noticed, he told me, that whereas the sheep under the usual corral system feed the greater part of the day, no matter how hot the sun, his sheep in these large pastures were lying down from nine in the morning to four or five in the afternoon; and he often found them feeding far into the night, and rising again to graze long before daylight. they were at liberty to follow their own pleasure, having water always at hand. an abundant supply of water he thought of great importance. [illustration: indian sweat-house.] of course, where the sheep are turned out into fenced land no shepherds are required, which makes an important saving. one man, with a horse, visits the different flocks, and can look after ten or fifteen thousand head. the farmer whom i have quoted does not dip his sheep to prevent or cure scab, but mops the sore place, when he discovers a scabby sheep, with a sponge dipped into the scab-mixture. he gets, he told me, from his flock of ten thousand merinoes, an average of seven pounds per head of wool, and he does not shear any except the lambs, in the fall. it is a common but bad practice here to shear all sheep twice a year; and where, as is too often the case, a flock is very scabby, no doubt this is necessary. he had long sheds as shelter for his ewes about lambing-time, so as to protect them against fierce winds and cold rain storms; and he saved every year about two hundred tons of hay, cut from the wild pastures, to feed in case the rain should hold off uncommonly late. his aim was to keep the sheep always in good condition, so that there should never be any weak place in the wool. his sheds cost him about one dollar per running foot. the sheep found their own way to them. i find it is the habit of the forehanded sheep-grazers in the sacramento valley to own a range in the foot-hills and another on the bottom-lands. during the summer the sheep are kept in the bottoms, which are then dry and full of rich grasses; in the fall and winter they are taken to the uplands, and there they lamb, and are shorn. where the range lies too far away from any river, they drive the sheep in may into the mountains, where they have green grass all summer; and about red bluff i saw a curious sight--cattle and horses wandering, singly or in small groups, of their own motion, to the mountains, and actually crossing the sacramento without driving; and i was told that in the fall they would return, each to its master's rancho. i am satisfied that, except, perhaps, for the region north of redding, where the winters are cold and the summers have rain and green grass, and where long-wooled sheep will do well, the merino is the sheep for this state; and "the finer the better," say the best sheep men. near red bluff i saw some fine cotswolds, and in the coast valleys north of san francisco these and leicesters, i am told, do well. a great deal of the land which is now used for sheep will, in the next five, or at most ten years, be plowed and cropped. there is a tendency to tax all land at its real value; and, except with good management, it will not pay to keep sheep on land fit for grain and taxed as grain land, which a great deal of the grazing land is. as the state becomes more populous, the flocks will become smaller, and the wool will improve in quality at the same time. i have seen a good deal of alfalfa in the sacramento valley, but i have seen also that the sheep men do not trust to it entirely. they believe that it will be better for sheep as hay than as green food; and this lucerne grows so rankly, and has, unless it is frequently cut, so much woody stalk, that i believe this also. it makes extremely nice hay. every man who comes to california to farm ought to keep some sheep; and he can keep them more easily and cheaply here than anywhere in the east. for persons who want to begin sheep-raising on a large scale and with capital the opportunities are not so good here now; but there are yet fine chances in nevada, in the valley of the humboldt, where already thousands of head of cattle, and at least one hundred thousand sheep, are now fed by persons who do not own the land at all. i am told extensive tracts could be bought there at really low prices, and with such credit on much of it as would enable a man with capital enough to stock his tract to pay for the land out of the proceeds of the sheep. the white sage in the humboldt valley is very nutritious, and there is also in the subsidiary valleys bunch-grass and other nutritious food for stock. not a few young men have gone into this humboldt country with a few hundreds of sheep, and are now wealthy. the winters are somewhat longer than in california, but the sheep find feed all the year round; and they are shorn near the line of the railroad, so that there is no costly transportation of the wool. mutton sheep, too, are driven to the railroad to be sent to market, and for stock, therefore, this otherwise out-of-the-way region is very convenient. riding through the foot-hills near rocklin--where i had been visiting a well-kept sheep-farm--i saw a curious and unexpected sight. there are still a few wretched digger indians in this part of california; and what i saw was a party of these engaged in catching grasshoppers, which they boil and eat. they dig a number of funnel-shaped holes, wide at the top, and eighteen inches deep, on a cleared space, and then, with rags and brush, drive the grasshoppers toward these holes, forming for that purpose a wide circle. it is slow work, but they seem to delight in it; and their excitement was great as they neared the circle of holes and the insects began to hop and fall into them. at last there was a close and rapid rally, and half a dozen bushels of grasshoppers were driven into the holes; whereupon hats, aprons, bags, and rags were stuffed in to prevent the multitudes from dispersing; and then began the work of picking them out by handfuls, crushing them roughly in the hand to keep them quiet, and crowding them into the bags in which they were to be carried to their rancheria. "sweet--all same pudding," cried an old woman to me, as i stood looking on. it is not a good year for grasshoppers this year; nothing like the year of which an inhabitant of roseville spoke to me later in the day, when he said, "they ate up every bit of his garden-truck, and then sat on the fence and asked him for a chew of tobacco." the sheep ranges of the northern interior counties are less broken up than in the coast counties farther south; and it is better and more profitable, in my judgment, to pay five dollars per acre for grazing lands in the sacramento valley than two dollars and a half for grazing lands farther south and among the mountains. the grazier in the northern counties has two advantages over his southern competitor: first, in the ability to buy low-lying lands on the river, where he can graze from three to six or even ten sheep to the acre during the summer months, and where he may plant large tracts in alfalfa; and, secondly, in a safe refuge against drought in the mountain meadows of the sierras, and in the little valleys and fertile hill-slopes of the coast range, where there is much unsurveyed government land, to which hundreds of thousands of sheep and cattle are annually driven by the graziers of the plain, who thus save their own pastures, and are able to carry a much larger number of sheep than they otherwise would. moreover, nearness to the railroad is an important advantage for the sheep-farmer; and i found that the most enterprising and intelligent sheep men in the northern counties send their wool direct by railroad to the eastern states, instead of shipping it to san francisco to be sold. finally, much of the land now obtainable for grazing in the sacramento valley, at prices in some cases not too dear for grazing purposes, is of a quality which will make it valuable agricultural land as soon as the valley begins to fill up; and thus, aside from the profit from the sheep, the owner may safely reckon upon a large increase in the value of his land. this can not be said of much of the grazing land of the southern coast counties, which is mountainous and broken, and fit only for grazing. of course i speak here of the average lands only. there are large tracts or ranchos in the southern coast counties, such as the lampoe rancho of hollester & diblee, and lands in the salinas valley, which are exceptionally fine, and to which what i have said of the coast panchos generally does not apply. [illustration: another coast-view, northern california.] chapter v. the chinese as laborers and producers. as i crossed from oakland to san francisco on a sunday afternoon last july, there were on the ferry-boat a number of chinese. they were decently clad, quiet, clean, sat apart in their places in the lower part of the boat conversing together, and finally walked off the boat when she came to land as orderly as though they had been massachusetts christians. there were also on the boat a number of half-grown and full-grown white boys, some of whom had been fishing, and carried their long rods with them. these were slouchy, dirty, loud-voiced, rude; and, as they passed off the boat, i noticed that with their long rods they knocked the hats of the chinese off their heads, or punched them in the back, every effort of this kind being rewarded with boisterous laughter from their companions. nor did they confine their annoyance entirely to the chinese, for they jostled and pushed their way out through the crowd of men and women very much as a gang of pickpockets on a third avenue car in new york conducts itself when its members mean to steal a watch or two. these rowdies were "hoodlums;" and it is the hoodlums chiefly who clamor about the chinese, and who are "ruined by chinese cheap labor." the anti-chinese agitation in san francisco has led me to look a little closely into this matter, and i declare my belief that there are not a hundred decent men who work for a living in that city engaged in this crusade against the chinese. if you could to-day assemble there all who join in this persecution, and if then you took from this assemblage all the hoodlums, all the bar-room loafers, and all the political demagogues, i don't believe you would have a hundred men left on the ground. that is to say, the people who actually earn the bread they eat do not persecute the chinese. if an eastern reader suggests that it argues a lack of public spirit in the decent part of the community to allow the roughs to rule in this matter, i take leave to remind him of the time, not very long ago, when the same combination of hoodlum and demagogue mobbed negroes in new york, and threatened vengeance if colored people were allowed to ride in the street-cars. here, as there then, there are unfortunately newspapers which ignorantly pander to this vile class, and help to swell the cry of persecution. and here, as in new york a few years ago, it results that the proscribed race is hardly dealt with, not only by the roughs, but sometimes in the courts, and gets scant and hard justice dealt out to it. the courageous and upright action of mayor alvord in vetoing the inhuman and silly acts of the city supervisors, which, by-the-way, has made him one of the most popular men in california, for the moment shamed the demagogues and silenced the rowdies; but there are means of annoying the chinese within the law, which are still used. for instance, there is an ordinance declaring a fine for overcrowding tenement-houses, and requiring that in every room there shall be five hundred cubic feet of air for each occupant, and for violating this a fine of ten dollars is imposed. this ordinance is enforced only against the chinese--so i am assured on the best authority, and they only are fined. but justice would seem to demand not only that the law should be enforced against all alike, but that the owner of the property should be made liable for its misuse as well as the unfortunate and ignorant occupants. the chinese quarter in san francisco consists, for the most part, of a lot of decayed rookeries which would put our own five points to the blush. the chinese live here very much as the five points' population lives in new york. and here, as there, respectable people--or people at any rate who would think themselves insulted if you called their respectability in question--own these filthy and decayed tenements; live in comfort on the rent paid them by the chinese; perhaps go to church on sunday, and, no doubt, thank god that they are not as other people. it is very good to fine a poor devil of a chinaman because he lives in an overcrowded tenement; but what a stir there would be if some enterprising san francisco journal should give a description of these holes, and the different uses they are put to, and add the names and residences of the owners. california has, according to cronise--a good authority-- , , acres of arable land. it has, according to the last census, , people, of whom , live in san francisco, and yet nowhere in the united states have i heard so much complaint of "nothing to do" as in san francisco. one of the leading cries of the demagogues here is that the chinese are crowding white men out of employment. but one of the complaints most frequently heard from men who need to get work done is that they can get nobody to do it. a hundred times and more, in my travels through the state, i have found chinese serving not only as laborers, but holding positions where great skill and faithfulness were required; and almost every time the employer has said to me, "i would rather, of course, employ a white man, but i can not get one whom i can trust, and who will stick to his work." in some cases this was not said, but the employer spoke straight out that he had tried white men, and preferred the chinese as more faithful and painstaking, more accurate, and less eye-servants. a gentleman told me that he had once advertised in the san francisco papers for one hundred laborers; his office was besieged for three days. three hundred and fifty offered themselves, all presumably ruined by chinese cheap labor; but all but a dozen refused to accept work when they heard that they were required to go "out of the city." the charge that the chinese underbid the whites in the labor market is bosh. when they first come over, and are ignorant of our language, habits, customs, and manner of work, they no doubt work cheaply; but they know very accurately the current rate of wages and the condition of the labor market, and they manage to get as much as any body, or, if they take less in some cases, it is because they can not do a full day's work. it is a fact, however, that they do a great deal of work which white men will not do out here; they do not stand idle, but take the first job that is offered them. and the result is that they are used all over the state, more and more, because they chiefly, of the laboring population, will work steadily and keep their engagements. moreover, the admirable organization of the chinese labor is an irresistible convenience to the farmer, vineyardist, and other employer. "how do you arrange to get your chinese?" i asked a man in the country who was employing more than a hundred in several gangs. he replied: "i have only to go or send to a chinese employment office in san francisco, and say that i need so many men for such work and at such pay. directly up come the men, with a foreman of their own, with whom alone i have to deal. i tell only him what i want done; i settle with him alone; i complain to him, and hold him alone responsible. he understands english; and this system simplifies things amazingly. if i employed white men i should have to instruct, reprove, watch, and pay each one separately; and of a hundred, a quarter, at least, would be dropping out day after day for one cause or another. moreover, with my chinese comes up a cook for every twenty men, whom i pay, and provisions of their own which they buy. thus i have nobody to feed and care for. they do it themselves." this is the reply i have received in half a dozen instances where i made inquiry of men who employed from twenty-five to two hundred chinese. any one can see that, with such an organization of labor, many things can be easily done which under our different and looser system a man would not rashly undertake. so far as i have been able to learn, such a thing as a gang of chinese leaving a piece of work they had engaged to do, unless they were cheated or ill-treated, is unknown. then they don't drink whisky. with all this, any one can see that they need not work cheaply. to a man who wants to get a piece of work done their systematic ways are worth a good deal of money. in point of fact, they are quick enough to demand higher wages. [illustration: a saw-mill port on puget sound.] of the population of califoraia when the census of was taken, , were chinese, , were irish, , were germans, and , were born in the united states. in an official return from the california state prison, the number of convicts in , the last year reported, is given at ; of whom were native born, were chinese, were irish, were german. this gives, of convicts, one in every of the whole population of the state; one in of the native born; one in of the chinese; one in of the irish born; and one in of the germans. that is to say, of the different nationalities the germans contribute the fewest convicts, the native born next, the irish next, and the chinese the greatest number proportionately. but pray bear in mind the important fact that the chinese here are almost entirely grown men; they have no families here, and but a small number of women, almost all of whom are, moreover, prostitutes. if, then, you would compare these figures rightly you would have to leave out of the count the women and children of all the other nationalities; it would, perhaps, then appear that the chinese furnish a much smaller proportion of criminals than the above figures show; and this in spite of the well-known fact that dame justice commonly turns a very cold shoulder toward a chinaman. i wonder that the comparison shows so favorably for them. it is said that they send money out of the country. i wonder who sends the most, the chinaman or the white foreigner? if one could get at the sums remitted to england, ireland, and germany, and those sent to china, i don't know which would be the greater. but a chinese, to whom i mentioned this charge, made me an excellent answer. he said: "suppose you work for me; suppose i pay you; what business i what you do with money? if you work good for me, that all i care. no business my what you do your pay." surely he was right; the chinaman may send some part of his wages out of the country, though not much, for he must eat, must be clothed and lodged, must pay railroad and stage fares, must smoke opium, and usually gamble a little. when all this is done, the surplus of a chinaman's wages is not great. but suppose he sent off all his pay; he does not and can not send off the work he has done for it, the ditches he has dug, the levees he has made, the meals he has cooked, and the clothes he has washed and ironed, the harvest he has helped to sow and gather, and the vegetables he has raised; the cigars, and shoes, blankets, gloves, slippers, and other things he has made. these remain to enrich the country, to make abundance where, but for his help, there would be scarcity, or importation from other states or countries. but lately it is asserted that the chinese have brought or will bring the leprosy hither. this is a genuine cry of anguish and terror from the hoodlums; for, bear in mind that, according to the best medical opinion in the sandwich islands, where this disease is most frequent and has been most thoroughly studied, it is communicated only by cohabitation or the most intimate association. if you ask a policeman to pilot you through the chinese quarter of san francisco between eight and eleven o'clock any night, you will see the creatures who make this outcry. they are hoodlums, gangs of whom per ambulate the worst alleys, and pass in and out of the vilest kennels. i was curious to know something about the "chinese companies" of which one frequently hears here, and which exercise important powers over their countrymen all over the state. what follows concerning these organizations i derived from conversation with several chinese who speak english, and with a missionary who labors among them. there are six of these companies, calling themselves "yong wong," "howk wah," "sam yup," "yen wah," "kong chow," and "yong woh." they are benevolent societies; each looks after the people who come from the province or district for whose behalf it is formed. when a ship comes into port with chinese, the agents of the companies board it, and each takes the names of those who belong to his province. these then come into the charge of their proper company. that lodges, and, if necessary, feeds them; as quickly as possible secures them employment; and, if they are to go to a distant point, lends them the needed passage-money. the company also cares for the sick, if they are friendless and without means; and it sends home the bones of those who die here. [illustration: cape horn, columbia river.] moreover, it settles all disputes between chinese, levies fines upon offenders; and when a chinaman wishes to return home, his company examines his accounts, and obliges him to pay his just debts here before leaving. the means to do all this are obtained by the voluntary contributions of the members, who are all who land at san francisco from the province which a company represents. in the canton company, "sam yup," i was told that the members pay seven dollars each, which sum is paid at any time, but always before they go home. "suppose a man does not pay?" i asked a chinese who speaks english very well. he replied, "then the company loses it; but all who can, pay. very seldom any one refuses." "suppose," said i, "a chinaman refuses to respect the company's decision, in case of a quarrel?" he replied, "they never refuse. it is their own company. they are all members." naturally there are sometimes losses and a deficit in the treasury. this is made up by levying an additional contribution. "do the companies advance money to bring over chinese?" "no," was the reply, "the company has no money; it is not a business association, but only for mutual aid among the chinese here." nor does it act as an employment office, for this is a separate and very well organized business. it sends home the bones of dead men, and this costs fifteen dollars; and wherever the deceased leaves property or money, or the relatives are able to pay, the company exacts this sum. it is evident that the chinese in california keep up a very active correspondence with san francisco as well as with china. they "keep the run" of their people very carefully; and the poorer class, who have probably gone into debt at home for money to get over here, seem to pay their debts with great honesty out of their earnings. it is clear to me that the poorer chinese command far greater credit among their countrymen than our laboring class usually receives, and this speaks well for their general honesty. i do not mean to hold up the chinaman as an entirely admirable creature. he has many excellent traits, and we might learn several profitable lessons from him in the art of organizing labor, and in other matters. but he has grave vices; he does commonly, and without shame, many things which we hold to be wrong and disreputable; and, altogether, it might have been well could we have kept him out. the extent to which they carry organization and administration is something quite curious. for instance, there are not only organized bands of laborers, submitting themselves to the control and management of a foreman; benevolent societies, administering charity and, to a large extent, justice; employment societies, which make advances to gangs and individuals all over the state; but there is in san francisco a society or organization for the importation of prostitutes from china. the existence of this organization was not suspected until during last summer some of its victims appealed to a city missionary to save them from a life of vice. thereupon suit was brought by chinese in the courts for money which they claimed these women owed; and, on an examination, i was told, no attempt was made to conceal the fact that a regularly formed commercial organization was engaged in either buying or kidnapping young women in china, bringing them to san francisco, there furnishing them clothing and habitations, and receiving from them a share of the money they gained by prostitution. but the chinaman is here; treaty laws made by our government with his give him the right to come here, and to live here securely. and this is to be said, that if we could to-day expel the chinese from california, more than half the capital now invested there would be idle or leave the state, many of the most important industries would entirely stop, and the prosperity of california would receive a blow from which it would not recover for twenty years. they are, as a class, peaceable, patient, ingenious, and industrious. that they deprive any white man of work is absurd, in a state which has scarcely half a million of people, and which can support ten millions, and needs at least three millions to develop fairly its abundant natural wealth; and no matter what he is, or what the effect of his presence might be, it is shameful that he should be meanly maltreated and persecuted among a people who boast themselves christian and claim to be civilized. [illustration: saw-mill.] chapter vi. the mendocino coast and clear lake--general view. some of the most picturesque country in california lies on or near the coast north of san francisco. the coast counties, marin, sonoma, mendocino, humboldt, klamath, and del norte, are the least visited by strangers, and yet with napa, lake, and trinity, they make up a region which contains a very great deal of wild and fine scenery, and which abounds with game, and shows to the traveler many varieties of life and several of the peculiar industries of california. those who have passed through the lovely napa valley, by way of calistoga, to the geysers, or who have visited the same place by way of healdsburg and the pretty russian river valley, have no more than a faint idea of what a tourist may see and enjoy who will devote two weeks to a journey along the sea-coast of marin and mendocino counties, returning by way of clear lake--a fine sheet of water, whose borders contain some remarkable volcanic features. the northern coast counties are made up largely of mountains, but imbosomed in these lie many charming little, and several quite spacious, valleys, in which you are surprised to find a multitude of farmers living, isolated from the world, that life of careless and easy prosperity which is the lot of farmers in the fat valleys of california. in such a journey the traveler will see the famous redwood forests of this state, whose trees are unequaled in size except by the gigantic sequoias; he will see those dairy-farms of marin county whose butter supplies not only the western coast, but is sent east, and competes in the markets of new york and boston with the product of eastern dairies, while, sealed hermetically in glass jars, it is transported to the most distant military posts, and used on long sea-voyages, keeping sweet in any climate for at least a year; he will see, in mendocino county, one of the most remarkable coasts in the world, eaten by the ocean into the most singular and fantastic shapes; and on this coast saw-mills and logging camps, where the immense redwood forests are reduced to useful lumber with a prodigious waste of wood. he will see, besides the larger napa, petaluma, bereyessa, and russian river valleys, which are already connected by railroad with san francisco, a number of quiet, sunny little vales, some of them undiscoverable on any but the most recent maps, nestled among the mountains, unconnected as yet with the world either by railroad or telegraph, but fertile, rich in cattle, sheep, and grain, where live a people peculiarly californian in their habits, language, and customs, great horsemen, famous rifle-shots, keen fishermen, for the mountains abound in deer and bear, and the streams are alive with trout. he may see an indian reservation--one of the most curious examples of mismanaged philanthropy which our government can show. and finally, the traveler will come to, and, if he is wise, spend some days on, clear lake--a strikingly lovely piece of water, which would be famous if it were not american. for such a journey one needs a heavy pair of colored blankets and an overcoat rolled up together, and a leather bag or valise to contain the necessary change of clothing. a couple of rough crash towels and a piece of soap also should be put into the bag; for you may want to camp out, and you may not always find any but the public towel at the inn where you dine or sleep. traveling in spring, summer, or fall, you need no umbrella or other protection against rain, and may confidently reckon on uninterrupted fine weather. the coast is always cool. the interior valleys are warm, and during the summer quite hot, and yet the dry heat does not exhaust or distress one, and cool nights refresh you. in the valleys and on much-traveled roads there is a good deal of dust, but it is, as they say, "clean dirt," and there is water enough in the country to wash it off. you need not ride on horseback unless you penetrate into humboldt county, which has as yet but few miles of wagon-road. in mendocino, lake, and marin, the roads are excellent, and either a public stage, or, what is pleasanter and but little dearer, a private team, with a driver familiar with the country, is always obtainable. in such a journey one element of pleasure is its somewhat hap-hazard nature. you do not travel over beaten ground, and on routes laid out for you; you do not know beforehand what you are to see, nor even how you are to see it; you may sleep in a house to-day, in the woods to-morrow, and in a sail-boat the day after; you dine one day in a logging camp, and another in a farm-house. with the barometer at "set fair," and in a country where every body is civil and obliging, and where all you see is novel to an eastern person, the sense of adventure adds a keen zest to a journey which is in itself not only amusing and healthful, but instructive. [illustration: wood-chopper at work.] marin county, which lies across the bay from san francisco, and of which the pretty village of san rafael is the county town, contains the most productive dairy-farms in the state. when one has long read of california as a dry state, he wonders to find that it produces butter at all; and still more to discover that the dairy business is extensive and profitable enough--with butter at thirty-five cents a pound at the dairy--to warrant the employment of several millions of capital, and to enable the dairy-men to send their product to new york and boston for sale. for the coast journey the best route, because it shows you much fine scenery on your way, is by way of soucelito, which is reached by a ferry from san francisco. from soucelito either a stage or a private conveyance carries you to olema, whence you should visit point reyes, one of the most rugged capes on the coast, where a light-house and fog-signal are placed to warn and guide mariners. it is a wild spot, often enveloped in fogs, and where it blows at least half a gale of wind three hundred days in the year. returning from point reyes to olema, your road bears you past tomales bay, and back to the coast of mendocino county; and by the time you reach the mouth of russian river you are in the saw-mill country. here the road runs for the most part close to the coast, and gives you a long succession of wild and strange views. you pass point arena, where is another light-house; and finally land at mendocino city. before the stage sets you down at mendocino, or "big river," you will have noticed that the coast-line is broken at frequent intervals by the mouths of small streams, and at the available points at the mouths of these streams saw-mills are placed. this continues up the coast, wherever a river-mouth offers the slightest shelter to vessels loading; for the redwood forests line the coast up to and beyond humboldt bay. when you leave the coast for the interior, you ride through mile after mile of redwood forest. unlike the firs of oregon and puget sound, this tree does not occupy the whole land. it rears its tall head from a jungle of laurel, madrone, oak, and other trees; and i doubt if so many as fifty large redwoods often stand upon a single acre. i was told that an average tree would turn out about fifteen thousand feet of lumber, and thus even thirty such trees to the acre would yield nearly half a million feet. the topography of california, like its climate, has decided features. as there are but two seasons, so there are apt to be sharply-drawn differences in natural features, and you descend from what appears to you an interminable mass of mountains suddenly into a plain, and pass from deep forests shading the mountain road at once into a prairie valley, which nature made ready to the farmer's hands, taking care even to beautify it for him with stately and umbrageous oaks. there are a number of such valleys on the way which i took from the coast at mendocino city to the nome cult indian reservation, in round valley. the principal of these, little lake, potter, and eden valleys, contain from five to twelve thousand acres; but there are a number of smaller vales, little gems, big enough for one or two farmers, fertile and easily cultivated. a good many missourians and other southern people have settled in this part of the state. the better class of these make good farmers; but the person called "pike" in this state has here bloomed out until, at times, he becomes, as a californian said to me about an earthquake, "a little monotonous." the pike in mendocino county regards himself as a laboring-man, and in that capacity he has undertaken to drive out the indians, just as a still lower class in san francisco has undertaken to drive out the laboring chinese. these little lake and potter valley pikes were ruined by indian cheap labor; so they got up a mob and expelled the indians, and the result is that the work which these poor people formerly performed is now left undone. as for the indians, they are gathered at the round valley reservation to the number of about twelve hundred, where they stand an excellent chance to lose such habits of industry and thrift as they had learned while supporting themselves. at least half the men on the reservation, the superintendent told me, are competent farmers, and many of the women are excellent and competent house-servants. no one disputes that while they supported themselves by useful industry in the valleys where were their homes they were peaceable and harmless, and that the whites stood in no danger from them. why, then, should the united states government forcibly make paupers of them? why should this class of indians be compelled to live on reservations? under the best management which we have ever had in the indian bureau--let us say under its present management--a reservation containing tame or peaceable indians is only a pauper asylum and prison combined, a nuisance to the respectable farmers, whom it deprives of useful and necessary laborers, an injury to the morals of the community in whose midst it is placed, an injury to the indian, whom it demoralizes, and a benefit only to the members of the indian ring. round valley is occupied in part by the nome cult reservation, and in part by farmers and graziers. in the middle of the valley stands covelo, one of the roughest little villages i have seen in california, the gathering-place for a rude population, which inhabits not only the valley, but the mountains within fifty miles around, and which rides into covelo on mustang ponies whenever it gets out of whisky at home or wants a spree. the bar-rooms of covelo sell more strong drink in a day than any i have ever seen elsewhere; and the sheep-herder, the vaquero, the hunter, and the wandering rough, descending from their lonely mountain camps, make up as rude a crowd as one could find even in nevada. being almost without exception americans, they are not quarrelsome in their cups. i was told, indeed, by an old resident, that shooting was formerly common, but it has gone out of fashion, mainly, perhaps, because most of the men are excellent shots, and the amusement was dangerous. at any rate, i saw not a single fight or disturbance, though i spent the fourth of july at covelo; and it was, on the whole, a surprisingly well-conducted crowd, in spite of a document which i picked up there, and whose directions were but too faithfully observed by a large majority of the transient population. this was called a "toddy time-table," and i transcribe it here from a neat gilt-edged card for the warning and instruction of eastern topers. toddy time-table. a.m. eye-opener. p.m. cobbler. " appetizer. " social drink. " digester. " invigorator. " big reposer. " solid straight. " refresher. " chit-chat. " stimulant. " fancy smile. " ante-lunch. " entire acte _(sic)_. p.m. settler. " sparkler. " a la smythe. " rouser. p.m. night-cap. good-night. my impression is that this time-table was not made for the latitude of covelo, for they began to drink much earlier than a.m. at the bar, near which i slept, and they left off later than midnight. it would be unjust for me not to add that, for the amount of liquor consumed, it was the soberest and the best-natured crowd i ever saw. i would like to write "respectable" also, but it would be ridiculous to apply that term to men whose every word almost is an oath, and whose language in many cases corresponds too accurately with their clothes and persons. from round valley there is a "good enough" horseback trail, as they call it, over a steep mountain into the sacramento valley; but a pleasanter journey, and one, besides, having more novelty, is by way of potter valley to lakeport, on clear lake. the road is excellent; the scenery is peculiarly californian. potter valley is one of the richest and also one of the prettiest of the minor valleys of this state, and your way to lakeport carries you along the shores of two pleasant mountain lakelets--the blue lakes, which are probably ancient craters. two days' easy driving, stopping overnight in potter valley, brings you to lakeport, the capital of lake county, and the only town i have seen in california where dogs in the square worry strangers as they are entering the place. as the only hotel in the town occupies one corner of this square, and as in californian fashion the loungers usually sit in the evening on the sidewalk before the hotel, the combined attack of these dogs occurs in their view, and perhaps affords them a pleasing and beneficial excitement. the placid and impartial manner with which the landlord himself regards the contest between the stranger and the town dogs will lead you to doubt whether his house is not too full to accommodate another guest, and whether he is not benevolently letting the dogs spare him the pain of refusing you a night's lodging; but it is gratifying to be assured, when you at last reach the door, that the dogs "scarcely ever bite any body." clear lake is a large and picturesque sheet of water, twenty-five miles long by about seven wide, surrounded by mountains, which in many places rise from the water's edge. at lakeport you can hire a boat at a very reasonable price, and i advise the traveler to take his blankets on board, and make this boat his home for two or three days. he will get food at different farm-houses on the shore; and as there are substantial, good-sized sail-boats, he can sleep on board very enjoyably. aside from its fine scenery, and one or two good specimens of small californian farms, the valley is remarkable for two borax lakes and a considerable deposit of sulphur, all of which lie close to the shore. at one of the farm-houses, whose owner, a pennsylvanian, has made himself a most beautiful place in a little valley hidden by the mountains which butt on the lake, i saw the culture of silk going on in that way in which only, as i believe, it can be made successful in california. he had planted about twenty-five hundred mulberry-trees, built himself an inexpensive but quite sufficient little cocoonery, bought an ounce and a half of eggs for fifteen dollars, and when i visited him had already a considerable quantity of cocoons, and had several thousand worms then feeding. it was his first attempt; he had never seen a cocoonery, but had read all the books he could buy about the management of the silk-worm; and, as his grain harvest was over, he found in the slight labor attending the management of these worms a source of interest and delight which was alone worth the cost of his experiment. but he is successful besides; and his wife expressed great delight at the new employment her husband had found, which, as she said, had kept him close at home for about two months. she remarked that all wives ought to favor the silk culture for their husbands; but the old man added that some husbands might recommend it to their wives. certainly i had no idea how slight and pleasant is the labor attending this industry up to the point of getting cocoons. if, however, you mean to raise eggs, the work is less pleasant. this farmer, mr. alter, had chosen his field of operations with considerable shrewdness. he planted his mulberry-trees on a dry side-hill, and found that it did not hurt his worms to feed to them, under this condition, even leaves from the little shrubs growing in his nursery rows. his cocoonery was sheltered from rude winds by a hill and a wood, and thus the temperature was very equal. he had no stove in his house, the shelves were quite rough, and the whole management might have been called careless if it were not successful. i believe that the country about clear lake and in the napa and sonoma valleys will be found very favorable to the culture of the silk-worm; but i believe also that this industry will not succeed except where it is carried on by farmers and their families in a small way. [illustration: mount hood, oregon.] boat life on clear lake is as delightful an experience as a traveler or lounger can get anywhere. the lake is placid; there is usually breeze enough to sail about; and you need not fear storms or rainy weather in the dry season. if it should fall calm, and you do not wish to be delayed, you can always hire an indian to row the boat, and there is sufficient to see on the lake to pleasantly detain a tourist several days, besides fine fishing and hunting in the season, and lovely views all the time. going to the sulphur banks on a calm morning, i hired an indian from a rancheria upon mr. alter's farm to row for us, and my indian proved to be a prize. his name was napoleon, and he was a philosopher. like his greater namesake, he had had two wives. of the first one he reported that "jim catchee him," by which i was to understand that he had tired of her, and had sold her to "jim;" and he had now taken number two, a moderately pretty digger girl, of whom he seemed to be uncommonly fond. as he rowed he began to speak of his former life, when he had served a white farmer. "him die now," said napoleon; adding, in a musing tone, "he very good man, plenty money; give injun money all time. him very good white man, that man; plenty money all a time." napoleon dwelt upon the wealth of his favorite white man so persistently that presently it occurred to me to inquire a little further. "suppose a white man had no money," said i, "what sort of a man would you think him?" my philosopher's countenance took on a fine expression of contempt. "suppose white man no got money?" he asked. "eh! suppose he no got money--him dam fool!" and napoleon glared upon us, his passengers, as though he wondered if either of us would venture to contradict so plain a proposition. the sulphur bank is a remarkable deposit of decomposed volcanic rock and ashes, containing so large a quantity of sulphur that i am told that at the refining-works, which lie on the bank of the lake, the mass yields eighty per cent. of pure sulphur. the works were not in operation when i was there. several large hot springs burst out from the bank, and gas and steam escape with some violence from numerous fissures. the deposit looks very much like a similar one on the edge of the kilauea crater, on the island of hawaii, but is, i should think, richer in sulphur. near the sulphur bank, on the edge of the lake, is a hot borate spring, which is supposed to yield at times three hundred gallons per minute, and which professor whitney, the state geologist, declares remarkable for the extraordinary amount of ammoniacal salts its waters contain--more than any natural spring water that has ever been analyzed. there is abundant evidence of volcanic action in all the country about clear lake. a dozen miles from lakeport, not far from the shore of the lake, the whole mountain side along which the stage-road runs is covered for several miles with splinters and fragments of obsidian or volcanic glass, so that it looks as though millions of bottles had been broken there in some prodigious revelry; and where the road cuts into the side of the mountain you see the osidian lying in huge masses and in boulders. joining this, and at one point interrupting it, is a tract of volcanic ashes stratified, and the strata thrown up vertically in some places, as though after the volcano had flung out the ashes there had come a terrific upheaval of the earth. the two borax lakes lie also near the shore of clear lake; the largest one, which is not now worked, has an area of about three hundred acres. little borax lake covers only about thirty acres, and this is now worked. the efflorescing matter is composed of carbonate of soda, chloride of sodium, and biborate of soda. the object of the works is, of course, to separate the borax, and this is accomplished by crystallizing the borax, which, being the least soluble of the salts, is the first to crystallize. the bottom of the lake was dry when i was there; it was covered all over with a white crust, which workmen scrape up and carry to the works, where it is treated very successfully. my nose was offended by the fetid stench which came from the earth when it was first put in the vats with hot water; and i was told by the foreman of the works that this arose from the immense number of flies and other insects which fly upon the lake and perish in it. chinese are employed as laborers here, and give great satisfaction; and about eight days are required to complete the operation of extracting the borax in crystals. earth containing biborate of lime is brought to this place all the way from wadsworth, in the state of nevada--a very great distance, with several transhipments--to be reduced at these works; and it seems that this can be more cheaply done here than there, where they have neither wood for the fires nor soda for the operation. clear lake is but twelve hours distant from san francisco; the journey thither is full of interest, and the lake itself, with the natural wonders on its shores, is one of the most interesting and enjoyable spots in california to a tourist who wishes to breathe fresh mountain air and enjoy some days of free, open-air life. the visitor to clear lake should go by way of the napa valley, taking stage for lakeport at calistoga, and return by way of the russian river valley, taking the railroad at cloverdale. thus he will see on his journey two of the richest and most fertile of the minor valleys of california, both abounding in fruit and vines as well as in grain. as there are two sides to broadway, so there are two sides to the bay of san francisco. on the one side lies the fine and highly-cultivated santa clara valley, filling up fast with costly residences and carefully-kept country places. opposite, on the other side of the bay, lies the russian river valley, as beautiful naturally as that of the santa clara, and of which petaluma, santa rosa, healdsburg, and cloverdale are the chief towns. it is a considerable plain, bounded by fine hills and distant mountains, which open up, as you pass by on the railroad, numerous pretty reaches of subsidiary vales, where farmers live protected by the projecting hills from all harsh sea-breezes, and where frost is seldom if ever felt. as you ascend the valley, the madrone, one of the most striking trees of california, becomes abundant and of larger growth, and its dark-green foliage and bright cinnamon-colored bark ornament the landscape. the laurel, too, or california bay-tree, grows thriftily among the hills, and the plain and foot-hills are dotted with oak and redwood. this valley is as yet somewhat thinly peopled, but it has the promise of a growth which will make it the equal some day of the santa clara, and the superior, perhaps, of the napa valley. [illustration: indians spearing salmon, columbia river.] chapter vii. an indian reservation. a part of round valley, in mendocino county, is set apart and used for an indian reservation; and, under the present policy of the government, an attempt has been made to gather and keep all the indians of the northern coast of california upon this reserve. in point of fact they are not nearly all there. one thousand and eighty-one men, women, and children, according to a census recently taken, or nearly one thousand two hundred according to the rev. mr. burchard, the indian agent, are actually within the reservation lines; and about four hundred are absent, at work for themselves or for white men, but have the right to come in at any time to be clothed and fed. round valley is a plain surrounded by high mountains. the plain is mostly excellent agricultural land; the mountain slopes are valuable for grazing. the reservation contains, it is said, sixty thousand acres; but only a small part of this is plain, and the reservation occupies about one-third or perhaps only a quarter of the whole valley. the remainder is held by white farmers; and there is a rude little town, covelo, in the centre of the valley, about a mile and a half from the reservation house. the reservation has a mill, store-houses, the houses of the agent and his subordinates, two school-houses, and the huts of the indians; the latter are either rough board one-roomed shanties, or mere wigwams built by the owners of brush, with peculiar low entrances, into which you must creep on all-fours. these they prefer for summer use, and i found that a number of the board-shanties were empty and the doors nailed up, their owners sensibly preferring to live in brush houses during the hot weather. when i arrived at the agency the indians were receiving their ration of flour, and, as they gathered in a great court-yard, i had an opportunity to examine them. they are short, dark-skinned, generally ugly, stout, and were dressed in various styles, but always in such clothing as they get from the government; not in their native costume. among several hundred women i saw not one even tolerably comely or conspicuously clean or neat; but i saw several men very well dressed. they carried off their rations in baskets which they make, and which are water-tight. the agent or superintendent, mr. burchard, very obligingly showed me through the camp, and answered my questions, and what follows of information i gained in this way. the indian shanties contain a fire-place, a bed-place, and sometimes a table; once i saw a small store-room; and on the walls hung dresses, shoes, fishing-nets, and other property of the occupants. the agent pointed out to me that in most of the houses there were bags of flour and meal stowed away, and remarked, "whatever they may say against the president, no one can say that he does not make the indians comfortable;" and it is true that i saw everywhere in the camp the evidence of abundant supplies of food and sufficient clothing in the possession of the indians. the superintendent said to me, "they have plenty of every thing; they have often several bags of flour in the house at once; no man can say they are wronged." the earthen floors of the houses were usually cleanly swept; there are wells at which the people get water; the school-houses are well furnished, and as good as the average country-school, and the indians seem to suffer no hardship of the merely physical kind. the agent, mr. burchard, seems to be a genuinely kind person, simple-hearted, and, i should think, honest; and his assistants, whom i saw, struck me as respectable men. indeed, several persons in the valley, unconnected with the reservation, told me that under mr. burchard's rule the indians were much better treated than by his predecessor. i suppose, therefore, that i saw one of the most favorable examples of the reservation system. in what follows, then, i criticise the reservation system, so far, at least, as it applies to the indians of california, and not the management at round valley; and i say that it is a piece of cruel and stupid mismanagement and waste for which there is no excuse except in the ignorance of the president who continues it. most of the indians of these northern coast counties, as well as those of southern california, have for some years been a valuable laboring force for the farmers. they were employed to clear land, to make hay, and in many other avocations about the farm; they lived usually in little rancherias, or collections of huts, near the farm-houses; the women washed and did chores for the whites about the houses; and there has been, for at least half a dozen years, no pretense even that their presence among the whites was dangerous to these. mr. burchard told me himself that more than half the indian men at round valley were competent farmers, and that the indian women were used at the agency houses as servants, and made excellent and competent house-help. scattered through potter, little lake, ukiah, and other valleys, they were earning their living, and a number of farmers of that region have assured me that it was a serious disadvantage to them to lose the help of these indians. nor was it even necessary to speak their language in order to use their labor, for the agent told me that, of the potter valley tribe, nine-tenths speak english; of the pitt rivers, four-fifths; of the little lakes, two-thirds; of the redwoods, three-quarters; of the concows and capellos, two-thirds. the wylackies and ukies speak less; they have been, i believe, longer on the reservation. as i walked through the indian camp, english was as often spoken in my hearing as indian. the removal of the useful and self-supporting part of the indian population to the reservation was brought about by means which are a disgrace to the united states government. there is in all this northern country a class of mean whites, ignorant, easily led to evil, and extremely jealous of what they imagine to be their rights. among these somebody fomented a jealousy of the indians. it was said that they took the bread out of white men's mouths, that their labor interfered with the white men, and so forth. in fact, i suspect that the indians were too respectable for these mean whites; and you can easily find people in california who say that it is to the interest of the indian bureau to make the whites hate the indians. the indians were an industrious and harmless people; even the squaws worked; the indian men had learned to take contracts for clearing land, weeding fields, and so forth; and many of them were so trustworthy that the farmers made them small advances where it was necessary. they were not turbulent, and i was surprised to be told that drunkenness was rare among them. after secret deliberations among the mean whites, incited by no one knows who, and headed by the demagogues who are never found wanting when dirty work is to be done, a petition was sent to the state superintendent of indian affairs at san francisco for the removal of the indians; but the more decent people immediately prepared and sent up a counter-petition, stating the whole case. this was in the spring of . i do not know the state indian agent, but i am told that he hesitated, did not act, and, in may of the same year, a mob, without authority from him or from any body else, without notice to the indians, and without even giving these poor creatures time to gather up their household goods or to arrange their little affairs, drove them out of their houses, and sixty miles, over a cruel road, to the reservation. [illustration: chistook woman and child.] against this act of lawless violence toward peaceable and self-supporting men and women, who are, i notice, officially called "the nation's unfortunate wards," the proper officer of the united states government, the superintendent of indian affairs, did not protest, and for it no one has ever been punished. but this was not all. the indians being thus driven out, a meeting was called, at which it was announced that if they dared to return they would be killed; and, in fact, three unfortunates, who ventured back after some months to see their old homes, were shot down in cold blood; and, though the men are known who did this, for it no one has ever been punished. why should they be? the mob was only carrying out the prevailing "indian policy," and the united states government looked on with its hands folded. it happens that the indians of these little valleys are a mild race, not prone to war. when the white settlers first came to this region they lived unmolested by the indians, who were numerous then, and might easily have "wiped out," to use a california phrase, the intruding white men. it happens that the indians of the interior are braver and more warlike; and, accordingly, among them there were forty-five resolute modocs, unwilling to be driven to a reservation, defying the united states for half a year. but from what i have written one can see how the modoc war came about; for it arose from an attempt to force captain jack on to the klamath reservation--an attempt made, not by united states troops, as it ought to have been if it was to be done, but in their absence, and by men who purposely and carefully kept the military ignorant of what they intended to do; for there exists the utmost jealousy on the part of the indian agents, of the war department and the military authorities; and i repeat that the removal of the modocs was planned and attempted to be carried out by the indian bureau officers, they keeping the military in careful ignorance of their designs. i do not say too much when i say that if general schofield had been informed and consulted beforehand, there would have been no modoc war, and general canby and mr. thomas might have been alive to-day. accordingly, these "unfortunate wards of the nation" are driven on the reservation. if their agent happens to be honest and kindly, like mr. burchard, they get enough to eat and to wear. if he is not, they do not fare quite so well. captain jack said he was "tired of eating horse-meat." but if you are a guardian, and have a ward, you are not satisfied if your ward, presumedly an ignorant person in a state of pupilage, merely has enough to eat and to wear. you endeavor to form his manners and morals. well, the indian camp at round valley is in a deplorable state of disorder. no attempt is made to teach our wards to be clean or orderly, or to form in them those habits which might elevate, at least, their children. the plain around the shanties is full of litter, and overgrown with dog-fennel. as mr. burchard, the superintendent, walked about with me, half-grown boys sat on the grass, and even on the school-house steps, gambling with cards for tobacco, and they had not been taught manners enough to rise or move aside at the superintendent's approach. as we sat in the school-house, one, two, three indian men came in to prefer a request, but not one of them took off his hat. we entered a cabin and found a big he-indian lying on his bed. "are you sick?" inquired mr. burchard, and the lazy hound, without offering to rise, muttered "no; me lying down." the agent, in reply to my questions, said that they gambled a good deal for money and beads during the week, but he had forbidden it on sundays; and he would not allow them to gamble away their clothing, as they formerly did. there are about eighty scholars on the school-list, and about fifty attend school. was there any compulsion used? i asked, and he said no. now surely here, if anywhere, one might begin with a compulsory school-law. did he attempt to regulate the conduct of the growing boys and girls? no. do the indians marry on the reservation? no. one chief has two wives; men leave their wives, or change them as they please. what if children are born irregularly? well, the reservation feeds and supports all who are on it. nobody suffers. are the women often diseased? yes, nearly all of them. have you a hospital, or do you attempt to isolate those who are diseased? no; the families all take care of their sick. the doctor visits them in their shanties. (bear in mind this reservation was established, and has had indians on it since .) do the indians have to ask permission to go to the town? no; they go when they please. is there much drunkenness? no; singularly little. do you attempt to make them rise at any specified hour in the morning? no. have you a list or roster of the indians who belong on the reservation? no. how many indians own horses? i do not know. on sunday there is preaching; the audience varies; and those who do not come to church--where the preaching is in english--play shinny. is not all this deplorable? here is a company of ignorant and semi-barbarous people, forcibly gathered together by the united states government (with the help of a mob), under the pretense that they are the "unfortunate wards of the nation;" and the government does not require the officers it sets over them to control them in any single direction where a conscientious guardian would feel bound to control his ward. how can habits of decency, energy, order, thrift, virtue, grow up--nay, how can they continue, if in the beginning they existed, with such management? captain jack and his forty-five modocs were at least brave and energetic men. can any one blame them, if they were bored to desperation by such a life as this, and preferred death to remaining on the reservation? nor is this all. of the two thousand acres of arable land on the reservation, about five hundred are kept for grazing, and one thousand acres are in actual cultivation this year--seven hundred in grain and hay, one hundred and ninety-five in corn, and one hundred and nine in vegetables. a farmer, assistant-farmer, and gardener manage this considerable piece of land. when they need laborers they detail such men or women as they require, and these go out to work. they seldom refuse; if they do, they are sent to the military post, where they are made to saw wood. not one of the cabins has about it a garden spot; all cultivation is in common; and thus the indian is deprived of the main incentive to industry and thrift--the possession of the actual fruits of his own toil; and, unless he were a deep-thinking philosopher, who had studied out for himself the problems of socialism, he must, in the nature of things, be made a confirmed pauper and shirk by such a system, in which he sees no direct reward for his toil, and neither receives wages nor consciously eats that which his own hands have planted. in the whole system of management, as i have described it, you will see that there is no reward for, or incentive to, excellence; it is all debauching and demoralizing; it is a disgrace to the government, which consents to maintain at the public cost what is, in fact, nothing else but a pauper shop and house of prostitution. and what is true of this reservation is equally true of that on the tule river, in southern california, which i saw in . in both, to sum up the story, the government has deprived the farmers of an important laboring force by creating a pauper asylum, called a reservation; and, having thus injured the community, it further injures the indian by a system of treatment which ingeniously takes away every incentive to better living, and abstains from controlling him on those very points wherein an upright guardian would most rigidly and faithfully control and guide his ward. to force a population of laboring and peaceable indians on a reservation is a monstrous blunder. for wild and predatory or unsettled indians, like the apaches, or many tribes of the plains, the reservation is doubtless the best place; but even then the government, acting as guardian, ought to control and train its wards; it ought to treat them like children, or at least like beasts; it ought not only to feed and clothe them, but also to teach them, and enforce upon them order, neatness, good manners, and habits of discipline and steady labor. this seems plain enough, but it will never be done by "indian agents," selected from civil life, be these ministers or laymen. an army officer, methodical, orderly, and having the habit of command, is the proper person for superintendent of a reservation; for drill and discipline, regular hours, regular duties, respectful manners, cleanliness, method--these are the elements of civilization that are needed, and which an army officer knows how to impress without harshness, because they are the essence of his own life. but under our present indian policy the army is the mere servant of the indian agent. if it were not for the small military force at camp wright, mr. burchard, the agent, could not keep an indian on his reservation. but the intelligent, thoroughly-trained, and highly-educated soldier who commands there has neither authority nor influence at the reservation. he is a mere policeman, to whom an unruly indian is sent for punishment, and who goes out at the command of the superintendent, a person in every way his inferior except in authority, to catch indians when no mob is at hand to drive them in. a true and humane indian policy would be to require all peaceable indians to support themselves as individuals and families among the whites, which would at once abolish the round valley and tule river reservations; to place all the nomads on reservations, under the control of picked and intelligent army officers, and to require these to ignore, except for expediency's sake, all tribal distinctions and the authority of chiefs; to form every reservation into a military camp, adopting and maintaining military discipline, though not the drill, of course; to give to every indian family an acre of ground around its hut, and require it to cultivate that, demanding of the male indians at the same time two or three days of labor every week in the common fields, or on roads and other public improvements within the reservation during the season when no agricultural labor is required; to curb their vices, as a parent would those of his children; to compel the young to attend schools; to insist upon a daily morning muster, and a daily inspection of the houses and grounds; to establish a hospital for the sick; and thus gradually to introduce the indian to civilization by the only avenue open to savages--by military discipline. under such a system a reserve like that of round valley would not to-day, after thirteen years of occupation, be a mass of weeds and litter, with bad roads, poor fences, and an almost impassable corduroy bridge over a little ditch. on the contrary, in half the time it would be a model of cleanliness and order; it would have the best roads, the neatest cottages, the cleanest grounds, the most thorough culture; and when the indians had produced this effect, they would not fail to be in love with it. nor is it impossible to do all this with indians. but it needs men used to command, well educated, and with habits of discipline--the picked men of the army. at present, an indian reservation differs from an indian rancheria or village only in that it contains more food, more vice, and more lazy people. [illustration: view on the columbia river.] chapter viii. the redwoods and the saw-mill country of mendocino. some years ago, before there was a wagon-road between cloverdale and mendocino city, or big river, as it is more commonly called up here on the northern coast, the mail was carried on horse--or, more usually, on mule--back; and the mail-rider was caught, on one stormy and dark night, upon the road, and found himself unable to go farther. in this dilemma he took refuge, with his mule and the united states mails, in a hollow redwood, and man and mule lay down comfortably within its shelter. they had room to spare indeed, as i saw when the stage-driver pointed out the tree to me and kindly stopped until i examined it. at a road-side inn i found they had roofed over a hollow stump, and used it as a capacious store-room. all these were large trees, of course; but there is no reason to believe that they were the biggest of their kind; and when you have traveled for two or three days through the redwood forests of the northern coast of california you will scarcely be surprised at any story of big trees. the redwood seems to be found only near the coast of california; it needs the damp air which comes from the sea and which blows against the mountain slopes, which the tree loves. the coast, from fifty miles north of san francisco to the northern border of humboldt county, is a dense redwood forest; it is a mountainous and broken country, and the mountains are cut at frequent intervals by streams, some but a few miles in length, others penetrating into the interior by narrow cañons forty or fifty miles, and dividing in their upper waters into several branches. the man who wondered at the wisdom of providence in causing great rivers to flow past large cities would be struck with admiration at the convenient outflow of these streams; for upon them depends the accessibility of the redwood forests to the loggers and saw-mill men who are busily turning these forests into lumber. at the mouth of every stream is placed a saw-mill; and up these little rivers, many of which would hardly aspire to the dignity of creeks in missouri or mississippi, loggers are busy chopping down huge trees, sawing them into lengths, and floating them down to the mills. the redwood has the color of cedar, but not its fragrance; it is a soft wood, unfit for ship-building, but easily worked and extraordinarily durable. it is often used in california for water-pipes, and makes the best fence posts, for it never rots below ground. moreover, it is excellent material for houses. when varnished, it keeps its fine red color, but without this protection it slowly turns black with exposure to the air. it is a most useful lumber, and forms a not unimportant part of the natural wealth of california. the saw-mills are mostly on so large a scale that about every one grows up a village or town, which usually contains several saloons or grog-shops, one or two billiard-rooms, a rude tavern or two, a doctor or two, several stores, and, in some cases, a church. there are, besides, the houses of those mill-men who have families, shanties for the bachelors, and usually one or two houses of greater pretensions, inhabited by the owners or local superintendents. not easily accessible, these little saw-mill ports are rarely visited by strangers, and the accommodations are somewhat rude; but the people are kindly, and the country is wonderfully picturesque, and well repays a visit. the absolute coast is almost barren, by reason of the harsh, strong winds which prevail during the greater part of the year. the redwood forests begin a mile or two back from the sea. the climate of this part of the coast is remarkably equal, cool but not cold, all the year round; they have fires in the evening in july, and don't shut their doors, except in a storm, in december. they wear the same clothing all the year round, and seldom have frost. but when you get out of the reach of the sea, only a mile back, you find hot weather in july; and in winter they have snow, quite deep sometimes, in the redwoods. where the little saw-mill rivers enter the sea, there is usually a sort of roadstead--a curve of the shore, not enough to make a harbor, but sufficient to give anchorage and a lee from the prevailing north-west wind, which makes it possible, by different devices, to load vessels. there are rivers in humboldt county where nature has not provided even this slight convenience, and there--it being impossible to ship the lumber--no saw-mills have been established. vessels are frequently lost, in spite of all precautions; for, when the wind changes to south-west, the whole pacific ocean rolls into these roadsteads; and, when a gale is seen approaching, the crews anchor their ships as securely as they can, and then go ashore. it has happened in mendocino harbor, that a schooner has been capsized at her anchorage by a monstrous sea; and captain lansing told me that in the last twenty years he had seen over a hundred persons drowned in that port alone, in spite of all precautions. the waves have cut up the coast in the most fantastic manner. it is rock-bound, and the rock seems to be of varying hardness, so that the ocean, trying every square inch every minute of the day for thousands of years, has eaten out the softer parts, and worked out the strangest caverns and passages. you scarcely see a headland or projecting point through which the sea has not forced a passage, whose top exceeds a little the mark of high tide; and there are caves innumerable, some with extensive ramifications. i was shown one such cave at mendocino city, into which a schooner, drifting from her anchors, was sucked during a heavy sea. as she broke from her anchors the men hoisted sail, and the vessel was borne into the cave with all sail set. her masts were snapped off like pipe-stems, and the hull was jammed into the great hole in the rock, where it began to thump with the swell so vehemently that two of the frightened crew were at once crushed on the deck by the overhanging ceiling of the cave. five others hurriedly climbed out over the stern, and there hung on until ropes were lowered to them by men on the cliff above, who drew them up safely. it was a narrow escape; and a more terrifying situation than that of this crew, as they saw their vessel sucked into a cave whose depth they did not know, can hardly be imagined outside of a hasheesh dream. the next morning the vessel was so completely broken to pieces that not a piece the size of a man's arm was ever found of her hull. [illustration: lumbering in washington territory--preparing logs.] i suppose all saw-mills are pretty much alike; those on this coast not only saw lumber of different shapes and sizes, but they have also planing and finishing apparatus attached; and in some the waste lumber is worked up with a good deal of care and ingenuity. but in many of the mills there is great waste. it is probably a peculiarity of the saw-mills on this coast, that they must provide a powerful rip-saw to rip in two the larger logs before they are small enough for a circular saw to manage. indeed, occasionally the huge logs are split with wedges, or blown apart with gunpowder, in the logging camps, because they are too vast to be floated down to the mill in one piece. the expedients for loading vessels are often novel and ingenious. for instance, at mendocino the lumber is loaded on cars at the mill, and drawn by steam up a sharp incline, and by horses off to a point which shelters and affords anchorage for schooners. this point is, perhaps, one hundred feet above the water-line, and long wire-rope stages are projected from the top, and suspended by heavy derricks. the car runs to the edge of the cliff; the schooner anchors under the shipping stage one hundred feet below, and the lumber is slid down to her, a man standing at the lower end to check its too rapid descent with a kind of brake. when a larger vessel is to be loaded, they slide the lumber into a lighter, and the ship is loaded from her. the redwood is shipped not only to california ports, but also to china and south america; and while i was at. mendocino, a bark lay there loading for the navigator islands. a large part of the lumbering population consists of bachelors, and for their accommodation you see numerous shanties erected near the saw-mills and lumber piles. at mendocino city there is quite a colony of such shanties, two long rows, upon a point or cape from which the lumber is loaded. i had the curiosity to enter one of these little snuggeries, which was unoccupied. it was about ten by twelve feet in area, had a large fire-place (for fuel is shamefully abundant here), a bunk for sleeping, with a lamp arranged for reading in bed, a small table, hooks for clothes, a good board floor, a small window, and a neat little hood over the door-way, which gave this little hut quite a picturesque effect. there was, besides, a rough bench and a small table. it seemed to me that in such a climate as that of mendocino, where they wear the same clothes all the year round, have evening fires in july, and may keep their doors open in january, such a little kennel as this meets all the real wants of the male of the human race. this, i suspect, is about as far as man, unaided by woman, would have carried civilization anywhere. whatever any of us have over and above such a snuggery as this we owe to womankind; whatever of comfort or elegance we possess, woman has given us, or made us give her. i think no wholesome, right-minded man in the world would ever get beyond such a hut; and i even suspect that the occupant of the shanty i inspected must have been in love, and thinking seriously of marriage, else he would never have nailed the pretty little hood over his door-way. so helpless is man! and yet there are people who would make of woman only a kind of female man! as you travel along the coast, the stage-road gives you frequent and satisfactory views of its curiously distorted and ocean-eaten caves and rocks. it has a dangerous and terrible aspect, no doubt, to mariners, but it is most wonderful, viewed from the shore. at every projection you see that the waves have pierced and mined the rock; if the sea is high, you will hear it roar in the caverns it has made, and whistle and shriek wherever it has an outlet above through which the waves may force the air. the real curiosity of this region is a logging camp. the redwood country is astonishingly broken; the mountain sides are often almost precipitous; and on these steep sides the redwood grows tall and straight and big beyond the belief of an eastern man. the trees do not occupy the whole ground, but share it with laurels, dogwood, a worthless kind of oak, occasionally pine, and smaller wood. it is a kind of jungle; and the loggers, when they have felled a number of trees, set fire to the brush in order to clear the ground before they attempt to draw the logs to the water. [illustration: victoria harbor, vancouver's island.] a logging camp is an assemblage of rude redwood shanties, gathered about one larger shanty, which is the cook-house and dining-hall, and where usually two or three chinamen are at work over the stove, and setting the table. the loggers live well; they have excellent bread, meat, beans, butter, dried apples, cakes, pies, and pickles; in short, i have dined in worse places. a camp is divided into "crews;" a crew is composed of from twenty to twenty-six men, who keep one team of eight or ten oxen busy hauling the logs to water. a "crew" consists of teamsters, choppers, chain-tenders, jack-screw men (for these logs are too heavy to be moved without such machinery), swampers, who build the roads over which the logs are hauled, sawyers, and barkers. a teamster, i was told, receives seventy dollars per month, a chopper fifty dollars, chain-tenders and jack-screw men the same, swampers forty-five dollars, sawyers forty dollars, and barkers, who are usually indians, one dollar a day and board besides, for all. the pay is not bad, and as the chances to spend money in a logging camp are not good, many of the men lay up money, and by-and-by go to farming or go home. they work twelve hours a day. a man in humboldt county got out of one redwood tree lumber enough to make his house and barn, and to fence in two acres of ground. a schooner was filled with shingles made from a single tree. one tree in mendocino, whose remains were shown to me, made a mile of railroad ties. trees fourteen feet in diameter have been frequently found and cut down; the saw-logs are often split apart with wedges, because the entire mass is too large to float in the narrow and shallow streams; and i have even seen them blow a log apart with gunpowder. a tree four feet in diameter is called undersized in these woods; and so skillful are the wood-choppers that they can make the largest giant of the forest fall just where they want it, or, as they say, they "drive a stake with the tree." to chop down a redwood-tree, the chopper does not stand on the ground, but upon a stage sometimes twelve feet above the ground. like the sequoia, the redwood has a great bulk near the ground, but contracts somewhat a few feet above. the chopper wants only the fair round of the tree, and his stage is composed of two stout staves, shod with a pointed iron at one end, which is driven into the tree. the outer ends are securely supported; and on these staves he lays two narrow, tough boards, on which he stands, and which spring at every blow of his axe. it will give you an idea of the bulk of these trees, when i tell you that in chopping down the larger ones two men stand on the stage and chop simultaneously at the same cut, facing each other. they first cut off the bark, which is from four to ten, and often fifteen inches thick. this done, they begin what is called the "undercut"--the cut on that, side toward which the tree is meant to fall; and when they have made a little progress, they, by an ingenious and simple contrivance, fix upon the proper direction of the cut, so as to make the tree fall accurately where they want it. this is necessary, on account of the great length and weight of the trees, and the roughness of the ground, by reason of which a tree carelessly felled may in its fall break and split into pieces, so as to make it entirely worthless. this happens not unfrequently, in spite of every care. so skillful are they in giving to the tree its proper direction that they are able to set a post or stake in the ground a hundred feet or more from the root of the tree, and drive it down by felling the tree on top of it. "can you really drive a stake with a tree?" i asked, and was answered, "of course, we do it every day." the "under-cut" goes in about two-thirds the diameter. when it is finished the stage is shifted to the opposite side, and then it is a remarkable sight to see the tall, straight mass begin to tremble as the axe goes in. it usually gives a heavy crack about fifteen minutes before it means to fall. the chopper thereupon gives a warning shout, so that all may stand clear--not of the tree, for he knows very well where that will go, and in a cleared space men will stand within ten feet of where the top of a tree is to strike, and watch its fall; his warning is against the branches of other trees, which are sometimes torn off and flung to a distance by the falling giant, and which occasionally dash out men's brains. at last the tree visibly totters, and slowly goes over; and as it goes the chopper gets off his stage and runs a few feet to one side. then you hear and see one of the grandest and most majestic incidents of forest life. there is a sharp crack, a crash, and then a long, prolonged, thunderous crash, which, when you hear it from a little distance, is startlingly like an actual and severe thunder-peal. to see a tree six feet in diameter, and one hundred and seventy-five feet high, thus go down, is a very great sight, not soon forgotten. the choppers expressed themselves as disappointed that they could not just then show me the fall of a tree ten or twelve feet in diameter, and over two hundred feet high. in one logging camp i visited there remained a stump fourteen feet high. at this height the tree was fourteen feet in diameter, perfectly round and sound, and it had been sawn into seventeen logs, each twelve feet long. the upper length was six feet in diameter. probably the tree was three hundred feet long, for the top for a long distance is wasted. so many of the trees and so many parts of trees are splintered or broken in the fall, that the master of a logging camp told me he thought they wasted at least as much as they saved; and as the mills also waste a good deal, it is probable that for every foot of this lumber that goes to market two feet are lost. a five-foot tree occupies a chopper from two and a half to three and a half hours, and to cut down a tree eight feet in diameter is counted a day's work for a man. when the tree is down the sawyers come. each has a long saw; he removes the bark at each cut with an axe, and then saws the tree into lengths. it is odd enough to go past a tree and see a saw moving back and forward across its diameter without seeing the man who moves it, for the tree hides him completely from you, if you are on the side opposite him. then come the barkers, with long iron bars to rip off the thick bark; then the jack-screw men, three or four of whom move a log about easily and rapidly which a hundred men could hardly budge. they head it in the proper direction for the teamsters and chain-men, and these then drag it down to the water over roads which are watered to make the logs slide easily; and then, either at high tide or during the winter freshets, the logs are run down to the mill. the maine men make the best wood-choppers, but the logging camp is a favorite place also for sailors; and i was told that germans are liked as workmen about timber. the choppers grind their axes once a week--usually, i was told, on sunday--and all hands in a logging camp work twelve hours a day. the government has lately become very strict in preserving the timber on congress land, which was formerly cut at random, and by any body who chose. government agents watch the loggers, and if these are anywhere caught cutting timber on congress land their rafts are seized and sold. at present prices, it pays to haul logs in the redwood country only about half a mile to water; all trees more distant than this from a river are not cut; but the rivers are in many places near each other, and the belt of timber left standing, though considerable, is not so great as one would think. redwood lumber has one singular property--it shrinks endwise, so that where it is used for weather-boarding a house, one is apt to see the butts shrunk apart. i am told that across the grain it does not shrink perceptibly. accidents are frequent in a logging camp, and good surgeons are in demand in all the saw-mill ports, for there is much more occasion for surgery than for physic. men are cut with axes, jammed by logs, and otherwise hurt, one of the most serious dangers arising from the fall of limbs torn from standing trees by a falling one. often such a limb lodges or sticks in the high top of a tree until the wind blows it down, or the concussion of the wood-cutter's axe, cutting down the tree, loosens it. falling from such a height as two hundred or two hundred and fifty feet, even a light branch is dangerous, and men sometimes have their brains dashed out by such a falling limb. when you leave the coast for the interior, you ride through mile after mile of redwood forest. unlike the firs of oregon and puget sound, this tree does not occupy the whole land. it rears its tall head from a jungle of laurel, madrone, oak, and other trees; and i doubt if so many as fifty large redwoods often stand upon a single acre. i was told that an average tree would turn out about fifteen thousand feet of lumber, and thus even thirty such trees to the acre would yield nearly half a million feet. [illustration: port townsend, washington territory.] chapter ix. dairy-farming in california. the great valleys of california do not produce much butter, and probably never will, though i am told that cows fed on alfalfa, which is a kind of lucerne, yield abundant and rich milk, and, when small and careful farming comes into fashion in this state, there is no reason why stall-fed cows should not yield butter, even in the san joaquin or sacramento valleys. indeed, with irrigation and stall-feeding, as one may have abundance of green food all the year round in the valleys, there should be excellent opportunity for butter-making. but it is not necessary to use the agricultural soil for dairy purposes. in the foot-hills of the sierras, and on the mountains, too, for a distance of more than a hundred miles along and near the line of the railroad, there is a great deal of country admirably fitted for dairying, and where already some of the most prosperous butter ranchos, as they call them here, are found. and as they are near a considerable population of miners and lumber-men, and have access by railroad to other centres of population, both eastward and westward, the business is prosperous in this large district, where, by moving higher up into the mountains as summer advances, the dairy-man secures green food for his cows the summer through, without trouble, on the one condition that he knows the country and how to pick out his land to advantage. another dairy district lies on the coast, where the fogs brought in by the prevailing north-west winds keep the ground moist, foster the greenness and succulence of the native grasses during the summer, at least in the ravines, and keep the springs alive. marin county, lying north of san francisco, is the country of butter ranches on the coast, though there are also many profitable dairies south of the bay, in santa cruz and monterey counties. in fact, dry as california is commonly and erroneously supposed to be, it exports a considerable quantity of butter, and a dairy-man said to me but recently that, to make the business really prosperous, the state needed a million or two more inhabitants, which means that the surplus product is now so great that it keeps down the price. no small quantity of this surplus goes east, as far as new york; and it is one of the curiosities of production and commerce that, while california can send butter to the atlantic, it buys eggs of illinois. one would have thought the reverse more probable. marin county offers some important advantages to the dairy-farmer. the sea-fogs which it receives cause abundant springs of excellent soft water, and also keep the grass green through the summer and fall in the gulches and ravines. vicinity to the ocean also gives this region a very equal climate. it is never cold in winter nor hot in summer. in the milk-houses i saw usually a stove, but it was used mainly to dry the milk-room after very heavy fogs or continued rains; and in the height of summer the mercury marks at most sixty-seven degrees, and the milk keeps sweet without artificial aids for thirty-six hours. the cows require no sheds nor any store of food, though the best dairymen, i noticed, raised beets; but more, they told me, to feed to their pigs than for the cows. these creatures provide for themselves the year round in the open fields; but care is taken, by opening springs and leading water in iron pipes, to provide an abundance of this for them. the county is full of dairy-farms; and, as this business requires rather more and better buildings than wheat, cattle, or sheep farming, as well as more fences, this gives the country a neater and thriftier appearance than is usual among farming communities in california. the butter-maker must have good buildings, and he must keep them in the best order. but, besides these smaller dairy-farms, marin county contains some large "butter ranches," as they are called, which are a great curiosity in their way. the californians, who have a singular genius for doing things on a large scale which in other states are done by retail, have managed to conduct even dairying in this way, and have known how to "organize" the making of butter in a way which would surprise an orange county farmer. here, for instance--and to take the most successful and complete of these experiments--is the rancho of mr. charles webb howard, on which i had the curiosity to spend a couple of days. it contains eighteen thousand acres of land well fitted for dairy purposes. on this he has at this time nine separate farms, occupied by nine tenants engaged in making butter. to let the farms outright would not do, because the tenants would put up poor improvements, and would need, even then, more capital than tenant-farmers usually have. mr. howard, therefore, contrived a scheme which seems to work satisfactorily to all concerned, and which appears to me extremely ingenious. [illustration: point reyes.] he fences each farm, making proper subdivisions of large fields; he opens springs, and leads water through iron pipes to the proper places, and also to the dwelling, milk-house, and corral. he builds the houses, which consist of a substantial dwelling, twenty-eight by thirty-two feet, a story and a half high, and containing nine rooms, all lathed and plastered; a thoroughly well-arranged milk-house, twenty-five by fifty feet, having a milk-room in the centre twenty-five feet square, with a churning-room, store-room, wash-room, etc.; a barn, forty by fifty feet, to contain hay for the farm-horses; also a calf-shed, a corral, or inclosure for the cows, a well-arranged pig-pen; and all these buildings are put up in the best manner, well painted, and neat. the tenant receives from the proprietor all this, the land, and, cows to stock it. he furnishes, on his part, all the dairy utensils, the needed horses and wagons, the furniture for the house, the farm implements, and the necessary labor. the tenant pays to the owner twenty-seven dollars and a half per annum for each cow, and agrees to take the best care of the stock and of all parts of the farm; to make the necessary repairs, and to raise for the owner annually one-fifth as many calves as he keeps cows, the remainder of the calves being killed and fed to the pigs. he agrees also to sell nothing but butter and hogs from the farm, the hogs being entirely the tenant's property. under this system fifteen hundred and twenty cows are now kept on nine separate farms on this estate, the largest number kept by one man being two hundred and twenty-five, and the smallest one hundred and fifteen. mr. howard has been for years improving his herd; he prefers short-horns, and he saves every year the calves from the best milkers in all his herd, using also bulls from good milking strains. i was told that the average product of butter on the whole estate is now one hundred and seventy-five pounds to each cow; many cows give as high as two hundred, and even two hundred and fifty pounds per annum. men do the milking, and also the butter-making, though on one farm i found a pretty swedish girl superintending all the indoor work, with such skill and order in all the departments, that she possessed, so far as i saw, the model dairy on the estate. here, said i to myself, is now an instance of the ability of women to compete with men which would delight mrs. stanton and all the woman's rights people; here is the neatest, the sweetest, the most complete dairy in the whole region; the best order, the most shining utensils, the nicest butter-room--and not only butter, but cheese also, made, which is not usual; and here is a rosy-faced, white-armed, smooth-haired, sensibly-dressed, altogether admirable, and, to my eyes, beautiful swedish lass presiding over it all; commanding her men-servants, and keeping every part of the business in order. alas! mrs. stanton, she has discovered a better business than butter-making. she is going to marry--sensible girl that she is--and she is not going to marry a dairy-farmer either. i doubt if any body in california will ever make as nice butter as this pretty swede; certainly, every other dairy i saw seemed to me commonplace and uninteresting, after i had seen hers. i don't doubt that the young man who has had the art to persuade her to love him ought to be hanged, because butter-making is far more important than marrying. nevertheless, i wish him joy in advance, and, in humble defiance of mrs. stanton and her brilliant companions in arms, hereby give it as my belief that the pretty swede is a sensible girl--that, to use a california vulgarism, "her head is level." the hogs are fed chiefly on skim-milk, and belong entirely to the tenant. the calves, except those which are raised for the proprietor, are, by agreement, killed and fed to the pigs. the leases are usually for three years. the cows are milked twice a day, being driven for that purpose into a corral, near the milk-house. i noticed that they were all very gentle; they lay down in the corral with that placid air which a good cow has; and whenever a milkman came to the beast he wished to milk, she rose at once, without waiting to be spoken to. one man is expected to milk twenty cows in the season of full milk. on some places i noticed that chinese were employed in the milk-house, to attend to the cream and make the butter. the tenants are of different nationalities, american, swedes, germans, irish, and portuguese. a tenant needs about two thousand dollars in money to undertake one of these dairy-farms; the system seems to satisfy those who are now engaged in it. the milkers and farm hands receive thirty dollars per month and "found;" and good milkers are in constant demand. every thing is conducted with great care and cleanliness, the buildings being uncommonly good for this state, water abundant, and many labor-saving contrivances used. at one end of the corral or yard in which the cows are milked is a platform, roofed over, on which stands a large tin, with a double strainer, into which the milk is poured from the buckets. it runs through a pipe into the milk-house, where it is again strained, and then emptied from a bucket into the pans ranged on shelves around. the cream is taken off in from thirty-six to forty hours; and the milk keeps sweet thirty-six hours, even in summer. the square box-churn is used entirely, and is revolved by horse-power. they usually get butter, i was told, in half an hour. the butter is worked on an ingenious turn-table, which holds one hundred pounds at a time, and can, when loaded, be turned by a finger; and a lever, working upon a universal joint, is used upon the butter. when ready, it is put up in two-pound rolls, which are shaped in a hand-press, and the rolls are not weighed until they reach the city. it is packed in strong, oblong boxes, each of which holds fifty-five rolls. the cows are not driven more than a mile to be milked; the fields being so arranged that the corral is near the centre. when they are milked, they stray back of themselves to their grazing places. [illustration: columbia river scene.] chapter x. tehama and butte, and the upper country. general bidwell, of butte county, raised last year on his own estate, besides a large quantity of fruit, seventy-five thousand bushels of wheat. dr. glenn, of colusa county, raised and sent to market from his own estate, two hundred thousand bushels. mr. warner, of solano county, produced nine thousand gallons of cider from his own orchards. a sheep-grazer in placer county loaded ten railroad cars with wool, the clip of his own sheep. for many weeks after harvest you may see sacks of wheat stacked along the railroad and the river for miles, awaiting shipment; for the farmers have no rain to fear, and the grain crop is thrashed in the field, bagged, and stacked along the road, without even a tarpaulin to cover it. in , california exported about four hundred and twenty tons of wheat; in , the export was but little less than six hundred thousand tons. in , six casks and six hundred cases of california wine were sent out of the state; in , about six hundred thousand gallons were exported. in , california produced five thousand five hundred and thirty pounds of wool; in , this product amounted to twenty-four million pounds. thirty million pounds of apples, ten million pounds of peaches, four and a half million pounds of apricots, nearly two million pounds of cherries, are part of the product of the state, in which the man is still living who brought across the plains the first fruit-trees to set out a nursery; while four and a half million of oranges, and a million and a half of lemons, shipped from the southern part of the state, show the rapid growth of that culture. in the northern counties, of which tehama and butte are a sample, they are usually fortunate in the matter of late as well as early rains; but close under the coast range the country is dryer, as is natural, the high mountain range absorbing the moisture from the north-westerly winds. they begin to plow as soon as it rains, usually in november, and sow the grain at once. formerly the higher plains were thought to be fit only for grazing; but even the red lands, which are somewhat harder to break up, and were thought to be infertile, are found to bear good crops of grain; and this year these lands bear the drought better than some that were and are preferred. lambing takes place here in february, and they shear in april. the grazing lands abound in wild oats, very nutritious, but apt to run out where the pastures are overstocked. alfilleria is not found so far north as this; alfalfa has been sown all over the valley in proper places, and does well. they cut it three times in the year, and turn stock in on it after the last cutting; and all who grow it speak well of it. red bluff is one of the oldest towns in the valley; it stands at the head of navigation on the sacramento, and was, therefore, a place of importance before the railroad was built. the river here is narrow and shoal, and it is crossed by one of those ferries common where the rapid current, pushing against the ferry-boat, drives it across the stream, a wire cable preventing it from floating down stream. the main street of the town consists mainly of bar-rooms, livery-stables, barber-shops, and hotels, with an occasional store of merchandise sandwiched between; and, if you saw only this main street, you would conceive but a poor opinion of the people. but other streets contain a number of pleasant, shady cottages; and, as i drove out into the country, the driver pointed with pride to the school-house, a large and fine building, which had just been completed at a cost of thirty thousand dollars, and seemed to me worth the money. the town has also water-works; and the people propose to bridge the sacramento at a cost of forty thousand dollars, and to build a new jail, to cost fifteen thousand dollars. such enterprises show the wealth of the people in this state, and astonish the traveler, who imagines, in driving over the great plain, that it is almost uninhabited, but sees, in a thirty-thousand dollar school-house in a little town like red bluff, that not only are there people, but that they have the courage to bear taxation for good objects, and the means to pay. from red bluff two of the great mountain peaks of northern california are magnificently seen--lassen's peaks and shasta. the latter, still one hundred and twenty miles off to the north, rears his great, craggy, snow-covered summit high in the air, and seems not more than twenty miles away. lassen's peaks are twins, and very lonely indeed. they are sixty miles to the east, and are also, at this season, glistening with snow. between lassen's and the sacramento, some thirty miles up among the mountains, there is a rich timber country, whose saw-mills supply the northern part of the valley with lumber, sugar-pine being the principal tree sawed up. the valley begins to narrow above red bluff, and the foot-hills and mountains still abound in wild game. hunters bring their peltries hither for sale; and this has occasioned the establishment at this point of a thriving glove factory, which turned out--from an insignificant looking little shop--not less than forty thousand dollars' worth of gloves last year. two enterprising young men manage it, and they employ, i was told, from fifty to eighty women in the work, and turn out very excellent buckskin gloves, as well as some finer kinds. such petty industries are too often neglected in california, where every body still wants to conduct his calling on a grand scale, and where dozens of ways to prosperity, and even wealth, are constantly neglected, because they appear too slow. this whole country is only about four years in advance of the lower or san joaquin valley, and the influence of climate and soil in bringing trees to bear early was shown to me in several thrifty orchards, already beginning to bear, on ground which four years ago was bought for two dollars and fifty cents per acre. the habit of raising wheat is so strong here, that almost every thing else is neglected; and i remember a farm where the wheat field extended, unbroken, except by a narrow path leading to the road, right up to the veranda of the farmer's house. his family lived on canned fruits and vegetables; and except here and there a brilliant poppy, which stubborn dame nature had inserted among his wheat, wife and children had not a flower to grace mantle or table. i confess that it pleased me to hear this farmer complain of hard times, because, as he said, the speculators in san francisco made more money from his wheat than he did. if the speculators in san francisco teach the farmers in california to grow something besides wheat, they will deserve well of the state. the upper waters of the sacramento run through mountain passes, and between banks so steep that for miles at a time the river is inaccessible, except by difficult and often dangerous descents; and an old miner told me that when this part of the river, between where redding now lies and its source, near mount shasta, was first "prospected" for gold, the miners or explorers had to build boats and descend by water, trying for gold by the way, because they could not get down by land. in those days, he said, if a company of miners could not make twenty dollars a day each, the "prospect" was too poor to detain them; and they made but a short stay at most points on the upper sacramento. the country was then full of indians; and it was very strange, indeed, to hear this miner--a thoroughly kind-hearted man he was, and now the father of a family of children--tell with the utmost unconcern, and as a matter of course, how they used to shoot down these indians, who waylaid them at favoring spots on the river, and tried to pick them off with arrows. i remember hearing a little boy ask a famous general once how many men he had killed in the course of his wars, and being disappointed when he heard that the general, so far as he know, had never killed any body. i suppose a soldier in battle but rarely knows that he has actually shot a man. but one of these old indian fighters sits down after dinner, over a pipe, and relates to you, with quite horrifying coolness, every detail of the death which his rifle and his sure eye dealt to an indian; and when this one, stroking meantime the head of a little boy who was standing at his knees, described to me how he lay on the grass and took aim at a tall chief who was, in the moonlight, trying to steal a boat from a party of gold-seekers, and how, at the crack of his rifle, the indian fell his whole length in the boat and never stirred again, i confess i was dumb with amazement. the tragedy had not even the dignity of an event in this man's life. he shot indians as he ate his dinner, plainly as a mere matter of course. nor was he a brute, but a kindly, honest, good fellow, not in the least blood-thirsty. [illustration: street in olympia, washington territory.] the poor indians have rapidly melted away under the fervent heat of forty-rod whisky, rifles, and disease. this whole northern country must have been populous a quarter of a century ago; general bidwell and other old californians have told me of the surprisingly rapid disappearance of the indians, after the white gold-seekers came in. it was, i do not doubt, a pleasant land for the red men. they lived on salmon, clover, deer, acorns, and a few roots which are abundant on mountain and plain, and of all this food there is the greatest plenty even yet. if you travel toward oregon, by stage, in june, july, or august, you will see at convenient points along the sacramento parties of indians spearing and trapping salmon. they build a few rude huts of brush, gather sticks for the fire, which is needed to cook and dry the salmon meat; and then, while the men, armed with long two-pronged spears, stand at the end of logs projecting over the salmon pools, and spear the abundant fish, the squaws clean the fish, roast them to dryness among the hot stones of their rude fire-place, and finally rub the dried meat to a powder between their hands, or by the help of stones, when it is packed away in bags for winter use. what you thus see on the sacramento is going on at the same time on half a dozen other rivers; and i am told that these indians come from considerable distances to this annual fishing, which was practiced by them doubtless a long time before the white men came in. not unfrequently in these mountains you will find a castaway white man with a half-breed family about him; "squaw-men" they are called, as a term of contempt, by the more decent class. as you drive by the farm-houses on the road, you may commonly see venison hanging on the porch; and every farmer has a supply of fishing-rods and lines, so that you can not go amiss for trout and venison. few of them know, however, that a trout ought to be cooked as quickly as possible after he is caught; and if you do not take care, your afternoon fish will appear on the table next day as corned trout, in which shape i have no liking for it. the shasta valley contains a good deal of excellent farming land, but it is used now chiefly for cattle and sheep, and in many parts of it the grazing is very fine. there are a number of lesser valleys scattered through the mountains hereabouts. indeed, the two ranges seem to open out for a while, and scott's valley on the west, and the klamath lake country to the east and north-east from yreka, are favorite grazing regions. here there is occasional snow in the winter, and some cold weather; the spring opens later and the rains last longer. the streams in all this region bear gold, and miners are busy in them. yreka, in the shasta valley, is the centre of a considerable mining district, and therefore a busy place, even without the modoc war, which gave it a temporary renown during the winter and spring. now that the modoc war is closed, no doubt the famous lava beds will attract curious visitors from afar. they can be reached in thirty-six hours from yreka; and that place is distant thirty-six hours from san francisco. aside from the public lands still open in small tracts of eighty and one hundred and sixty acres to pre-emption by actual settlers, under the homestead law, and the railroad lands, to be had in sections of six hundred and forty acres, the sacramento valley contains a number of considerable spanish grants; and the following account of these, which i take from the san francisco _bulletin_ will give an eastern reader some idea of the extent of such grants, their value, and how they are used: "the first large tract of land north and west of marysville is the neal grant, containing about seventeen thousand acres. this grant is owned by the durham estate and judge c.f. lott, though gruelly owns a large slice of it also. the neal grant is mostly composed of rich bottom-lands; nearly all of it is farmed under lease; the lessees pay one-quarter to one-third of the crops as rent. they do very well under this arrangement. "the next grant on the north is that of judge o.c. pratt. it contains twenty-eight thousand acres of bottom-land. butte creek skirts it on one side for a distance of seventeen miles, and a branch of that creek runs through the centre. nearly six thousand acres are covered with large oak-trees. there are about one hundred miles of fences on this rancho; there are about ten thousand sheep, twelve hundred head of cattle, and two hundred horses on it; the land has been cultivated or used as pasturage for about fourteen years. about ten thousand acres of it, i am informed, would readily sell in subdivisions for fifty dollars per acre; ten thousand acres would sell for about thirty dollars, and eight thousand acres at twenty dollars per acre. there are many tenants on this tract, having leases covering periods of three to five years; rent, one-fourth of the crop raised; the owner builds fences and houses for the lessees. the average quantity of wool annually grown on this rancho is sixty thousand pounds; beef cattle, two hundred and fifty head; value of produce received as rent from tenants, twelve thousand dollars per year. judge pratt is willing to sell farms of one hundred and sixty to three hundred and twenty acres at about the rates named, and on easy terms. "the hensley grant, lying north of judge pratt's rancho, contains five leagues. it was rejected by the united states courts, and was taken up by, and is covered with, settlers, who own one hundred and sixty to three hundred and twenty acres each, worth forty to sixty dollars per acre. little or none of that land is for sale, the owners being too well satisfied with their farms to sell them, even at the highest ruling rates. "general bidwell's rancho adjoins judge pratt's. it contains about twenty thousand acres, of which about one-quarter is of the best quality, and would readily sell at fifty to sixty dollars per acre. about five thousand acres more, lying along the sacramento river, are subject to overflow. that portion is very rich grazing land, and is worth fifteen to twenty dollars per acre. the other ten thousand acres lie near the foot-hills; they are extremely well adapted to grape culture, and are worth five to twelve dollars per acre. general bidwell is not willing to sell. "the next rancho on the west is owned by john parrot. it contains about seventeen thousand acres, and lies on the east bank of the sacramento river. it contains about four thousand acres of first-class wheat or corn land; the remainder is composed of excellent pasturage; there are only a few thousand sheep, and a few cattle and horses on this rancho. it has for several years been cultivated by morehead and griffith, under a private arrangement with the owner. it is understood that parrot would sell, either in a body or in small tracts, to desirable purchasers; his prices would probably range from fifteen to fifty dollars per acre. "the next large rancho is that of henry gerke, living twenty miles above chico. it now contains about eighteen thousand acres, of which a large portion is suitable for wheat or corn growing, and grazing purposes. one of the largest and finest vineyards in the state is on this rancho; and the wine it produces has a large sale in the state. the most of gerke's land is devoted to wheat raising; eighteen hundred tons of wheat were raised on it last year, and about twenty-two hundred tons this year. it is mostly tilled by tenants. the land is worth from twenty to fifty dollars per acre. the owner would sell the whole rancho, but it is not known whether he would sell in small tracts or not. he has a standing offer of six hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars for the land, vineyards, and improvements. "general wilson owns several thousand acres of the original gerke grant. his land is altogether devoted to wheat growing, and is worth forty dollars per acre. "a.g. towne's grant adjoins gerke's on the north and west. it now contains about twelve thousand acres; much of it is devoted to wheat growing, and is worth fifteen to forty dollars per acre, or an average all round of twenty-five dollars. "at tehama, on the west side of the sacramento river, is thome's grant. it contains about twenty thousand acres, one-third of which is of the very best quality of wheat land, the remainder good grazing. it is understood that this land can be bought either as a whole or in small farms. the best of it is worth about forty-five dollars an acre; the body of it about twenty dollars. "the next grant, on the north, is that of william g. chard. it is nearly all cut up and owned in small farms. colonel e.j. lewis, a well-known politician, is one of the largest owners on the chard tract. he is extensively engaged in wheat raising. "ide's grant is adjacent, on the north; it is also mostly divided and owned in small tracts of one hundred and sixty to four hundred acres each. "the dye grant lies east of and opposite to red bluff. it was originally a large grant, but has been partially subdivided. it contains some good bottomland, but is mostly adapted to grazing. "the most northerly grant in the state is that formerly owned by the late major redding. it is partially subdivided. like the dye grant, it contains some rich bottom-land, but, like it, is mostly adapted for grazing and grape growing. haggin and tevis lately bought (or hold for debt) about fifteen thousand acres of this rancho, which are worth about one hundred thousand dollars, or about seven dollars per acre. it is understood from inquiries made from the owners of these two last named tracts, that they are willing to sell grain lands at about an average of thirty dollars per acre." of course these grants make up, in the aggregate, but a small part of the arable land of the sacramento valley. [illustration: "tacoma," or mount rainier.] chapter xi. tobacco culture--with a new method of curing the leaf. the manufacture of cigars is one of the largest industries of san francisco. last year the government received taxes on , , cigars made in the state of california, and in september alone taxes were paid on , , . but, though the state has thousands of acres of land well fitted to produce tobacco, and though the "weed" has been grown here for twenty years or more with great success, so far as getting a heavy crop is concerned, i doubt if even , , of cigars have, until this fall, been made of tobacco raised in california. there has, however, been no lack of efforts to produce here tobacco fit to manufacture into cigars and for smoking and chewing purposes. the soil in many parts of the state is peculiarly adapted to this plant; the climate, mild and regular, favored its growth and hastened its perfection. the best seed was procured from connecticut, kentucky, virginia, florida, and cuba. but for many years the product was rank, coarse, and fitter for sheep-wash than for any other purpose. meantime, however, not a few men familiar with the old processes of raising and curing the plant have tried their best ingenuity to improve the quality. it was thought that the soil was too rich, because the tobacco makes a rapid and heavy growth; but planting on thinner or older soil did not answer. several methods of curing were contrived, and there is now reason to believe that the one known as the culp process, from the name of its patentee, will produce the desired result. i had heard and read so much about it, and about the merit of the tobacco produced by it, that i went down to gilroy, seventy or eighty miles south of san francisco, to see what had really been accomplished. the account i give below will probably interest many tobacco growing and manufacturing readers, while it will, i fear, painfully affect the spirits of the anti-tobacconists; for there is reason to believe that tobacco will become presently one of the most important and valuable crops of this state. i must premise that i am not an expert in tobacco, nor familiar with the methods pursued in the east. i have seen a tobacco-field and the inside of a connecticut curing-house, and that is about all. i give, therefore, not opinions, but facts. gilroy stands in a long and broad plain, a very rich piece of alluvial bottom, with water so abundant that artesian wells are easily bored and very common. at the depth of one hundred and thirty feet they get flowing wells, and it happened in one case of which i heard that the water came up with such force as to prevent the casing going down into the well, and the pressure of the water broke away the ground, enlarged the bore of the well, and threatened to flood a considerable area, so that the farmers gathered in force, and by means of an iron caisson loaded with stones, and with many cart-loads of stones besides, plugged up the dangerous hole. the land is a deep alluvial loam, easily worked, and here, and in some neighboring valleys, many tobacco growers have been engaged for the last ten or twelve years. mr. culp, who was a tobacco grower, and, if i understood him rightly, also a manufacturer in new york for some years before he came here, and who appears, at any rate, to be a very thorough farmer and a lover of clean fields, has planted tobacco here for fifteen years. he has a farm of about seven hundred acres, four hundred of which have this year been in tobacco. from him and others i learned the following particulars of the way in which they cultivate the plant in california. they sow the seed from the st to the th of january, and sometimes even in december. the beds are prepared and sown as in the east, except that they do not always burn the ground over, which, if i remember rightly, is invariably done in missouri and kentucky. in this season, the days are always warm enough for the little plants; but there are light frosts at night, and they are protected against these by frames covered with thin cotton cloth. the fields are plowed--by the best growers--ten inches deep; cross-plowed and harrowed until the soil is fine, and then ridged--that is to say, two furrows are thrown together. this saves the plants from harm by a heavy rain, and also makes the ground warmer, and is found to start the plants more quickly. planting in the fields begins about the th of april; and the plants are set a foot apart in the rows, the rows being three feet apart, if they are from havana seed; if connecticut or florida, they stand eighteen inches or two feet apart in the rows. they had grown, besides havana and florida, for their crop, latakia, hungarian, mexican, virginia, connecticut-seed standard, burleigh, white leaf, and some other kinds, by way of experiment. cultivators and shovel-plows are used to keep the soil loose and clean; if the weather should prove damp and cold, the shovel-plow is used to make the ridges somewhat higher. they go over the fields twice in the season with these tools, using the hoe freely where weeds get into the rows. last year, in twenty-six days after they were done planting, they had gathered two bales of tobacco. this, however, is not common, and was done by very close management, and on a warm soil. all the tobacco growers with whom i spoke assert that they are not troubled with that hideous creature, "the worm." they attribute this in part to the excellence of their soil, and partly to the abundance of birds and yellow jackets. they do not "worm" their crop, it seems, which must give them an enviable advantage over eastern growers. they do not always "top" the havana, and they do very little "suckering." if the ground is clean, they let the suckers from the root grow, and these become as large and heavy as the original plant. they believe that the soil is strong enough to bear the plants and suckers, and that they get a better leaf and finer quality without suckering. the planting is continued from april until the latter part of july, so as to let the crop come in gradually; the last planting may be caught by an early frost, but whatever they plant before the st of july is safe in any season. cutting begins about the th of june, and this year they were cutting still on the th of october. the earlier cut plants sprout again at once, and mature a second and even a third crop. mr. culp told me that he had taken four crops of havana in one year from the same field, and i saw considerable fields of third crop just cut or standing; but in some cases the frost had caught this. "if the soil is in perfect order, we can here make a crop of havana in forty days from the planting," said he. one man can prepare and take care of ten acres here, keeping it in good order. for planting and cutting, of course, an extra force is used. one man can set out or plant three thousand plants in a day of havana; of the other kinds from fifteen hundred to two thousand. the tobacco is cut with a hatchet; if it is havana, the toppers usually go just ahead of the cutters in the field, or they may be a day ahead. florida is topped ten days or two weeks before cutting. you must remember that after april they have no rain here, so that all field work goes on without interruption from the weather, and crops can be exposed in the field as a planter would not dare do in the east. up to the cutting, the methods here differ from those used in the east, only so far as climate and soil are different. when the plant lies in the field mr. culp's peculiar process begins; and this i prefer to describe to you as nearly as i can in his own words. he said that tobacco had long been grown in california even before the americans came. he had raised it as a crop for fifteen years; and before he perfected his new process, he was able usually to select the best of his crop for smoking-tobacco, and sold the remainder for sheep-wash. one year two millions of pounds were raised in the state, and, as it was mostly sold for sheep-wash, it lasted several years, and discouraged the growers. tobacco always grew readily, but it was too rank and strong. they used eastern methods, topping and suckering, and as the plant had here a very long season to grow and mature, the leaf was thick and very strong. the main features of the culp process are, he said, to let the tobacco, when cut, wilt on the field; then take it at once to the tobacco-house and pile it down, letting it heat on the piles to degrees for havana. it must, he thinks, come to °, but if it rises to ° it is ruined. piling, therefore, requires great judgment. the tobacco-houses are kept at a temperature of about degrees; and late in the fall, to cure a late second or third crop, they sometimes use a stove to maintain a proper heat in the house, for the tobacco must not lie in the pile without heating. [illustration: indian cradle, washington territory.] when it has had its first sweat, it is hung up on racks; and here mr. culp's process is peculiar. he places the stalk between two battens, so that it sticks out horizontally from the frame; thus each leaf hangs independently from the stalk; and the racks or frames are so arranged that all the leaves on all the stalks have a separate access to the air. the tobacco-houses are frame buildings, x feet, with usually four rows of racks, and two gangways for working. on the rack the surface moisture dries from the leaf; and at the proper time it is again piled, racked, and so on for three or even four times. the racks are of rough boards, and the floor of the house is of earth. after piling and racking for three weeks, the leaves are stripped from the stalk and put into "hands," and they are then "bulked," and lie thus about three months, when the tobacco is boxed. from the time of cutting, from four to six months are required to make the leaf ready for the manufacturer. "piling" appears to be the most delicate part of the cure, and they have often to work all night to save tobacco that threatens to overheat. mr. culp thinks the dryness of the climate no disadvantage. i was told that they find it useful sometimes to sprinkle the floors of the tobacco-houses. i saw racks, too, in the fields--portable, and easily carried anywhere; and on these a great quantity of florida tobacco, used for chewing and smoking, had been or was getting cured. it was piled in the field where it was cut, and the whole curing process, up to "bulking," is carried on in the open air. havana "fillers" they also cure in the field, as the fine color is not needed for that. mr. culp thought his method of horizontal suspension allowed the juices from the stalk to be carefully distributed among the leaves. he told me that a fair average crop was about pounds of havana, or pounds of florida, per acre, of merchantable leaf. in favorable localities this was considerably exceeded, he said. for chewing-tobacco, the cut plant is piled but once. for four hundred acres of tobacco, about one hundred and twenty-five chinese were employed in cutting and curing. after planting and up to the cutting season they had but fifty men employed. the chinese receive one dollar a day and board themselves, living an apparently jolly life in shanties near the fields. they get their havana seed from cuba. the patent office seed did not do well. they do not like to risk seed of their own plants. he used home-grown seed for nine years; he could not say that there was a serious deterioration or change in the quality of the tobacco, but a singular change in the form of the leaf took place. that from home-grown seed gets longer, and the veins or ribs, which in havana tobacco stand out at right angles from the leaf stalk, take an acute angle, and thus become longer and make up a greater part of the leaf. of florida tobacco the home-grown seed comes true. in summer the roads get very dusty in california, and this dust is a disadvantage to the tobacco planter. on the culp farm i found they were planting double rows of shade trees along the main roads, and graveling the interior roads; also, they seem to feel the high winds which sweep through the california valleys, and were planting almonds and cotton-woods for windbreaks in the fields. it seemed odd to see long rows of almond-trees used for this purpose. this process has so far won the confidence of experts in tobacco in this state, that a company with large capital has undertaken not only the raising of tobacco by its method, but also the manufacture into cigars, and plug, smoking, and fine-cut chewing-tobacco. they are just beginning operations in gilroy, on a scale which will enable them to manufacture all the tobacco grown this year on about six hundred acres, and they mean to plant next year one thousand acres, and expect that from fifteen hundred to two thousand acres will be planted and cured by others under licenses from the patentee. commercially, of course, their undertaking is yet an experiment, though excellent cigars and tobacco have been made already; but the year will decide the result; and if it should prove as successful as is hoped, and as there is good cause to believe it will, a new and very profitable branch of agriculture will be opened for the farmers of this state; for tobacco will grow in almost all parts of it. [illustration: running the rookeries--gathering murre eggs.] chapter xii. the farallon islands. if you approach the harbor of san francisco from the west, your first sight of land will be a collection of picturesque rocks known as the farallones, or, more fully, the farallones de los frayles. they are six rugged islets, whose peaks lift up their heads in picturesque masses out of the ocean, twenty-three and a half miles from the golden gate, the famous entrance of san francisco bay. farallon is a spanish word, meaning a small pointed islet in the sea. these rocks, probably of volcanic origin, and bare and desolate, lie in a line from south-east to north-west--curiously enough the same line in which the islands of the hawaiian or sandwich island group have been thrown up. geologists say they are the outcrop of an immense granite dike. the southernmost island, which is the largest--just as hawaii, the southernmost of the sandwich island group, is also the biggest--extends for nearly a mile east and west, and is three hundred and forty feet high. it is composed of broken and water-worn rocks, forming numerous angular peaks, and having several caves; and the rock, mostly barren and bare, has here and there a few weeds and a little grass. at one point there is a small beach, and at another a depression; but the fury of the waves makes landing at all times difficult, and for the most part impossible. the farallones are seldom visited by travelers or pleasure-seekers. the wind blows fiercely here most of the time; the ocean is rough; and, to persons subject to sea-sickness, the short voyage is filled with the misery of that disease. yet they contain a great deal that is strange and curious. on the highest point of the south farallon the government has placed a light-house, a brick tower seventeen feet high, surmounted by a lantern and illuminating apparatus. it is a revolving white light, showing a prolonged flash of ten seconds duration once in a minute. the light is about three hundred and sixty feet above the sea, and with a clear atmosphere is visible, from a position ten feet high, twenty-five and a half miles distant; from an elevation of sixty feet, it can be seen nearly thirty-one miles away; and it is plainly visible from sulphur peak on the main-land, thirty-four hundred and seventy-one feet high, and sixty-four and a half miles distant. the light-house is in latitude ° ' " north, and longitude ° ' " west. on our foggy western coast it has been necessary to place the light-houses low, because if they stood too high their light would be hidden in fog-banks and low clouds. the tower on the south farallon is, therefore, low; and this, no doubt, is an advantage also to the light-keepers, who are less exposed to the buffetings of the storm than if their labor and care lay at a higher elevation. as the farallones lie in the track of vessels coming from the westward to san francisco, the light is one of the most important, as it is also one of the most powerful on our western coast; and it is supplemented by a fog-whistle, which is one of the most curious contrivances of this kind in the world. it is a huge trumpet, six inches in diameter at its smaller end, and blown by the rush of air through a cave or passage connecting with the ocean. one of the numerous caves worn into the rocks by the surf had a hole at the top, through which the incoming breakers violently expelled the air they carried before them. such spout-holes are not uncommon on rugged, rocky coasts. there are several on the mendocino coast, and a number on the shores of the sandwich islands. this one, however, has been utilized by the ingenuity of man. the mouth-piece of the trumpet or fog-whistle is fixed against the aperture in the rock, and the breaker, dashing in with venomous spite, or the huge bulging wave which would dash a ship to pieces and drown her crew in a single effort, now blows the fog-whistle and warns the mariner off. the sound thus produced has been heard at a distance of seven or eight miles. it has a peculiar effect, because it has no regular period; depending upon the irregular coming in of the waves, and upon their similarly irregular force, it is blown somewhat as an idle boy would blow his penny trumpet. it ceases entirely for an hour and a half at low water, when the mouth of the cave or passage is exposed. [illustration: light-house on the south farallon.] [illustration: arch at west end, farallon islands.] the life of the keepers of the farallon light is singularly lonely and monotonous. their house is built somewhat under the shelter of the rocks, but they live in what to a landsman would seem a perpetual storm; the ocean roars in their ears day and night; the boom of the surf is their constant and only music; the wild scream of the sea-birds, the howl of the sea-lions, the whistle and shriek of the gale, the dull, threatening thunder of the vast breakers, are the dreary and desolate sounds which lull them to sleep at night, and assail their ears when they awake. in the winter months even their supply vessel, which, for the most part, is their only connection with the world, is sometimes unable to make a landing for weeks at a time. chance visitors they see only occasionally, and at that distance at which a steamer is safe from the surf, and at which a girl could not even recognize her lover. the commerce of san francisco passes before their eyes, but so far away that they can not tell the ships and steamers which sail by them voiceless and without greeting; and of the events passing on the planet with which they have so frail a social tie they learn only at long and irregular intervals. the change from sunshine to fog is the chief variety in their lives; the hasty landing of supplies the great event in their months. they can not even watch the growth of trees and plants; and to a child born and reared in such a place, a sunny lee under the shelter of rocks is probably the ideal of human felicity. except the rock of tristan d'acunha in the southern atlantic ocean, i have never seen an inhabited spot which seemed so utterly desolate, so entirely separated from the world, whose people appeared to me to have such a slender hold on mankind. yet for their solace they know that a powerful government watches over their welfare, and--if that is any comfort--that, thirty miles away, there are lights and music and laughter and singing, as well as crowds, and all the anxieties and annoyances incidental to what we are pleased to call civilization. but though these lonely rocks contain but a small society of human beings--the keepers and their families--they are filled with animal life; for they are the home of a multitude of sea-lions, and of vast numbers of birds and rabbits. the rabbits, which live on the scanty herbage growing among the rooks, are descended from a few pair brought here many years ago, when some speculative genius thought to make a huge rabbit-warren of these rocks for the supply of the san francisco market. these little animals are not very wild. in the dry season they feed on the bulbous roots of the grass, and sometimes they suffer from famine. in the winter and spring they are fat, and then their meat is white and sweet. during summer and fall they are not fit to eat. they increase very rapidly, and at not infrequent intervals they overpopulate the island, and then perish by hundreds of starvation and the diseases which follow a too meagre diet. they are of all colors, and though descended from some pairs of tame white rabbits, seem to have reverted in color to the wild race from which they originated. the farallones have no snakes. the sea-lions, which congregate by thousands upon the cliffs, and bark, and howl, and shriek and roar in the caves and upon the steep sunny slopes, are but little disturbed, and one can usually approach them within twenty or thirty yards. it is an extraordinarily interesting sight to see these marine monsters, many of them bigger than an ox, at play in the surf, and to watch the superb skill with which they know how to control their own motions when a huge wave seizes them, and seems likely to dash them to pieces against the rocks. they love to lie in the sun upon the bare and warm rocks; and here they sleep, crowded together, and lying upon each other in inextricable confusion. [illustration: sea-lions.] the bigger the animal, the greater his ambition appears to be to climb to the highest summit; and when a huge, slimy beast has with infinite squirming attained a solitary peak, he does not tire of raising his sharp-pointed, maggot-like head, and complacently looking about him. they are a rough set of brutes--rank bullies, i should say; for i have watched them repeatedly as a big one shouldered his way among his fellows, reared his huge front to intimidate some lesser seal which had secured a favorite spot, and first with howls, and if this did not suffice, with teeth and main force, expelled the weaker from his lodgment. the smaller sea-lions, at least those which have left their mothers, appear to have no rights which any one is bound to respect. they get out of the way with an abject promptness which proves that they live in terror of the stronger members of the community; but they do not give up their places without harsh complaints and piteous groans. plastered against the rocks, and with their lithe and apparently boneless shapes conformed to the rude and sharp angles, they are a wonderful, but not a graceful or pleasing sight. at a little distance they look like huge maggots, and their slow, ungainly motions upon the land do not lessen this resemblance. swimming in the ocean, at a distance from the land, they are inconspicuous objects, as nothing but the head shows above water, and that only at intervals. but when the vast surf which breaks in mountain waves against the weather side of the farallones with a force which would in a single sweep dash to pieces the biggest indiaman--when such a surf, vehemently and with apparently irresistible might, lifts its tall white head, and with a deadly roar lashes the rocks half-way to their summit--then it is a magnificent sight to see a dozen or half a hundred great sea-lions at play in the very midst and fiercest part of the boiling surge, so completely masters of the situation that they allow themselves to be carried within a foot or two of the rocks, and at the last and imminent moment, with an adroit twist of their bodies, avoid the shock, and, diving, re-appear beyond the breaker. as i sat, fascinated with this weird spectacle of the sea-lions, which seemed to me like an unhallowed prying into some hidden and monstrous secret of nature, i could better realize the fantastic and brutal wildness of life in the earlier geological ages, when monsters and chimeras dire wallowed about our unripe planet, and brute force of muscles and lungs ruled among the populous hordes of beasts which, fortunately for us, have perished, leaving us only this great wild sea-beast as a faint reminiscence of their existence. i wondered what dante would have thought--and what new horrors his gloomy imagination would have conjured, could he have watched this thousand or two of sea-lions at their sports. the small, sloping, pointed head of the creature gives it, to me, a peculiarly horrible appearance. it seems to have no brain, and presents an image of life with the least intelligence. it is in reality not without wits, for one needs only to watch the two or three specimens in the great tank at woodward's gardens, when they are getting fed, to see that they instantly recognize their keeper, and understand his voice and motion. but all their wit is applied to the basest uses. greed for food is their ruling passion, and the monstrous lightning-like lunges through the water, the inarticulate shrieks of pleasure or of fury as he dashes after his food or comes up without it, the wild, fierce eyes, the eager and brutal vigor with which he snatches a morsel from a smaller fellow-creature, the reliance on strength alone, and the abject and panic-struck submission of the weaker to the stronger--all this shows him a brute of the lowest character. yet there is a wonderful snake-like grace in the lithe, swift motions of the animal when he is in the surf. you forget the savage blood-shot eyes, the receding forehead, the clumsy figure and awkward motion, as he wriggles up the steep rocks, the moment you see him at his superb sport in the breakers. it seemed to me that he was another creature. the eye looks less baleful, and even joyous; every movement discloses conscious power; the excitement of the sport sheds from him somewhat of the brutality which re-appears the moment he lands or seeks his food. so far as i could learn, the farallon sea-lions are seldom disturbed by men seeking profit from them. in the egging season one or two are shot to supply oil to the lamps of the eggers; and occasionally one is caught for exhibition on the main-land. how do they catch a sea-lion? well, they lasso him, and, odd as it sounds, it is the best and probably the only way to capture this beast. an adroit spaniard, to whom the lasso or reata is like a fifth hand, or like the trunk to the elephant, steals up to a sleeping congregation, fastens his eye on the biggest one of the lot, and, biding his time, at the first motion of the animal, with unerring skill flings his loose rawhide noose, and then holds on for dear life. it is the weight of an ox and the vigor of half a dozen that he has tugging at the other end of his rope, and if a score of men did not stand ready to help, and if it were not possible to take a turn of the reata around a solid rock, the seal would surely get away. moreover, they must handle the beast tenderly, for it is easily injured. its skin, softened by its life in the water, is quickly cut by the rope; its bones are easily broken; and its huge frame, too rudely treated, may be so hurt that the life dies out of it. as quickly as possible the captured sea-lion is stuffed into a strong box or cage, and here, in a cell too narrow to permit movement, it roars and yelps in helpless fury, until it is transported to its tank. wild and fierce as it is, it seems to reconcile itself to the tank life very rapidly. if the narrow space of its big bath-tub frets it, you do not perceive this, for hunger is its chief passion, and with a moderately full stomach the animal does well in captivity, of course with sufficient water. the south farallon is the only inhabited one of the group. the remainder are smaller; mere rocky points sticking up out of the pacific. the middle farallon is a single rock, from fifty to sixty yards in diameter, and twenty or thirty feet above the water. it lies two and a half miles north-west by west from the light-house. the north farallon consists, in fact, of four pyramidal rocks, whose highest peak, in the centre of the group, is one hundred and sixty feet high; the southern rock of the four is twenty feet high. the four have a diameter of one hundred and sixty, one hundred and eighty-five, one hundred and twenty-five, and thirty-five yards respectively, and the most northern of the islets bears north ° west from the farallon light, six and three-fifths miles distant. all the islands are frequented by birds; but the largest, the south farallon, on which the light-house stands, is the favorite resort of these creatures, who come here in astonishing numbers every summer to breed; and it is to this island that the eggers resort at that season to obtain supplies of sea-birds' eggs for the san francisco market, where they have a regular and large sale. the birds which breed upon the farallones are gulls, murres, shags, and sea-parrots, the last a kind of penguin. the eggs of the shags and parrots are not used, but the eggers destroy them to make more room for the other birds. the gull begins to lay about the middle of may, and usually ten days before the murre. the gull makes a rude nest of brush and sea-weed upon the rocks; the murre does not take even this much trouble, but lays its eggs in any convenient place on the bare rocks. [illustration: the gull's nest.] the gull is soon through, but the murre continues to lay for about two months. the egging season lasts, therefore, from the th or th of may until the last of july. in this period the egg company which has for eighteen years worked this field gathered in seventeen thousand nine hundred and fifty-two dozen eggs, and in fifteen thousand two hundred and three dozen. these brought last year in the market an average of twenty-six cents per dozen. there has been, i was assured by the manager, no sensible decrease in the number of the birds or the eggs during twenty years. from fifteen to twenty men are employed during the egging season in collecting and shipping the eggs. they live on the island during that time in rude shanties near the usual landing-place. the work is not amusing, for the birds seek out the least accessible places, and the men must follow, climbing often where a goat would almost hesitate. but this is not the worst. the gull sits on her nest, and resists the robber who comes for her eggs, and he must take care not to get bitten. the murre remains until her enemy is close upon her; then she rises with a scream which often startles a thousand or two of birds, who whirl up into the air in a dense mass, scattering filth and guano over the eggers. nor is this all. the gulls, whose season of breeding is soon past, are extravagantly fond of murre eggs; and these rapacious birds follow the egg-gatherers, hover over their heads, and no sooner is a murre's nest uncovered than the bird swoops down, and the egger must be extremely quick, or the gull will snatch the prize from under his nose. so greedy and eager are the gulls that they sometimes even wound the eggers, striking them with their beaks. but if the gull gets an egg, he flies up with it, and, tossing it up, swallows what he can catch, letting the shell and half its contents fall in a shower upon the luckless and disappointed egger below. [illustration: shags, murres, and sea-gulls.] finally, so difficult is the ground that it is impossible to carry baskets. the egger therefore stuffs the eggs into his shirt bosom until he has as many as he can safely carry, then clambers over rocks and down precipices until he comes to a place of deposit, where he puts them into baskets, to be carried down to the shore, where there are houses for receiving them. but so skillful and careful are the gatherers that but few eggs are broken. the gathering proceeds daily, when it has once begun, and the whole ground is carefully cleared off, so that no stale eggs shall remain. thus if a portion of the ground has been neglected for a day or two, all the eggs must be flung into the sea, so as to begin afresh. as the season advances, the operations are somewhat contracted, leaving a part of the island undisturbed for breeding; and the gathering of eggs is stopped entirely about a month before the birds usually leave the island, so as to give them all an opportunity to hatch out a brood. [illustration: contest for the eggs.] the murre is not good to eat. if undisturbed it lays two eggs only; when robbed, it will keep on laying until it has produced six or even eight eggs; and the manager of the islands told me that he had found as many as eight eggs forming in a bird's ovaries when he killed and opened it in the beginning of the season. the male bird regularly relieves the female on the nest, and also watches to resist the attacks of the gull, which not only destroys the eggs, but also eats the young. the murre feeds on sea-grass and jelly-fish, and i was assured that though some hundreds had been examined at different times, no fish had ever been found in a murre's stomach. the bird is small, about the size of a half-grown duck, but its egg is as large as a goose egg. the egg is brown or greenish, and speckled. when quite fresh it has no fishy taste, but when two or three days old the fishy taste becomes perceptible. they are largely used in san francisco by the restaurants and bakers, and for omelets, cakes, and custards. during the height of the egging season the gulls hover in clouds over the rocks, and when a rookery is started, and the poor birds leave their nests by hundreds, the air is presently alive with gulls flying off with the eggs, and the eggers are sometimes literally drenched. there is thus inevitably a considerable waste of eggs. i asked some of the eggers how many murres nested on the south farallon, and they thought at least one hundred thousand. i do not suppose this an extravagant estimate, for, taking the season of , when seventeen thousand nine hundred and fifty-two dozen eggs were actually sold in san francisco, and allowing half a dozen to each murre, this would give nearly thirty-six thousand birds; and adding the proper number for eggs broken, destroyed by gulls, and not gathered, the number of murres and gulls is probably over one hundred thousand. this on an island less than a mile in its greatest diameter, and partly occupied by the light-house and fog-whistle and their keepers, and by other birds and a large number of sea-lions! when they are done laying, and when the young can fly, the birds leave the island, usually going off together. during the summer and fall they return in clouds at intervals, but stay only a few days at a time, though there are generally a few to be found at all times; and i am told that eggs in small quantities can be found in the fall. the murre does not fly high, nor is it a very active bird, or apparently of long flight. but the eggers say that when it leaves the island they do not know whither it goes, and they assert that it is not abundant on the neighboring coast. the young begin to fly when they are two weeks old, and the parents usually take them immediately into the water. the sea-parrot has a crest, and somewhat resembles a cockatoo. its numbers on the south farallon are not great. it makes a nest in a hole in the rocks, and bites if it is disturbed. the island was first used as a sealing station; but this was not remunerative, there being but very few fur seal, and no sea-otters. this animal, which abounds in alaska, and is found occasionally on the southern coast of california, frequents the masses of kelp which line the shore; but there is no kelp about the farallones. in the early times of california, when provisions were high-priced, the egg-gatherers sometimes got great gains. once, in , a boat absent but three days brought in one thousand dozen, and sold the whole cargo at a dollar a dozen; and in one season thirty thousand dozen were gathered, and brought an average of but little less than this price. [illustration: the great rookery.] of course there was an egg war. the prize was too great not to be struggled for; and the rage of the conflicting claimants grew to such a pitch that guns were used and lives were threatened, and at last the government of the united states had to interfere to keep the peace. but with lower prices the strife ceased; the present company bought out, i believe, all adverse claims, and for the last fifteen or sixteen years peace has reigned in this part of the county of san francisco--for these lonely islets are a part of the same county with the metropolis of the pacific. [illustration: indian girls and canoe, puget sound.] chapter xiii. the columbia river and puget sound--hints to tourists. in less than forty-eight hours after you leave san francisco you find yourself crossing the bar which lies at the mouth of the columbia river, and laughing, perhaps, over the oft-told local tale of how a captain, new to this region, lying off and on with his vessel, and impatiently signaling for a pilot, was temporarily comforted by a passenger, an old californian, who "wondered why jim over there couldn't take her safe over the bar." "do you think he knows the soundings well enough?" asked the anxious skipper; and was answered, "i don't know about that, captain; but he's been taking all sorts of things 'straight' over the bar for about twenty years, to _my_ knowledge, and i should think he might manage the brig." the voyage from san francisco is almost all the way in sight of land; and as you skirt the mountainous coast of oregon you see long stretches of forest, miles of tall firs killed by forest fires, and rearing their bare heads toward the sky like a vast assemblage of bean-poles--a barren view which you owe to the noble red man, who, it is said, sets fire to these great woods in order to produce for himself a good crop of blueberries. when, some years ago, walk-in-the-water, or red cloud, or some other colorado chief, asserted in washington the right of the indian to hunt buffalo, on the familiar ground that he _must_ live, a journalist given to figures demolished the indian position by demonstrating that a race which insisted on living on buffalo meat required about sixteen thousand acres of land per head for its subsistence, which is more than even we can spare. one wonders, remembering these figures, how many millions of feet of first-class lumber are sacrificed to provide an indian rancheria in oregon with huckleberries. on the second morning of your voyage you enter the columbia river, and stop, on the right bank, near the mouth, at a place famous in history and romance, and fearfully disappointing to the actual view--astoria. when you have seen it, you will wish you had passed it by unseen. i do not know precisely how it ought to have looked to have pleased my fancy, and realized the dreams of my boyhood, when i read bonneville's "journal" and irving's "astoria," and imagined astoria to be the home of romance and of picturesque trappers. any thing less romantic than astoria is to-day you can scarcely imagine; and what is worse yet, your first view shows you that the narrow, broken, irreclaimably rough strip of land never had space for any thing picturesque or romantic. astoria, in truth, consists of a very narrow strip of hill-side, backed by a hill so steep that they can shoot timber down it, and inclosed on every side by dense forests, high, steep hills, and mud flats. it looks like the rudest western clearing you ever saw. its brief streets are paved with wood; its inhabitants wear their trowsers in their boots; if you step off the pavement you go deep into the mud; and ten minutes' walk brings you to the "forest primeval," which, picturesque as it may be in poetry, i confess to be dreary and monotonous in the extreme in reality. there are but few remains of the old trapper station--one somewhat large house is the chief relic; but there is a saw-mill, which seems to make, with all its buzz and fuzz, scarcely an appreciable impression upon the belt of timber which so shuts in astoria that i thought i had scarcely room in it to draw a full breath; and over to the left they pointed out to me the residence of a gentleman--a general, i think he was--who came hither twenty-six years ago in some official position, and had after a quarter of a century gained what looked to me from the steamer's deck like a precarious ten-acre lot from the "forest primeval," about enough room to bury himself and family in, with a probability that the firs would crowd them into the columbia river if the saw-mill should break down. on the voyage up i said to an oregonian, "you have a good timber country, i hear?" and his reply seemed to me at the time extravagant. "timber?" he said; "timber--till you can't sleep." when i had spent a day and a half at anchor abreast of astoria, the words appeared less exaggerated. wherever you look you see only timber; tall firs, straight as an arrow, big as the california redwoods, and dense as a southern canebrake. on your right is oregon--its hill-sides a forest so dense that jungle would be as fit a word for it as timber; on the left is washington territory, and its hill-sides are as densely covered as those of the nearer shore. this interminable, apparently impenetrable, thicket of firs exercised upon my mind, i confess, a gloomy, depressing influence. the fresh lovely green of the evergreen foliage, the wonderful arrowy straightness of the trees, their picturesque attitude where they cover headlands and reach down to the very water's edge, all did not make up to me for their dreary continuity of shade. astoria, however, means to grow. it has already a large hotel, which the timber has crowded down against the tide-washed flats; a saw-mill, which is sawing away for dear life, because if it stopped the forest would doubtless push it into the river, on whose brink it has courageously effected a lodgment; some tan-yards, shops, and "groceries;" and if you should wish to invest in real estate here, you can do so with the help of a "guide," which is distributed on the steamer, and tells you of numerous bargains in corner lots, etc.; for here, as in that part of the west which lies much farther east, people live apparently only to speculate in real estate. an occasional flash of broad humor enlivens some of the land circulars and advertisements. i found one on the hotel table headed "homes," with the following sample: acres, four miles east of silverton; frame house and a log house (can live in either); log barn; acres in cultivation; acres timber land; balance pasture land; well watered. we will sell this place for $ . will throw in a cook stove and all the household furniture, consisting of a frying-pan handle and a broomstick; also a cow and a yearling calf; also one bay heifer; also lbs. of hay, minus what the above-named stock have consumed during the winter; also bushels of oats, subject to the above-mentioned diminution. if sold, we shall have left on our hands one of the driest and ugliest-looking old bachelors this side of the grave, which we will cheerfully throw in if at all acceptable to the purchaser. old maids and rich widows are requested to give their particular attention to this special offer. don't pass by on the other side. * * * * * home, sweet home! be it ever so humble, there's no place like home! we still have a few more "sweet homes" for sale, consisting of, etc., etc., etc. [illustration: pointing finger] title perfect--a warrantee deed from the hub of the earth to the top of the skies, and uncle sam's patent to back us! a further-reaching title one could scarcely require. i don't know where i got the belief that the columbia was a second-rate river. there must have been some blunder in the geographies out of which i got my lessons and my notions of the north-west coast at school. possibly, too, the knowledge that navigation is interrupted by rapids at the cascades and dalles contributed to form an impression conspicuously wrong. in fact, the columbia is one of the great rivers of the world. it seems to me larger, as it is infinitely grander, than the mississippi. between astoria and the junction of the willamette its breadth, its depth, its rapid current, and the vast body of water it carries to sea reminded me of descriptions i had read of the amazon; and i suspect the columbia would rank with that stream were it not for the unlucky obstructions at the cascades and dalles, which divide the stream into two unequal parts. [illustration: salem, capital of oregon.] for ten miles above astoria the river is so wide that it forms really a vast bay. then it narrows somewhat, and the channel approaches now one and then the other of its bold, picturesque shores, which often for miles resemble the palisades of the hudson in steepness, and exceed them in height. but even after it becomes narrower the river frequently widens into broad, open, lake-like expanses, which are studded with lovely islands, and wherever the shore lowers you see, beyond, grand mountain ranges snow-clad and amazingly fine. the banks are precipitous nearly all the way to the junction of the willamette, and there is singularly little farming country on the immediate river. below kalama there are few spots where there is even room for a small farmstead. but along this part of the river are the "salmon factories," whence come the oregon salmon, which, put up in tin cans, are now to be bought not only in our eastern states, but all over the world. the fish are caught in weirs, in gill nets, as shad are caught on the hudson, and this is the only part of the labor performed by white men. the fishermen carry the salmon in boats to the factory--usually a large frame building erected on piles over the water--and here they fall into the hands of chinese, who get for their labor a dollar a day and their food. the salmon are flung up on a stage, where they lie in heaps of a thousand at a time, a surprising sight to an eastern person, for in such a pile you may see many fish weighing from thirty to sixty pounds. the work of preparing them for the cans is conducted with exact method and great cleanliness, water being abundant. one chinaman seizes a fish and cuts off his head; the next slashes off the fins and disembowels the fish; it then falls into a large vat, where the blood soaks out--a salmon bleeds like a bull--and after soaking and repeated washing in different vats, it falls at last into the hands of one of a gang of chinese whose business it is, with heavy knives, to chop the fish into chunks of suitable size for the tins. these pieces are plunged into brine, and presently stuffed into the cans, it being the object to fill each can as full as possible with fish, the bone being excluded. the top of the can, which has a small hole pierced in it, is then soldered on, and five hundred tins set on a form are lowered into a huge kettle of boiling water, where they remain until the heat has expelled all the air. then a chinaman neatly drops a little solder over each pin-hole, and after another boiling, the object of which is, i believe, to make sure that the cans are hermetically sealed, the process is complete, and the salmon are ready to take a journey longer and more remarkable even than that which their progenitors took when, seized with the curious rage of spawning, they ascended the columbia, to deposit their eggs in its head waters, near the centre of the continent. i was assured by the fishermen that the salmon do not decrease in numbers or in size, yet in this year, , more than two millions of pounds were put up in tin cans on the lower columbia alone, besides fifteen or twenty thousand barrels of salted salmon. from astoria to portland is a distance of one hundred and ten miles, and as the current is strong, the steamer requires ten or twelve hours to make the trip. as you approach the mouth of the willamette you meet more arable land, and the shores of this river are generally lower, and often alluvial, like the missouri and mississippi bottoms; and here you find cattle, sheep, orchards, and fields; and one who is familiar with the agricultural parts of california notices here signs of a somewhat severer climate, in more substantial houses; and the evidence of more protracted rains, in green and luxuriant grasses at a season when the pastures of california have already begun to turn brown. portland is a surprisingly well-built city, with so many large shops, so many elegant dwellings, and other signs of prosperity, as will make you credit the assertion of its inhabitants, that it contains more wealth in proportion to its population than any other town in the united states. it lies on the right bank of the willamette, and is the centre of a large commerce. its inhabitants seemed to me to have a singular fancy for plate-glass fronts in their shops and hotels, and even in the private houses, which led me at first to suppose that there must be a glass factory near at hand. it is all, i believe, imported. from portland, which you can see in a day, and whose most notable sight is a fine view of mount hood, obtainable from the hills back of the city, the sight-seer makes his excursions conveniently in various directions; and as the american traveler is always in a hurry, it is perhaps well to show what time is needed: to the dalles and celilo, and return to portland, three days. to victoria, vancouver's island, and return to portland, including the tour of puget sound, seven days. to san francisco, overland, by railroad to roseburg, thence by stage to redding, and rail to san francisco, seventy-nine hours. [illustration: seattle, washington territory.] thus you may leave san francisco by steamer for portland, see the dalles, the cascades, puget sound, victoria, the willamette valley, and the magnificent mountain scenery of southern oregon and northern california, and be back in san francisco in less than three weeks, making abundant allowance for possible though not probable detentions on the road. the time absolutely needed for the tour is but seventeen days. of course he who "takes a run over to california" from, the east, predetermined to be back in his office or shop within five or six weeks from the day he left home, can not see the columbia river and puget sound. but travelers are beginning to discover that it is worth while to spend some months on the pacific coast; some day, i do not doubt, it will be fashionable to go across the continent; and those whose circumstances give them leisure should not leave the pacific without seeing oregon and washington territory. in the few pages which follow, my aim is to smooth the way for others by a very simple account of what i myself saw and enjoyed. [illustration: victoria, british columbia.] and first as to the cascades and the dalles of the columbia. you leave portland for dalles city in a steamboat at five o'clock in the morning. the better way is to sleep on board this steamer, and thus avoid an uncomfortably early awakening. then when you do rise, at six or half past, you will find yourself on the columbia, and steaming directly at mount hood, whose splendid snow-covered peak seems to bar your way but a short distance ahead. it lies, in fact, a hundred miles off; and when you have sailed some hours toward it the river makes a turn, which leaves the snowy peak at one side, and presently hides it behind the steep bank. the little steamer, very clean and comfortable, affords you an excellent breakfast, and some amusement in the odd way in which she is managed. most of the river steamers here have their propelling wheel at the stern; they have very powerful engines, which drive them ahead with surprising speed. i have gone sixteen miles an hour in one, with the current; and when they make a landing the pilot usually runs the boat's head slantingly against the shore, and passengers and freight are taken in or landed over the bow. at the wood-pile on the shore you may generally see one of the people called "pikes," whom you will recognize by a very broad-brimmed hat, a frequent squirting of tobacco-juice, and the possession of two or three hounds, whom they call hereabouts "hound-dogs," as we say "bull-dog." and this reminds me that in oregon the country people usually ask you if you will eat an "egg-omelet;" and they speak of pork--a favorite food of the pike--as "hog-meat." the voyage up the river presents a constant succession of wild and picturesque scenery; immense rocky capes jut out into the broad stream; for miles the banks are precipitous, like the hudson river palisades, only often much higher, and for other miles the river has worn its channel out of the rock, whose face looks bare and clean cut, as though it had been of human workmanship. the first explorer of the columbia, even if he was a very commonplace mortal, must have passed days of the most singular exhilaration, especially if he ascended the stream in that season when the skies are bright and blue, for it seems to me one of the most magnificent sights in the world. i am not certain that the wildness does not oppress one a little after a while, and there are parts of the river where the smoothly cut cliffs, coming precipitously down to the water's edge, and following down, sheer down, to the river's bottom, make you think with terror of the unhappy people who might here be drowned, with this cold rock within their reach, yet not affording them even a momentary support. i should like to have seen the rugged cliffs relieved here and there by the softness of smooth lawns, and some evidences that man had conquered even this rude and resisting nature. but for a century or two to come the traveler will have to do without this relief; nor need he grumble, for, with all its rugged grandeur, the scenery has many exquisite bits where nature has a little softened its aspect. nor is it amiss to remember that but a little way back from the river there are farms, orchards, cattle, and sheep. at one point the boat for a moment turned her bow to the shore to admit a young man, who brought with him a wonderful bouquet of wild flowers, which he had gathered at his home a few miles back; and here and there, where the hill-sides have a more moderate incline, you will see that some energetic pioneer has carved himself out a farm. nevertheless it is with a sense of relief at the change that you at last approach a large island, a flat space of ten or twelve hundred acres, with fences and trees and grain fields and houses, and with a gentle and peaceful aspect, doubly charming to you when you come upon it suddenly, and fresh from the preceding and somewhat appalling grandeur. here the boat stops; for you are here at the lower end of the famous cascades, and you tranship yourself into cars which carry you to the upper end, a distance of about six miles, where again you take boat for dalles city. [illustration: map of puget sound and vicinity.] the cascades are rapids. the river, which has ever a swift and impetuous current, is nearly two miles wide just above these rapids. where the bed shoals it also narrows, and the great body of water rushes over the rocks, roaring, tumbling, foaming--a tolerably wild sight. there is nowhere any sudden descent sufficient to make a water-fall; but there is a fall of a good many feet in the six miles of cascades. these rapids are considered impassable, though i believe the indians used sometimes to venture down them in canoes; and it was my good fortune to shoot down them in a little steamer--the _shoshone_--the third only, i was told, which had ever ventured this passage. the singular history of this steamboat shows the vast extent of the inland navigation made possible by the columbia and its tributaries. she was built in on the snake river, at a point ninety miles from boise city, in idaho territory, and was employed in the upper waters of the snake, running to near the mouth of the bruneau, within one hundred and twenty-five miles of the head of salt lake. when the mining excitement in that region subsided there ceased to be business for her, and her owner determined to bring her to portland. she passed several rapids on the snake, and at a low stage of water was run over the dalles. then she had to wait nearly a year until high water on the cascades, and finally passed those rapids, and carried her owner, mr. ainsworth, who was also for this passage of the cascades her pilot, and myself safely into portland. we steamed from dalles city about three o'clock on an afternoon so windy as to make the columbia very rough. when we arrived at the head of the cascades we found the shore lined with people to watch our passage through the rapids. as we swept into the foaming and roaring waters the engine was slowed a little, and for a few minutes the pilots had their hands full; for the fierce currents, sweeping her now to one side and then to the other, made the steering extraordinarily difficult. at one point there seemed a probability that we should be swept on to the rocks; and it was very curious to stand, as general sprague and i, the only passengers, did, in front of the pilot-house, and watch the boat's head swing against the helm and toward the rocks, until at last, after half a minute of suspense, she began slowly to swing back, obedient to her pilot's wish. we made six miles in eleven minutes, which is at the rate of more than thirty miles per hour, a better rate of speed than steamboats commonly attain. of course it is impossible to drive a vessel up the cascades, and a steamboat which has once passed these rapids remains forever below. at the upper end of the cascades a boat awaits you, which carries you through yet more picturesque scenery to dalles city, where you spend the night. this is a small place, remarkable to the traveler chiefly for the geological collection which every traveler ought to see, belonging to the rev. mr. condon, a very intelligent and enthusiastic geologist, the presbyterian minister of the place. you have also at dalles city a magnificent view of mount hood, and mr. condon will tell you that he has seen this old crater emit smoke since he has lived here. there is no doubt that both mount hood and mount st. helens have still internal fires, though both their craters are now filled up with ashes. there is reason to believe that at its last period of activity mount hood emitted only ashes; for there are still found traces of volcanic ashes, attributable, i am told, to this mountain, as far as one hundred miles from its summit. of mount st. helens it is probable that its slumbering fires are not very deeply buried. a few years ago two adventurous citizens of washington territory were obliged, by a sudden fog and cold storm, to spend a night near its summit, and seeking for some cave among the lava where to shelter themselves from the storm, found a fissure from which came so glowing and immoderate a heat that they could not bear its vicinity, and, as they related, were alternately frozen and scorched all night--now roasting at the volcanic fire, and again rushing out to cool themselves in the sleet and snow. [illustration: the duke of york. queen victoria. puget sound chiefs.] the rocks are volcanic from near the mouth of the willamette to and above the dalles, and geologists suppose that there have been great convulsions of nature hereabouts in recent geological times. the indians have a tradition, indeed, that the river was originally navigable and unobstructed where now are the cascades, and that formerly there was a long, natural tunnel, through which the columbia passed under a mountain. they assert that a great earthquake broke down this tunnel, the site of which they still point out, and that the debris formed the present obstructions at the cascades. oregon, if one may judge by the fossil remains in mr. condon's collection, seems once to have been inhabited by a great number and variety of pre-adamite beasts; but the most singular object he has to show is a very striking ape's head, carved with great spirit and vigor out of hard lava. this object was found upon the shore of the columbia by indians, after a flood which had washed away a piece of old alluvial bank. the rock of which it is composed is quite hard; the carving is, as i said, done with remarkable vigor; and the top of the head is hollowed out, precisely as the indians still make shallow depressions in figures and heads which they carve out of slate, in which to burn what answers in their religious ceremonies for incense. but supposing this relic to belong to oregon--and there is, i was told, no reason to believe otherwise--where did the indian who carved it get his idea of an ape? the indians of this region, poor creatures that they are, have still the habit of carving rude figures out of slate and other soft rocks. they have also the habit of cutting out shallow, dish-like depressions in the heads of such figures, wherein to burn incense. but they could not give mr. condon any account of the ape's head they brought him, nor did they recognize its features as resembling any object or creature familiar to them even by tradition. the dalles of the columbia are simply a succession of falls and rapids, not reaching over as great a distance as the cascades, but containing one feature much more remarkable than any thing which the cascades afford, and indeed, so far as i know, found nowhere else. the columbia above the dalles is still a first-class river, comparable in depth and width, and in the volume of its water, only with the lower mississippi or the amazon. it is a deep, rapidly-flowing stream, nearly a mile wide. but at one point in the dalles the channel narrows until it is, at the ordinary height of the river, not over a hundred yards wide; and through this narrow gorge the whole volume of the river rushes for some distance. of course water is not subject to compression; the volume of the river is not diminished; what happens, as you perceive when you see this singular freak of nature, is that the river is suddenly turned up on its edge. suppose it is, above the dalles, a mile wide and fifty feet deep; at the narrow gorge it is but a hundred yards wide--how deep must it be? certainly it can be correctly said that the stream is turned up on its edge. the dalles lie five or six miles above dalles city; and you pass these rapids in the train which bears you to celilo early the next morning after you arrive at dalles city. celilo is not a town; it is simply a geographical point; it is the spot where, if you were bound to the interior of the continent by water, you would take steamboat. there is here a very long shed to shelter the goods which are sent up into this far-away and, to us eastern people, unknown interior; there is a wharf where land the boats when they return from a journey of perhaps a thousand miles on the upper columbia or the snake; there are two or three laborers' shanties--and that is all there is of celilo; and your journey thither has been made only that you may see the dalles, and cape horn, as a bold promontory on the river is called. what i advise you to do is to take a hearty lunch with you, and, if you can find one, a guide, and get off the early celilo train at the dalles. you will have a most delightful day among very curious scenery; will see the indians spearing salmon in the pools over which they build their stages; and can examine at leisure the curious rapids called the dalles. a party of three or four persons could indeed spend several days very pleasantly picnicking about the dalles, and in the season they would shoot hare and birds enough to supply them with meat. the weather in this part of oregon, east of the cascade range, is as settled as that of california, so that there is no risk in sleeping-out-of-doors in summer. there is a singularly sudden climatic change between western and eastern oregon; and if you ask the captain or pilot on the boat which plies between the cascades and dalles city, he can show you the mountain range on one side of which the climate is wet, while on the other side it is dry. the cascade range is a continuation northward of the sierra nevada; and here, as farther south, it stops the water-laden winds which rush up from the sea. western oregon, lying between the cascades and the ocean, has so much rain that its people are called "web-feet;" eastern oregon, a vast grazing region, has comparatively little rain. western oregon, except in the willamette and rogue river valleys, is densely timbered; eastern oregon is a country of boundless plains, where they irrigate their few crops, and depend mainly on stock-grazing. this region is as yet sparsely settled; and when we in the east think of oregon, or read of it even, it is of that part of the huge state which lies west of the cascades, and where alone agriculture is carried on to a considerable extent. you will spend a day in returning from the dalles to portland, and arriving there in the evening can set out the next morning for olympia, on puget sound, by way of kalama, which is the columbia river terminus for the present of the northern pacific railroad. it is possible to go by steamer from portland to victoria, and then return down puget sound to olympia; but to most people the sea-voyage is not enticing, and there are but slight inconveniences in the short land journey. the steamer leaving portland at six a.m. lands you at kalama about eleven; there you get dinner, and proceed about two by rail to olympia. it is a good plan to telegraph for accommodations on the pretty and comfortable steamer _north pacific_, and go directly to her on your arrival at olympia. puget sound is one of the most picturesque and remarkable sheets of water in the world; and the voyage from olympia to victoria, which shows you the greater part of the sound, is a delightful and novel excursion, specially to be recommended to people who like to go to sea without getting sea-sick; for these land-encircled waters are almost always smooth. when, at kalama, you enter washington territory, your ears begin to be assailed by the most barbarous names imaginable. on your way to olympia by rail you cross a river called the skookum-chuck; your train stops at places named newaukum, tumwater, and toutle; and if you seek further, you will hear of whole counties labeled wahkiakum, or snohomish, or kitsap, or klikatat; and cowlitz, hookium, and nenolelops greet and offend you. they complain in olympia that washington territory gets but little immigration; but what wonder? what man, having the whole american continent to chose from, would willingly date his letters from the county of snohomish, or bring up his children in the city of nenolelops? the village of tumwater is, as i am ready to bear witness, very pretty indeed; but surely an emigrant would think twice before he established himself either there or at toutle. seattle is sufficiently barbarous; steilacoom is no better; and i suspect that the northern pacific railroad terminus has been fixed at tacoma--if it is fixed there--because that is one of the few places on puget sound whose name does not inspire horror and disgust. [illustration: nanaimo, vancouver's island.] olympia, which lies on an arm of puget sound, and was once a town of great expectations, surprises the traveler by its streets, all shaded with magnificent maples. the founder of the town was a man of taste; and he set a fashion which, being followed for a few years in this country of abundant rains, has given olympia's streets shade trees by the hundred which would make it famous were it an eastern place. unluckily, it has little else to charm the traveler, though it is the capital of the territory; and when you have spent half an hour walking through the streets you will be quite ready to have the steamer set off for victoria. the voyage lasts but about thirty-six hours, and would be shorter were it not that the steamer makes numerous landings. thus you get glimpses of seattle, steilacoom, tacoma, and of the so-called saw-mill ports--port madison, port gamble, port ludlow, and port townsend--the last named being also the boundary of our uncle samuel's dominions for the present, and the port of entry for this district, with a custom-house which looks like a barn, and a collector and inspectors, the latter of whom examine your trunk as you return from victoria to save you from the sin of smuggling. from port townsend your boat strikes across the straits of san juan de fuca to victoria; and just here, as you are crossing from american to english territory, you get the most magnificent views of the grand olympian range of mountains and of mount regnier. also, the captain will point out to you in the distance that famous island of san juan which formed the subject or object, or both, of our celebrated boundary dispute with great britain, and you will wonder how small an object can nearly make nations go to war, and for what a petty thing we set several kings and great lords to studying geography and treaties and international law, and boring themselves, and filling enterprising newspapers with dozens of columns of dull history; and you will wonder the more at the stupid pertinacity of these english in clinging to the little island of san juan when you reach victoria, and see that we shall presently take that dull little town too, not because we want it or need it, but to save it from perishing of inanition. it is something to have taste and a sense of the beautiful. certainly the english, who discovered the little landlocked harbor of victoria and chose it as the site of a town, displayed both. it is by natural advantages one of the loveliest places i ever saw, and i wonder, remote as it is, that it is not famous. the narrow harbor, which is not so big as one of the big liverpool docks, is surrounded on both sides by the prettiest little miniature bays, rock-bound, with grassy knolls, and here and there shady clumps of evergreens; a river opening out above the town into a kind of lake, and spanned by pretty bridges, invites you to a boating excursion; and the fresh green of the lawn-like expanses of grass which reach into the bay from different directions, the rocky little promontories with boats moored near them, the fine snow-covered mountains in the distance, and the pleasantly winding roads leading in different directions into the country, all make up a landscape whose soft and gay aspect i suppose is the more delightful because one comes to it from the somewhat oppressive grandeur of the fir forests in washington territory. in the harbor of victoria the most conspicuous object is the long range of warehouses belonging to the hudson bay company, with their little trading steamers moored alongside. these vessels bear the signs of traffic with a savage people in the high boarding nettings which guard them from stem to stern, and which are in their more solid parts pierced for musketry. here, too, you see a queer little old steamboat, the first that ever vexed the waters of the pacific ocean with its paddle-wheels. and as your own steamer hauls up to the wharf, you will notice, arrayed to receive you, what is no doubt the most shocking and complete collection of ugly women in the world. these are the indians of this region. they are very light-colored; their complexion has an artificial look; there is something ghastly and unnatural in the yellow of the faces, penetrated by a rose or carmine color on the cheeks. they are hideous in all the possible aspects and varieties of hideousness--undersized, squat, evil-eyed, pug-nosed, tawdry in dress, ungraceful in every motion; they really mar the landscape, so that you are glad to escape from them to your hotel, which you find a clean and comfortable building, where, if you are as fortunate as the traveler who relates this, you may by-and-by catch a glimpse or two of a fresh, fair, girlish english face, which will make up to you for the precedent ugliness. victoria hopes to have its dullness enlivened by a railroad from the mainland one of these days, which may make it more prosperous, but will probably destroy some of the charm it now has for a tourist. it can hardly destroy the excellent roads by which you may take several picturesque drives and walks in the neighborhood of the town, nor the pretty views you have from the hills near by, nor the excursions by boat, in which you can best see how much nature has done to beautify this place, and how little man has done so far to mar her work. silks and cigars are said to be very cheap in victoria; and those who consume these articles will probably look through the shops and make a few purchases, not enough to satisfy, though sufficient to arouse the suspicions of the collector of customs at port townsend. if you use your time well, the thirty-six hours which the steamer spends at victoria will suffice you to see all that is of interest there to a traveler, and you can return in her down the sound, and make more permanent your impressions of its scenery. you will perhaps be startled, if you chance to overhear the conversation of your fellow-passengers, to gather that it concerns itself chiefly with millions, and these millions run to such extraordinary figures that you may hear one man pitying another for the confession that he made no more than a hundred millions last year. it is feet of lumber they are speaking of; and when you see the monstrous piles of sawdust which encumber the mill ports, the vast quantities of waste stuff they burn, and the huge rafts of timber which are towed down to the mills, as well as the ships which lie there to load for south america, tahiti, australia, and california, you will not longer wonder that they talk of millions. some of these mills are owned by very wealthy companies, who have had the good fortune to buy at low rates large tracts of the best timber lands lying along the rivers and bays. a saw-mill is the centre of quite a town--and a very rough town too, to judge from the appearance of the men who come down to the dock to look at the steamer, and the repute of the indian women who go from port to port and seem at home among the mill men. having gone by sea to oregon, i should advise you to return to california overland. the journey lies by rail through the fertile willamette valley, for the present the chief agricultural country of oregon, to roseburg, and thence by stage over and through some of the most picturesque and grand scenery in america, into california. if you are curious in bizarre social experiments, you may very well stop a day at aurora, thirty miles below portland, and look at some of the finest orchards in the state, the property of a strange german community which has lived in harmony and acquired wealth at this point. salem, too, the capital of oregon, lying on the railroad fifty miles below portland, is worth a visit, to show you how rich a valley the willamette is. and as you go down by stage toward california you will enjoy a long day's drive through the rogue river valley, a long, narrow, winding series of nooks, remote, among high mountains, looking for all the world as though in past ages a great river had swept through here, and left in its dry bed a fertile soil, and space enough for a great number of happy and comfortable homes. may and june are the best months in which to see oregon and puget sound. with san francisco as a starting-point, one may go either to portland or to victoria direct. if you go first to victoria, you save a return journey across puget sound, and from olympia to kalama, but you miss the sail up the columbia from astoria to portland. the following table of fares will show you the cost of traveling in the region i have described: time. fare. from san francisco to portland................... days $ from san francisco to victoria................... " from portland to celilo.......................... day excursion tickets, good from portland to celilo and back............................................. days from portland by olympia to victoria............. " from portland to san francisco by railroad and stage............................................ hours meals on these journeys are extra, and cost from half a dollar to seventy-five cents. they are generally good. all these rates are in coin. on the steamer from san francisco to portland or victoria meals are included in the fare. when you are once in portland, a vast region opens itself to you, if you are an adventurous tourist. you may take boat at celilo, above the dalles, and steam up to wallula, where you take stage for elkton, a station on the pacific railroad, in utah; this journey shows you the heart of the continent, and is said to abound in magnificent scenery. i have not made it, but it is frequently done. if you have not courage for so long an overland trip, a journey up to the mouth of snake river and back to portland, which consumes but a week, will give you an intelligent idea of the vastness of the country drained by the main body of the great columbia river. the great plains and table-lands which lie east of the cascades, and are drained by the columbia, the snake, and their affluents, will some day contain a vast population. already enterprising pioneers are pushing into the remotest valleys of this region. as you sail up the columbia, you will hear of wheat, barley, sheep, stock, wool, orchards, and rapidly growing settlements, where, to our eastern belief, the beaver still builds his dams, unvexed even by the traps and rifle of the hunter. [illustration: ancient hawaiian idol.] appendix. contributions of a venerable savage to the ancient history of the hawaiian islands.[a] translated from the french of m. jules remy, by william t. brigham. [i am indebted to mr. william t. brigham, of boston, the translator of the following "contributions of a venerable savage," and the author of a valuable treatise on the volcanoes of the sandwich islands, as well as of several memoirs on the natural history of the islands, for his kind permission to use this very curious fragment, with his additions, in my volume. the original i have not been able to lay my hands on. it gives a picturesque account of the hawaiian people before they came into relations with foreigners. it should be remembered by the reader that mr. remy is a frenchman, and that his relations with the roman catholic missionaries somewhat colored his views of the labors of the american missionaries on the islands. the "contributions" in this translation of mr. brigham were privately printed by him some years ago, and the following note by him explains their origin. it will be seen that mr. brigham translated the mele, or chant of kawelo, from the original.] one evening, in the month of march, , i landed at hoopuloa, on the western shore of hawaii. among the many natives collected on the beach to bid me welcome and draw my canoe up over the sand, i noticed an old man of average size, remarkably developed chest, and whose hairs, apparently once flaxen, were hoary with age. the countenance of this old man, at once savage and attractive, was furrowed across the forehead with deep and regular wrinkles. his only garment was a shirt of striped calico. a sort of veneration with which his countrymen seemed to me to regard him only increased the desire i at first felt to become acquainted with the old islander. i was soon told that his name was kanuha, that he was already a lad when alapai[ ] died (about ), that he had known kalaniopuu, cook, and kamehameha the great. when i learned his name and extraordinary age, i turned toward kanuha, extending my hand. this attention flattered him, and disposed him favorably toward me. so i resolved to take advantage of this lucky encounter to obtain from an eye-witness an insight into hawaiian customs before the arrival of europeans. a hut of pandanus had been prepared for me upon the lava by the care of a missionary. i made the old man enter, and invited him to partake of my repast of poi,[ ] cocoa-nut, raw fish, and roast dog. while eating the poi with full fingers, kanuha assured me that he had lived under king alapai, and had been his runner, as well as the courier of kalaniopuu, his successor. so great had been kanuha's strength in his youth that, at the command of his chiefs, he had in a single day accomplished the distance from hoopuloa to hilo, more than forty french leagues. when cook died, in , the little children of kanuha's children had been born. when i spoke of alapai to my old savage, he told me that _it seemed to him a matter of yesterday_; of cook, _it was a thing of to-day_. from these facts it may be believed that kanuha was not less than one hundred and sixteen years old when i met him on this occasion. this remarkable example of longevity was by no means unique at the hawaiian islands a few years since. father maréchal knew at ka'u, in , an aged woman who remembered perfectly having seen alapai. i had occasion to converse at kauai with an islander who was already a grandfather when he saw captain cook die. i sketched, at this very hoopuloa, the portrait of an old woman, still vigorous, meawahine, who told any who would hear her that her breasts were completely developed when her chief gave her as wife to the celebrated english navigator. old kanuha was the senior of all these centenaries. i took advantage of his willing disposition to draw from him the historical treasures with which his memory was stored. here, in my own order, is what he told me during a night of conversation, interrupted only by the hawaiian dances (_hulahula_), and by some pipes of tobacco smoked in turn, in the custom of the country. of government and society with the ancient hawaiians. the soil was the property of the king, who reserved one part of it for himself, assigning another to the nobles, and left the rest to the first occupant. property, based on a possession more or less ancient, was transmitted by heritage; but the king could always dispose, according to his whims, of property of chiefs and subjects, and the chiefs had the same privilege over the people. taxes were not assessed on any basis. the king levied them whenever it seemed good to him, and almost always in an arbitrary way. the chiefs also, and the priests, received a tribute from the people. the tax was always in kind, and consisted of: kalo, raw and made into poi; potatoes (_convolvulus batatas_, l.) many varieties; bananas (_maia_) of different kinds; cocoa-nuts (called _niu_ by the natives); dogs (destined for food);[ ] hogs; fowls; fish, crabs, cuttle-fish, shell-fish; kukui nuts (_aleurites moluccana_) for making relishes, and for illumination; edible sea-weed (_limu_); edible ferns (several species, among others the _hapuu_); awa (_piper methysticum_, forst.); ki roots (_cordyline ti_, schott.), a very saccharine vegetable; feathers of the _oo_ (_drepanis pacifica_), and of the _iiwi_ (_drepanis coccinea_): these birds were taken with the glue of the _ulu_ or bread-fruit (_artocarpus incisa_); fabrics of beaten bark (_kapa_) and fibre of the _olona_ (_boehmeria_), of _wauke_ (_broussonetia papyrifera_), of _hau_ (_hilasens tiliasens_), etc.; mats of pandanus and of scirpus; pili (grass to thatch houses with); canoes (_waa_); wood for building; calabashes (serving for food vessels, and to hold water); wooden dishes; arms and instruments of war, etc., etc. a labor tax was also enforced, and it was perhaps the most onerous, because it returned almost regularly every moon for a certain number of days. the work was principally cultivating the _loi_, or fields of kalo, which belonged to the king or chiefs. the hawaiian people were divided into three very distinct classes; these were: . the nobility (_alii_), comprising the king and the chiefs of whatever degree; . the clergy (_kahuna_), comprising the priests, doctors, prophets, and sorcerers; . citizens (_makaainana_), comprising laborers, farmers, proletaries, and slaves. the nobility. na'lii. the chiefs or nobles were of several orders. the highest chief bore the title of _moi_, which may best be rendered by the word majesty. in a remote period of hawaiian history, this title was synonymous with _ka lani_, heaven. this expression occurs frequently in ancient poems: _auhea oe, e ka lani? eia ae_. this mode of address is very poetic, and quite pleasing to the chiefs. the moi was still called _kapu_ and _aliinui_. to tread on his shadow was a crime punished with death: _he make ke ee malu_. the chief next the throne took the title of _wohi_. he who ranked next, that of _mahana_. these titles could belong at the same time to several chiefs of the blood-royal, who were called _alii kapu, alii wohi_. the ordinary nobility furnished the king's aids-de-camp, called _hulumanu_ (plumed officers). by the side of the nobility were the _kahu alii_, literally guardians of the chiefs, of noble origin by the younger branch, but who dared not claim the title of chief in the presence of their elders. the kahu alii of the male sex might be considered born chamberlains; of the female, ladies of the bed-chamber. there were five kinds of kahu alii, which are: iwikuamoo, ipukuha, paakahili, kiaipoo, aipuupuu. these titles constituted as many hereditary charges reserved for the lesser nobility. the functions of the iwikuamoo (backbone of the chief) were to rub his lord on the back, when stretched on his mat. the ipukuha had charge of the royal spittoons. the paakahili carried a very long plume (_kahili_), which he waved, around the royal person to drive away the flies and gnats. the duties of this officer were continual and most fatiguing, for he must constantly remain near the person of his master, armed with his kahili, whether the king was seated or reclining, eating or sleeping. the kiaipoo's special charge was to watch at the side of his august chief during sleep. the aipuupuu was the chief cook, and, besides, performed functions similar to those of steward or purveyor. there were, besides, other inferior chiefs, as the _puuku_, attendants of the house or palace; _malama ukana_, charged with the care of provisions in traveling; _aialo_, who had the privilege of eating in the presence of the chief; and, at the present day, the _muki baka_, who had the honor of lighting the king's pipe and carrying his tobacco-pouch. although the people considered these last four orders as belonging to the nobility, it seems that they were of lower rank than the citizens favored by the chiefs. finally, the king had always in his service the _hula_, who, like the buffoon or jester of the french kings, must amuse his majesty by mimicry or dancing. the _kahu alii_, or _kaukaualii_, as they are now styled, are attendants or followers of the high chiefs by right of birth. they accompany their masters everywhere, almost in the same manner that a governess follows her pupil.[ ] from the throne down nobility was hereditary. the right of primogeniture was recognized as natural law. nobility transmitted through the mother was considered far superior to that on the father's side only, even if he were the highest of chiefs. this usage was founded on the following proverb: _maopopo ka makuahine, aole maopopo ka makuakane_ (it is always evident who the mother is, but one is never sure about the father). agreeably to this principle, the high chiefs, when they could not find wives of a sufficiently illustrious origin, might espouse their sisters and their nieces, or, in default of either of these, their own mother. nevertheless, history furnishes us several examples of kings who were not noble on the maternal side.[ ] the clergy. na kahuna. the priests formed three orders: . the _kahuna_ proper. . the _kaula_, or prophets. . the _kilo_, diviners or magicians. the priesthood, properly so called (_kahuna maoli, kahuna pule_), was hereditary. the priests received their titles from their fathers, and transmitted them to their offspring, male and female, for the hawaiians had priestesses as well. the priest was the peer of the nobility; he had a portion of land in all the estates of the chiefs, and sometimes acquired such power as to be formidable to the alii. in religious ceremonies, the priests were clothed with absolute power, and selected the victims for the sacrifices. this privilege gave them an immense and dangerous influence in private life, whence the hawaiian proverb: the priest's man is inviolable, the chief's man is the prey of death, _aole e make ko ke kahuna kanaka, o ko ke 'lii kanaka ke make_. the kahuna, being clothed with supreme power in the exercise of his functions, alone could designate the victim suitable to appease the anger of the gods. the people feared him much for this prerogative, which gave the power of life and death over all, and the result was that the priest had constantly at his service an innumerable crowd of men and women wholly devoted to him. it was not proper for him to choose victims from a people who paid him every imaginable attention. but among the servants of the alii, if there were any who had offended the priest or his partisans, nothing more was necessary to condemn to death such or such an attendant of even the highest chief. from this it may be seen how dangerous it was not to enjoy the good graces of the kahuna, who, by his numerous clan, might revolutionize the whole country. history affords us an example in the kahuna kaleihokuu of laupahoehoe, who had in his service so considerable a body of retainers that he was able in a day, by a single act of his will, to put to death the great chief hakau, of waipio, and substitute in his place umi, the bastard son (_poolua_) of king liloa, who had, however, been adopted by kaleihokuu. another example of this remarkable power is seen in the kahuna of ka'u, who massacred the high chief kohookalani, in the neighborhood of ninole, tumbling down upon him a huge tree from the top of the _pali_ (precipice) of hilea. the _kahuna_, especially those of the race of paao, were the natural depositaries of history, and took the revered title of _mo'olelo_, or historians. some individuals of this stock still exist, and they are all esteemed by the natives, and regarded as the chiefs of the historical and priestly caste. the sacerdotal order had its origin in paao, whose descendants have always been regarded as the _kahuna maoli_.[ ] paao came from a distant land called kahiki. according to several chiefs, his genealogy must be more correct than that of the kings. common tradition declares that paao came from foreign countries, landing on the north-west shore of hawaii (kohala), at puuepa, in the place where, to this day, are seen the ruins of the heiau (temple) of mokini, the most ancient of all the temples, and which he is said to have built. the advent of paao and his erection of this heiau are so ancient, according to the old men, that night helped the priest raise the temple: _na ka po i kukulu ae la mokini, a na paao nae_. these sayings, in the native tongue, indicate the high antiquity of paao.[ ] to build the temple of mokini, which also served as a city of refuge, paao had stones brought from all sides, even from pololu, a village situated four or five leagues from mokini or puuepa. the kanakas formed a chain the whole length of the route, and passed the stones from one to another--an easy thing in those times--from the immense population of the neighborhood. paao has always been considered as the first of the kahuna. for this reason his descendants, independently of the fact that they are regarded as _mookahuna_, that is, of the priesthood, are more like nobles in the eye of the people, and are respected by the chiefs themselves. there are, in the neighborhood of mokini, stones which are considered petrifactions of the canoe, paddles, and fish-hooks of paao. at pololu, toward the mountain, are found fields of a very beautiful verdure. they are called the pastures, or grass-plots, of paao (_na mauu a paao_). the old priest cultivated these fields himself, where no one since his time has dared to use spade or mattock. if an islander was impious enough to cultivate the meadow of paao, the people believe that a terrible punishment would be the inevitable consequence of that profanation. disastrous rains, furious torrents, would surely ravage the neighboring country. some hawaiians pretend that there exists another sacerdotal race besides that of paao, more ancient even than that, and whose priests belonged at the same time to a race of chiefs. it is the family of maui, probably of maui-hope, the last of the seven children of hina,[ ] the same who captured the sea-monster piimoe. the origin of this race, to which naihe of kohala pretends to belong, is fabulous. since the reign of kamehameha, the priests of the order of maui have lost favor. the second class of the clergy was composed of the prophets (_kaula_), an inoffensive and very respectable people, who gave vent to their inspiration from time to time in unexpected and uncalled-for prophesies. the third order of the clergy is that of _kilo_, diviners or magicians. with these may be classed the _kilokilo_, the _kahunalapaau_ and _kahunaanaana_, a sort of doctors regarded as sorcerers, to whom was attributed the power of putting to death by sorcery and witchcraft.[ ] the kahunaanaana and the kahunalapaau have never been considered as belonging to the high caste of kahuna maoli. the kahunaanaana, or sorcerers, inherited their functions. they were thoroughly detested, and the people feared them, and do to this day. when the chiefs were dissatisfied with a sorcerer, they had his head cut off with a stone axe (_koipohaku_), or cast him from the top of a pali. the doctors were of two kinds. the first, the kahunalapaau proper, comprised all who used plants in the treatment of disease. just as the sorcerers understood poisonous vegetables, so the doctors knew the simples which furnished remedies to work cures. the second kind comprised the spiritual doctors, who had various names, and who seem to have been intermediate between priests and magicians, sharing at once in the attributes of both. they were: _kahuna uhane_, the doctors of ghosts and spirits; _kahuna makani_, doctors of winds; _kahuna hoonohonoho akua_, who caused the gods to descend on the sick; _kahuna aumakua_, doctors of diseases of the old; _kahuna pele_, doctors or priests of pele, goddess of volcanoes. all the doctors of the second kind are still found in the islands,[ ] where they have remained idolaters, although they have been for the most part baptized. there is hardly a kanaka who has not had recourse to them in his complaints, preferring their cures and their remedies to those of the foreign physicians. laws have been enacted to prohibit these charlatans from exercising their art; but under the rule of kamehameha iii., who protected them, these laws have not been enforced. the citizens. na makaainana. the class of _makaainana_ comprises all the inhabitants not included in the two preceding classes; that is to say, the bulk of the people. there were two degrees of this cast: the _kanaka wale_, freemen, private citizens, and the _kauwa_ or servants. the hawaiian saying, _o luna, o lalo, kai, o uka a o ka hao pae, ko ke 'lii_ (all above, all below, the sea, the land, and iron cast upon the shore, all belong to the king), exactly defines the third class of the nation, called makaainana, the class that possesses nothing, and has no right save that of sustenance. the hawaiians honored canoe-builders and great fishers as privileged citizens. the chiefs themselves granted them some consideration; but it must be confessed that the honorable position they occupied in society was due to their skill in their calling rather than to any thing else. these builders were generally deeply in debt. they ate in advance the price of their labor, which usually consisted of hogs and fowls, and they died of starvation before the leaves ceased to sprout on the tree their adze had transformed into a canoe. the _kauwa_, servants, must not be confounded with the _kauwa maoli_, actual slaves. a high chief, even a wohi, would call himself without dishonor _ke kauwa a ke 'lii nui_, the servant of the king. at present, their excellencies the ministers and the nobles do not hesitate to sign their names under the formula _kou kauwa_, your servant; but it is none the less true, for all that, that formerly there were among the common people a class, few in number, of slaves, or serfs, greatly despised by the hawaiians, and still to our days so lowered in public opinion that a simple peasant refuses to associate with the descendants of this caste. they point the finger at people of kauwa extraction, lampoon them, and touch the soles of their feet when they speak of them, to mark the lowness of their origin. if they were independent, and even rich, an ordinary islander would deem himself disgraced to marry his daughter to one of these pariahs. the slaves were not permitted to cross the threshold of the chiefs' palace. they could do no more than crawl on hands and knees to the door. in spite of the many changes infused into hawaiian institutions, the kauwa families remain branded with a stigma, in the opinion of the natives, and the laws, which accord them the same rights as other citizens, can not reinstate them. it seems certain that the origin of slavery among the hawaiians must be sought in conquests. the vanquished, who were made prisoners, became slaves, and their posterity inherited their condition. from time immemorial the islanders have clothed themselves, the men with the _malo_, the women with the _pau_. the malo is bound around the loins, after having passed between the legs, to cover the pudenda. the pau is a short skirt, made of bark cloth or of the ki leaves, which reaches from the waist half down to the knees. the old popular songs show clearly that this costume has always been worn by the natives. to go naked was regarded as a sign of madness, or as a mark of divine birth. sometimes the kings were attended by a man sprung from the gods, and this happy mortal alone had the right to follow, _puris naturalibus_, his august master. the people said, in speaking of him, _he akua ia_, he is a god. _kapa_, a kind of large sheet in which the chiefs dressed themselves, was made of the soaked and beaten bark of several shrubs, such as the wauke, olona, hau, oloa. fine varieties were even made of the kukui (_aleurites moluccana_). in ancient times it was an offense punishable with death for a common man to wear a double kapa or malo. the hawaiians have never worn shoes. in certain districts where lava is very abundant, they make sandals (_kamaa_) with the leaves of the ki and pandanus. they always go bare-headed, except in battle, where they like to exhibit themselves adorned with a sort of helmet made of twigs and feathers. the women never wear any thing but flowers on their heads. tattooing was known, but less practiced than at the marquesas, and much more rudely. the hawaiians are not cannibals. they have been upbraided in europe as eaters of human flesh, but such is not the case. they have never killed a man for food. it is true that in sacrifices they eat certain parts of the victim, but there it was a religious rite, not an act of cannibalism. so, also, when they ate the flesh of their dearest chiefs, it was to do honor to their memory by a mark of love: they never eat the flesh of bad chiefs. the hawaiians do not deny that the entrails of captain cook were eaten; but they insist that it was done by children, who mistook them for the viscera of a hog, an error easily explained when it is known that the body had been opened and stripped of as much flesh as possible, to be burned to ashes, as was due the body of a god. the officers of the distinguished navigator demanded his bones, but as they were destroyed,[b] those of a kanaka were surrendered in their stead, receiving on board the ships of the expedition the honors intended for the unfortunate commander. the condition of the women among the ancient hawaiians was like that of servants well treated by their masters. the chiefesses alone enjoyed equal rights with men. it is a convincing proof that women were regarded as inferior to men, that they could in no case eat with their husbands, and that the kapu was often put upon their eating the most delicious food. thus bananas were prohibited on pain of death. their principal occupations consisted in making kapa, the malo and pau, and in preparing food. marriage was performed by cohabitation with the consent of the relations. polygamy was only practiced by the chiefs. children were very independent, and although their parents respected them so much as seldom to dare lay hands on them, they were quite ready to part with them to oblige a friend who evinced a desire for them. often an infant was promised before birth. this singular custom still exists, but is much less frequent. they had little regard for old men who had become useless, and even killed them to get them out of the way. it was allowable to suffocate infants to avoid the trouble of bringing them up. women bestowed their affection upon dogs and pigs, and suckled them equally with their children. fleas, lice, and grasshoppers were eaten, but flies inspired an unconquerable horror; if one fell into a calabash of poi, the whole was thrown away.[ ] the hawaiians practiced a sort of circumcision, differing from that of the jews, but having the same sanitary object. this operation _(mahele)_ consisted in slitting the prepuce by means of a bamboo. the mahele has fallen into disuse, but is still practiced in some places, unbeknown to the missionaries, upon children eight or ten years old. a sort of priest (kahuna) performs the operation.[ ] the hawaiian women are always delivered without pain, except in very exceptional cases. the first time they had occasion to witness, in the persons of the missionaries' wives, the painful childbirths of the white race, they could not restrain their bursts of laughter, supposing it to be mere custom, and not pain, that could thus draw cries from the wives of the haole (foreigners). the ancient hawaiians cared for their dead. they wrapped them in kapa with fragrant herbs, such as the flowers of the sugar-cane, which had the property of embalming them. they buried in their houses, or carried their bodies to grottoes dug in the solid rock. more frequently they were deposited in natural caves, a kind of catacombs, where the corpses were preserved without putrefaction, drying like mummies. it was a sacred duty to furnish food to the dead for several weeks. sometimes the remains were thrown into the boiling lava of the volcanoes, and this mode of sepulture was regarded as homage paid to the goddess pele, who fed principally on human flesh. the story of umi; his birth and youth. liloa reigned over the island of hawaii. in the course of one of his journeys through the province of hamakua, he met a woman of the people named akahikameainoa, who pleased him, and whose favors he claimed as supreme chief. akahikameainoa was then in her menses, so that the malo of the king was soiled with the discharge. liloa said to the woman: "if you bring into the world a man-child, it shall belong to me; if a girl, it shall be yours. i leave with you as tokens of my sovereign will my _niho palaoa_ (whale's tooth), and my _lei_. conceal these things from all eyes; they will one day be a souvenir of our relation, a proof of the paternity of the child who shall be born from our loves." that would, indeed, be an unexceptionable testimony, for by the law of kapu a wife could not, under pain of death, approach her husband while in her courses. the soiled malo and the time of the child's birth would give certain indications. akahikameainoa carefully concealed the royal tokens of her adultery, saying nothing to any one, not even to her husband. the spot where she hid them is known to this day as _huna na niho_, the hiding place of the teeth. liloa then held his court at waipio in all the splendor of the time. besides a considerable troop of servants, he had in attendance priests (kahuna), prophets (kaula), nobles, and his only son, hakau. the palace was made merry night and day by the licentious motions of the dancers, and by the music of the resounding calabashes. nine moons after her meeting with the king, akahikameainoa gave birth to a man-child, which she called umi, and brought up under the roof of her husband, who believed himself the father. the child developed rapidly, became strong, and acquired a royal stature. in his social games, in the sports of youth, he always bore away the palm. he was, moreover, a great eater: _hao wale i ka ai a me ka ia_.[ ] in a word, umi was a perfect kanaka, and a skillful fighter, who made his comrades suffer for it. at this time he conceived a strong affection for two peasants of the neighborhood, koi of kukui-haole and omakamau, who became his _aikane_. one day his supposed father, angry at his conduct, was about to punish him: "strike him not," exclaimed akahikameainoa, "he is your lord and chief! do not imagine that he is the son of us two: he is the child of liloa, your king." umi was then about fifteen or sixteen years old. his mother, after this declaration, startling as a thunder-bolt, went and uncovered the tokens liloa had left as proof, and placed them before her husband, who was motionless with fear at the thought of the high treason he had been on the point of committing. in the mean time, liloa had grown old, and akahikameainoa, deeming the moment had arrived, invested umi with the royal malo, the niho palaoa, and the lei, emblems of power, which high chiefs alone had the right to wear. "go," said she to him then; "go, my son, present yourself at waipio to king liloa, your father. tell him you are his child, and show him, in proof of your words, these tokens which he left with me." umi, proud enough of the revelation of his mother, at once departs, accompanied by koi and omakamau. the palace of liloa was surrounded by guards, priests, diviners, and sorcerers. the kapu extended to the edge of the outer inclosure, and no one might pass on penalty of death. umi advanced boldly and crossed the threshold. exclamations and cries of death sounded in his ears from all sides. without troubling himself, he passed on and entered the end door. liloa was asleep, wrapped in his royal mantle of red and yellow feathers. umi stooped, and, without ceremony, uncovered his head. liloa, awakening, said, "_owai la keia_?--who is this?" "it is i," replied the youth; "it is i, umi, your son." so saying, he displays his malo at the king's feet. at this token liloa, while rubbing his eyes, recognized umi, and had him proclaimed his son. behold, then, umi admitted to the rank of high chief, if not the equal of hakau, his eldest son, at least his prime minister by birth--his lieutenant. the two brothers lived at court on an equal footing. they took part in the same amusements, wrestling, drawing the bow, plunged with eagerness into all the noble exercises of the country and the time. the people of umi's suite matched themselves with those of hakau in the combat with the long lance _(pololu)_, and the party of umi was always victorious, compelling hakau to retire in confusion. liloa, perceiving that his last hour was drawing near, called his two children to him, and said to them, "you, hakau, will be chief, and you, umi, will be his man." this last expression is equivalent to viceroy or prime minister. the two brothers bowed, in token of assent, and the old chief continued: "do you, hakau, respect your man; and do you, umi, respect your sovereign. if you, hakau, have no consideration for your man, if you quarrel with him, i am not disturbed at the results of your conduct. in the same way, umi, unless you render your sovereign the homage you owe him, if you rebel against him, it will be for you two to decide your lot." soon after, having made known his last wishes, liloa gave up the ghost. umi, who was of a proud and independent character, foreseeing, no doubt, even then, the wicked conduct of his brother, would not submit to him, and refused to appear in his presence. giving up his share of power, he departed from waipio with his two _aikane_, and retired into the mountains, where he gave himself up to bird-catching. hakau then reigned alone, and ruled according to his fancy. abusing his authority, he made himself feared, but, at the same time, detested by his people. he brought upon himself the censure of the chief attendants of his father, whom he provoked by all sorts of humiliations and insults. if he saw any one of either sex remarkable for good looks, he had them tattooed in a frightful manner for his good pleasure. meanwhile umi, who had a taste for savage life, had taken leave of his favorites, and wandered alone in the midst of the forests and mountains. one day, when he descended to the shore at laupahoehoe, in the district of hilo, he fell in love with a woman of the people, and made her his companion without arousing a suspicion of his high birth. devoting himself, then, to field labor, he was seen sometimes cultivating the ground, and sometimes going down to the sea to fish. by generous offerings, he knew how to skillfully flatter an old man named kaleihokuu, an influential priest, who at last adopted him as one of his children. umi always kept at the head of the farmers and fishermen, and a considerable number, recognizing his physical superiority, voluntarily enrolled themselves under his orders and those of his foster-father; he was only known by the name of hanai (foster-child) of kaleihokuu. meditating probably, even then, a way of acquiring supreme power, umi exerted himself to gain the sympathies of the people, in whose labors he took an incredible part. there are seen to this day, above laupahoehoe, the fields which umi cultivated, and near the sea can be seen the heiau, or temple, in which kaleihokuu offered sacrifices to the gods. hakau continued to reign, always without showing the least respect to the old officers of liloa, his father. two old men, high chiefs by birth, and highly honored under the preceding reign, had persisted in residing near the palace at waipio, in spite of the insults to which the nearness of the court exposed them. one day when they were hungry, after a long scarcity of food, they said to one of their attendants: "go to the palace of hakau. tell his majesty that the two old chiefs are hungry, and demand of him, in our name, food, fish, and awa."[ ] the attendant went at once to the king to fulfill his mission. hakau replied with foul and insulting terms: "go tell the two old men that they shall have neither food, fish, nor awa!" the two chiefs, on hearing this cruel reply, commenced to deplore their lot, and regret more bitterly than ever the time they lived under liloa. then rousing themselves, they said to their attendant, "we have heard of the foster-son of kaleihokuu, of his activity, courage, and generosity. lose no time; go directly to laupahoehoe, and tell kaleihokuu that two chiefs desire to see his adopted son." the servant went with all speed to laupahoehoe, where he delivered his master's message. kaleihokuu told, him, "return to your masters, tell them that they will be welcome, if they will come to-morrow to see my foster-son." the old men, at this news, hastened to depart. arrived at the abode of kaleihokuu, they found no one, except a man asleep on the mat. they entered, nevertheless, and sat down, leaning their backs against the walls of the pandanus house. "at last," said they, sighing, "our bones are going to revive, _akahi a ola na iwi_." then, addressing the slumbering man, "are you, then, alone here?"--" yes," replied the young man; "kaleihokuu is in the fields."--"we are," added they, "the two old men of waipio, come expressly to see the priest's foster-son." the young man rises without saying a word, prepares an abundant repast--an entire hog, fish, and awa. the two old men admired the activity and skill of the youth, and said to themselves, "at all events, if the foster-son of kaleihokuu were as vigorous a stripling as this, we should renew our life!" the young unknown served them food, and made them drunk with awa, and, according to the usage of those times,[ ] gave up to them the women of kaleihokuu, that his hospitality might be complete. the next morning the old men saw kaleihokuu, and said to him, "here we have come to become acquainted with your foster-son. may it please the gods that he be like that fine young fellow who entertained us at your house! our bones would revive."--"ah, indeed," replied kaleihokuu; "he who has so well received you is my _keiki hanai_. i left him at the house on purpose to perform for you the duties of hospitality." the two old men, rejoiced at what they learned, told the priest and his adopted son the ill treatment they had received at the court of hakau. no more was needed to kindle a war at once. at the head of a considerable troop of people attached to the service of kaleihokuu, umi went by forced marches to waipio, and the next day hakau had ceased to reign. he had been slain by the very hand of the vigorous foster-son of the priest. the reign of umi. umi ruled in place of hakau. his two aikane, koi and omakamau, had joined him, and resided at his court. piimaiwaa of hilo was his most valiant warrior. _ia ia ka mama kakaua_--to him belonged the bâton of war, a figurative expression denoting the general-in-chief. pakaa was one of the favorites of umi, and lono was his kahuna. while umi reigned over the eastern shores of the island, one of his cousins, keliiokaloa, ruled the western coast, and held his court at kailua. it was under the reign of this prince, about two centuries before the voyage of captain cook, that a ship was wrecked near keei, in the district of kona, not far from the place where the celebrated english navigator met his death in . it was about [c] that men of the white race first landed in the archipelago. one man and one woman escaped from the wreck, and reached land near kealakeakua. coming to the shore, these unfortunates prostrated themselves on the lava, with their faces to the earth, whence comes the name kulou, a _bowing down_, which the place which witnessed this scene still bears. the shipwrecked persons soon conformed to the customs of the natives, who pretend that there exists to our day a family of chiefs descended from these two whites. the princess lohea, daughter of liliha,[ ] still living, is considered of this origin. keliiokaloa, who reigned over the coast where this memorable event took place, was a wicked prince, who delighted in wantonly felling cocoa-nut trees and laying waste cultivated lands. his ravages induced umi to declare war against him. he took the field at the head of his army, accompanied by his famous warrior, piimaiwaa; his friends, koi and omakamau; his favorite, pakaa; and lono, his kahuna. he turned the flanks of mauna kea, and advancing between this mountain and hualalai, in the direction of mauna loa, arrived at the great central plateau of the island, intending to make a descent upon kailua. keliiokaloa did not wait for him. placing himself at the head of his warriors, he marched to meet umi. the two armies met on the high plain bounded by the colossi of hawaii, at the place which is called _ahua a umi_. two men of the slave race, called laepuni, famous warriors of keliiokaloa, fought with a superhuman courage, and umi was about to fall under their blows, when piimaiwaa, coming to his rescue, caused the victory to incline to his side. although history is silent, it is probable that the king of kailua perished in the battle. this victory completely rid umi of his last rival; he reigned henceforth as sole ruler of hawaii; and to transmit to posterity the remembrance of this remarkable battle, he caused to be erected on the battle-field, by the people of the six provinces, hilo, hamakua, kohala, kona, ka'u, and puna, a singular monument, composed of six polyhedral piles of ancient lava collected in the vicinity. a seventh pyramid was raised by his nobles and officers. in the centre of these enormous piles of stone he built a temple, whose remains are still sufficiently perfect to enable one to restore the entire plan. the whole of this vast monument is called, after the name of its builder, the heaps of umi--_ahua umi_. umi built another temple at the foot of pohaku hanalei, on the coast of kona, called _ahua hanalei_. a third temple was also erected by him on the flank of mauna kea, in the direction of hilo, at the place called puukeekee. traces of a temple built by the same king may also be recognized at mauna halepohaha, where are found the ruins of umi's houses covered with a large block of lava.[ ] they give umi the name of king of the mountains. tradition declares that he retired to the centre of the island, through love for his people, and these are the reasons which explain the seclusion to which he devoted himself. it was a received custom in hawaiian antiquity that the numerous attendants of the chiefs, when traversing a plantation, should break down the cocoa-nuts, lay waste the fields, and commit all sorts of havoc prejudicial to the interests of proprietors or cultivators. to avoid a sort of scourge which followed the royal steps, umi made his abode in the mountains, in order that the robberies of his attendants might no longer cause the tears of the people to flow. in his retreat umi lived, with his retainers, upon the tribute in kind which his subjects brought him from all parts of the coast. in time of famine, his servants went through the forest and collected the _hapuu_, a nourishing fern which then took the place of poi. umi, however, did not spend all his time in the mountains. he came to live at various times on the sea-shore at kailua. he employed everywhere workmen to cut stones, to serve, some say, in the construction of a sepulchral cave; according to others, to build a magnificent palace. whatever may have been their destination, the stones were admirably hewn.[ ] in our days the calvinistic missionaries have used them in the erection of the great church of kailua, without any need of cutting them anew. there are still seen, scattered in various places, the hewn stones of king umi, _na pohaku kulai a umi_. it is natural to suppose that they used to hew these hard, and very large stones with other tools than those of hawaiian origin. iron must have been known in the time of umi, and its presence is explained by the wrecks of ships which ocean currents may have drifted ashore. it is certain that they were acquainted with iron long before the arrival of cook, as is proved by the already cited passage from an old romance: _o luna, o lalo, kai, o uka, a o ka hao pae, ko ke'lii_. umi, some time before his death, said to his old friend koi: "there is no place, nor is there any possible way to conceal my bones. you must disappear from my presence. i am going to take back all the lands which i have given you around hawaii, and they will think you in disgrace. you will then withdraw to another island, and as soon as you hear of my death, or only that i am dangerously sick, return secretly to take away my body." koi executed the wishes of the chief, his _aikane_. he repaired to molokai, whence he hastened to set sail for hawaii as soon as he heard of umi's death. he landed at honokohau. on setting foot on shore, he met a kanaka, in all respects like his dearly-loved chief. he seized him, killed him, and carried his body by night to kailua. koi entered secretly the palace where the corpse of umi was lying. the guards were asleep, and koi carried away the royal remains, leaving in their place the body of the old man of honokohau, and then disappeared with his canoe. some say that he deposited the body of umi in the great pali of kahulaana, but no one knows the exact spot; others say that it was in a cave at waipio, at puaahuku, at the top of the great pali over which the cascade of hiilawe falls. from time immemorial it was the custom at hawaii to eat the flesh of great chiefs after death, then the bones were collected in a bundle, and concealed far out of the way. generally it was to a faithful attendant, a devoted _kahu_, that the honor of eating the flesh of his chief belonged by a sentiment of friendship, _no ke aloha_. if they did not always eat the flesh of high chiefs and distinguished personages, they always took away their dead bodies, to bury them in the most secret caves, or in most inaccessible places. but the same care was not taken with chiefs who had been regarded as wicked during their lives. the proverb says of this: _aole e nalo ana na iwi o ke 'lii kolohe; e nalo loa na iwi o ke 'lii maikai_--the bones of a bad chief do not disappear; those of a good chief are veiled from the eyes of all the world. the high chiefs, before death, made their most trusty attendants swear to conceal their bones so that no one could discover them. "i do not wish," said the dying chief, "that my bones should be made into arrows to shoot mice, or into fish-hooks." so it is very difficult to find the burial-place of such or such a chief. mausoleums have been built in some places, and it is said that here are interred the nobles and kings; but it would seem that there are only empty coffins, or the bodies of common natives substituted for those of the personages in whose honor these monuments have been raised. the history of keawe. whatever the historian, david malo, may say, it is very doubtful whether there were several chiefs of the name of keawe. it is probable that there was only one high chief of this name, that he was the son of umi, and was called keawe the great--_keawe nui_ _a umi_. david malo was interested, as the natives know, in swelling the genealogy of the alii, and he wished to flatter both nobility and people by distinguishing keawe nui, of the race of umi, from another keawe. there are two keawe, as seven maui, and nine hina. it is not, indeed, so long a period from umi to the present era, that we can not unveil the truth from the clouds which surround, it. the people, in general, only speak of one keawe, who inherited the power of his father umi. he was supreme ruler in the island of hawaii, and is even said to have united, as kamehameha has since done, all the group under his sceptre. kamehameha conquered the islands by force of arms; keawe had conquered them by his travels and alliances. while he passed through the islands of maui, molokai, and oahu, he contracted marriages everywhere, as well with the women of the people as with the highest chiefesses. these unions gave him children who made him beloved of all the high chiefs of that time. he was regarded at maui and oahu as supreme king. the king of kauai even went so far as to send messengers to declare to him that he recognized his sovereignty. such is the origin of keawe's power. by his numerous marriages with chiefesses and common women without distinction, this king has made the hawaiian nobility, the present alii say, bastard and dishonored. the chiefs descended from keawe conceal their origin, and are by no means flattered when reminded of it. from keawe down, the genealogies become a focus of disputes, and it would be really dangerous for the rash historian who did not spare the susceptibilities of chiefs on this subject. the principle on which those who condemn the conduct of keawe rests is the purity of the blood of the royal stock, required by ancient usages, whose aim was to preserve the true nobility without alloy. disdaining this rule, keawe contracted numerous marriages, which gave him as mothers of his children women of low birth. the posterity of this chief, noble without doubt, but of impure origin, likes not to have its lame genealogy recalled. it is with the sensitiveness of the hawaiians on this subject, as with many other things in this world: they attack bitterly the amours of keawe, and seem to forget that umi, their great chief, whose memory they preserve with so much care, was of plebeian blood by his mother. it seems certain that king keawe usually resided at the bay of hoonaunau, in kona. the heiau of hoonaunau, where may still be seen the stakes of ohia (_metrosideros_) planted by keawe, is called _hale a keawe_--the house built by keawe. it served also as a city of refuge.[ ] various documents on the province of ka'u. the people of ka'u are designated in the group under the name of _na mamo a ke kipi_--the descendants of the rebellion. the province of ka'u has always been regarded as a land fatal to chiefs. at the present day an inhabitant of ka'u can be distinguished among other natives. he is energetic, haughty in speech, and always ready to strike a blow when occasion presents. he is proud, and worships his liberty. several hawaiian chiefs have been killed by the people of ka'u, among others kohaokalani, koihala, etc. the history of kohaokalani. he was, according to tradition, the most important chief on the island, and reigned in royal state at hilea. he it was who built the heiau situated on the great plain of makanau. the sea worn pebbles may still be seen, which kohaokalani had his people carry up on to the height, about two leagues from the shore. these pebbles were intended for the interior pavement of the temple. the people, worn out by the great difficulty of transportation, tired of the yoke of royalty, and incited by disloyal priests, began to let their discontent and discouragement show itself. a conspiracy was soon formed by these two classes leagued against the chief, and a religious ceremony offered an occasion to rid themselves of the despot. the temple was completed, and it only remained to carry a god up there. this divinity was nothing but an ohia-tree of enormous size, which had been cut down in the forest above ninole. at the appointed day the chief priests and people set to work to draw the god to his residence. in order to reach the height of makanau there was a very steep pali to be ascended. they had to carry up the god on the side toward ninole, which was all the better for the execution of their premeditated plan. arrived at the base of the precipice, all pulled at the rope; but the god, either by the contrivance of the priests, or owing to the obstacles which the roughness of the rock presented, ascended only with great difficulty. "the god will never come to the top of the pali," said the kahuna, "if the chief continues to walk before him; the god should go first by right of power, and the chief below, following, to push the lower end; otherwise we shall never overcome his resistance." the high chief, kohaokalani, complied with the advice of the priests, placed himself beneath the god, and pushed the end from below. instantly priests and people let go the cord, and the enormous god, rolling upon the chief, crushed him at once. the death of kohaokalani is attributed chiefly to the kahuna. the history of koihala. koihala reigned at ka'u. he was a very great chief--perhaps the entire island recognized his authority. an abuse of power hastened his death. he had commanded the people of ka'u to bring him food upon the plain of punaluu, at the place known under the name of puuonuhe. a party of men set out with pounded kalo (_paiai_, differing from poi in not being diluted), bound up in leaves of ki, called _la'i_ (a contraction for _lau-ki_). when they arrived at the top of the plateau, which is very elevated, they found that the chief had set out for kaalikii, two leagues from puuonuhe, and that he had left orders for them to bring him the provisions in this distant place. the bearers hastened toward kaalikii. as soon as they came there, orders were given for them to proceed to waioahukini, half a league's walk in the same direction, and beneath the great pali of malilele, on the shore. they went on. arrived at waioahukini, they were ordered to go and join the chief at kalae. there they had to climb again the great pali, and two leagues more to go. when they reached the cape of kalae, the most southern point of the hawaiian group, they were sent to seek the chief at the village of mahana; but he had left for paihaa, a village near kaalualu, a little bay where the native vessels now anchor. there, at last, they must find the tyrant. exasperated, dying of hunger, indignant at the cruel way in which the chief made sport of their pains, the bearers sat down on the grass and took counsel. first they decided to eat up the food, without leaving any thing for the chief who entertained himself so strangely in fatiguing his people _(hooluhi howa_). they moreover determined to carry to him, instead of kalo, bundles of stones. the trial of koihala is ended, his insupportable yoke is about to fall. the determined conspirators, after satisfying their hunger, set off, and soon arrived, with humble mien, in the presence of the chief, between paihau and kaalualu. "prince," said they, "here are your servants with provisions." they humbly laid at his feet their bundles wrapped in la'i. the wrappers were opened, and the scene changes. these people, apparently half dead, became in an instant like furious lions, ready to devour their prey. they armed themselves with stones, and showered them upon koihala and his company, who perished together. two other high chiefs of the island were exterminated by the same people. one was killed at kalae, beaten to death by the paddles of fishermen; the other was stoned at aukukano. these revolts against the chiefs have given birth, to several proverbial expressions, applied to the district of ka'u. thus it is called _aina makaha_--land of torrents: a nation which removes and shatters every thing like a torrent; _ka'u makaha_--ka'u the torrent; _ka lua kupapau o na'lii_--the sepulchre of the high chiefs; _aina kipi_--the rebellious land. legend of kaleikini. he was a chief of the olden time. on the sea-shore, between kaalikii and pohue, the waves were ingulfed beneath the land, and shot into the air by a natural aperture some fifty feet from the shore. the water leaped to a prodigious height, disappeared in the form of fine rain, and fell in vapor over a circuit of two leagues, spreading sterility over the land to such an extent that neither kalo nor sweet-potatoes could be grown there. the chief kaleikini closed the mouth of the gulf by means of enormous stones, which he made the natives roll thither. it is plainly seen that this blow-hole has been closed by human hands. there still remains a little opening through which the water hisses to the height of thirty or forty feet. kaleikini closed at kohala, on the shore of nailima, a volcanic mouth like that of ka'u. on the heights of honokane, he silenced the thunders of a water-fall by changing its course. at maui hikina, he secured the foundations of the hill of puuiki, which the great tides had rendered unstable. to do this, he put into the caverns of puuiki a huge rock, which stopped the tumults of the sea, and put an end to the trembling of the hill. for these feats of strength, and many others like them, kaleikini was called _kupua_--wizard.[d] documents on the province of puna. according to common tradition, the district of puna was, until two centuries ago, a magnificent country, possessing a sandy soil, it is true, but one very favorable to vegetation, and with smooth and even roads. the hawaiians of our day hold a tradition from their ancestors, that their great-grandparents beheld the advent of the volcanic floods in puna. here, in brief, is the tradition as it is preserved by the natives: legend of keliikuku. this high chief reigned in puna. he journeyed to the island of oahu. there he a prophet of kauai, named kaneakalau, who asked him who he was. "i am," replied the chief, "keliikuku of puna." the prophet then asked him what sort of a country he possessed. the chief said: "my country is charming; every thing is found there in abundance; everywhere are sandy plains which produce marvelously."--"alas!" replied the prophet, "go, return to your beautiful country; you will find it overthrown, abominable. pele has made of it a heap of ruins; the trees of the mountains have descended toward the sea; the ohia and pandanus are on the shore. your country is no longer habitable." the chief made answer; "prophet of evil, if what you now tell me is true, you shall live; but if, when i return to my country, i prove the falsity of your predictions, i will come back on purpose, and you shall die by my hand." unable, in spite of his incredulity, to forget this terrible prophecy, keliikuku set sail for hawaii. he reached hamakua, and, landing, traveled, home by short stages. from the heights of hilo, at the village of makahanaloa, he beheld in the distance all his province overwhelmed in chaotic ruin, a prey to fire and smoke. in despair, the unfortunate chief hung himself on the very spot where he first discovered this sad spectacle. this tradition of the meeting of keliikuku and kaneakalau is still sometimes chanted by the kanakas. it was reduced to metre, and sung by the ancients. it is passing away in our day, and in a few years no trace of it will remain. whether the prediction was made or not, the fact is that puna has been ravaged by volcanic action. legend of the chief hua. the high chief hua, being in maui, said to uluhoomoe, his kahuna, that he wished for some _uau_ from the mountains (a large bird peculiar to the island of hawaii). uluhoomoe replied that there were no uau in the mountains--that all the birds had gone to the sea. hua, getting angry, said to his priest: "if i send my men to the mountains, and they find any uau there, i will put you to death." after this menace, the chief ordered his servants to go to bird-hunting. they obeyed; but instead of going to the mountains (_mauka_), they set snares on the shores (_makai_), and captured many birds of different kinds, among others the uau and ulili. returning to the palace, they assured the chief that they had hunted in the mountains. hua summoned his kahuna, and said to him: "there are the birds from the mountains; you are to die." uluhoomoe smelled of the birds, and replied: "these birds do not come from the mountains; they have an odor of the sea." hua, supported by his attendants, persisted in saying, as he believed truly, that they came from the mountains, and repeated his sentence: "you are to die." uluhoomoe responded: "i shall have a witness in my favor if you let me open these birds in your presence." the chief consented, and small fish were found in the crops of the birds. "behold my witness," said the kahuna, with a triumphant air; "these birds came from the sea!" hua, in confusion, fell into a terrible rage, and massacred uluhoomoe on the spot. the gods avenged the death of the priest by sending a distressing famine, first on the island of maui, then on hawaii. hua, thinking to baffle the divine vengeance, went to hawaii to escape the scourge; but a famine more terrible yet pursued him there. the chief vainly traversed every quarter of the islands; he starved to death in the temple of makeanehu (kohala). his bones, after death, dried and shrunk in the rays of the burning sun, to which his dead body remained exposed. this is the origin of the hawaiian epigram always quoted in recalling the famine which occurred in the reign of hua, an epigram which no one has understood, and which has never been written correctly: _koele na iwi o hua i ka la_--the bones of hua are dry in the sun.[e] on the island of hawaii are many places called by the name of this celebrated chief. at kailua, in the hamlet of puaaaekolu, a beautiful field, known by the name of mooniohua, recalls one episode of hua's misery. here it was that, one day, running after food which he could never attain, he fell asleep, weary with fatigue and want. the word mooniohua is probably a corruption of _moe ana o hua_--the couch of hua. the story and song of kawelo. kawelo, of the island of kauai, was a sort of giant; handsome, well made, muscular, his prodigious strength defied animate and inanimate nature. in his early youth, he felt a violent passion kindle in his bowels for the princess kaakaukuhimalani, so that he sought in every way to touch her heart. but the princess, too proud, and too high a lady, did not deign to cast her eyes upon him. despairing of making her reciprocate his love, kawelo poured into his mother's bosom his grief and his tears. "mother," said he, "how shall i succeed in espousing this proud princess? what must i do? give me your counsel." "my son," replied his mother, "a youth who wishes to please ought to make himself ready at labor, and skillful in fishing; this is the only secret of making a good match." kawelo too eagerly followed his mother's advice, and soon there was not on the island a more indefatigable planter of kalo, nor a more expert fisherman. but what succeeds with common women is not always the thing to charm the daughters of kings. kaakaukuhimalani could make nothing of a husband who was a skillful farmer or a lucky fisherman; other talents are required to touch the hearts of nobles, and hers remained indifferent, insensible to the sighs of kawelo. nobles then, as to-day, regarded pleasure above all things; and a good comedian was worth more to them than an honest workman. in his great perplexity, kawelo consulted an old dancing-master, who told him, "dancing and poetry are the arts most esteemed and appreciated by those in power. come with me into the mountains. i will instruct you, and if you turn out an accomplished dancer, you will have a sure means of pleasing the insensible kaakaukuhimalani." kawelo listened to the advice of the poet dancing-master, and withdrew into the mountains to pursue his duties. he soon became a very skillful dancer, and an excellent reciter of the mele; so the fame of his skill was not slow in extending through all the valleys of the island. one day when kaakaukuhimalani desired to collect all the accomplished dancers of kauai, her attendants spoke to her of kawelo as a prodigy in the art, who had not his equal from one end to the other of the group, from hawaii to niihau. "let some one bring me this marvel!" cried the princess, pricked with a lively curiosity. the old and cunning preceptor of the mountains directed his pupil not to present himself at the first invitation, in order to make his presence more ardently desired. kawelo, understanding the value of this advice, did not obey until the third request; he danced before the princess with a skill so extraordinary that she fell in love with him, and married him. so kawelo found himself raised to princely rank. the happy parvenu had three older brothers. they were: kawelomakainoino, with fierce look and evil eye; kawelomakahuhu, with unpleasant countenance and angry expression; kawelomakaoluolu, with a lovable and gracious face. all three were endued with the same athletic strength as their younger brother. jealous of the good fortune which a princely marriage had brought their brother, they resolved to humble him for their pleasure. taking advantage of the absence of kaakaukuhimalani, they seized kawelo and poured a calabash of poi over his head. poor kawelo! the paste ran down from his head over all his body, and covered him with a sticky plaster which almost suffocated him. overwhelmed with shame at having to undergo so humiliating a punishment, kawelo fancied that he could no longer live at kauai; he determined to exile himself, and live in oahu. he had already embarked in his canoe and prepared to set sail with some faithful friends, when he saw his wife on the shore. seated beneath the shade of a kou (_gordia sebestena_) kaakaukuhimalani waved her hand to kawelo, crying: hoi mai toi mai kaua! mai hele aku oe! return, return with me! go not away from me! kawelo, touched with love for his wife, but immovably determined to leave his island, chants his adieu, which forms the subject of the first canto. paha akahi. aloha kou e, aloha kou; ke aloha mai kou ka hoahele i ka makani, i ka apaapaa anuu o ahulua. moe iho uei au i ka po uliuli, po uliuli eleele. anapanapa, alohi mai ana ia'u ke aa o akua nunu. ine ee au e kui e lei ia kuana na aa kulikuli. papa o hee ia nei lae. e u'alo, e u'alo ua alo mai nei ia'u ka launiu e o peahi e; e hoi au e, e hoi aku. canto i. thou lovest me still! oh yes thou lovest me; thou, the companion who has followed me. in the tempest and in the icy winds of ahulua. i, alas! sleep in dark night, in dark and sombre night. my eyes have seen the gleaming flashes of the face of the god nunu. if i resist, i am smitten as by the thunder-bolts of the deepening storm. go, daughter of papa, away from this headland; cease thy lamentations; cease to beckon to me with thy fan of cocoa-nut leaves, i will come again. depart thou! on his arrival at oahu, kawelo was well received by the king of that island, kakuihewa, who loaded him with favors, and even accorded him great privileges, to do honor to his wonderful strength. kawelo did not forget himself in the midst of the pleasures his strength procured him. he had vengeful thoughts toward kauai for the injury he had received from his brothers. retiring to a secluded place, and concealing himself as much as possible from the notice of kakuihewa, he secretly set about recruiting a small army of devoted men for an expedition against the island of kauai. when he had collected enough warriors, he put to sea with a fleet of light canoes. hardly had he left the shore of oahu, when the marine monster, apukohai, met him--an evil omen. he was but the precursor of another monster, uhumakaikai, who could raise great waves and capsize canoes. the oldest sailors never fail to return to land at the first appearance of apukohai; all the pilots then advised kawelo to go back with all speed. but the chief, full of determination which nothing could shake, would not change his course; he persisted in sailing toward his destination. this is the subject of the second canto. paha elua. o ka'u hoa no ia, e hoolulu ai maua i ka nahele, i anehu au me he kua ua la i oee au me he wai la. i haalulu au me he kikili la. i anei wau me he olai la. i alapa au me he uila la. i ahiki welawela au me he la la. melemele ka lau ohia, kupu a melemele, i ka ua o na' pua eha, eha, o na ole eha eha, o na kaula' ha i ke kua no paihi, o ka paihi o main. a haku, haku ai i ka manawa, e pueo e kania, manawai ka ua i ka lehua, e hoi ka ua a ka maka o ka lehua; la noho mai; e hoi ka makani a ka maka oka opua la noho mai e hoi ke kai a manawai nui ka oo, la noho mai. e kuu e au i kuu wahi upena ma kahi lae: e hei ka makani la'u. e kuu e au i kuu wahi upena ma ka' lua lae, e hei ka ino ia 'u e kuu e au e kuu wahi upena ma ka 'kolu lae, e hei ke kona ia 'u e kuu e au e kuu wahi upena ma ka' ha lae, e hei luna, e hei lalo, e hei uka, e hei kai, e hei uhumakaikai. i ke olo no hina, e hina kohia i ka aa, uhumakaikai. canto ii. i had a friend with whom i lived peacefully in the wilderness. i swung like a cloud full of rain, i murmured like a rivulet, i shook like a thunder-bolt, i overturned every thing like an earthquake, i flashed as lightning, i consumed like the sun. yellow was the ohia leaf; unfolding, it turned yellow under the rain of the four clouds, in the month of the four _ole_, when the fisherman, four ropes upon his back, enjoyed calm and fair weather. be lord, be lord of the weather. o owl, whose cries give life! send down the rain upon the lehua; let the rain come again upon the buds of the lehua. rest, o sun! let the wind fly before the face of the clouds. rest, o sun! return, o ocean of the mighty waters; great is thy tumult! sun rest here. rest, o sun! i will cast my net at the first headland; i shall catch the wind. i will cast my net at the second headland; i shall catch a tempest. i will cast forth my net at the third headland; i shall get the south wind. i will cast forth my net at the fourth headland; i shall take above, below, land and sea-- i shall take uhumakaikai. at a single word of hina he shall fall; hard pressed shall be the neck of uhumakaikai. in the sixteenth verse of this second canto kawelo invokes the owl, which the hawaiians regarded as a god. in extreme perils, if the owl made its cries heard, it was a sign of safety, as the voice of this bird was sacred; and more than once has it happened that men, destined to be immolated on the altar of sacrifices as expiatory victims, have escaped death merely because the owl (_pueo_) was heard before the immolation. it is easy to understand, after this, the invocation that kawelo made to pueo when he found himself in combat with the terrible uhumakaikai. in the third canto kawelo endeavors to destroy the monster. he commences by saying that he, a chief (_ka lani_), does not disdain to work as a simple fisherman. then he pays a tribute to those who have woven the net he is going to use to capture the monster of the sea. the olona (_boehmeria_), a shrub whose bark furnishes the hawaiians with an excellent fibre, was regarded as a sort of deity. before spinning its fibres, they made libations, and offered sacrifices of hogs, fowls, etc. kawelo refers to all this in his song. paha ekolu. huki kuu ka lani keaweawekaokai honua, kupu ola ua ulu ke opuu. ke kahi 'ke olona. kahoekukama kohi lani. o kia ka piko o ke olona, ihi a ka ili no moki no lena, ahi kuni ka aala, kunia, haina, paia, holea, hoomoe ka papa, ke kahi ke olona, ke kau ko opua, ke kea ka maawe kau hae ka ilo ka uha, ke kaakalawa ka upena: o kuu aku i kai, i kai a papa; ua hina, e hina, kohia i ka aa o uhumakaikai. canto iii. i, a chief, willingly cast my net of olona; the olona springs up, it grows, it branches and is cut down. the paddles of the chief beat the sea. stripped off is the bark of the alona, peeled is the bark of the yellow moki. the fire exhales a sweet odor; the sacrifice is ready. the bark is peeled, the board[f] is made ready, the olona is carded, and laid on the board. white is the cord, the cord is twisted on the thigh, finished is the net! cast it into the sea, into the sea of papa; let him fall, let him fall, that i may strangle the neck of uhumakaikai. after having exterminated uhumakaikai, the conqueror sailed unmolested toward kauai, to defeat his other enemies. kawelo had on this island two friends, who were at the same time his relations; they were the chiefs akahakaloa and aikanaka. when these chiefs learned that their cousin intended to return to kauai, they enrolled themselves in the ranks of his enemies, and prepared to make a vigorous resistance to his landing. it was on perceiving their armies upon the shore that kawelo commenced his fourth _paha_. paha eha. o oe no ia, e ka lani akahakaloa, kipeapea kau ko ohule ia kulamanu. konia kakahakaloa: i kea a kau io k'awa kiipueaua. hahau kau kaua la. e aikanaka. kii ka pohuli e hoopulapula na na na. e naenaehele koa kona aina. canto iv. ah! it is then you, chief akahakaloa. a roosting-place is thy bald head become for the gathering birds. disobedient akahakaloa; thou appearest as a warrior offshoot of kiipueaua. defeat has come upon you in the day of battle, o aikanaka! you require transplanting-- yes, a nursery of warriors-- you do, indeed. unfruitful of warriors is his country. in the following song kawelo exhorts his two old friends, kalaumaki and kaamalama, who had followed him to oahu, to fight bravely in the approaching battle. the return of kawelo was expected, and, foreseeing it, the islanders had taken advantage of his absence to roll, or carry, to the bank of the wailua river immense quantities of stones. the relatives and friends of kawelo, who had remained at kauai during his exile, had themselves assisted in these warlike preparations, ignorant of their object. it is on beholding the hostile reception prepared for him that kawelo chants the fifth song--a proclamation to his army. paha elima. e kaamalama, e kalaumaki, e hooholoia ka pohaku; e kaua ia iho na waa; he la, kaikoonui nei; be auau nei ka moana; he kai paha nei kahina 'lii[g] ua ku ka hau a ke aa; be ahu pohaku i wailua. o ua one maikai nai ua malua, ua kahawai, ua piha i ka pohaku a kauai. he hula paha ko uka e lehulehu nei. he pahea la, he koi, he koi la, he kukini; i hee au i ka nalu, a i aia, paa ia'u, a hele wale oukou: e kaamalama, e kalaumaki, ka aina o kauai la ua hee. canto v. o kaamalama! o kalaumaki! behold how they heap stones. let us draw our canoes ashore; this is a day when the surf rolls high; the ocean swells, the sea perchance portends another deluge. piles of pebbles are collected; a heap of stones has the wailua become. this beautiful sandy country is now full of pits like the bed of a torrent; and all kauai has filled it with rocks. a dance perchance brings hither this great multitude; games or a race-- games indeed. if i cast myself upon the surf, i am caught: you will go free. o kaamalama, o kalaumaki, fled is the land of kauai! the combat has commenced. the people of kauai rain showers of stones upon the landing troops. kawelo, buried beneath a heap of stones, but still alive, compares himself to a fish inclosed on all sides by nets, and then to the victims offered in sacrifices. he then begins his invocations to the gods. paha aono. puni ke ekule o kai ua kaa i ka papau ua komo i ka ulu o ka lawaia. naha ke aa o ka upena, ka hala i ka ulua. mohaikea. mau ia poai ia o ke kai uli. halukuluku ka pohaku a kauai me he ua la. kolokolo mai ana ka huihui ka maeele io'u lima, na lima o paikanaka. e kane i ka pualena, e ku lani ehu e, kamakanaka! na'u na kawelo, na ko lawaia. canto vi. the ekule of the sea is surrounded; stranded in a shallow, it is within the grasp of the fisherman. broken are the meshes of the net within the hala and ulua. a sacrifice is to be offered. surrounded are the fish of the blue sea. the rocks fall in showers-- a storm of the stones of kauai. the coldness of death creeps over me. numb are my limbs, the limbs of paikanaka. o kane of the yellow flower; o ku, ruddy chief; kamakanaka! it is i, kawelo, thy fisherman. left for dead beneath the heap of stones, kawelo, perceiving his danger, continues his prayer. paha ehiku. ku ke akua i ka nana nuu. o lono ke akua i kama pele. o hiaka ke akua i ka puukii. o haulili ke akua i ka lehelehe aumeaume maua me milu. i'au, ia ia; i'au, ia ia; i'au iho no: pakele au, mai make ia ia. canto vii. o divine ku, who beholdest the inner places. o lono, divine one, husband of pele. o holy hiaka, dweller on the hills. o haulili, god ruling the lips! we two have wrestled, milu and i. i had the upper hand; i had the upper hand; then was i beneath: i escaped, all but killed by him. paha ewalu. he opua la, he opua, he opua hao walo keia, ke maalo nei e ko'u maka. he mauli waa o kaamalama. eia ke kualau hoko o ka pouli makani, oe nei la, e kaamalama ke hele ino loa i ke ao. ua palala, ua poipu ka lani, ua wehe ke alaula o ke alawela, he alanui ia o kaamalama. oe mai no ma kai, owau iho no ma uka; e hee o aikanaka i ke ahiahi. e u ka ilo la i ko' waha; ai na koa i ka ala mihi. ai pohaku ko' akua. ai kanaka ko maua akua. kuakea ke poo i ka pehumu. nakeke ka aue i ka iliili. hai kaamalama ia oe, hae' ke akua ulu ka niho. kanekapualena; e ku lani ehu e; kamakanaka, na'n na kawelo na ko lawaia. canto viii. here is a cloud, there another. this cloud bears destruction; i have seen it pass before my eyes. the obscure cloud is the canoe of kaamalama. this is the tempest, wind in the darkness; thou art the sun, kaamalama, rising clouded in the dawn. dark and shaded are the heavens, a warm day begins to dawn. this is the path of kaamalama. thou art from the sea, i, indeed, beneath the land mountain. fly, o aikanaka, in the evening! maggots shall fatten in thy mouth; the soldiers eat the fragrant mihi. thy god is a devourer of rocks; our god eats human flesh. bleached shall be thy head in the earth-oven. thy broken jaw shall rattle on the beach pebbles. kaamalama shall sacrifice you, the god's tooth shall grow on the sacrifice. o kane of the yellow flower; ku, bright chief; kamakanaka, i am kawelo, thy fisherman. in the following canto kawelo reproaches and menaces the chief kaheleha, who had deserted him for aikanaka. paha aiwa. kulolou ana ke poo o ka opua, ohumuhumu olelo una la'u: owau ka! ka ai o ka la na. e kaheleha o puna kuu keiki hookama aloha ole! o kaua hoi no hoa mai ka wa iki i hoouka'i kakou i wailua; lawe ae hoi au, oleloia: haina ko'u make ia kauai. e pono kaakaa laau ka kawelo. aole i iki i ka alo i ka pohaku. aloha wale oe e kaheleha o puna. a pa nei ko'poo i ka laau, ka laulaa o kuikaa. nanaia ka a ouli keokeo. papapau hoa aloha wale! aikanaka ma, aloha, aloha i ka hei wale o na pokii. canto ix. the head of the cloud bears down and whispers a word in my ear: it is i! the food of a rainy day. o kahelaha, of puna, my adopted son, heartless fellow! we two were comrades in times of poverty; in the day of battle we were together at wailua. it might be said my death was proclaimed in kauai. good to look upon is the strength of kawelo. he knows not how to throw stones. farewell to you, kaheleha of puna. thy head is split by my spear, a spliced container! the whitening form is to be seen. o aikanaka, loving only in name, to you and yours, farewell! farewell to the ensnared, the youngest born. history declares, and this ninth canto confirms it, that kaheleha of puna, kawelo's friend from his youth, and one of his powerful companions in arms at the descent on wailua, believed that kawelo was mortally wounded beneath the shower of stones that had covered him, and this belief had induced him to go over to the camp of aikanaka. verses fourteen to sixteen are the words that kawelo reproaches kaheleha with saying before his enemies. kaheleha was slain by the hand of kawelo at the same time with aikanaka. paha umi. me he ulu wale la i ka moana, o kauai nui moku lehua; aina nui makekau, makamaka ole ia kawelo. ua make o maihuna 'lii, maleia ka makuahine; ua hooleiia i ka pali nui, o laua ka! na manu kikaha i lelepaumu. aloha mai o'u kupuna: o au a me aalohe, o aua, a aaloa, o aapoko, o aamahana. o aapoku o aauopelaea: ua make ia aikanaka. canto x. like a forest rising abruptly out of the ocean, is kauai, with flowery lehua; grand but ungrateful land, without friends or dear ones for kawelo. they have put to death maihuna, as also malei, my mother. they have cast from a great pali both of them! were they birds to fly thus in the air? love to you, oh my ancestors: to you, au and aaloha, to you, aua and aaloa, aapoko and aamahana, aapoku and aauopelaea, who died by the hand of aikanaka. maihuna was the father of kawelo, and aikanaka was his first cousin. the latter put to death all the family of kawelo, after having employed them, with the other inhabitants of kauai, in collecting the stones which were to repulse his cousin. it was before the great battle of wailua that kawelo's family was put to death. in the last canto the hero reproaches his friends for abandoning him in the day of danger. at the sight of his old friends, whose bodies he had pierced with many wounds in punishment, he cries: "where are those miserable favorites?" he had transfixed them with his lance--that lance made, he says, for the day of battle. he compares aikanaka to a long lance because of his power; he reproaches him with having betrayed himself, who was comparatively but a little lance--a little bit of wood (_laau iki_); then he ironically remarks that kauai is too small an island for his conquered friends. paha umikumamakahi. auhea iho nei la hoi ua mau wahi hulu alaala nei au i oo aku ai i ka maka o ke keiki a maihuna? he ihe no ka la kaua. pau hewa ka'u iu me kau ai, pau hewa ka hinihini ai a ka moamahi. komo hewa ko'u waa ia lakou. o lakou ka! ka haalulu i ka pohaku i kaa nei, uina aku la i kahakaha ke one, kuu pilikia i honuakaha. makemake i ka laau nui, haalele i kahi laau iki. he iki kahi kihapai ka noho ka! i kauai, iki i kalukalu a puna. lilo puna ia kaheleha lilo kona ia kalaumaki, lilo koolau ia makuakeke, lilo kohala ia kaamalama, lilo hanalei ia kanewahineikialoha. mimihi ka hune o kauluiki ma. aloha na pokii i ka hei wale. canto xi. where just now are those chiefs, rebellious and weak, whom the point of the spear has transfixed--the spear of the son of maihuna? the spear made for the day of battle. stolen was my fish, and the vegetable food-- stolen the food raised by the conqueror. mischievously did you sink my canoes. o wretches! ye trembled when the rocks rolled down, at the noise they made on the sand. when i was in danger at honuakaha, ye who desire long lances and despise those that are small, too small a place was kauai, your dwelling; small was the kalukalu of puna. puna shall belong to kaheleeha, kona to kalaumaki, koolau to makuakeke, kohala to kaamalama, hanalei to kanewahineikialoha. the poverty of kauluiki and his friends grieves me. farewell, little ones caught in the net! here ends all that we were able to collect of this original and very ancient poetry. tradition relates that kawelo became king of kauai, and reigned over that island to an advanced age. when old age had lessened his force, and weakened his power, his subjects seized him and cast him from the top of a tremendous precipice. [illustration: the taro plant.] notes. [additions by the translator are inclosed in brackets.] ( .) the name of alapai is not found in the genealogy published by david malo. nevertheless, we have positive information from our old man and other distinguished natives that alapai was supreme chief of hawaii immediately before kalaniopuu. ( .) poi is a paste made of the tuberous root of the kalo (_colocasia antiquorum_, var. _esculenta_, schott.). more than thirty varieties of kalo are cultivated on the hawaiian islands, most of them requiring a marshy soil, but a few will grow in the dry earth of the mountains. the tubers of all the kinds are acrid, except one, which is so mild that it may be eaten raw. after it is freed from acridity by baking, the kalo is pounded until reduced to a kind of paste which is eaten cold, under the name of poi. it is the principal food of the natives, with whom it takes the place of bread. the kalo leaves are eaten like spinach (_luau_), and the flowers (spathe and spadix), cooked in the leaves of the cordyline (_c. terminalis_, h.b.k.), form a most delicious dish. it is not only as poi that the tubers are eaten; they are sliced and fried like potatoes, or baked whole upon hot stones. it is in this last form that i have eaten them in my expeditions. a tuber which i carried in my pocket has often been my only provision for the day. in algeria, a kind of kalo is cultivated under the name of _chou caraibe_, whose tubers are larger, but less feculent. [in china, smaller and much less delicately flavored tubers are common in the markets.] ( .) the hawaiians have always been epicures in the article of dog-meat. the kind they raise for their feasts is small and easily fatted, like pig. they are fed only on vegetables, especially kalo, to make their flesh more tender and delicately flavored. sometimes these dogs are suckled by the women at the expense of their infants. the ones that have been thus fed at a woman's breast are called _ilio poli_, and are most esteemed. ( .) the kahualii are still genuine parasites in the hawaiian nation. they are, to use the language of a catholic missionary, the cretans of whom paul speaks: "evil beasts, slow bellies;" a race wholly in subjection to their appetite, living from day to day, always reclining on the mat, or else riding horses furiously; having no more serious occupation than to drink, eat, sleep, dance, tell stories; giving themselves up, in a word, to all pleasures, lawful and unlawful, without scruple or distinction of persons. the kahualii are very lazy. they are ashamed of honest labor, thinking they would thus detract from their rank as chiefs. islanders of this caste are almost never seen in the service of europeans. when their patron, the high chief of the family, has made them feel the weight of his displeasure, these inferior chiefs become notoriously miserable, worse than the lowest of the kanakas (generic name of the natives). ( .) [kamehameha iv. and v. were only noble through their mother, kinau, the wife of kekuanaoa. they were adopted by kamehameha iii. (kauikeaouli).] ( .) the old historian namiki, an intelligent man, and well versed in the secrets of hawaiian antiquity, has left precious unedited documents, which have fallen into our hands. his son, kuikauai, a school-master at kailua, one of the true historico-sacerdotal race, has given us a genealogy of his ancestors which ascends without break to paao. ( .) a tradition exists, mentioned by jarves, that paao landed at kohoukapu before the reign of umi. according to the same author, paao was not a kanaka, but a man of the caucasian race. however this may be, every one agrees that paao was a foreigner, and a _naauao_ (scholar; literally, a man with enlightened entrails, the hawaiians placing the mind and affections in the bowels). ( .) hina, according to tradition, brought into the world several sons, who dug the palis of hulaana. it may be asked whether _hina_, which means _a fall_, does not indicate a deluge (kaiakahinalii of the hawaiians), or some sort of cataclysm, and whether the islanders have not personified events. ( .) it is, however, improbable that there were ever genuine sorcerers among the hawaiians, in the sense that word has among christians. it may have happened, and indeed it happens every day, that people die after the machinations of the kahuna-anaana; but it is more reasonable to refer these tragical deaths to the use of poison, than to attribute them to the incantations of the sorcerers. it is moreover known that there are on the group many poisons furnished by trees, by shrubs and sea-weeds; and the kahuna-anaana understood perfectly these vegetable poisons. the many known examples of their criminal use inclines us to believe that these kahuna were rather poisoners than magicians. [kalaipahoa, the poison-god, was believed to have been carved out of a very poisonous wood, a few chips of which would cause death when mixed with the food.] ( .) during the summer of the year , while i was exploring the island of kauai, i was near being the victim, under remarkable circumstances, of an old kahuna named lilihae. i was then residing under the humble roof of the mission at moloaa. lilihae had been baptized, and professed christianity, although it was well known that he clung to the worship of his gods. he was introduced to me by the missionaries as a man who, by his memory and profession, could add to my historical notes. i indeed obtained from him most precious material, and in a moment of good nature the old man even confided to me the secret of certain prayers that the priests alone should know. i wrote down several formulae at his dictation, only promising to divulge nothing before his death. the old man evidently considered himself perjured, for after his revelations he came no more to see me. some days had passed after our last interview, and i thought no more of him. all at once i lost my appetite and fell sick. i could eat nothing without experiencing a nausea, followed immediately by continual vomiting. two missionaries and my french servant, who partook of my food, exhibited almost the same symptoms. not suspecting the true cause of these ailments, i attributed them to climate and the locality, and especially to the pestilent winds which had brought an epidemic ophthalmia among the natives. things remained in this condition a fortnight without improvement, when one morning at breakfast a marmalade of bananas was served. i had hardly touched it to my lips when the nausea returned with greater violence; i could eat nothing, and soon a salivation came on which lasted several hours. in the mean while a poor breton who had established himself on the island some years ago, and had conformed to savage life, came to see me. bananas were scarce in the neighborhood, and he found that i had a large supply of them, and i offered him a bunch. fortin, it was his name, on his way back to his cabin with my present, broke a banana off the bunch and commenced to eat it. he felt under his tooth a hard substance, which he caught in his hand. to his great surprise, it was a sort of blue and white stone. he soon felt ill, and fortunately was able to vomit what he had swallowed. furious, and accusing me of a criminal intention, he returned to my quarters to demand an explanation. i examined the substance taken from the banana, and found that it was blue vitriol and corrosive sublimate. the presence of such substances in a banana was far from natural. i took other bunches of my supply, and found in several bananas the same poisons, which had been skillfully introduced under the skin. after some inquiries i found, from fortin's own wife, that similar drugs had been sometimes seen in the hands of lilihae, who had bought them of a druggist in honolulu for the treatment of syphilis. the riddle was at once completely solved. a few days passed, and lilihae killed himself by poison, convinced that all his attempts could not kill me. in his native superstition, he was satisfied that the gods would not forgive his indiscretion, since they withheld from him the power of taking my life; and he could devise no simpler way to escape their anger, and the vengeance of my own god, than to take himself the poison against which i had rebelled. it was discovered that lilihae had, in the first place, tried native poisons on me, and finding them ineffective, he thought that my foreign nature might require exotic poisons, which he had accordingly served in the bananas destined for my table. he went, without my knowledge, into the cook-house where my native servants kept my provisions, and, under pretext of chatting with them, found means to poison my food. the unfortunate kahuna died fully persuaded that i was a more powerful sorcerer than he. it was to be feared that, when he discovered his impotency, he would intrust the execution of his designs to his fellows, as is common among sorcerers; but his suicide fortunately removed this sword of damocles which hung over my head. ( .) at the present day, useless old men are no longer destroyed, nor are the children, whom venereal diseases have rendered very rare, suffocated; but they do eat lice, fleas, and grasshoppers. flies inspire the same disgust, and the women still give their breasts to dogs, pigs, and young kids. ( .) [this operation is certainly still practiced extensively, if not universally; and the ancient form of _kakiomaka_, or slitting the prepuce, has given way, generally, to the _okipoepoe_, or the complete removal of the foreskin. the operation in a case that came under my notice on the island of oahu was performed with a bamboo, and attended with a feast and rejoicings; the subject was about nine years old.] ( .) the islanders, who admire and honor great eaters, have generally stomachs of a prodigious capacity. here is an example: to compensate my servants, some seven in number, for the hardships i had made them endure on mauna kea, i presented them with an ox that weighed five hundred pounds uncooked. they killed him in the morning, and the next evening there was not a morsel left. one will be less astonished at this when i say that these ogres, when completely stuffed, promote vomitings by introducing their fingers into their throats, and return again to the charge. [it is equally true that the kanakas will go for a long time without much food, and it can not be said they are a race of gluttons.] ( .) awa (_piper methysticum_) grows spontaneously in the mountains of the hawaiian group. the natives formerly cultivated it largely [and since the removal of the strict prohibition on its culture fields are not uncommon]. from the roots the natives prepare a very warm and slightly narcotic intoxicating drink. it is made thus: women chew the roots, and having well masticated them, spit them, well charged with saliva, into a calabash used for the purpose. they add a small portion of water, and press the juice from the chewed roots by squeezing them in their hands. this done, the liquid is strained through cocoa-nut fibres to separate all the woody particles it may contain, and the awa is in a drinkable state. the quantity drunk by each person varies from a quarter to half a litre (two to four gills). this liquor is taken just before supper, or immediately after. the taste is very nauseous, disagreeable to the last degree. one would suppose he was drinking thick dish-water of a greenish-yellow color. but its effects are particularly pleasant. an irresistible sleep seizes you, and lasts twelve, twenty-four hours, or even more, according to the dose, and the temperament of the individual. delicious dreams charm this long torpor. often when the dose is too great or too small, sleep does not follow; but in its place an intoxication, accompanied by fantastic ideas, and a strong desire to skip about, although one can not for a moment balance himself on his legs. i felt these last symptoms for sixty hours the first time i tasted this polynesian liquor. the effects of awa on the constitution of habitual drinkers are disastrous. the body becomes emaciated, and the skin is covered, as in leprosy, with large scales, which fall off, and leave lasting white spots, which often become ulcers. ( .) this usage still exists in certain families toward great personages or people they wish especially to honor; but it is disappearing every day. formerly when a kanaka received a visit from a friend of a remote district, women were always comprised in the exchange of presents on that occasion. to fail in this was regarded as an unpardonable insult. the thing was so inwrought in their customs, that the wife of the visitor did not wait the order of her husband to surrender her person to her host. ( .) [liliha was the wife of boki, governor of oahu under kamehameha ii.] ( .) the most curious thing which attracts the traveler's eye in the ruins of the temples built by umi is the existence of a mosaic pavement, in the form of a regular cross, which extends throughout the whole length and breadth of the inclosure. this symbol is not found in monuments anterior to this king, nor in those of later times. one can not help seeing in this an evidence of the influence of the two shipwrecked white men whose advent we have referred to. can we not conclude, from the existence of these christian emblems, that about the time when the great umi filled the group with his name, the spanish or portuguese shipwrecked persons endeavored to introduce the worship of christ to these islands? kama of waihopua (ka'u) has given us, through napi, an explanation of the four compartments observed in the temple of umi, represented by the following figure; but if we accept this explanation of kama, it is as difficult to understand why this peculiarity is observed in the monuments of umi, and not in any other heiau; as, for example, kupalaha, situated in the territory of makapala; mokini, at puuepa; aiaikamahina, toward the sea at kukuipahu; kuupapaulau, inland at kukuipahu-mauka. the remains of these four remarkable temples are found in the district of kohala. not the least vestige of the crucial division is to be seen. the god kaili [see the first page of the appendix], a word which means a theft, was not known before the time of umi. [the temple of iliiliopae, at the mouth of mapulehu valley, on molokai, is divided as in the diagram, and the same is true of many other heiau; and as it seems to have been the usual form, it is not probable that the form of the cross had any thing to do with it.] +----------------------------------+------------------+ | place of the god kaili. | place of the god ku. | +----------------------------------+------------------+ | place of the priest lono. | place of the chief umi. | +----------------------------------+------------------+ ( .) it does not seem improbable that a premature death removed the foreigner who could have given umi the idea of an art until then unknown; and had the foreigner lived longer, these curious stones would have served to build an edifice of which the native architects knew not the proportions. ( .) [the cities of refuge were a remarkable feature of hawaiian antiquity. there were two of these _pahonua_ on hawaii. the one at honaunau, as measured by rev. w. ellis, was seven hundred and fifteen feet in length and four hundred and four feet wide. its walls were twelve feet high and fifteen feet thick, formerly surmounted by huge images, which stood four rods apart, on their whole circuit. within this inclosure were three large heiau, one of which was a solid truncated pyramid of stone one hundred and twenty-six feet by sixty, and ten feet high. several masses of rock weighing several tons are found in the walls some six feet from the ground. during war they were the refuge of all non-combatants. a white flag was displayed at such times a short distance from the walls, and here all refugees were safe from the pursuing conquerors. after a short period they might return unmolested to their homes, the divine protection of keawe, the tutelary deity, still continuing with them.] [footnote a: the original _récits d'un vieux sauvage pour servir a l'histoire ancienne de hawaii_ was read on the th of december, , to the society of agriculture, commerce, science, and arts of the department of the marne, of which m. remy was a corresponding member, and published at chalons-sur-marne in . the translation is perfectly literal, and the mele of kawelo has been translated directly from the hawaiian, m. remy's translation being often too free. a portion of this work was translated several years since by president w.d. alexander, of oahu college, and published in _the friend_, at honolulu, by william t. brigham.] [footnote b: this was not true. liholiho carried some to england, and the rest were probably hidden in some of the many caverns on the shores of kealakeakua bay.--_trans_.] [footnote c: the hawaiian islands were discovered in , by juan gaetano, or gaytan.--_trans_.] [footnote d: kaleikini may be considered the hawaiian hercules.] [footnote e: the more common form is, _koele na iwi o hua ma i ka la_--dry are the bones of hua and his company in the sun.--_trans_.] [footnote f: on which the bark is beaten to make kapa.] [footnote g: the hawaiians have a tradition of an ancient deluge, called kaiakahinalii.] the end. the voice of the pack by edison marshall a. l. burt company publishers new york published by arrangement with little, brown, and company _copyright, _, by little, brown, and company. _all rights reserved_ published, april, reprinted, may, to my father george edward marshall of medford, oregon himself a son of frontiersmen contents prologue book one--repatriation book two--the debt book three--the payment the voice of the pack prologue if one can just lie close enough to the breast of the wilderness, he can't help but be imbued with some of the life that pulses therein.--_from a frontiersman's diary_. long ago, when the great city of gitcheapolis was a rather small, untidy hamlet in the middle of a plain, it used to be that a pool of water, possibly two hundred feet square, gathered every spring immediately back of the courthouse. the snow falls thick and heavy in gitcheapolis in winter; and the pond was nothing more than snow water that the inefficient drainage system of the city did not quite absorb. now snow water is occasionally the most limpid, melted-crystal thing in the world. there are places just two thousand miles west of gitcheapolis where you can see it pouring pure and fresh off of the snow fields, scouring out a ravine from the great rock wall of a mountain side, leaping faster than a deer leaps--and when you speak of the speed of a descending deer you speak of something the usual mortal eye can scarcely follow--from cataract to cataract; and the sight is always a pleasing one to behold. incidentally, these same snow streams are quite often simply swarming with trout,--brook and cutthroat, steelhead and even those speckled fellows that fishermen call dolly vardens for some reason that no one has ever quite been able to make out. they are to be found in every ripple, and they bite at a fly as if they were going to crush the steel hook into dust between their teeth, and the cold water gives them spirit to fight until the last breath of strength is gone from their beautiful bodies. how they came there, and what their purpose is in ever climbing up the river that leads nowhere but to a snow bank, no one exactly knows. the snow water back of the courthouse was not like this at all. besides being the despair of the plumbers and the city engineer, it was a severe strain on the beauty-loving instincts of every inhabitant in the town who had any such instincts. it was muddy and murky and generally distasteful; and lastly, there were no trout in it. neither were there any mud cat such as were occasionally to be caught in the gitcheapolis river. a little boy played at the edge of the water, this spring day of long ago. except for his interest in the pond, it would have been scarcely worth while to go to the trouble of explaining that it contained no fish. he, however, bitterly regretted the fact. in truth, he sometimes liked to believe that it did contain fish, very sleepy fish that never made a ripple, and as he had an uncommon imagination he was sometimes able to convince himself that this was so. but he never took hook and line and played at fishing. he was too much afraid of the laughter of his boy friends. his mother probably wouldn't object if he fished here, he thought, particularly if he were careful not to get his shoes covered with mud. but she wouldn't let him go down to gitcheapolis creek to fish with the other boys for mud cat. he was not very strong, she thought, and it was a rough sport anyway, and besides,--she didn't think he wanted to go very badly. as mothers are usually particularly understanding, this was a curious thing. the truth was that little dan failing wanted to fish almost as much as he wanted to live. he would dream about it of nights. his blood would glow with the thought of it in the spring-time. women the world over will have a hard time believing what an intense, heart-devouring passion the love of the chase can be, whether it is for fishing or hunting or merely knocking golf balls into a little hole upon a green. sometimes they don't remember that this instinct is just as much a part of most men, and thus most boys, as their hands or their lips. it was acquired by just as laborious a process,--the lives of uncounted thousands of ancestors who fished and hunted for a living. it was true that little dan didn't look the part. even then he showed signs of physical frailty. his eyes looked rather large, and his cheeks were not the color of fresh sirloin as they should have been. in fact, one would have had to look very hard to see any color in them at all. these facts are interesting from the light they throw upon the next glimpse of dan, fully twenty years later. this story isn't about the pool of snow water; it is only partly about gitcheapolis. "gitche" means great in the indian language, and every one knows what "apolis" means. there are a dozen cities in the middle-western part of the united states just like it--with indian names, with muddy, snow-water pools, with slow rivers in which only mud cat live--utterly surrounded by endless fields that slope levelly and evenly to a drab horizon. and because that land is what it is, because there are such cities as gitcheapolis, there has sprung up in this decade a far-seeing breed of men. they couldn't help but learn to see far, on such prairies. and, like little dan by the pool, they did all their hunting and their fishing and exercised many of the instincts that a thousand generations of wild men had instilled in them, in their dreams alone. it was great exercise for the imagination. and perhaps that has had something to do with the size of the crop of writers and poets and artists that is now being harvested in the middle west. except for the fact that it was the background for the earliest picture of little dan, the pool back of the courthouse has very little importance in his story. it did, however, afford an illustration to him of one of the really astonishing truths of life. he saw a shadow in the water that he pretended he thought might be a fish. he threw a stone at it. the only thing that happened was a splash, and then a slowly widening ripple. the circumference of the ripple grew ever larger, extended and widened, and finally died at the edge of the shore. it set little dan to thinking. he wondered if, had the pool been larger, the ripple still would have spread; and if the pool had been eternity, whether the ripple would have gone on forever. at the time he did not know the laws of cause and effect. later, when gitcheapolis was great and prosperous and no longer untidy, he was going to find out that a cause is nothing but a rock thrown into a pond of infinity, and the ripple that is its effect keeps growing and growing forever. it is a very old theme, but the astonishment it creates is always new. a man once figured out that if clovis had spared one life that he took--say that of the under-chief whose skull he shattered to pay him for breaking the vase of soissons--there would be to-day the same races but an entirely different set of individuals. the effect would grow and grow as the years passed. the man's progeny each in turn would leave his mark upon the world, and the result would be--too vast to contemplate. the little incident that is the real beginning of this story was of no more importance than a pebble thrown into the snow-water pond; but its effect was to remove the life of dan failing, since grown up, far out of the realms of the ordinary. and that brings all matters down to , in the last days of a particularly sleepy summer. you would hardly know gitcheapolis now. it is true that the snows still fall deep in winter, but the city engineer has finally solved the problem of the pool back of the courthouse. in fact, the courthouse itself is gone, and rebuilt in a more pretentious section of the city. the business district has increased tenfold. and the place where used to be the pool and the playground of dan failing is now laid off in as green and pretty a city park as one could wish to see. the evidence points to the conclusion that the story some of the oldest settlers told about this district was really so. they say that forty and fifty and maybe seventy-five years ago, the quarter-section where the park was laid out was a green little glade, with a real, natural lake in the center. later the lake was drained to raise corn, and the fish therein--many of them such noble fish as perch and bass--all died in the sun-baked mud. the pool that had gathered yearly was just the lake trying, like a spent prize fighter, to come back. and it is rather singular that buildings have been torn down and money has been spent to restore the little glade to its original charm; and now construction has been started to build an artificial lake in the center. one would be inclined to wonder why things weren't kept the way they were in the first place. but that is the way of cities. some day, when the city becomes more prosperous, a pair of swans and a herd of deer are going to be introduced, to restore some of the natural wild life of the park. but in the summer of , a few small birds and possibly half a dozen pairs of squirrels were the extent and limit of the wild creatures. and at the moment this story opens, one of these squirrels was perched on a wide-spreading limb over-arching a gravel path that slanted through the sunlit park. the squirrel was hungry. he wished that some one would come along with a nut. there was a bench beneath the tree. if there had not been, the life of dan failing would have been entirely different. in fact, as the events will show, there wouldn't have been any life worth talking about at all. if the squirrel had been on any other tree, if he hadn't been hungry, if any one of a dozen other things hadn't been as they were, dan failing would have never gone back to the land of his people. the little bushy-tailed fellow on the tree limb was the squirrel of destiny! book one repatriation i dan failing stepped out of the elevator and was at once absorbed in the crowd that ever surged up and down broad street. where the crowd came from, or what it was doing, or where it was going was one of the mysteries of gitcheapolis. it appealed to a person rather as does a river: eternal, infinite, having no control over its direction or movement, but only subject to vast, underlying natural laws. in this case, the laws were neither gravity nor cohesion, but rather unnamed laws that go clear back to the struggle for existence and self-preservation. once in the crowd, failing surrendered up all individuality. he was just one of the ordinary drops of water, not an interesting, elaborate, physical and chemical combination to be studied on the slide of a microscope. no one glanced at him in particular. he was enough like the other drops of water not to attract attention. he wore fairly passable clothes, neither rich nor shabby. he was a tall man, but gave no impression of strength because of the exceeding spareness of his frame. as long as he remained in the crowd, he wasn't important enough to be studied. but soon he turned off, through the park, and straightway found himself alone. the noise and bustle of the crowd--never loud or startling, but so continuous that the senses are scarcely more aware of them than of the beating of one's own heart--suddenly and utterly died almost at the very border of the park. it was as if an ax had chopped them off, and left the silence of the wild place. the gravel path that slanted through the green lawns did not lead anywhere in particular. it made a big loop and came out almost where it went in. perhaps that is the reason that the busy crowds did not launch forth upon it. crowds, like electricity, take the shortest course. moreover, the hour was still some distance from noon, and the afternoon pleasure seekers had not yet come. but the morning had advanced far enough so that all the old castaways that had slept in the park had departed. dan had the path all to himself. although he had plenty of other things to think about, the phenomena of the sudden silence came home to him very straight indeed. the noise from the street seemed wholly unable to penetrate the thick branches of the trees. he could even hear the leaves whisking and flicking together, and when a man can discern this, he can hear the cushions of a mountain lion on a trail at night. of course dan failing had never heard a mountain lion. except on the railroad tracks between, he had never really been away from cities in his life. at once his thought went back to the doctor's words. dan had a very retentive memory, as well as an extra fine imagination. the two always seem to go together. the words were still repeating themselves over and over in his ears, and the doctor's face was still before his eyes. it had been a kind face; the lips had even curled in a little smile of encouragement. but the doctor had been perfectly frank, entirely straightforward. dan was glad that he had. at least, he was rid of the dreadful uncertainty. there had been no evasion in his verdict. "i've made every test," he said. "they're pretty well shot. of course, you can go to some sanitarium, if you've got the money. if you haven't--enjoy yourself all you can for about six months." dan's voice had been perfectly cool and sure when he replied. he had smiled a little, too. he was still rather proud of that smile. "six months? isn't that rather short?" "maybe a whole lot shorter. i think that's the limit." there was the situation: dan failing had but six months to live. of course, the doctor said, if he had the money he could go to a sanitarium. but he had spoken entirely hopelessly. besides, dan didn't have the money. he pushed all thought of sanitariums out of his mind. instead, he began to wonder whether his mother had been entirely wise in her effort to keep him from the "rough games" of the boys of his own age. he realized now that he had been an under-weight all his life,--that the frailty that had thrust him to the edge of the grave had begun in his earliest boyhood. but it wasn't that he was born with physical handicaps. he had weighed a full ten pounds; and the doctor had told his father that a sturdier little chap was not to be found in any maternity bed in the whole city. but his mother was convinced that the child was delicate and must be sheltered. never in all the history of his family, so far as dan knew, had there been a death from the malady that afflicted him. yet his sentence was signed and sealed. but he harbored no resentment against his mother. it was all in the game. she had done what she thought was best. and he began to wonder in what way he could get the greatest pleasure from his last six months of life. "good lord!" he suddenly breathed. "i may not even be here to see the snows come!" perhaps there was a grim note in his voice. there was certainly no tragedy, no offensive sentimentality. he was looking the matter in the face. but it was true that dan had always been partial to the winter season. when the snow lay all over the farmlands and bowed down the limbs of the trees, it had always wakened a curious flood of feelings in the wasted man. it seemed to him that he could remember other winters, wherein the snow lay for endless miles over an endless wilderness, and here and there were strange, many-toed tracks that could be followed in the icy dawns. he didn't ever know just what made the tracks, except that they were creatures of fang and talon that no law had ever tamed. but of course it was just a fancy. he wasn't in the least misled about it. he knew that he had never, in his lifetime, seen the wilderness. of course his grandfather had been a frontiersman of the first order, and all his ancestors before him--a rangy, hardy breed whose wings would crumple in civilization--but he himself had always lived in cities. yet the falling snows, soft and gentle but with a kind of remorselessness he could sense but could not understand, had always stirred him. he'd often imagined that he would like to see the forests in winter. he knew something about forests. he had gone one year to college and had studied all the forestry that the university heads would let him take. later he had read endless books on the same subject. but the knowledge had never done him any good. except for a few boyish dreams, he never imagined that it would. in him you could see a reflection of the boy that played beside the pond of snow water, twenty years before. his dark gray eyes were still rather large and perhaps the wasted flesh around them made them seem larger than they were. but it was a little hard to see them, as he wore large glasses. his mother had been sure, years before, that he needed glasses; and she had easily found an oculist that agreed with her. now that he was alone on the path, the utter absence of color in his cheeks was startling. that meant the absence of red,--that warm glow of the blood, eager and alive in his veins. there was, indeed, another color, visible only because of the stark whiteness of his skin. he was newly shaven, and his lips and chin looked somewhat blue from the heavy growth of hair under the skin. perhaps an observer would have noticed lean hands, with big-knuckled fingers, a rather firm mouth, and closely cropped dark hair. he was twenty-nine years of age, but he looked somewhat older. he knew now that he was never going to be any older. a doctor as sure of himself as the one he had just consulted couldn't possibly be mistaken. it was rather refreshing to get into the park. dan could think ever so much more clearly. he never could think in a crowd. someway, the hurrying people always seemed to bewilder him. here the leaves were flicking and rustling over his head, and the shadows made a curious patchwork on the green lawns. he became quite calm and reflective. and then he sat down on a park bench, just beneath the spreading limb of a great tree. he would sit here, he thought, until he finally decided what he would do with his remaining six months. he hadn't been able to go to war. the recruiting officer had been very kind but most determined. the boys had brought him great tales of france. it might be nice to go to france and live in some country inn until he died. but he didn't have very long to think upon this vein. for at that instant the squirrel came down to see if he had a nut. it was the squirrel of destiny. but dan didn't know it then. now it is true that it takes more than one generation for any wild creature to get completely away from its natural timidity. quite often a person is met who has taken quail eggs from a nest and hatched them beneath the warm body of a domestic hen. just what is the value of such a proceeding is rather hard to explain, as quail have neither the instincts nor the training to enjoy life in a barnyard. yet occasionally it is done, and the little quail spend most of their days running frantically up and down the coop, yearning for the wild, free spaces for which they were created. but they haven't, as a rule, many days to spend in this manner. mostly they run until they die. the rule is said to work both ways. a tame canary, freed, will usually try to return to his cage. and this is known to be true of human beings just as of the wild creatures. there are certain breeds of men, used to the far-lying hills, who, if inclosed in cities, run up and down them until they die. the indians, for instance, haven't ever been able to adjust themselves to civilization. there are several thousand of them now where once were millions. bushy-tail was not particularly afraid of the human beings that passed up and down the park, because he had learned by experience that they usually attempted no harm to him. but, nevertheless, he had his instincts. he didn't entirely trust them. occasionally a child would come with a bag of nuts, and he would sit on the grass not a dozen feet away to gather such as were thrown to him. but all the time he kept one sharp eye open for any sudden or dangerous motions. and every instinct warned him against coming nearer than a dozen feet. after several generations, probably the squirrels of this park would climb all over its visitors and sniff in their ears and investigate the back of their necks. but this wasn't the way of bushy-tail. he had come too recently from the wild places. and he wondered, most intensely, whether this tall, forked creature had a pocket full of nuts. he swung down on the grass to see. "why, you little devil!" dan said in a whisper. his eyes suddenly sparkled with delight. and he forgot all about the doctor's words and his own prospects in his bitter regrets that he had not brought a pocketful of nuts. unfortunately, he had never acquired the peanut habit. his mother had always thought it vulgar. and then dan did a curious thing. even later, he didn't know why he did it, or what gave him the idea that he could decoy the squirrel up to him by doing it. that was his only purpose,--just to see how close the squirrel would come to him. he thought he would like to look into the bright eyes at close range. all he did was suddenly to freeze into one position,--in an instant rendered as motionless as the rather questionable-looking stone stork that was perched on the fountain. he didn't know it, at the time, but it was a most meritorious piece of work. the truth was that he was acting solely by instinct. men who have lived long in the wilderness learn a very important secret in dealing with wild animals. they know, in the first place, that intimacy with them is solely a matter of sitting still and making no sudden motions. it is motion, not shape, that frightens them. if a hunter is among a herd of deer and wishes to pick the bucks off, one by one, he simply sits still, moving his rifle with infinite caution, and the animal intelligence does not extend far enough to interpret him as an enemy. instead of being afraid, the deer are usually only curious. dan simply sat still. the squirrel was very close to him, and dan seemed to know by instinct that the movement of a single muscle would give him away. so he sat as if he were posing before a photographer's camera. the fact that he was able to do it is in itself important. it is considerably easier to exercise with dumb-bells for five minutes than to sit absolutely without motion for the same length of time. hunters and naturalists acquire the art with training. it was therefore rather curious that dan succeeded so well the first time he tried it. he had sense enough to relax first, before he froze. thus he didn't put such a severe strain on his muscles. and this was another bit of wisdom that in a tenderfoot would have caused much wonder in certain hairy old hunters in the west. the squirrel, after ten seconds had elapsed, stood on his haunches to see better. first he looked a long time with his left eye. then he turned his head and looked very carefully with his right. then he backed off a short distance and tried to get a focus with both. then he came some half-dozen steps nearer. a moment before he had been certain that a living creature--in fact one of the most terrible and powerful living creatures in the world--had been sitting on the park bench. now his poor little brain was completely addled. he was entirely ready to believe that his eyes had deceived him. all the time, dan was sitting in perfectly plain sight. it wasn't as if he were hiding. but the squirrel had learned to judge all life by its motion alone, and he was completely at a loss to interpret or understand a motionless figure. bushy-tail drew off a little further, fully convinced at last that his hopes of a nut from a child's hand were blasted. but he turned to look once more. the figure still sat utterly inert. and all at once he forgot his devouring hunger in the face of an overwhelming curiosity. he came somewhat nearer and looked a long time. then he made a half-circle about the bench, turning his head as he moved. he was more puzzled than ever, but he was no longer afraid. his curiosity had become so intense that no room for fear was left. and then he sprang upon the park bench. dan moved then. the movement consisted of a sudden heightening of the light in his eyes. but the squirrel didn't see it. it takes a muscular response to be visible to the eyes of the wild things. the squirrel crept slowly along the bench, stopping to sniff, stopping to stare with one eye and another, just devoured from head to tail with curiosity. and then he leaped on dan's knee. he was quite convinced, by now, that this warm perch on which he stood was the most singular and interesting object of his young life. it was true that he was faintly worried by the smell that reached his nostrils. but all it really did was further to incite his curiosity. he followed the leg up to the hip and then perched on the elbow. and an instant more he was poking a cold nose into dan's neck. but if the squirrel was excited by all these developments, its amazement was nothing compared to dan's. it had been the most astounding incident in the man's life. he sat still, tingling with delight. and in a single flash of inspiration he knew he had come among his own people at last. the creatures of the wild,--they were the folk he had always secretly loved and instinctively understood. his ancestors, for literally generations, had been frontiersmen and outdoor naturalists who never wrote books. was it possible that they had bequeathed to him an understanding and love of the wild that most men did not have? but before he had time to meditate on this question, an idea seemed to pop and flame like a roman candle in his brain. he knew where he would spend his last six months of life. his own grandfather had been a hunter and trapper and frontiersman in a certain vast but little known oregon forest. his son had moved to the eastern cities, but in dan's garret there used to be old mementoes and curios from these savage days,--a few claws and teeth, and a fragment of an old diary. the call had come to him at last. tenderfoot though he was, dan would go back to those forests, to spend his last six months of life among the wild creatures that made them their home. ii the dinner hour found dan failing in the public library of gitcheapolis, asking the girl who sat behind the desk if he might look at maps of oregon. he got out the whole question without coughing once, but in spite of it she felt that he ought to be asking for california or arizona maps, rather than oregon. people did not usually go to oregon to rid themselves of his malady. a librarian, as a rule, is a wonderfully well-informed person; but her mental picture of oregon was simply one large rainstorm. she remembered that she used to believe that oregon people actually grew webs between their toes, and the place was thus known as the webfoot state. she didn't know that oregon has almost as many climates as the whole of nature has in stock,--snow in the east, rain in the north, winds in the west, and sunshine in the south, with all the grades between. there are certain sections where in midwinter all hunters who do not particularly care to sink over their heads in the level snow walk exclusively on snowshoes. there are others, not one hundred miles distant, where any kind of snowstorm is as rare a phenomenon as the seventeen-year locusts. distances are rather vasty in the west. for instance, the map that dan failing looked at did not seem much larger than the map, say, of maryland. figures showed, however, that at least two counties of oregon were each as large as the whole area of the former state. he remembered that his grandfather had lived in southern oregon. he looked along the bottom of his map and discovered a whole empire, ranging from gigantic sage plains to the east to dense forests along the pacific ocean. those sage flats, by the way, contain not only sage hens as thick as poultry in a hen-yard and jack rabbits of a particularly long-legged and hardy breed, but also america's one species of antelope. had dan known that this was true, had he only been aware that these antelope are without exception the fastest-running creatures upon the face of the earth, he might have been tempted to go there instead of to the land of his fathers. but all he saw on the map was a large brown space marked at exceedingly long intervals with the name of a fort or town. he began to search for linkville. time was when linkville was one of the principal towns of oregon. dan remembered the place because some of the time-yellowed letters his grandfather had sent him had been mailed at a town that bore this name. but he couldn't find linkville on the map. later he was to know the reason,--that the town, halfway between the sage plains and the mountains, had prospered and changed its name. he remembered that it was located on one of those great fresh-water lakes of southern oregon; so, giving up that search, he began to look for lakes. he found them in plenty,--vast, unmeasured lakes that seemed to be distributed without reason or sense over the whole southern end of the state. near the klamath lakes, seemingly the most imposing of all the fresh-water lakes that the map revealed, he found a city named klamath falls. he put the name down in his notebook. the map showed a particularly high, far-spreading range of mountains due west of the city. of course they were the cascades; the map said so very plainly. then dan knew he was getting home. his grandfather had lived and trapped and died in these same wooded hills. finally he located and recorded the name of the largest city on the main railroad line that was adjacent to the cascades. the preparation for his departure took many days. he read many books on flora and fauna. he bought sporting equipment. knowing the usual ratio between the respective pleasures of anticipation and realization, he did not hurry himself at all. and one midnight he boarded a west-bound train. there were none that he cared about bidding good-by. the sudden realization of the fact brought a moment's wonder. he had not realized that he had led such a lonely existence. there were men who were fitted for living in cities, but perhaps he was not one of them. he saw the station lights grow dim as the train pulled out. soon he could discern just a spark, here and there, from the city's outlying homes. and not long after this, the silence and darkness of the farm lands closed down upon the train. he sat for a long time in the vestibule of the sleeping car, thinking in anticipation of this final adventure of his life. it is true that he had not experienced many adventures. he had lived most of them in imagination alone; or else, with tired eyes, he had read of the exploits of other men. he was rather tremulous and exultant as he sank down into his berth. he saw to it that at least a measure of preparation was made for his coming. that night a long wire went out to the chamber of commerce of one of the larger southern oregon cities. in it, he told the date of his arrival and asked certain directions. he wanted to know the name of some mountain rancher where possibly he might find board and room for the remainder of the summer and the fall. he wanted shooting, and he particularly cared to be near a river where trout might be found. they never came up gitcheapolis river, or leaped for flies in the pond back of the courthouse. the further back from the paths of men, he wrote, the greater would be his pleasure. and he signed the wire with his full name: dan failing with a henry in the middle, and a "iii" at the end. he usually didn't sign his name in quite this manner. the people of gitcheapolis did not have particularly vivid memories of dan's grandfather. but it might be that a legend of the gray, straight frontiersman who was his ancestor had still survived in these remote oregon wilds. the use of the full name would do no harm. instead of hurting, it was a positive inspiration. the chamber of commerce of the busy little oregon city was not usually exceptionally interested in stray hunters that wanted a boarding place for the summer. its business was finding country homes for orchardists in the pleasant river valleys. but it happened that the recipient of the wire was one of the oldest residents, a frontiersman himself, and it was one of the traditions of the old west that friendships were not soon forgotten. dan failing i had been a legend in the old trapping and shooting days when this man was young. so it came about that when dan's train stopped at cheyenne, he found a telegram waiting him: "any relation to dan failing of the umpqua divide?" dan had never heard of the umpqua divide, but he couldn't doubt but that the sender of the wire referred to his grandfather. he wired in the affirmative. the head of the chamber of commerce received the wire, read it, thrust it into his desk, and in the face of a really important piece of business proceeded to forget all about it. thus it came about that, except for one thing, dan failing would have probably stepped off the train at his destination wholly unheralded and unmet. the one thing that changed his destiny was that at a meeting of a certain widely known fraternal order the next night, the chamber of commerce crossed trails with the frontier in the person of another old resident who had his home in the farthest reaches of the umpqua divide. the latter asked the former to come up for a few days' shooting--the deer being fatter and more numerous than any previous season since the days of the grizzlies. for it is true that one of the most magnificent breed of bears that ever walked the face of the earth once left their footprints, as of flour-sacks in the mud, from one end of the region to another. "too busy, i'm afraid," the chamber of commerce had replied. "but lennox--that reminds me. do you remember old dan failing?" lennox probed back into the years for a single instant, straightened out all the kinks of his memory in less time than the wind straightens out the folds of a flag, and turned a most interested face. "remember him!" he exclaimed. "i should say i do." the middle-aged man half-closed his piercing, gray eyes. those piercing eyes are a characteristic peculiar to the mountain men, and whether they come from gazing over endless miles of winter snow, or from some quality of steel that life in the mountains imbues, no one is quite able to determine. "listen, steele," he said. "i saw dan failing make a bet once. i was just a kid, but i wake up in my sleep to marvel at it. we had a full long glimpse of a black-tail bounding up a long slope. it was just a spike-buck, and dan failing said he could take the left-hand spike off with one shot from his old sharpe's. three of us bet him--the whole thing in less than two seconds. with the next shot, he'd get the deer. he won the bet, and now if i ever forget dan failing, i want to die." "you're just the man i'm looking for, then. you're not going out till the day after to-morrow?" "no." "on the limited, hitting here to-morrow morning, there's a grandson of dan failing. his name is dan failing too, and he wants to go up to your place to hunt. stay all summer and pay board." lennox's eyes said that he couldn't believe it was true. after a while his tongue spoke, too. "good lord," he said. "i used to foller dan around--like old shag, before he died, followed snowbird. of course he can come. but he can't pay board." it was rather characteristic of the mountain men,--that the grandson of dan failing couldn't possibly pay board. but steele knew the ways of cities and of men, and he only smiled. "he won't come, then," he explained. "anyway, have that out with him at the end of his stay. he wants fishing, and you've got that in the north fork. he wants shooting, and if there is a place in the united states with more wild animals around the back door than at your house, i don't know where it is. moreover, you're a thousand miles back--" "only one hundred, if you must know. but steele--do you suppose he's the man his grandfather was before him--that all the failings have been since the first days of the oregon trail? if he is--well, my hat's off to him before he steps off the train." the mountaineer's bronzed face was earnest and intent in the bright lights of the club. steele thought he had known this breed. now he began to have doubts of his own knowledge. "he won't be; don't count on it," he said humbly. "the failings have done much for this region, and i'm glad enough to do a little to pay it back, but don't count much on this eastern boy. he's lived in cities; besides, he's a sick man. he said so in his wire. you ought to know it before you take him in." the bronzed face changed; possibly a shadow of disappointment came into his eyes. "a lunger, eh?" lennox repeated. "yes--it's true that if he'd been like the other failings, he'd never have been that. why, steele, you couldn't have given that old man a cold if you'd tied him in the rogue river overnight. of course you couldn't count on the line keeping up forever. but i'll take him, for the memory of his grandfather." "you're not afraid to?" "afraid, hell! he can't infect those two strapping children of mine. snowbird weighs one hundred and twenty pounds and is hard as steel. never knew a sick day in her life. and you know bill, of course." yes, steele knew bill. bill weighed two hundred pounds, and he would choose the biggest of the steers he drove down to the lower levels in the winter and, twisting its horns, would make it lay over on its side. besides, both of the men assumed that dan must be only in the first stages of his malady. and even as the men talked, the train that bore dan failing to the home of his ancestors was entering for the first time the dark forests of pine and fir that make the eternal background of the northwest. the wind came cool and infinitely fresh into the windows of the sleeping car, and it brought, as camels bring myrrh from the east, strange, pungent odors of balsam and mountain flower and warm earth, cooling after a day of blasting sun. and these smells all came straight home to dan. he was wholly unable to understand the strange feeling of familiarity that he had with them, a sensation that in his dreams he had known them always, and that he must never go out of the range of them again. iii dan didn't see his host at first. for the first instant he was entirely engrossed by a surging sense of disappointment,--a feeling that he had been tricked and had only come to another city after all. he got down on to the gravel of the station yard, and out on the gray street pavement he heard the clang of a trolley car. trolley cars didn't fit into his picture of the west at all. many automobiles were parked just beside the station, some of them foreign cars of expensive makes, such as he supposed would be wholly unknown on the frontier. a man in golf clothes brushed his shoulder. it wasn't a large city; but there was certainly lack of any suggestion of the frontier. but there were a number of things that dan failing did not know about the west. one of the most important of them was the curious way in which wildernesses and busy cities are sometimes mixed up indiscriminately together, and how one can step out of a modern country club to hear the coyotes wailing on the hills. he really had no right to feel disappointed. he had simply come to the real west--that bewildering land in which to-morrow and yesterday sit right next to each other, with no to-day between. the cities, often built on the dreams of the future, sometimes are modern to such a point that they give many a sophisticated eastern man a decided shock. but quite often this quality extends to the corporation limits and not a step further. then, likely as not, they drop sheer off, as over a precipice, into the utter wildness of the past. dan looked up to the hills, and he felt better. he couldn't see them plainly. the faint smoke of a distant forest fire half obscured them. yet he saw fold on fold of ridges of a rather peculiar blue in color, and even his untrained eyes could see that they were clothed in forests of evergreen. it is a strange thing about evergreen forests that they never, even when one is close to them, appear to be really green. to a distant eye, they range all the way from lavender to a pale sort of blue for which no name has ever been invented. just before dark, when, as all mountaineers know, the sky turns green, the forests are simply curious, dusky shadows. the pines are always dark. perhaps, after all, they are simply the symbol of the wilderness,--eternal, silent, and in a vague way rather dark and sad. no one who really knows the mountains can completely get away from their tone of sadness. over the heads of the green hills dan could see a few great peaks; mclaughlin, even and regular as a painted mountain; wagner, with queer white gashes where the snow still lay in its ravines, and to the southeast the misty range of snow-covered hills that were the siskeyous. he felt decidedly better. and when he saw old silas lennox waiting patiently beside the station, he felt he had come to the right place. it would be interesting to explain why dan at once recognized the older man for the breed he was. but unfortunately, there are certain of the many voices that speak within the minds of human beings of which scientists have never been able to take phonographic records. they simply whisper their messages, and their hearer, without knowing why, knows that he has heard the truth. silas lennox was not dressed in a way that would distinguish him. it was true that he wore a flannel shirt, riding trousers, and rather heavy, leathern boots. but sportsmen all over the face of the earth wear this costume at sundry times. mountain men have a peculiar stride by which experienced persons can occasionally recognize them; but silas lennox was standing still when dan got his first glimpse of him. the case resolves itself into a simple matter of the things that could be read in lennox's face. dan disbelieved wholly in a book that told how to read characters at sight. yet at the first glance of the lean, bronzed face his heart gave a curious little bound. a pair of gray eyes met his,--two fine black points in a rather hard gray iris. they didn't look past him, or at either side of him, or at his chin or his forehead. they looked right at his own eyes. the skin around the eyes was burned brown by the sun, and the flesh was so lean that the cheek bones showed plainly. the mouth was straight; but yet it was neither savage nor cruel. it was simply determined. but the strangest part of all was that dan felt an actual sense of familiarity with this kind of man. to his knowledge, he had never known one before; and it was extremely doubtful if, in his middle-western city, he had even seen the type. in spite of the fact that he thinks nothing of starting out thirty miles across the snow on snowshoes, the mountain man cannot be called an extensive traveler. he plans to go to some great city once in a lifetime and dreams about it of nights, but rather often the death that is every one's next-door neighbor in the wilderness comes in and cheats him out of the trip. few of the breed had ever come to gitcheapolis. yet all his life, dan felt, he had known this straight, gray-eyed mountain breed even better than he knew the boys that went to college with him. at the time he didn't stop to wonder at the feeling. he was too busy looking about. but the time was to come when he would wonder and conclude that it was just another bit of evidence pointing to the same conclusion. and besides this unexplainable feeling of familiarity, he felt a sudden sense of peace, even a quiet sort of exultation, such as a man feels when he gets back into his own home country at last. lennox came up with a light, silent tread and extended his hand. "you're dan failing's grandson, aren't you?" he asked. "i'm silas lennox, who used to know him when he lived on the divide. you are coming to spend the summer and fall on my ranch." the immediate result of these words, besides relief, was to set dan wondering how the old mountaineer had recognized him. he wondered if he had any physical resemblance to his grandfather. but this hope was shot to earth at once. his telegram had explained about his malady, and of course the mountaineer had picked him out simply because he had the mark of the disease on his face. as he shook hands, he tried his best to read the mountaineer's expression. it was all too plain: an undeniable look of disappointment. the truth was that even in spite of all the chamber of commerce head had told him, lennox had still hoped to find some image of the elder dan failing in the face and body of his grandson. but at first there seemed to be none at all. the great hunter and trapper who had tamed the wilderness about the region of the divide--as far as mortal man could tame it--had a skin that was rather the color of old leather. the face of this young man was wholly without tinge of color. because of the thick glasses, lennox could not see the young man's eyes; but he didn't think it likely they were at all like the eyes with which the elder failing saw his way through the wilderness at night. of course he was tall, just as the famous frontiersman had been, but while the elder weighed one hundred and ninety pounds, bone and muscle, this man did not touch one hundred and thirty. evidently the years had brought degeneracy to the failing clan. lennox was desolated by the thought. he helped dan with his bag to a little wiry automobile that waited beside the station. they got into the two front seats. "you'll be wondering at my taking you in a car--clear to the divide," lennox explained. "but we mountain men can't afford to drive horses any more where a car will go. this time of year i can make it fairly easy--only about fifteen miles on low gear. but in the winter--it's either a case of coming down on snowshoes or staying there." and a moment later they were starting up the long, curved road that led to the divide. during the hour that they were crossing over the foothills, on the way to the big timber, silas lennox talked a great deal about the frontiersman that had been dan's grandfather. a mountain man does not use profuse adjectives. he talks very simply and very straight, and often there are long silences between his sentences. yet he conveys his ideas with entire clearness. dan realized at once that if he could be, in lennox's eyes, one fifth of the man his grandfather had been, he would never have to fear again the look of disappointment with which his host had greeted him at the station. but instead of reaching that high place, he had only--death. he was never to be one of this strong breed from which his people sprang. always they would accept him for the memories that they held of his ancestors, pity him for his weakness, and possibly be kind enough to deplore his death. he never need fear any actual expressions of scorn. lennox had a natural refinement that forbade it. dan never knew a more intense desire than that to make good in the eyes of these mountain men. far back, they had been his own people; and all men know that the upholding of a family's name and honor has been one of the greatest impulses for good conduct and great deeds since the beginnings of civilization. but dan pushed the hope out of his mind at once. he knew what his destiny was in these quiet hills. and it was true that he began to have secret regrets that he had come. but it wasn't that he was disappointed in the land that was opening up before him. it fulfilled every promise. his sole reason for regrets lay in the fact that now the whole mountain world would know of the decay that had come upon his people. perhaps it would have been better to have left them to their traditions. he had never dreamed that the fame of his grandfather had spread so far. for the first ten miles, dan listened to stories,--legends of a cold nerve that simply could not be shaken; of a powerful, tireless physique; of moral and physical strength that was seemingly without limit. then, as the foothills began to give way to the higher ridges, and the shadow of the deeper forests fell upon the narrow, brown road, there began to be long gaps in the talk. and soon they rode in utter silence, evidently both of them absorbed in their own thoughts. dan did not wonder at it at all. perhaps he began to faintly understand the reason for the silence and the reticence that is such a predominant trait in the forest men. there is a quality in the big timber that doesn't make for conversation, and no one has ever been completely successful in explaining what it is. perhaps there is a feeling of insignificance, a sensation that is particularly insistent in the winter snows. no man can feel like talking very loudly when he is the only living creature within endless miles. the trees, towering and old, seem to ignore him as a being too unimportant to notice. and besides, the silence of the forest itself seems to get into the spirit, and the great, quiet spaces that lie between tree and tree simply dry up the springs of conversation. dan did not feel oppressed at all. he merely seemed to fall into the spirit of the woods, and no words came to his lips. he began to watch the ever-changing vista that the curving road revealed. first there had been brown hills, and here and there great heaps of stone. the brush had been rather scrubby, and the trees somewhat sickly and brown. but now, as the men mounted higher, they were coming into open forest. the trees stood one and one, perfect, dark-limbed, and only the carpet of their needles lay between. the change was evidenced in the streams, too. they seemingly had not suffered from the drought that had sucked up the valley streams. they were faster, whiter with foam, and the noise of their falling waters carried farther through the still woods. the road followed the long shoulder of a ridge, an easy grade of perhaps six per cent, but dan counted ridges sloping off until he was tired. by now the smaller wild things of the mountains began to present themselves a breathless instant beside the road. these little people have an actual purpose in the hills other than to furnish food for the larger forest creatures. they give a note of sociability, of companionship, that is sorely needed to dull the edge of the utter, stark lonesomeness and severity that is the usual tone of the mountains. the fact that they all live under the snow in winter is one reason why this season is especially dreadful to the spirit. every tree trunk seemed to have its chipmunks, and they all appeared to be suffering from the same delusion. they all were afflicted with the idea that the car was trying to cut off their retreat, and only by crossing the road in front of it could they save themselves. this idea is a particularly prevalent one with wild animals; and it is the same instinct that makes a domestic cow almost invariably cross the road in front of a motorist. and it also explains why certain cowardly animals, such as the wolf or cougar, will sometimes seemingly without a cause on earth, make a desperate charge on a hunter. they think their retreat is cut off, and they have to fight. again and again the chipmunks crossed at the risk of their lives. sometimes the two men saw those big, flat-footed rabbits that are especially constructed for moving about in the winter snows, and more than once the grouse rose with a whir and beat of wings. every mile was an added delight to dan. not even wine could have brought a brighter sparkle to his eyes. he had begun to experience a vague sort of excitement, an emotion that was almost kin to exultation, over the constant stir and movement of the forest life. he didn't know that a bird dog feels the same when it gets to the uplands where the quail are hiding. he had no acquaintance with bird dogs whatever. he hadn't remembered that he had qualities in common with them,--a long line of ancestors who had lived by hunting. once, as they stopped the car to refill the radiator from a mountain stream, lennox looked at him with sudden curiosity. "you are getting a thrill out of this, aren't you?" he asked wonderingly. it was a curious tone. perhaps it was a hopeful tone, too. he spoke as if he hardly understood. "a thrill!" dan echoed. he spoke as a man speaks in the presence of some great wonder. "good heavens, i never saw anything like it in my life." "in this very stream," the mountaineer told him joyously, "you may occasionally catch trout that weigh three pounds." but as he got back into the car, the look of interest died out of lennox's eyes. of course any man would be somewhat excited by his first glimpse of the wilderness. it was not that he had inherited any of the traits of his grandfather. it was absurd to hope that he had. and he would soon get tired of the silences and want to go back to his cities. he told his thought--that it would all soon grow old to him; and dan turned almost in anger. "you don't know," he said. "i didn't know myself, how i would feel about it. i'm never going to leave the hills again." "you don't mean that." "but i do." he tried to speak further, but he coughed instead. "but i couldn't if i wanted to. that cough tells you why, i guess." "you mean to say--" silas lennox turned in amazement. "you mean that you're a--a goner? that you've given up hope of recovering?" "that's the impression i meant to convey. i've got a little over four months--though i don't see that i'm any weaker than i was when the doctor said i had six months. those four will take me all through the fall and the early winter. and i hope you won't feel that you've been imposed upon--to have a dying man on your hands." "it isn't that." silas lennox threw his car into gear and started up the long grade. and he drove clear to the top of it and into another glen before he spoke again. then he pointed to what looked to dan like a brown streak that melted into the thick brush. "that was a deer," he said slowly. "just a glimpse, but your grandfather could have got him between the eyes. most like as not, though, he'd have let him go. he never killed except when he needed meat. but that--as you say--ain't the impression i'm trying to convey." he seemed to be groping for words. "what is it, mr. lennox?" dan asked. "instead of being sorry, i'm mighty glad you've come," lennox told him. "it's not that i expect you to be like your grandfather. you haven't had his chance. but it's always the way of true men, the world over, to come back to their own kind to die. that deer we just saw--he's your people, and so are all these ranchers that grub their lives out of the forests--they are your people too. the bears and the elk, and even the porcupines. though you likely won't care for 'em, it's almost as if they were your grandfather's own folks. and you couldn't have pleased the old man's old friends any better, or done more for his memory, than to come back to his own land for your last days." there were great depths of meaning in the simple words. there were significances, such as the love that the mountain men have for their own land, that came but dimly to dan's perceptions. the words were strange, yet dan intuitively understood. it was as if a prodigal son had returned at last, and although his birthright was squandered and he came only to die, the people of his home would give him kindness and forgiveness, even though they could not give him their respect. iv the lennox home was a typical mountain ranch-house,--square, solid, comforting in storm and wind. bill was out to the gate when the car drove up. he was a son of his father, a strong man in body and personality. he too had heard of the elder failing, and he opened his eyes when he saw the slender youth that was his grandson. and he led the way into the white-walled living room. the shadows of twilight were just falling; and bill had already lighted a fire in the fireplace to remove the chill that always descends with the mountain night. the whole long room was ruddy and cheerful in its glare. at once the elder lennox drew a chair close to it for dan. "you must be chilly and worn-out from the long ride," he suggested quietly. he spoke in the tone a strong man invariably uses toward an invalid. but while a moment before dan had welcomed the sight of the leaping, life-giving flames, he felt a curious resentment at the words. "i'm not cold," he said. "it's hardly dark yet. i'd sooner go outdoors and look around." the elder man regarded him curiously, perhaps with the faintest glimmer of admiration. "you'd better wait till to-morrow, dan," he replied. "bill will have supper soon, anyway. to-morrow we'll walk up the ridge and i'll see if i can show you a deer. you don't want to overdo too much, right at first." "but, good heavens! i'm not going to try to spare myself while i'm here. it's too late for that." "of course--but sit down now, anyway. i'm sorry that snowbird isn't here." "snowbird is--" "my daughter. my boy, she can make a biscuit! that's not her name, of course, but we've always called her that. she got tired of keeping house and is working this summer. poor bill has to keep house for her, and no wonder he's eager to take the stock down to the lower levels. i only wish he hadn't brought 'em up this spring at all; i've lost dozens from the coyotes." "but a coyote can't kill cattle--" "it can if it has hydrophobia, a common thing in the varmints this time of year. but as i say, bill will take the stock down next season, and then snowbird's work will be through, and she'll come back here." "then she's down in the valley?" "far from it. she's a mountain girl if one ever lived. perhaps you don't know the recent policy of the forest service to hire women when they can be obtained. it was a policy started in wartimes and kept up now because it is economical and efficient. she and a girl from college have a cabin not five miles from here on old bald mountain, and they're doing lookout duty." dan wondered intensely what lookout duty might be. his thoughts went back to his early study of forestry. "you see, dan," lennox said in explanation, "the government loses thousands of dollars every year by forest fire. a fire can be stopped easily if it is seen soon after it starts. but let it burn awhile, in this dry season, and it's a terror--a wall of flame that races through the forests and can hardly be stopped. and maybe you don't realize how enormous this region is--literally hundreds of miles across. we're the last outpost--there are four cabins, if you can find them, in the first seventy miles back to town. so they have to put lookouts on the high points, and now they're coming to the use of aëroplanes so they can keep even a better watch. all summer and until the rains come in the fall, they have to guard every minute, and even then sometimes the fires get away from them. and one of the first things a forester learns, dan, is to be careful with fire." "is that the way they are started--from the carelessness of campers?" "partly. there's an old rule in the hills: put out every fire before you leave it. be careful with the cigar butts, too--even the coals of a pipe. but of course the lightning starts many fires, and, i regret to say, hundreds of them are started with matches." "but why on earth--" "it doesn't make very good sense, does it? well, one reason is that certain stockmen think that a burned forest makes good range--that the undervegetation that springs up when the trees are burned makes good feed for stock. and you must know, too, that there are two kinds of men in the mountains. one kind--the real mountain man, such as your grandfather was--lives just as well, just as clean as the ranchers in the valley. some of this kind are trappers or herders. but there's another class too--the most unbelievably shiftless, ignorant people in america. they have a few acres to raise crops, and they kill deer for their hides, and most of all they make their living fighting forest fires. a fire means work for every hill-billy in the region--often five or six dollars a day and better food than they're used to. moreover, they can loaf on the job, put in claims for extra hours, and make what to them is a fortune. "you'll likely see a few of the breed before--before your visit here is ended. there's a family of 'em not three miles away--and that's real neighborly in the mountains--by the name of cranston. bert cranston traps a little and makes moonshine; you'll probably see plenty of him before the trip is over. sometime i'll tell you of a little difficulty that i had with him once. you needn't worry about him coming to this house; he's already received his instructions in that matter. "but i see i'm getting all tangled up in my traces. snowbird and a girl friend from college got jobs this summer as lookouts--all through the forest service they are hiring women for the work. they are more vigilant than men, less inclined to take chances, and work cheaper. these two girls have a cabin near a spring, and they cook their own food, and are making what is big wages in the mountains. i'm rather hoping she'll drop over for a few minutes to-night." "good lord--does she travel over these hills in the darkness?" the mountaineer laughed--a delighted sound that came somewhat curiously from the bearded lips of the stern, dark man. "dan, i'll swear she's afraid of nothing that walks the face of the earth--and it isn't because she hasn't had experiences either. she's a dead shot with a pistol, for one thing. she's physically strong, and every muscle is hard as nails. she used to have shag, too--the best dog in all these mountains. she's a mountain girl, i tell you; whoever wins her has got to be able to tame her!" the mountaineer laughed again. "i sent her to school, of course, but there was only one boy she'd look at--the athletic coach! and it wasn't his fault that he didn't follow her back to the mountains." the call to supper came then, and dan got his first sight of mountain food. there were potatoes, newly dug, mountain vegetables that were crisp and cold, a steak of peculiar shape, and a great bowl of purple berries to be eaten with sugar and cream. dan's appetite was not as a rule particularly good. but evidently the long ride had affected him. he simply didn't have the moral courage to refuse when the elder lennox heaped his plate. "good heavens, i can't eat all that," he said, as it was passed to him. but the others laughed and told him to take heart. he took heart. it was a singular thing, but at that first bite his sudden confidence in his gustatory ability almost overwhelmed him. all his life he had avoided meat. his mother had always been convinced that such a delicate child as he had been could not properly digest it. but all at once he decided to forego his mother's philosophies for good and all. there was certainly nothing to be gained by following them any longer. so he cut himself a bite of the tender steak--fully half as generous as the bites that bill was consuming across the table. and its first flavor simply filled him with delight. "what is this meat?" he asked. "i've certainly tasted it before." "i'll bet a few dollars that you haven't, if you've lived all your life in the middle west," lennox answered. "maybe you've got what the scientists call an inherited memory of it. it's the kind of meat your grandfather used to live on--venison." both of them had seemed pleased that he liked the venison. and both seemed boyishly eager to test his reaction to the great, wild huckleberries that were the dessert of the simple meal. he tried them with much ceremony. their flavor really surprised him. they had a tang, a fragrance that was quite unlike anything he had ever tasted, yet which brought a curious flood of dim, half-understood memories. it seemed to him that always he had stood on the hillsides, picking these berries as they grew, and staining his lips with them. but at once he pushed the thoughts out of his mind, thinking that his imagination was playing tricks upon him. and soon after this, lennox led him out of the house for his first glimpse of the hills in the darkness. they walked together out to the gate, across the first of the wide pastures where, at certain seasons, lennox kept his cattle; and at last they came out upon the tree-covered ridge. the moon was just rising. they could see it casting a curious glint over the very tips of the pines. but it couldn't get down between them. they stood too close, too tall and thick for that. and for a moment, dan's only sensation was one of silence. "you have to stand still a moment, to really know anything," lennox told him. they both stood still. dan was as motionless as that day in the park, long weeks before, when the squirrel had climbed on his shoulder. the first effect was a sensation that the silence was deepening around them. it wasn't really true. it was simply that he had become aware of the little continuous sounds of which usually he was unconscious, and they tended to accentuate the hush of the night. he heard his watch ticking in his pocket, the whispered stir of his own breathing, and he was quite certain that he could hear the fevered beat of his own heart in his breast. but then slowly he began to become aware of other sounds, so faint and indistinct that he really could not be sure that he heard them. there was a faint rustle and stir, as of the tops of the pine trees far away. possibly he heard the wind too, the faintest whisper in the world through the underbrush. and finally, most wonderful of all, he began to hear one by one, over the ridge on which he stood, little whispered sounds of living creatures stirring in the thickets. he knew, just as all mountaineers know, that the wilderness about him was stirring and pulsing with life. some of the sounds were quite clear--an occasional stir of a pebble or the crack of a twig, and some, like the faintest twitching of leaves in the brush not ten feet distant, could only be guessed at. "what is making the sounds?" he asked. he didn't know it, at the time, but lennox turned quickly toward him. it wasn't that the question had surprised the mountaineer. rather it was the tone in which dan had spoken. it was perfectly cool, perfectly self-contained. "the one right close is a chipmunk. i don't know what the others are; no one ever does know. perhaps ground squirrels, or rabbits, or birds, and maybe even one of those harmless old black bears who is curious about the house. the bears have more curiosity than they can well carry around, and they say they'll sometimes come up and put their front feet on a window sill of a house, and peer through the window. they must think men are the craziest things! and of course it might be a coyote--and a mad one at that. i guess i told you that they're subject to rabies at this time of year. i'll confess i'd rather have it be anything else. and tell me--can you _smell_ anything--" "good lord, lennox! i can smell all kinds of things." "i'm glad. some men can't. no one can enjoy the woods if he can't smell. part of the smells are of flowers, and part of balsam, and god only knows what the others are. they are just the wilderness--" dan could not only perceive the smells and sounds, but he felt that they were leaving an imprint on the very fiber of his soul. he knew one thing. he knew he could never forget this first introduction to the mountain night. the whole scene moved him in strange, deep ways in which he had never been stirred before; it left him exultant and, in deep wells of his nature far below the usual currents of excitement, a little excited too. and all the time he had that indefinable sense of familiarity, a knowledge that this was his own land, and after a long, long time of wandering in far places, he had come back to it. then both of them were startled out of their reflections by the clear, unmistakable sound of footsteps on the ridge. both of them turned, and lennox laughed softly in the darkness. "my daughter," he said. "i knew she wouldn't be afraid to come." v dan could see only snowbird's outline at first, just her shadow against the moonlit hillside. his glasses were none too good at long range. and possibly, when she came within range, the first thing that he noticed about her was her stride. the girls he knew didn't walk in quite that free, strong way. she took almost a man-size step; and yet it was curious that she did not seem ungraceful. dan had a distinct impression that she was floating down to him on the moonlight. she seemed to come with such unutterable smoothness. and then he heard her call lightly through the darkness. the sound gave him a distinct sense of surprise. some way, he hadn't associated a voice like this with a mountain girl; he had supposed that there would be so many harshening influences in this wild place. yet the tone was as clear and full as a trained singer's. it was not a high voice; and yet it seemed simply brimming, as a cup brims with wine, with the rapture of life. it was a self-confident voice too, wholly unaffected and sincere, and wholly without embarrassment. then she came close, and dan saw the moonlight on her face. and so it came about, whether in dreams or wakefulness, he could see nothing else for many hours to come. beauty, after all, is wholly a matter of the nearest possible approach to the physical perfection that many centuries of human faces have established as a standard. thus perfection in this case does not mean some ideal that has been imaged by a poet, but just the nearest approach to the perfect physical body that nature intended, and which is the flawless example of the type that composes the race. thus a typical feature is the most beautiful, and by this reasoning a composite picture of all the young girl faces in the anglo-saxon nations would be the most beautiful face that any painter could conceive. it follows that health is above all the most essential quality to beauty, because disease, from the nature of things, means thwarted growth that could not possibly reach the typical of the race. the girl who stood in the moonlight had health. she was simply vibrant with health. it brought a light to her eyes, and a color to her cheeks, and life and shimmer to her moonlit hair. it brought curves to her body, and strength and firmness to her limbs, and the grace of a deer to her carriage. whether she had regular features or not dan would have been unable to state. he didn't even notice. they weren't important when health was present. yet there was nothing of the coarse or bold or voluptuous about her. she was just a slender girl, perhaps twenty years of age, and weighing even less than the figure occasionally to be read in the health magazines for girls of her height. and she was fresh and cool beyond all words to tell. and dan had no delusions about her attitude toward him. for a long instant she turned her keen, young eyes to his white, thin face; and at once it became abundantly evident that beyond a few girlish speculations she felt no interest in him. after a single moment of rather strained, polite conversation with dan--just enough to satisfy her idea of the conventions--she began a thrilling girlhood tale to her father. and she was still telling it when they reached the house. dan held a chair for her in front of the fireplace, and she took it with entire naturalness. he was careful to put it where the firelight was at its height. he wanted to see its effect on the flushed cheeks, the soft dark hair. and then, standing in the shadows, he simply watched her. with the eye of an artist he delighted in her gestures, her rippling enthusiasm, her utter, irrepressible girlishness that all of time had not years enough to kill. he decided that she had gray eyes. gray eyes seemed to be characteristic of the mountain people. sometimes, when the shadows fell across them, they looked very dark, as if the pines had been reflected in them all day and the image had not yet faded out. but in an instant the shadow flicked away and left only light,--light that danced and light that laughed and light that went into him and did all manner of things to his spirit. bill stood watching her, his hands deep in his pockets, evidently a companion of the best. her father gazed at her with amused tolerance. and dan,--he didn't know in just what way he did look at her. and he didn't have time to decide. in less than fifteen minutes, and wholly without warning, she sprang up from her chair and started toward the door. "good lord!" dan breathed. "if you make such sudden motions as that i'll have heart failure. where are you going now?" "back to my watch," she answered, her tone wholly lacking the personal note which men have learned to expect in the voices of women. and an instant later the three of them saw her retreating shadow as she vanished among the pines. dan had to be helped to bed. the long ride had been too hard on his shattered lungs; and nerves and body collapsed an instant after the door was closed behind the departing girl. he laughed weakly and begged their pardon; and the two men were really very gentle. they told him it was their own fault for permitting him to overdo. lennox himself blew out the candle in the big, cold bedroom. dan saw the door close behind him, and he had an instant's glimpse of the long sweep of moonlit ridge that stretched beneath the window. then, all at once, seemingly without warning, it simply blinked out. not until the next morning did he really know why. insomnia was an old acquaintance of dan's, and he had expected to have some trouble in getting to sleep. his only real trouble was waking up again when lennox called him to breakfast. he couldn't believe that the light at his window shade was really that of morning. "good heavens!" his host exploded. "you sleep the sleep of the just." dan was about to tell him that on the contrary he was a very nervous sleeper, but he thought better of it. something had surely happened to his insomnia. the next instant he even forgot to wonder about it in the realization that his tired body had been wonderfully refreshed. he had no dread now of the long tramp up the ridge that his host had planned. but first came target practice. in dan's baggage he had a certain very plain but serviceable sporting rifle of about thirty-forty caliber,--a gun that the information department of the large sporting-goods store in gitcheapolis had recommended for his purpose. except for the few moments in the store, dan had never held a rifle in his hands. of course the actual aiming of a rifle is an extremely simple proposition. a man with fair use of his hands and eyes can pick it up in less time than it takes to tell it. the fine art of marksmanship consists partly in the finer sighting,--the instinctive realization of just what fraction of the front sight should be visible through the rear. but most of all it depends on the control that the nerves have over the muscles. some men are born rifle shots; and on others it is quite impossible to thrust any skill whatever. the nerve impulses and the muscular reflexes must be exquisitely tuned, so that the finger presses back on the trigger the identical instant that the mark is seen on the line of the sights. one quarter of a second's delay will usually disturb the aim. there must be no muscular jerk as the trigger is pressed. shooting was never a sport for blasted nerves. and usually such attributes as the ability to judge distances, the speed and direction of a fleeing object, and the velocity of the wind can only be learned by tireless practice. when dan first took the rifle in his hands, lennox was rather amazed at the ease and naturalness with which he held it. it seemed to come up naturally to his shoulder. lennox scarcely had to tell him how to rest the butt and to drop his chin as he aimed. he began to look rather puzzled. dan seemed to know all these things by instinct. the first shot, dan hit the trunk of a five-foot pine at thirty paces. "but i couldn't very well have missed it!" he replied to lennox's cheer. "you see, i aimed at the middle--but i just grazed the edge." the second shot was not so good, missing the tree altogether. and it was a singular thing that he aimed longer and tried harder on this shot than on the first. the third time he tried still harder, and made by far the worst shot of all. "what's the matter?" he demanded. "i'm getting worse all the time." lennox didn't know for sure. but he made a long guess. "it might be beginner's luck," he said, "but i'm inclined to think you're trying too hard. take it easier--depend more on your instincts. some marksmen are born good shots and cook themselves trying to follow rules. it might be, by the longest chance, that you're one of them--at least it won't hurt to try." dan's reply was to lift the rifle lightly to his shoulder, glance quickly along the trigger, and fire. the bullet struck within one inch of the center of the pine. for a long second lennox gazed at him in open-mouthed astonishment. "my stars, boy!" he cried at last. "was i mistaken in thinking you were a born tenderfoot--after all? can it be that a little of your old grandfather's skill has been passed down to you? but you can't do it again." but dan did do it again. if anything, the bullet was a little nearer the center. and then he aimed at a more distant tree. but the hammer snapped down ineffectively on the breech. he turned with a look of question. "your gun only holds five shots," lennox explained. reloading, dan tried a more difficult target--a trunk almost one hundred yards distant. of course it would have been only child's play to an experienced hunter; but to a tenderfoot it was the difficult mark indeed. twice out of four shots dan hit the tree trunk, and one of his two hits was practically a bull's-eye. his two misses were the result of the same mistake he had made before,--attempting to hold his aim too long. the shots rang far through the quiet woods, long-drawn from the echoes that came rocking back from the hills. in contrast with the deep silence that is really an eternal part of the mountains, the sound seemed preternaturally loud. all over the great sweep of canyon, the wild creatures heard and were startled. one could easily imagine the columbian deer, gone to their buckbrush to sleep, springing up and lifting pointed ears. there is no more graceful action in the whole animal world than this first, startled spring of a frightened buck. then old woof, feeding in the berry bushes, heard the sound too. woof has considerably more understanding than most of the wild inhabitants of the forest, and maybe that is why he left his banquet and started falling all over his awkward self in descending the hill. it might be that lennox would want to procure his guest a sample of bear steak; and woof didn't care to be around to suggest such a thing. at least, that would be his train of thought according to those naturalists who insist on ascribing human intelligence to all the forest creatures. but it is true that woof had learned to recognize a rifle shot, and he feared it worse than anything on earth. far away on the ridge top, a pair of wolves sat together with no more evidence of life than two shadows. one of the most effective accomplishments a wolf possesses is its ability to freeze into a motionless thing, so the sharpest eye can scarcely detect him in the thickets. it is an advantage in hunting, and it is an even greater advantage when being hunted. yet at the same second they sprang up, simply seemed to spin in the dead pine needles, and brought up with sharp noses pointed and ears erect, facing the valley. a human being likely would have wondered at their action. it is doubtful that human ears could have detected that faint tremor in the air which was all that was left of the rifle report. but of course this is a question that would be extremely difficult to prove; for as a rule the senses of the larger forest creatures, with the great exception of scent, are not as perfectly developed as those of a human being. a wolf can see better than a man in the darkness, but not nearly as far in the daylight. but the wolves knew this sound. too many times they had seen their pack-fellows die in the snow when such a report as this, only intensified a thousand times, cracked at them through the winter air. no animal in all the forest has been as relentlessly hunted as the wolves, and they have learned their lessons. for longer years than most men would care to attempt to count, men have waged a ceaseless war upon them. and they have learned that their safety lies in flight. very quietly, and quite without panic, the wolves turned and headed farther into the forests. possibly no other animal would have been frightened at such a distance. and it is certainly true that in the deep, winter snows not even the wolves would have heeded the sound. the snows bring famine; and when famine comes to keep its sentry-duty over the land, all the other forest laws are immediately forgotten or ignored. the pack forgets all its knowledge of the deadliness of men in the starving times. the grouse heard the sound, and, silly creatures that they are, even they raised their heads for a single instant from their food. the felines--the great, tawny mountain lions and their smaller cousins, the lynx--all devoted at least an instant of concentrated attention to it. a raccoon, sleeping in a pine, opened its eyes, and a lone bull elk, such as some people think is beyond all other things the monarch of the forest, rubbed his neck against a tree trunk and wondered. but yet there remained two of the larger forest creatures that did not heed at all. one was urson, the porcupine, whose stupidity is beyond all measuring. he was too slow and patient and dull to give attention to a rifle bullet. and the other was graycoat the coyote, gray and strange and foam-lipped, on the hillside. graycoat could hear nothing but strange whinings and voices that rang ever in his ears. all other sounds were obscured. the reason was extremely simple. in the dog days a certain malady sometimes comes to the wild creatures, and it is dreaded worse than drought or cold or any of the manifold terrors of their lives. no one knows what name they have for this sickness. human beings call it hydrophobia. and the coyotes are particularly susceptible to it. ordinarily the name of coyote is, among the beasts, a synonym for cowardice as well as a certain kind of detested cunning. all the cowardice of a mountain lion and a wolf and a lynx put together doesn't equal the amount that graycoat carried in the end of his tail. that doesn't mean timidity. timidity is a trait of the deer, a gift of nature for self-preservation, and no one holds it against them. in fact, it makes them rather appealing. cowardice is a lack of moral courage to remain and fight when nature has afforded the necessary weapons to fight with. it is sort of a betrayal of nature,--a misuse of powers. no one calls a rabbit a coward because it runs away. a warlike rabbit is something that no man has ever seen since the beginning of the world, and probably never will. nature hasn't given the little animal any weapons. but this is not true of the wolf or cougar. a wolf has ninety pounds of lightning-quick muscles, and teeth that are nothing but a set of very well-sharpened and perfectly arranged daggers. a cougar not only has fangs, but talons that can rend flesh more terribly than the cogs of a machine, and strength to make the air hum under his paw as he strikes it down. and so it is an extremely disappointing thing to see either of these animals flee in terror from an airedale not half their size,--a sight that most mountain men see rather often. the fact that they act with greater courage in the famine times, and that either of them will fight to the very death when brought to bay, are not extenuating circumstances to their cowardice. a mouse will bite the hand that picks it up if it has no other choice. a coyote is, at least in a measure, equipped for fighting. he is smaller than a wolf, and his fangs are almost as terrible. yet a herd of determined sheep, turning to face him, puts him in a panic. the smallest dog simply petrifies him with terror. and a rifle report,--he has been known to put a large part of a county between himself and the source of the sound in the shortest possible time. if a mountain man feels like fighting, he simply calls another a coyote. it is more effective than impugning the virtue of his female ancestors. to be called a coyote means to be termed the lowest, most despised creature of which the imagination can conceive. and besides being a perfect, unprincipled coward, he is utterly without pride. and that is saying a great deal. most large animals have more pride than they have intelligence, particularly the bear and the moose. a mature bear, dying before his foes, will often refrain from howling even in the greatest agony. he is simply too proud. a moose greatly dislikes to appear to run away in the presence of enemies. he will walk with the dignity of a bishop until he thinks the brush has obscured him; and then he will simply fly! and there was a dog once, long ago, which, meeting on the highways a dog that was much larger and that could not possibly be mastered, would simply turn away his eyes and pretend not to see him. a coyote is wholly without this virtue, as well as most of the other virtues of the animal world. he not only eats carrion--because if one started to condemn all the carrion-eating animals of the forest he would soon have precious few of them left--but he also eats old shoes off rubbish piles. unlike the wolf, he does not even find his courage in the famine times. he has cunning, but cunning is not greatly beloved in men or beasts. most folk prefer a kindly, blundering awkwardness, a simplicity of heart and spirit, such as are to be found in woof the bear. but graycoat has one tendency that makes all the other forest creatures regard him with consternation: he is extremely liable to madness. along in dog days he is seen suddenly to begin to rush through the thickets, barking and howling and snapping at invisible enemies, with foam dropping from his terrible lips. his eyes grow yellow and strange. and this is the time that even the bull elk turns off his trail. no one cares to meet graycoat when the hydrophobia is upon him. at such time all his cunning and his terror are quite forgotten in his agony, and he is likely to make an unprovoked charge on woof himself. now graycoat came walking stiff-legged down through the thickets. and the forest creatures, from the smallest to the great, forgot the far-off peal of the rifle bullets to get out of his way. vi dan and lennox started together up the long slope of the ridge. dan alone was armed; lennox went with him solely as a guide. the deer season had just opened, and it might be that dan would want to procure one of these creatures. "but i'm not sure i want to hunt deer," dan told him. "you speak of them as being so beautiful--" "they are beautiful, and your grandfather would never hunt them either, except for meat. but maybe you'll change your mind when you see a buck. besides, we might run into a lynx or a panther. but not very likely, without dogs." they trudged up, over the carpet of pine needles. they fought their way through a thicket of buckbrush. once they saw the gray squirrels in the tree tops. and before lennox had as much as supposed they were near the haunts of big game, a yearling doe sprang up from its bed in the thickets. for an instant she stood motionless, presenting a perfect target. it was evident that she had heard the sound of the approaching hunters, but had not as yet located or identified them with her near-sighted eyes. lennox whirled to find dan standing very still, peering along the barrel of his rifle. but he didn't shoot. a light danced in his eyes, and his fingers crooked nervously about the trigger, but yet there was no pressure. the deer, seeing lennox move, leaped into her terror-pace,--that astounding run that is one of the fastest gaits in the whole animal world. in the wink of an eye, she was out of sight. "why didn't you shoot?" lennox demanded. "shoot? it was a doe, wasn't it?" "good lord, of course it was a doe! but there are no game laws that go back this far. besides--you aimed at it." "i aimed just to see if i could catch it through my sights. and i could. my glasses sort of made it blur--but i think--perhaps--that i could have shot it. but i'm not going to kill does. there must be some reason for the game laws, or they wouldn't exist." "you're a funny one. come three thousand miles to hunt and then pass up the first deer you see. you could almost have been your grandfather, to have done that. he thought killing a deer needlessly was almost as bad as killing a man. they are beautiful things, aren't they?" dan answered him with startling emphasis. but the look that he wore said more than his words. they trudged on, and lennox grew thoughtful. he was recalling the picture that he had seen when he had whirled to look at dan, immediately after the deer had leaped from its bed. it puzzled him a little. he had turned to find the younger man in a perfect posture to shoot, his feet placed in exactly the position that years of experience had taught lennox was correct; and withal, absolutely motionless. of all the many things to learn in the wilderness, to stand perfectly still in the presence of game is one of the hardest. the natural impulse is to start,--a nervous reflex that usually terrifies the game. the principle of standing still is, of course, that it takes a certain length of time for the deer to look about after it makes its first leap from its bed, and if the hunter is motionless, the deer is usually unable to identify him as a thing to fear. it gives a better chance for a shot. what many hunters take years to learn, dan had seemed to know by instinct. could it be, after all, that this slender weakling, even now bowed down with a terrible malady, had inherited the true frontiersman's instincts of his ancestors? then all at once lennox halted in his tracks, evidently with no other purpose than to study the tall form that now was walking up the trail in front of him. and he uttered a little exclamation of amazement. "listen, dan!" he cried suddenly. "haven't you ever been in the woods before?" dan turned, smiling. "no. what have i done now?" "what have you done! you're doing something that i never saw a tenderfoot do in my life, before. i've known men to hunt for years--literally years--and not know how to do it. and that is--to place your feet." "place my feet? i'm afraid i don't understand." "i mean--to walk silently. to stalk, damn it, dan! this brush is dry. it's dry as tinder. a cougar can get over it like so much smoke, and a man who's lived all his life in the hills can usually climb a ridge and not make any more noise than a young avalanche. just now i had a feeling that i wasn't hearing you walk, and i thought my ears must be going back on me. i stopped to see. you were doing it, dan. you were stalking--putting down your feet like a cat. it's the hardest thing to learn there is, and you're doing it the first half-hour." dan laughed, delighted more than he cared to show. "well, what of it?" he asked. "what of it? that's it--what of it. and what caused it, and all about it. go on and let me think." the result of all this thought was at least to hover in the near vicinity of a certain conclusion. that conclusion was that at least a few of the characteristics of his grandfather had been passed down to dan. it meant that possibly, if time remained, he would not turn out such a weakling, after all. of course his courage, his nerve, had yet to be tested; but the fact remained that long generations of frontiersmen ancestors had left this influence upon him. the wild was calling to him, wakening instincts long smothered in cities, but sure and true as ever. it was the beginning of regeneration. voices of the long past were speaking to him, and the failings once more had begun to run true to form. inherited tendencies were in a moment changing this weak, diseased youth into a frontiersman and wilderness inhabitant such as his ancestors had been before him. but before ever lennox had a chance to think all around the subject, to actually convince himself that dan really was a throwback and recurrence of type, there ensued on that gaunt ridge a curious adventure. the test of nerve and courage was nearer than either of them had guessed. they were slipping along over the pine needles, their eyes intent on the trail ahead. and then lennox saw a curious thing. he beheld dan suddenly stop in the trail and turn his eyes towards a heavy thicket that lay perhaps one hundred yards to their right. for an instant he looked almost like a wild creature himself. his head was lowered, as if he were listening. his muscles were set and ready. lennox had prided himself that he had retained all the powers of his five senses, and that few men in the mountains had keener ears than he. yet it was truth that at first he only knew the silence, and the stir and pulse of his own blood. he assumed then that dan was watching something that from his position, twenty feet behind, he could not see. he tried to probe the thickets with his eyes. then dan whispered. ever so soft a sound, but yet distinct in the silence. "there's something living in that thicket." then lennox heard it too. as they stood still, the sound became ever clearer and more pronounced. some living creature was advancing toward them; and twigs were cracking beneath its feet. the sounds were rather subdued, and yet, as the animal approached, both of them instinctively knew that they were extremely loud for the usual footsteps of any of the wild creatures. "what is it?" dan asked quietly. lennox was so intrigued by the sounds that he was not even observant of the peculiar, subdued quality in dan's voice. otherwise, he would have wondered at it. "i'm free to confess i don't know," he said. "it's booming right towards us, like most animals don't care to do. of course it may be a human being. you must watch out for that." they waited. the sound ended. they stood straining for a long moment without speech. "that was the dumdest thing!" lennox went on. "of course it might have been a bear--you never know what they're going to do. it might have got sight of us and turned off. but i can't believe that it was just a deer--" but then his words chopped squarely off in his throat. the plodding advance commenced again. and the next instant a gray form revealed itself at the edge of the thicket. it was graycoat, half-blind with his madness, and desperate in his agony. there was no more deadly thing in all the hills than he. even the bite of a rattlesnake would have been welcomed beside his. he stood a long instant, and all his instincts and reflexes that would have ordinarily made him flee in abject terror were thwarted and twisted by the fever of his madness. he stared a moment at the two figures, and his red eyes could not interpret them. they were simply foes, for it was true that when this racking agony was upon him, even lifeless trees seemed foes sometimes. he seemed eerie and unreal as he gazed at them out of his burning eyes; and the white foam gathered at his fangs. and then, wholly without warning, he charged down at them. he came with unbelievable speed. the elder lennox cried once in warning and cursed himself for venturing forth on the ridge without a gun. he was fully twenty feet distant from dan; yet he saw in an instant his only course. this was no time to trust their lives to the marksmanship of an amateur. he sprang towards dan, intending to wrench the weapon from his hand. but he didn't achieve his purpose. at the first step his foot caught in a projecting root, and he was shot to his face on the trail. but a long life in the wilderness had developed lennox's reflexes to an abnormal degree; many crises had taught him muscle and nerve control; and only for a fraction of an instant, a period of time that few instruments are fine enough to measure, did he lie supinely upon the ground. he rolled on, into a position of defense. but he knew now he could not reach the younger man before the mad coyote would be upon them. the matter was out of his hands. everything depended on the aim and self-control of the tenderfoot. and at the same instant he wondered, so intensely that all other mental processes were subjugated to it, why he had not heard dan shoot. he looked up, and the whole weird picture was thrown upon the retina of his eyes. the coyote was still racing straight toward dan, a gray demon that in his madness was more terrible than any charging bear or elk. for there is an element of horror about the insane, whether beasts or men, that cannot be denied. both men felt it, with a chill that seemed to penetrate clear to their hearts. the eyes flamed, the white fangs of graycoat caught the sunlight. and dan stood erect in his path, his rifle half raised to his shoulder; and even in that first frenzied instant in which lennox looked at him, he saw there was a strange impassiveness, a singular imperturbability on his face. "shoot, man!" lennox shouted. "what are you waiting for?" but dan didn't shoot. his hand whipped to his face, and he snatched off his thick-lensed glasses. the eyes that were revealed were narrow and deeply intent. and by now, the frenzied coyote was not fifty feet distant. all that had occurred since the animal charged had possibly taken five seconds. sometimes five seconds is just a breath; but as lennox waited for dan to shoot, it seemed like a period wholly without limit. he wondered if the younger man had fallen into that strange paralysis that a great terror sometimes imbues. "shoot!" he screamed again. but it is doubtful if dan even heard his shout. at that instant his gun slid into place, his head lowered, his eyes seemed to burn along the glittering barrel. his finger pressed back against the trigger, and the roar of the report rocked through the summer air. the gun was of large caliber; and no living creature could stand against the furious, shocking power of the great bullet. the lead went straight home, full through the neck and slanting down through the breast, and the coyote recoiled as if an irresistible hand had smitten him. it is doubtful if there was even a muscular quiver after graycoat struck the ground, not twenty feet from where dan stood. and the rifle report echoed back to find only silence. lennox got up off the ground and moved over toward the dead coyote. he looked a long time at the gray body. and then he stepped back to where dan waited on the trail. "i take it all back," he said simply. "you take what back?" "what i thought about you--that the failing line had gone to the dogs. i'll never call you a tenderfoot again." "you are very kind," dan answered. he looked rather tired, but was wholly unshaken. for an instant lennox looked at his eyes and his steady hands. "but tell me one thing," lennox asked. "i saw the way you looked down the barrel. i could see how firm you held the rifle--the way you kept your head. and that is all like your grandfather. but why, when you had a repeating rifle, did you wait so long to shoot?" "i just had one cartridge in my gun. i fired nine times back at the trees and only re-loaded once. i didn't think of it until the coyote charged." lennox's answer was the last thing in the world to be expected. he opened his straight mouth and uttered a great, boyish yell of joy. his eyes seemed to light. it is a phenomenon that is ever so much oftener imagined than really seen; but the sudden, elated sparkle that came in those gray orbs was past denial. the eyes of the two men met, and lennox shook him by the shoulder. "you're not dan failing's grandson--you're dan failing himself!" he shouted. "no one but him would have had the self-control to wait till the game was almost on top of him--no one but him would have kept his head in a time like this. you're dan failing himself, i tell you, come back to earth. grandson nothing! you're a throwback, and now you've got those glasses off, i can see his eyes looking right out of yours. step on 'em, dan. you'll never need 'em again. and give up that idea of dying in four months right now; i'm going to make you live. we'll fight that disease to a finish--and win!" and that is the way that dan failing came into his heritage in the land of his own people, and in which a new spirit was born in him to fight--and win--and live. book two the debt i september was at its last days on the umpqua divide,--that far wilderness of endless, tree-clad ridges where dan failing had gone for his last days. september, in this place, was a season all by itself. it wasn't exactly summer, because already a little silver sheath of ice formed on the lakes in the morning; and the days were clamping down in length so fast that whisperfoot the cougar had time for a dozen killings in a single night. fall only begins when the rains start; and there hadn't been a trickle of rain since april. it was rather a cross between the two seasons,--the rag-tail of summer and the prelude of fall. it was true that the leaves were shedding from the underbrush. they came yellow and they came red, and the north wind, always the first breath of winter, blew them in all directions. they made a perfect background for the tawny tints of whisperfoot, and quite often the near-sighted deer would walk right up to him without detecting him. but the cougar always saw to it they didn't do it a second time. it had been a particularly bad season for whisperfoot, and he was glad that his luck had changed. the woods were so dry from the long drought that even he--and as all men know, he is one of the most silent creatures in the wilderness when he wants to be, which are the times that he doesn't want to make as much noise as a steam engine--found it hard to crawl down a deer trail without being heard. the twigs would sometimes crack beneath his feet, and this is a disgrace with any cougar. their first lessons are to learn to walk with silence. woof the bear loved this month above all others. it wasn't that he needed protective coloring. he was not a hunter at all, except of grubs and berries and such small fry. he had a black coat and a clumsy stride; and he couldn't have caught a deer if his life had depended upon it. but he did like to shuffle through the fallen leaves and make beds of them in the warm afternoons; and besides, the berries were always biggest and ripest in september. the bee trees were almost full of honey. even the fat beetles under the stumps were many and lazy. everywhere the forest people were preparing for the winter that would fall so quickly when these golden september days were done. the under plane of the forest--those smaller peoples that live in the dust and have beautiful, tropical forests in the ferns--found themselves digging holes and filling them with stores of food. of course they had no idea on earth why they were doing it, except that a quiver at the end of their tails told them to do so; but the result was entirely the same. they would have a shelter for the winter. certain of the birds were beginning to wonder what the land was like to the south, and now and then waking up in the crisp dawns with decided longings for travel. the young mallards on the lakes were particularly restless, and occasionally a long flock of them would rise in the morning from the blue waters with a glint of wings,--and quite fail to come back. and one night all the forest listened to the wail of the first flock of south-going geese. but the main army of waterfowl would of course not pass until fall came in reality. but the most noticeable change of all, in these last days of summer, was a distinct tone of sadness that sounded throughout the forest. of course the wilderness note is always somewhat sad; but now, as the leaves fell and the grasses died, it seemed particularly pronounced. all the forest voices added to it,--the wail of the geese, the sad fluttering of fallen leaves, and even the whisper of the north wind. the pines seemed darker, and now and then gray clouds gathered, promised rain, but passed without dropping their burdens on the parched hillsides. of course all the tones and voices of the wilderness sound clearest at night--for that is the time that the forest really comes to life--and dan failing, sitting in front of lennox's house, watching the late september moon rise over bald mountain, could hear them very plainly. it was true that in the two months he had spent in the mountains he had learned to be very receptive to the voices of the wilderness. lennox had not been mistaken in thinking him a natural woodsman. he had imagination and insight and sympathy; but most of all he had a heritage of wood lore from his frontiersmen ancestors. two months before he had been a resident of cities. now the wilderness had claimed him, body and soul. these had been rare days. at first he had to limit his expeditions to a few miles each day, and even then he would come in at night staggering from weariness. he climbed hills that seemed to tear his diseased lungs to shreds. lennox wouldn't have been afraid, in a crisis, to trust his marksmanship now. he had the natural cold nerve of a marksman, and one twilight he brought the body of a lynx tumbling through the branches of a pine at a distance of two hundred yards. a shotgun is never a mountaineer's weapon--except a sawed-off specimen for family contingencies--yet dan acquired a certain measure of skill at small game hunting, too. he got so he could shatter a grouse out of the air in the half of a second or so in which its bronze wings glinted in the shrubbery; and when a man may do this a fair number of times out of ten, he is on the straight road toward greatness. then there came a day when dan caught his first steelhead in the north fork. there was no finer sport in the whole west than this,--the play of the fly, the strike, the electric jar that carries along the line and through the arm and into the soul from where it is never quite effaced, and finally the furious strife and exultant throb when the fish is hooked. there is no more beautiful thing in the wilderness world than a steelhead trout in action. he simply seems to dance on the surface of the water, leaping again and again, and racing at an unheard-of speed down the ripples. he weighs only from three to fifteen pounds. but now and again amateur fishermen without souls have tried to pull him in with main strength, and are still somewhat dazed by the result. it might be done with a steel cable, but an ordinary line or leader breaks like a cobweb. when his majesty the steelhead takes the fly and decides to run, it can be learned after a time that the one thing that may be done is to let out all the line and with prayer and humbleness try to keep up with him. dan fished for lake trout in the lakes of the plateau; he shot waterfowl in the tule marshes; he hunted all manner of living things with his camera. but most of all he simply studied, as his frontiersmen ancestors had done before him. he found unceasing delight in the sagacity of the bear, the grace of the felines, the beauty of the deer. he knew the chipmunks and the gray squirrels and the snowshoe rabbits. and every day his muscles had hardened and his gaunt frame had filled out. he no longer wore his glasses. every day his eyes had strengthened. he could see more clearly now, with his unaided eyes, than he had ever seen before with the help of the lens. and the moonlight came down through a rift in the trees and showed that his face had changed too. it was no longer so white. the eyes were more intent. the lips were straighter. "it's been two months," silas lennox told him, "half the four that you gave yourself after you arrived here. and you're twice as good now as when you came." dan nodded. "twice! ten times as good! i was a wreck when i came. to-day i climbed halfway up baldy--within a half mile of snowbird's cabin--without stopping to rest." lennox looked thoughtful. more than once, of late, dan had climbed up toward snowbird's cabin. it was true that his guest and his daughter had become the best of companions in the two months; but on second thought, lennox was not in the least afraid of complications. the love of the mountain women does not go out to physical inferiors. "whoever gets her," he had said, "will have to tame her," and his words still held good. the mountain women rarely mistook a maternal tenderness for an appealing man for love. it wasn't that dan was weak except from the ravages of his disease; but he was still a long way from snowbird's ideal. and the explanation was simply that life in the mountains gets down to a primitive basis, and its laws are the laws of the cave. emotions are simple and direct, dangers are real, and the family relations have remained unchanged since the first days of the race. men do not woo one another's wives in the mountains. there is no softness, no compromise: the male of the species provides, and the female keeps the hut. it is good, the mountain women know, when the snows come, to have a strong arm to lean upon. the man of strong muscles, of quick aim, of cool nerve in a crisis is the man that can be safely counted on not to leave a youthful widow to a lone battle for existence. although dan had courage and that same rigid self-control that was an old quality in his breed, he was still a long way from a physically strong man. it was still an even break whether he would ever wholly recover from his malady. but dan was not thinking about this now. all his perceptions had sharpened down to the finest focal point, and he was trying to catch the spirit of the endless forest that stretched in front of the house. the moon was above the pines at last, and its light was a magic. he sat breathless, his eyes intent on the silvery patches between the trees. now and then he saw a shadow waver. his pipe had gone out, and for a long time lennox hadn't spoken. he seemed to be straining too, with ineffective senses, trying to recognize and name the faint sounds that came so tingling and tremulous out of the darkness. as always, they heard the stir and rustle of the gnawing people: the chipmunks in the shrubbery, the gophers who, like blind misers, had ventured forth from their dark burrows; and perhaps even the scaly glide of those most-dreaded poison people that had lairs in the rock piles. then, more distinct still, they heard the far-off yowl of a cougar. yet it wasn't quite like the cougar utterances that dan had heard on previous nights. it was not so high, so piercing and triumphant; but had rather an angry, snarling tone made up of _ows_ and broad, nasal _yahs_. it came tingling up through hundreds of yards of still forest; and both of them leaned forward. "another deer killed," dan suggested softly. "no. not this time. he missed, and he's mad about it. they often snarl that way when they miss their stroke, just like an angry cat. but listen--" again they heard a sound, and from some far-lying ridge, they heard a curious echo. so far it had come that only a tremor of it remained; yet every accent and intonation was perfect, and dan was dimly reminded of some work of art cunningly wrought in miniature. in one quality alone it resembled the cougar's cry. it was unquestionably a wilderness voice,--no sound made by men or the instruments of men; and like the cougar's cry, it was simply imbued with the barbaric spirit of the wild. but while the cougar had simply yowled in disappointment, a sound wholly without rhythm or harmony, this sound was after the manner of a song, rising and falling unutterably wild and strange. ii dan felt that at last the wilderness itself was speaking to him. he had waited a long time to hear its voice. his thought went back to the wise men of the ancient world, waiting to hear the riddle of the universe from the lips of the sphinx, and how he himself--more in his unconscious self, rather than conscious--had sought the eternal riddle of the wilderness. it had seemed to him that if once he could make it speak, if he could make it break for one instant its great, brooding silence, that the whole mystery and meaning of life would be in a measure revealed. he had asked questions--never in the form of words but only ineffable yearnings of his soul--and at last it had responded. the strange rising and falling song was its own voice, the articulation of the very heart and soul of the wilderness. and because it was, it was also the song of life itself,--life in the raw, life as it is when all the superficialities that blunt the vision had been struck away. dan had known that it would be thus. it brought strange pictures to his mind. he saw the winter snows, the spirits of cold and famine walking over them. he saw fear in many guises--in the forest fire, in the landslide, in the lightning cleaving the sky. in the song were centered and made clear all the many lesser voices with which the forest had spoken to him these two months and which he had but dimly understood,--the passion, the exultation, the blood-lust, the strength, the cruelty, the remorseless, unceasing struggle for existence that makes the wilderness an eternal battle ground. but over it all was sadness. he couldn't doubt that. he heard it all too plainly. the wild was revealed to him as it never had been before. "it's the wolf pack," lennox told him softly. "as long as i have been in the mountains, it always hits me the same. the wolves have just joined together for the fall rutting. there's not another song like it in the whole world." dan could readily believe it. the two men sat still a long time, hoping that they might hear the song again. and then they got up and moved across the cleared field to the ridge beyond. the silence closed deeper around them. "then it means the end of the summer?" dan asked. "in a way, but yet we don't count the summer ended until the rains break. heavens, i wish they would start! i've never seen the hills so dry, and i'm afraid that either bert cranston or some of his friends will decide it's time to make a little money fighting forest fires. dan, i'm suspicious of that gang. i believe they've got a regular arson ring, maybe with unscrupulous stockmen behind them, and perhaps just a penny-winning deal of their own. i suppose you know about landy hildreth,--how he's promised to turn state's evidence that will send about a dozen of these vipers to the penitentiary?" "snowbird told me something about it." "he's got a cabin over toward the marshes, and it has come to me that he's going to start to-morrow, or maybe has already started to-day, down into the valley to give his evidence. of course, that is deeply confidential between you and me. if the gang knew about it, he'd never get through the thickets alive." but dan was hardly listening. his attention was caught by the hushed, intermittent sounds that are always to be heard, if one listens keenly enough, in the wilderness at night. "i wish the pack would sound again," he said. "i suppose it was hunting." "of course. and there is no living thing in these woods that can stand against a wolf pack in its full strength." "except man, of course." "a strong man, with an accurate rifle, of course, and except possibly in the starving times in winter he'd never have to fight them. all the beasts of prey are out to-night. you see, dan, when the moon shines, the deer feed at night instead of in the twilights and the dawn. and of course the wolves and the cougars hunt the deer. it may be that they are running cattle, or even sheep." but dan's imagination was afire. he wasn't content yet. "they couldn't be--hunting man?" he asked. "no. if it was midwinter and the pack was starving, we'd have to listen better. it always looked to me as if the wild creatures had a law against killing men, just as humans have. they've learned it doesn't pay--something the wolves and bear of europe and asia haven't found out. the naturalists say that the reason is rather simple--that the european peasant, his soul scared out of him by the government he lived under, has always fled from wild beasts. they were tillers of the soil, and they carried hoes instead of guns. they never put the fear of god into the animals and as a result there are quite a number of true stories about tigers and wolves that aren't pleasant to listen to. but our own frontiersmen were not men to stand any nonsense from wolves or cougars. they had guns, and they knew how to use them. and they were preceded by as brave and as warlike a race as ever lived on the earth--armed with bows and arrows. any animal that hunted men was immediately killed, and the rest found out it didn't pay." "just as human beings have found out the same thing--that it doesn't pay to hunt their fellow men. the laws of life as well as the laws of nations are against it." but the words sounded weak and dim under the weight of the throbbing darkness; and dan couldn't get away from the idea that the codes of life by which most men lived were forgotten quickly in the shadows of the pines. even as he spoke, man was hunting man on the distant ridge where whisperfoot had howled. * * * * * bert cranston, head of the arson ring that operated on the umpqua divide, was not only beyond the pale in regard to the laws of the valleys, but he could have learned valuable lessons from the beasts in regard to keeping the laws of the hills. the forest creatures do not hunt their own species, nor do they normally hunt men. the moon looked down to find bert cranston waiting on a certain trail that wound down to the settlements, his rifle loaded and ready for another kind of game than deer or wolf. he was waiting for landy hildreth; and the greeting he had for him was to destroy all chances of the prosecuting attorney in the valley below learning certain names that he particularly wanted to know. there is always a quality of unreality about a moonlit scene. just what causes it isn't easy to explain, unless the soft blend of light and shadow entirely destroys the perspective. old ruins will sometimes seem like great, misty ghosts of long-dead cities; trees will turn to silver; phantoms will gather in family groups under the cliffs; plain hills and valleys will become, in an instant, the misty vales of fairyland. the scene on that distant ridge of the divide partook of this quality to an astounding degree; and it would have made a picture no mortal memory could have possibly forgotten. there was no breath of wind. the great pines, tall and dark past belief, stood absolutely motionless, like strange pillars of ebony. the whole ridge was splotched with patches of moonlight, and the trail, dimming as the eyes followed it, wound away into the utter darkness. bert cranston knelt in a brush covert, his rifle loaded and ready in his lean, dark hands. no wolf that ran the ridges, no cougar that waited on the deer trails knew a wilder passion, a more terrible blood-lust than he. it showed in his eyes, narrow and never resting from their watch of the trail; it was in his posture; and it revealed itself unmistakably in the curl of his lips. something like hot steam was in his brain, blurring his sight and heating his blood. the pine needles hung wholly motionless above his head; but yet the dead leaves on which he knelt crinkled and rustled under him. only the keenest ear could have heard the sound; and possibly in his madness, cranston himself was not aware of it. and one would have wondered a long time as to what caused it. it was simply that he was shivering all over with hate and fury. a twig cracked, far on the ridge above him. he leaned forward, peering, and the moonlight showed his face in unsparing detail. it revealed the deep lines, the terrible, drawn lips, the ugly hair long over the dark ears. his strong hands tightened upon the breech of the rifle. his wiry figure grew tense. of course it wouldn't do to let his prey come too close. landy hildreth was a good shot too, young as cranston, and of equal strength; and no sporting chance could be taken in this hunting. cranston had no intention of giving his enemy even the slightest chance to defend himself. if hildreth got down into the valley, his testimony would make short work of the arson ring. he had the goods; he had been a member of the disreputable crowd himself. the man's steps were quite distinct by now. cranston heard him fighting his way through the brush thickets, and once a flock of grouse, frightened from their perches by the approaching figure, flew down the trail in front. cranston pressed back the hammer of his rifle. the click sounded loud in the silence. he had grown tense and still, and the leaves no longer rustled. his eyes were intent on a little clearing, possibly one hundred yards up the trail. the trail itself went straight through it. and in an instant more, hildreth pushed through the buckbrush and stood revealed in the moonlight. if there is one quality that means success in the mountains it is constant, unceasing self-control. cranston thought that he had it. he had known the hard schools of the hills; and he thought no circumstance could break the rigid discipline in which his mind and nerves held his muscles. but perhaps he had waited too long for hildreth to come; and the strain had told on him. he had sworn to take no false steps; that every motion he made should be cool and sure. he didn't want to attract hildreth's attention by any sudden movement. all must be cautious and stealthy. but in spite of all these good resolutions, cranston's gun simply leaped to his shoulder in one convulsive motion at the first glimpse of his enemy as he emerged into the moonlight. the end of the barrel struck a branch of the shrubbery as it went up. it was only a soft sound; but in the utter silence it traveled far. but a noise in the brush might not have been enough in itself to alarm hildreth. a deer springing up in the trail, or even a lesser creature, might make as pronounced a sound. it was true that even unaccompanied by any other suspicious circumstances, the man would have become instantly alert and watchful; but it was extremely doubtful that his muscular reaction would have been the same. but the gun barrel caught the moonlight as it leaped, and hildreth saw its glint in the darkness. it was only a flash. but yet there is no other object in the material world that glints exactly like a gun barrel in the light. it has a look all its own. it is even more distinctive in the sunlight, and now and again men have owed their lives to a momentary glitter across a half-mile of forest. of course the ordinary, peaceful, god-fearing man, walking down a trail at night, likely would not have given the gleam more than an instant's thought, a momentary breathlessness in which the throat closes and the muscles set; and it is more than probable that the sleeping senses would not have interpreted it at all. but hildreth was looking for trouble. he had dreaded this long walk to the settlements more than any experience of his life. he didn't know why the letter he had written, asking for an armed escort down to the courts, had not brought results. but it was wholly possible that cranston would have answered this question for him. this same letter had fallen into a certain soiled, deadly pair of hands which was the last place in the world that hildreth would have chosen, and it had been all the evidence that was needed, at the meeting of the ring the night before, to adjudge hildreth a merciless and immediate end. hildreth would have preferred to wait in the hills and possibly to write another letter, but a chill that kept growing at his finger tips forbade it. and all these things combined to stretch his nerves almost to the breaking point as he stole along the moonlit trail under the pines. a moment before the rush and whir of the grouse flock had dried the roof of his mouth with terror. the tall trees appalled him, the shadows fell upon his spirit. and when he heard this final sound, when he saw the glint that might so easily have been a gun-barrel, his nerves and muscles reacted at once. not even a fraction of a second intervened. his gun flashed up, just as a small-game shooter hurls his weapon when a mallard glints above the decoys, and a little, angry cylinder of flame darted, as a snake's head darts, from the muzzle. hildreth didn't take aim. there wasn't time. the report roared in the darkness; the bullet sang harmlessly and thudded into the earth; and both of them were the last things in the world that cranston had expected. and they were not a moment too soon. even at that instant, his finger was closing down upon the trigger, hildreth standing clear and revealed through the sights. the nervous response that few men in the world would be self-disciplined enough to prevent occurred at the same instant that he pressed the trigger. his own fire answered, so near to the other that both of them sounded as one report. most hunters can usually tell, even if they cannot see their game fall, whether they have hit or missed. this was one of the few times in his life that cranston could not have told. he knew that as his finger pressed he had held as accurate a "bead" as at any time in his life. he did not know still another circumstance,--that in the moonlight he had overestimated the distance to the clearing, and instead of one hundreds yards it was scarcely fifty. he had held rather high. and he looked up, unknowing whether he had succeeded or whether he was face to face with the prospect of a duel to the death in the darkness. and all he saw was hildreth, rocking back and forth in the moonlight,--a strange picture that he was never entirely to forget. it was a motion that no man could pretend. and he knew he had not missed. he waited till he saw the form of his enemy rock down, face half-buried in the pine needles. it never even occurred to him to approach to see if he had made a clean kill. he had held on the breast and he had a world of confidence in his great, shocking, big-game rifle. besides, the rifle fire might attract some hunter in the hills; and there would be time in the morning to return to the body and make certain little investigations that he had in mind. and running back down the trail, he missed the sight of hildreth dragging his wounded body, like an injured hare, into the shelter of the thickets. iii whisperfoot, that great coward, came out of his brush-covert when the moon rose. it was not his usual rising time. ordinarily he found his best hunting in the eerie light of the twilight hour; but for certain reasons, his knowledge of which would be extremely difficult to explain, he let this time go by in slumber. the general verdict of mankind has decreed that animals cannot reason. therefore it is somewhat awkward to explain how whisperfoot knew that he needn't be in a hurry, that the moon would soon be up, and the deer would be feeding in their light. but know all these things he did, act upon them he also did, and it all came to the same in the end. whether or not he could reason didn't affect the fact that a certain chipmunk, standing at the threshold of his house to glimpse the moonlit forest, saw him come slipping like a cloud of brown smoke from his lair a full hour after the little creature had every right to think that he had gone to his hunting,--and straightway tumbled back into his house with a near attack of heart failure. but the truth was that the chipmunk was presuming upon his own desirability as food. his fear really wasn't justified. it would not be altogether true to say that whisperfoot never ate chipmunks. sometimes in winter, and sometimes in the dawns after an unsuccessful hunt, he ate things a great deal smaller and many times more disagreeable than chipmunks. but the great cat is always very proud when he first leaves his lair. he won't look at anything smaller than a horned buck. he is a great deal like a human hunter who will pass up a lone teal on the way out and slay a pair of his own live-duck decoys on the way back. whisperfoot had slept almost since dawn. it is a significant quality in the felines that they simply cannot keep in condition without hours and hours of sleep. it is true that they are highly nervous creatures, sensualists of the worst, and living intensely from twilight to dawn; and they burn up more nervous energy in a night than urson, the porcupine, does in a year. in this matter of sleeping, they are in a direct contrast to the wolves, who seemingly never sleep at all, unless it is with one eye open, and in still greater contrast to the king of all beasts, the elephant, who is said to slumber less per night than that great electrical wizard whom all men know and praise. the great cat came out yawning, as graceful a thing as treads upon the earth. he was almost nine feet long from the tip of his nose to the end of his tail, and he weighed as much as many a full-grown man. and he fairly rippled when he walked, seemingly without effort, almost without resting his cushions on the ground. he stood and yawned insolently, for all the forest world to see. he rather hoped that the chipmunk, staring with beady eyes from his doorway, did see him. he would just as soon that woof's little son, the bear cub, should see him too. but he wasn't so particular about woof himself, or the wolf pack whose song had just wakened him. and above all things, he wanted to keep out of the sight of men. for when all things are said and done, there were few bigger cowards in the whole wilderness world than whisperfoot. a good many people think that graycoat the coyote could take lessons from him in this respect. but others, knowing how a hunter is brought in occasionally with almost all human resemblance gone from him because a cougar charged in his death agony, think this is unfair to the larger animal. and it is true that a full-grown cougar will sometimes attack horned cattle, something that no american animal cares to do unless he wants a good fight on his paws and of which the very thought would throw graycoat into a spasm; and there have been even stranger stories, if one could quite believe them. a certain measure of respect must be extended to any animal that will hunt the great bull elk, for to miss the stroke and get caught beneath the churning, lashing, slashing, razor-edged front hoofs is simply death, painful and without delay. but the difficulty lies in the fact that these things are not done in the ordinary, rational blood of hunting. what an animal does in its death agony, or to protect its young, what great game it follows in the starving times of winter, can be put to neither its debit nor its credit. a coyote will charge when mad. a raccoon will put up a wicked fight when cornered. a hen will peck at the hand that robs her nest. when hunting was fairly good, whisperfoot avoided the elk and steer almost as punctiliously as he avoided men, which is saying very much indeed; and any kind of terrier could usually drive him straight up a tree. but he did like to pretend to be very great and terrible among the smaller forest creatures. and he was fear itself to the deer. a human hunter who would kill two deer a week for fifty-two weeks would be called a much uglier name than poacher; but yet this had been whisperfoot's record, on and off, ever since his second year. many a great buck wore the scar of the full stroke,--after which whisperfoot had lost his hold. many a fawn had crouched panting with terror in the thickets at just a tawny light on the gnarled limb of a pine. many a doe would grow great-eyed and terrified at just his strange, pungent smell on the wind. he yawned again, and his fangs looked white and abnormally large in the moonlight. his great, green eyes were still clouded and languorous from sleep. then he began to steal up the ridge toward his hunting grounds. dry as the thickets were, still he seemed to traverse them with almost absolute silence. it was a curious thing that he walked straight in the face of the soft wind that came down from the snow fields, and yet there wasn't a weathercock to be seen anywhere. and neither had the chipmunk seen him wet a paw and hold it up, after the approved fashion of holding up a finger. he had a better way of knowing,--a chill at the end of his whiskers. in fact, the other forest creatures did not see him at all. he took very great precautions that they shouldn't. whisperfoot was not a long-distance runner, and his whole success depended on a surprise attack, either by stalking or from ambush. in this he is different from his fellow cowards, the wolves. whisperfoot catches his meat fresh, before terror has time to steal out of the heart and poison it; and thus, he tells his cubs, he is a higher creature than the wolves. he kept to the deepest shadow, sometimes the long, strange profile of a pine, sometimes just the thickets of buckbrush. and by now, he no longer cared to yawn. he was wide awake. the sleep had gone out of his eyes and left them swimming in a curious, blue-green fire. and the hunting madness was getting to him: that wild, exultant fever that comes fresh to all the hunting creatures as soon as the night comes down. the little, breathless night sounds in the brush around him seemed to madden him. they made a song to him, a strange, wild melody that even such frontiersmen as dan and lennox could not experience. a thousand smells brushed down to him on the wind, more potent than any wine or lust. he began to tremble all over with rapture and excitement. but unlike cranston's trembling, no wilderness ear was keen enough to hear the leaves rustling beneath him. his excitement did not affect his hunting skill at all. in fact, he couldn't succeed without it. a human hunter, with the same excitement and fever, would have been rendered impotent long since. his aim would be shattered, he would make false steps to frighten the game, and not even urson, the porcupine, would really have cause to fear him. the reason is rather simple. man has lived a civilized existence for so long that many of the traits that make him a successful hunter have to be laboriously re-learned. as soon as he becomes excited, he forgets his training. the hunting cunning of a cougar, however, is inborn, and like a great pianist, he can usually do better when he is warmed up to his work. men would cross many seas for a few minutes of such wild, nerve-tingling rapture as whisperfoot knew as he crept into his hunting grounds. ever he went more cautiously, his tawny body lowering. and just as he reached the ridge top he heard his first game. it was just a rustle in the thickets at one side. whisperfoot stopped dead still, then slowly lowered his body. the only motion left was the sinuous whipping of his tail. but he couldn't identify his game yet. he peered with fiery eyes into the darkness. he was almost in leaping range already. but at once he knew that the creature that grunted and stirred in the brush was not a deer. a deer would have detected his presence long since, as the animal was at one side of him, instead of in front, and would have caught his scent. then, the wind blowing straighter, he recognized the creature. it was just old urson, the porcupine. for very good reasons, whisperfoot never attacked urson except in moments of utmost need. it was extremely doubtful that he spared him for the same reason that he was spared by the wisest of the mountaineers,--that he was game to be taken when starving and when no other could be procured. it was rather that he was very awkward to kill and considerably worse to eat. it is better to dine on nightshade, says a forest law, than to eat a porcupine; for the former innocent-looking little berry is almost as fast a death as a rifle bullet, and the flesh of the latter animal will torture with a hundred red-hot fires in the vitals before its eater is driven to its eternal lair. but it isn't that the porcupine's flesh is poison. it is just that an incautious bite on its armored body will fill the throat and mouth with spines, needle points that work ever deeper until they result in death. and so it is quite a tribute to whisperfoot's intelligence that he had killed and devoured no less than a dozen porcupines and still lived to tell the tale. he simply knew how to handle them. he knew an upward scoop with the end of his claws that would tip the creature over; and then he would pounce on the unprotected abdomen. but it was considerable trouble, and he had to be careful of the spines all the time he was eating,--a particular annoyance to one who habitually and savagely bolts his food. so he made a careful detour about urson and continued on his way. he heard the latter squealing and rattling his quills behind him. iv shortly after nine o'clock, whisperfoot encountered his first herd of deer. but they caught his scent and scattered before he could get up to them. he met woof, grunting through the underbrush, and again he punctiliously, but with wretched spirit, left the trail. a fight with woof the bear was one of the most unpleasant experiences that could be imagined. he had a pair of strong arms of which one embrace of a cougar's body meant death in one long shriek of pain. of course they didn't fight often. they had entirely opposite interests. the bear was a berry-eater and a honey-grubber, and the cougar cared too much for his own life and beauty to tackle woof in a hunting way. a fawn leaped from the thicket in front of him, startled by his sound in the thicket. the truth was, whisperfoot had made a wholly unjustified misstep on a dry twig, just at the crucial moment. perhaps it was the fault of woof, whose presence had driven whisperfoot from the trail, and perhaps because old age and stiffness was coming upon him. but neither of these facts appeased his anger. he could scarcely suppress a snarl of fury and disappointment. he continued along the ridge, still stealing, still alert, but his anger increasing with every moment. the fact that he had to leave the trail again to permit still another animal to pass, and a particularly insignificant one too, didn't make him feel any better. this animal had a number of curious stripes along his back, and usually did nothing more desperate than steal eggs and eat bird fledglings. whisperfoot could have crushed him with one bite, but this was one thing that the great cat, as long as he lived, would never try to do. he got out of the way politely when stripe-back was still a quarter of a mile away; which was quite a compliment to the little animal's ability to introduce himself. stripe-back was familiarly known as a skunk. shortly after ten, the mountain lion had a remarkably fine chance at a buck. the direction of the wind, the trees, the thickets and the light were all in his favor. it was old blacktail, wallowing in the salt lick; and whisperfoot's heart bounded when he detected him. no human hunter could have laid his plans with greater care. he had to cut up the side of the ridge, mindful of the wind. then there was a long dense thicket in which he might approach within fifty feet of the lick, still with the wind in his face. just beside the lick was another deep thicket, from which he could make his leap. blacktail was wholly unsuspecting. no creature in the oregon woods was more beautiful than he. he had a noble spread of antlers, limbs that were wings, and a body that was grace itself. he was a timid creature, but he did not even dream of the tawny danger that this instant was creeping through the thickets upon him. whisperfoot drew near, with infinite caution. he made a perfect stalk clear to the end of the buckbrush. thirty feet more--thirty feet of particularly difficult stalking--and he would be in leaping range. if he could only cross this last distance in silence, the game was his. his body lowered. the tail lashed back and forth, and now it had begun to have a slight vertical motion that frontiersmen have learned to watch for. he placed every paw with consummate grace, and few sets of human nerves have sufficient control over leg muscles to move with such astounding, exacting patience. he scarcely seemed to move at all. the distance slowly shortened. he was almost to the last thicket, from which he might spring. his wild blood was leaping in his veins. but when scarcely ten feet remained to stalk, a sudden sound pricked through the darkness. it came from afar, but it was no less terrible. it was really two sounds, so close together that they sounded as one. neither blacktail nor whisperfoot had any delusions about them. they recognized them at once, in strange ways under the skin that no man may describe, as the far-off reports of a rifle. just to-day blacktail had seen his doe fall bleeding when this same sound, only louder, spoke from a covert from which bert cranston had poached her,--and he left the lick in one bound. terrified though he was by the rifle shot, still whisperfoot sprang. but the distance was too far. his outstretched paw hummed down four feet behind blacktail's flank. then forgetting everything but his anger and disappointment, the great cougar opened his mouth and howled. howling, the forest people know, never helped one living thing. of course this means such howls as whisperfoot uttered now, not that deliberate long singsong by which certain of the beasts of prey will sometimes throw a herd of game into a panic and cause them to run into an ambush. all whisperfoot's howl of anger achieved was to frighten all the deer out of his territory and render it extremely unlikely that he would have another chance at them that night. even dan and lennox, too far distant to hear the shots, heard the howl very plainly, and both of them rejoiced that he had missed. the long night was almost done when whisperfoot even got sight of further game. once a flock of grouse exploded with a roar of wings from a thicket; but they had been wakened by the first whisper of dawn in the wind, and he really had no chance at them. soon after this, the moon set. the larger creatures of the forest are almost as helpless in absolute darkness as human beings. it is very well to talk of seeing in the dark, but from the nature of things, even vertical pupils may only respond to light. no owl or bat can see in absolute darkness. although the stars still burned, and possibly a fine filament of light had spread out from the east, the descending moon left the forest much too dark for whisperfoot to hunt with any advantage. it became increasingly likely that he would have to retire to his lair without any meal whatever. but still he remained, hoping against hope. after a futile fifteen minutes of watching a trail, he heard a doe feeding on a hillside. its footfall was not so heavy as the sturdy tramp of a buck, and besides, the bucks would be higher on the ridges this time of morning. he began a cautious advance toward it. for the first fifty yards the hunt was in his favor. he came up wind, and the brush made a perfect cover. but the doe unfortunately was standing a full twenty yards farther, in an open glade. for a long moment the tawny creature stood motionless, hoping that the prey would wander toward him. but even in this darkness, he could tell that she was making a half-circle that would miss him by forty yards, a course that would eventually take her down wind in almost the direction that whisperfoot had come. under ordinary circumstances, whisperfoot would not have made an attack. a cougar can run swiftly, but a deer is light itself. the big cat would have preferred to linger, a motionless thing in the thickets, hoping some other member of the deer herd to which the doe must have belonged would come into his ambush. but the hunt was late, and whisperfoot was very, very angry. too many times this night he had missed his kill. besides, the herd was certainly somewhere down wind, and for certain very important reasons a cougar might as well hunt elephants as try to stalk down wind. the breeze carries his scent more surely than a servant carries a visiting card. in desperation, he leaped from the thicket and charged the deer. in spite of the preponderant odds against him, the charge was almost a success. he went fully half the distance between them before the deer perceived him. then she leaped. there seemed to be no interlude of time between the instant that she beheld the dim, tawny figure in the air and that in which her long legs pushed out in a spring. but she didn't leap straight ahead. she knew enough of the cougars to know that the great cat would certainly aim for her head and neck in the same way that a duck-hunter leads a fast-flying duck,--hoping to intercept her leap. even as her feet left the ground she seemed to whirl in the air, and the deadly talons whipped down in vain. then, cutting back in front, she raced down wind. it is usually the most unmitigated folly for a cougar to chase a deer against which he has missed his stroke; and it is also quite fatal to his dignity. and whoever doubts for a minute that the larger creatures have no dignity, and that it is not very dear to them, simply knows nothing about the ways of animals. they cling to it to the death. and nothing is quite so amusing to old woof, the bear--who, after all, has the best sense of humor in the forest--as the sight of a tawny, majestic mountain lion, rabid and foaming at the mouth, in an effort to chase a deer that he can't possibly catch. but to-night it was too dark for woof to see. besides, one disappointment after another had crumbled, as the rains crumble leaves, the last vestige of whisperfoot's self-control. snarling in fury, he bounded after the doe. she was lost to sight at once in the darkness, but for fully thirty yards he raced in her pursuit. and it is true that deep down in his own well of instincts--those mysterious waters that the events of life can hardly trouble--he really didn't expect to overtake her. if he had stopped to think, it would have been one of the really great surprises of his life to hear the sudden, unmistakable stir and movement of a large, living creature not fifteen feet distant in the thicket. he didn't stop to think at all. he didn't puzzle on the extreme unlikelihood of a doe halting in her flight from a cougar. it is doubtful whether, in the thickets, he had any perceptions of the creature other than its movements. he was running down wind, so it is certain that he didn't smell it. if he saw it at all, it was just as a shadow, sufficiently large to be that of a deer. it was moving, crawling as woof sometimes crawled, seemingly to get out of his path. and whisperfoot leaped straight at it. it was a perfect shot. he landed high on its shoulders. his head lashed down, and the white teeth closed. all the long life of his race he had known that pungent essence that flowed forth. his senses perceived it, a message shot along his nerves to his brain. and then he opened his mouth in a high, far-carrying squeal of utter, abject terror. he sprang a full fifteen feet back into the thickets; then crouched. the hair stood still at his shoulders, his claws were bared; he was prepared to fight to the death. he didn't understand. he only knew the worst single terror of his life. it was not a doe that he had attacked in the darkness. it was not urson, the porcupine, or even woof. it was that imperial master of all things, man himself. unknowing, he had attacked landy hildreth, lying wounded from cranston's bullet beside the trail. word of the arson ring would never reach the settlements, after all. and as for whisperfoot,--the terror that choked his heart with blood began to wear off in a little while. the man lay so still in the thickets. besides, there was a strange, wild smell in the air. whisperfoot's stroke had gone home so true there had not even been a fight. the darkness began to lift around him, and a strange exultation, a rapture unknown before in all his hunting, began to creep into his wild blood. then, as a shadow steals, he went creeping back to his dead. v dan failing had been studying nature on the high ridges; and he went home by a back trail that led to old bald mountain. many a man of longer residence in the mountains wouldn't have cared to strike off through the thickets with no guide except his own sense of direction. the ridges are too many, and they look too much alike. it is very easy to walk in a great circle--because one leg tires before the other--with no hope whatever of anything except the spirit ever rising above the barrier of the pines. but dan always knew exactly where he was. it was part of his inheritance from his frontiersmen ancestors, and it freed his wings in the hills. the trail was just a narrow serpent in the brush; and it had not been made by gangs of laborers, working with shovels and picks. possibly half a dozen white men, in all, had ever walked along it. it was just the path of the wild creatures, worn down by hoof and paw and cushion since the young days of the world. it was covered, like a sheep lane, with little slit triangles in the yellow dirt. some of them were hardly larger than the print of a man's thumb, and they went all the way up to a great imprint that dan could scarcely cover with his open hand. all manner of deer, from seasonal fawns with spotted coats and wide, startled eyes to the great bull elk, monarch of the forest, had passed that way before him. once he found the traces of an old kill, where a cougar had dined and from which the buzzards had but newly departed. and once he saw where woof had left his challenge in the bark of a great pine. this is a very common thing for woof to do,--to go about leaving challenges as if he were the most warlike creature in the world. in reality, he never fights until he is driven to it, and then his big, furry arms turn out to be steel compressors of the first order; he is patient and good-natured and ordinarily all he wants to do is sleep in the leaves and grunt and soliloquize and hunt berries. but woe to the man or beast who meets him in a rough-and-tumble fight. unlike his great cousin the grizzly, that american adamzad that not only walks like a man but kills cattle like a butcher, he almost never eats meat. no one ever pays any attention to his challenges either, and likely he never thought any one would. they seemed to be the result of an inherited tendency with him, just as much as to grow drowsy in winter, or to scratch fleas from his furry hide. he sees a tree that suits his fancy and immediately stands on his hind legs beside it. then he scratches the bark, just as high up as he can reach. the idea seemed to be that if any other bear should journey along that way, should find that he couldn't reach as high, he would immediately quit the territory. but it doesn't work out in practice. nine times out of ten there will be a dozen woofs in the same neighborhood, no two of equal size, yet they hunt their berries and rob their bee trees in perfect peace. perhaps the impulse still remains, a dim, remembered instinct, long after it has outlived its usefulness,--just as man, ten thousand years after his arboreal existence, will often throw his arms into the air as if to seize a tree branch when he is badly frightened. it was a roundabout trail home, but yet it had its advantages. it took him within two miles of snowbird's lookout station, and at this hour of day he had been particularly fortunate in finding her at a certain spring on the mountain side. it was a rather singular coincidence. along about four he would usually find himself wandering up that way. strangely enough, at the same time, it was true that she had an irresistible impulse to go down and sit in the green ferns beside the same spring. they always seemed to be surprised to see one another. in reality, either of them would have been considerably more surprised had the other failed to put in an appearance. and always they had long talks, as the afternoon drew to twilight. "but i don't think you ought to wait so late before starting home," the girl would always say. "you're not a human hawk, and it is easier to get lost than you think." and this solicitude, dan rightly figured, was a good sign. there was only one objection to it. it resulted in an unmistakable inference that she considered him unable to take care of himself,--and that was the last thing on earth that he wanted her to think. he understood her well enough to know that her standards were the standards of the mountains, valuing strength and self-reliance above all things. he didn't stop to question why, every day, he trod so many weary miles to be with her. she was as natural as a fawn; and many times she had quite taken away his breath. and once she did it literally. he didn't think that so long as death spared him he would ever be able to forget that experience. it was her birthday, and knowing of it in time he had arranged for the delivery of a certain package, dear to a girlish heart, at her father's house. in the trysting hour he had come trudging over the hills with it, and few experiences in his life had ever yielded such unmitigated pleasure as the sight of her, glowing white and red, as she took off its wrapping paper. it was a jolly old gift, he recollected.--and when she had seen it, she fairly leaped at him. her warm, round arms around his neck, and the softest, loveliest lips in the world pressed his. but in those days he didn't have the strength that he had now. he felt he could endure the same experience again with no embarrassment whatever. his first impression then, besides abounding, incredible astonishment, was that she had quite knocked out his breath. but let it be said for him that he recovered with notable promptness. his own arms had gone up and closed around,--and the girl had wriggled free. "but you mustn't do that!" she told him. "but, good lord, girl! you did it to me! is there no justice in women?" "but i did it to thank you for this lovely gift. for remembering me--for being so good--and considerate. you haven't any cause to thank me." he had many very serious difficulties in thinking it out. and only one conclusion was obtainable,--that snowbird kissed as naturally as she did anything else, and the kiss meant exactly what she said it did and no more. but the fact remained that he would have walked a good many miles farther if he thought there was any possibility of a repeat. but all at once his fantasies were suddenly and rudely dispelled by the intrusion of realities. even a man in the depths of concentration cannot be inattentive to the wild sounds of the mountains. they have a commanding, a penetrating quality all their own. a mathematician cannot walk over a mountain trail pondering on the fourth dimension when some living creature is consistently cracking brush in the thickets beside him. human nature is directly opposed to such a thing, and it is too much to expect of any man. he has too many race memories of saber-tooth tigers, springing from their lairs, and likely he has heard too many bear stories in his youth. dan had been walking silently himself in the pine needles. as lennox had wondered at long ago, he knew how by instinct; and instinctively he practiced this attainment as soon as he got out into the wild. the creature was fully one hundred yards distant, yet dan could hear him with entire plainness. and for a while he couldn't even guess what manner of thing it might be. a cougar that made so much noise would be immediately expelled from the union. a wolf pack, running by sight, might crack brush as freely; but a wolf pack would also bay to wake the dead. of course it might be an elk or a steer, and still more likely, a bear. he stood still and listened. the sound grew nearer. soon it became evident that the creature was either walking with two legs, or else was a four-footed animal putting two feet down at the same instant. dan had learned to wait. he stood perfectly still. and gradually he came to the conclusion that he was listening to the footfall of another man. but it was rather hard to imagine what a man might be doing on this lonely hill. of course it might be a deer hunter; but few were the valley sportsmen who had penetrated to this far land. the footfall was much too heavy for snowbird. the steps were evidently on another trail that intersected his own trail one hundred yards farther up the hill. he had only to stand still, and in an instant the man would come in sight. he took one step into the thickets, prepared to conceal himself if it became necessary. then he waited. soon the man stepped out on the trail. even at the distance of one hundred yards, dan had no difficulty whatever in recognizing him. he could not mistake this tall, dark form, the soiled, slouchy clothes, the rough hair, the intent, dark features. it was a man about his own age, his own height, but weighing fully twenty pounds more, and the dark, narrow eyes could belong to no one but bert cranston. he carried his rifle loosely in his arms. he stopped at the forks in the trail and looked carefully in all directions. dan had every reason to think that cranston would see him at first glance. only one clump of thicket sheltered him. but because dan had learned the lesson of standing still, because his olive-drab sporting clothes blended softly with the colored leaves, cranston did not detect him. he turned and strode on down the trail. he didn't move quite like a man with innocent purposes. there was something stealthy, something sinister in his stride, and the way he kept such a sharp lookout in all directions. yet he never glanced to the trail for deer tracks, as he would have done had he been hunting. without even waiting to meditate on the matter, dan started to shadow him. before one hundred yards had been traversed, he could better understand the joy the cougar takes in his hunting. it was the same process,--a cautious, silent advance in the trail of prey. he had to walk with the same caution, he had to take advantage of the thickets. he began to feel a curious excitement. cranston seemed to be moving more carefully now, examining the brush along the trail. now and then he glanced up at the tree tops. and all at once he stopped and knelt in the dry shrubbery. at first all that dan could see was the glitter of a knife blade. cranston seemed to be whittling a piece of dead pine into fine shavings. now he was gathering pine needles and small twigs, making a little pile of them. and then, just as cranston drew his match, dan saw his purpose. cranston was at his old trade,--setting a forest fire. vi for two very good reasons, dan didn't call to cranston at once. the two reasons were that cranston had a rifle and that dan was unarmed. it might be extremely likely that cranston would choose the most plausible and effective means of preventing an interruption of his crime, and by the same token, prevent word of the crime ever reaching the authorities. the rifle contained five cartridges, and only one was needed. but the idea of backing out, unseen, never even occurred to dan. the fire would have a tremendous headway before he could summon help. although it was near the lookout station, every condition pointed to a disastrous fire. the brush was dry as tinder, not so heavy as to choke the wind, but yet tall enough to carry the flame into the tree tops. the stiff breeze up the ridge would certainly carry the flame for miles through the parched divide before help could come. in the meantime stock and lives and homes would be endangered, besides the irreparable loss of timber. there were many things that dan might do, but giving up was not one of them. after all, he did the wisest thing of all. he simply came out in plain sight and unconcernedly walked down the trail toward cranston. at the same instant, the latter struck his match. as dan was no longer stalking, cranston immediately heard his step. he whirled, recognized dan, and for one long instant in which the world seemed to have time in plenty to make a complete revolution, he stood perfectly motionless. the match flared in his dark fingers, his eyes--full of singular conjecturing--rested on dan's face. no instant of the latter's life had ever been fraught with greater peril. he understood perfectly what was going on in cranston's mind. the fire-fiend was calmly deciding whether to shoot or whether to bluff it out. one required no more moral courage than the other. it really didn't make a great deal of difference to cranston. he had been born in the hills, and his spirit was the spirit of the wolf,--to kill when necessary, without mercy or remorse. besides, dan represented, in his mind, all that cranston hated,--the law, gentleness, the great civilized world that spread below. but in spite of it, he decided that the killing was not worth the cartridge. the other course was too easy. he did not even dream that dan had been shadowing him and had seen his intention. he would have laughed at the idea that a "tenderfoot" could thus walk behind him, unheard. without concern, he scattered with his foot the little heap of kindling, and slipping his pipe into his mouth, he touched the flaring match to it. it was a wholly admirable little piece of acting, and would have deceived any one who had not seen his previous preparations. the fact that the pipe was empty mattered not one way or another. then he walked on down the trail toward dan. dan stopped and lighted his own pipe. it was a curious little truce. and then he leaned back against the great, gray trunk of a fallen tree. "well, cranston," he said civilly. the men had met on previous occasions, and always there had been the same invisible war between them. "how do you do, failing," cranston replied. no perceptions could be so blunt as to miss the premeditated insult in the tone. he didn't speak in his own tongue at all, the short, guttural "howdy" that is the greeting of the mountain men. he pronounced all the words with an exaggerated precision, an unmistakable mockery of dan's own tone. in his accent he threw a tone of sickly sweetness, and his inference was all too plain. he was simply calling failing a milksop and a white-liver; just as plainly as if he had used the words. the eyes of the two men met. cranston's lips were slightly curled in an unmistakable leer. dan's were very straight. and in one thing at least, their eyes looked just the same. the pupils of both pairs had contracted to steel points, bright in the dark gray of the irises. cranston's looked somewhat red; and dan's were only hard and bright. dan felt himself straighten; and the color mounted somewhat higher in his brown cheeks. but he did not try to avenge the insult--yet. cranston was still fifteen feet distant, and that was too far. a man may swing a rifle within fifteen feet. the fact that they were in no way physical equals did not even occur to him. when the insult is great enough, such considerations cannot possibly matter. cranston was hard as steel, one hundred and seventy pounds in weight. dan did not touch one hundred and fifty, and a deadly disease had not yet entirely relinquished its hold upon him. "i do very well, cranston," dan answered in the same tone. "wouldn't you like another match? i believe your pipe has gone out." very little can be said for the wisdom of this remark. it was simply human,--that age-old creed to answer blow for blow and insult for insult. of course the inference was obvious,--that dan was accusing him, by innuendo, of his late attempt at arson. cranston glanced up quickly, and it might be true that his fingers itched and tingled about the barrel of his rifle. he knew what dan meant. he understood perfectly that dan had guessed his purpose on the mountain side. and the curl at his lips became more pronounced. "what a smart little boy," he scorned. "going to be a sherlock holmes when he grows up." then he half turned and the light in his eyes blazed up. he was not leering now. the mountain men are too intense to play at insult very long. their inherent savagery comes to the surface, and they want the warmth of blood upon their fingers. the voice became guttural. "maybe you're a spy?" he asked. "maybe you're one of those city rats--to come up and watch us, and then run and tell the forest service. there's two things, failing, that i want you to know." dan puffed at his pipe, and his eyes looked curiously bright through the film of smoke. "i'm not interested in hearing them," he said. "it might pay you," cranston went on. "one of 'em is that one man's word is good as another's in a court--and it wouldn't do you any good to run down and tell tales. a man can light his pipe on the mountain side without the courts being interested. the second thing is--just that i don't think you'd find it a healthy thing to do." "i suppose, then, that is a threat?" "it ain't just a threat." cranston laughed harshly,--a single, grim syllable that was the most terrible sound he had yet uttered. "it's a fact. just try it, failing. just make one little step in that direction. you couldn't hide behind a girl's skirts then. why, you city sissy, i'd break you to pieces in my hands!" few men can make a threat without a muscular accompaniment. its very utterance releases pent-up emotions, part of which can only pour forth in muscular expression. and anger is a primitive thing, going down to the most mysterious depths of a man's nature. as cranston spoke, his lip curled, his dark fingers clenched on his thick palm, and he half leaned forward. dan knocked out his pipe on the log. it was the only sound in that whole mountain realm; all the lesser sounds were stilled. the two men stood face to face, dan tranquil, cranston shaken by passion. "i give you," said dan with entire coldness, "an opportunity to take that back. just about four seconds." he stood very straight as he spoke, and his eyes did not waver in the least. it would not be the truth to say that his heart was not leaping like a wild thing in his breast. a dark mist was spreading like madness over his brain; but yet he was striving to keep his thoughts clear. it was hard to do, under insult. but he knew that only by craft, by cool thinking and planning, could he even hope to stand against the brawny cranston. he kept a remorseless control over his voice and face. stealthily, without seeming to do so, he was setting his muscles for a spring. the only answer to his words was a laugh,--a roaring laugh of scorn from cranston's dark lips. in his laughter, his intent, catlike vigilance relaxed. dan saw a chance; feeble though it was, it was the only chance he had. and his long body leaped like a serpent through the air. physical superior though he was, cranston would have repelled the attack with his rifle if he had had a chance. his blood was already at the murder heat--a point always quickly reached in cranston--and the dark, hot fumes in his brain were simply nothing more nor less than the most poisonous, bitter hatred. no other word exists. if his class of degenerate mountain men had no other accomplishment, they could hate. all their lives they practiced the emotion: hatred of their neighbors, hatred of law, hatred of civilization in all its forms. besides, this kind of hillman habitually fought his duels with rifles. hands were not deadly enough. but dan was past his guard before he had time to raise his gun. the whole attack was one of the most astounding surprises of cranston's life. dan's body struck his, his fists flailed, and to protect himself, cranston was obliged to drop the rifle. they staggered, as if in some weird dance, on the trail; and their arms clasped in a clinch. for a long instant they stood straining, seemingly motionless. cranston's powerful body had stood up well under the shock of dan's leap. it was a hand-to-hand battle now. the rifle had slid on down the hillside, to be caught in a clump of brush twenty feet below. dan called on every ounce of his strength, because he knew what mercy he might expect if cranston mastered him. the battles of the mountains were battles to the death. they flung back and forth, wrenching shoulders, lashing fists, teeth and feet and fingers. there were no marquis of queensbury rules in this battle. again and again dan sent home his blows; but they all seemed ineffective. by now, cranston had completely overcome the moment's advantage the other had obtained by the power of his leap. he hurled dan from the clinch and lashed at him with hard fists. it is a very common thing to hear of a silent fight. but it is really a more rare occurrence than most people believe. it is true that serpents will often fight in the strangest, most eerie silence; but human beings are not serpents. they partake more of the qualities of the meat-eaters,--the wolves and the felines. after the first instant, the noise of the fight aroused the whole hillside. the sound of blows was in itself notable, and besides, both of the men were howling the primordial battle cries of hatred and vengeance. for two long minutes dan fought with the strength of desperation, summoning at last all that mysterious reserve force with which all men are born. but he was playing a losing game. the malady with which he had suffered had taken too much of his vigor. even as he struggled, it seemed to him that the vista about him, the dark pines, the colored leaves of the perennial shrubbery, the yellow path were all obscured in a strange, white mist. a great wind roared in his ears,--and his heart was evidently about to shiver to pieces. but still he fought on, not daring to yield. he could no longer parry cranston's blows. the latter's arms went around him in one of those deadly holds that wrestlers know; and dan struggled in vain to free himself. cranston's face itself seemed hideous and unreal in the mist that was creeping over him. he did not recognize the curious thumping sound as cranston's fists on his flesh. and now cranston had hurled him off his feet. nothing mattered further. he had fought the best he could. this cruel beast could pounce on him at will and hammer away his life. but still he struggled. except for the constant play of his muscles, his almost unconscious effort to free himself that kept one of cranston's arms busy holding him down, that fight on the mountain path might have come to a sudden end. human bodies can stand a terrific punishment; but dan's was weakened from the ravages of his disease. besides, cranston would soon have both hands and both feet free for the work, and when these four terrible weapons are used at once, the issue--soon or late--can never be in doubt. but even now, consciousness still lingered. dan could hear his enemy's curses,--and far up the trail, he heard another, stranger sound. it was that second of acute sensibilities that usually immediately precedes unconsciousness, and he heard it very plainly. it sounded like some one running. and then he dimly knew that cranston was climbing from his body. voices were speaking,--quick, commanding voices just over him. above cranston's savage curses another voice rang clear, and to dan's ears, glorious beyond all human utterance. he opened his tortured eyes. the mists lifted from in front of them, and the whole drama was revealed. it had not been sudden mercy that had driven cranston from his body, just when his victim's falling unconsciousness would have put him completely in his power. rather it was something black and ominous that even now was pointed squarely at cranston's breast. none too soon, a ranger of the hill had heard the sounds of the struggle, and had left the trysting place at the spring to come to dan's aid. it was snowbird, very pale but wholly self-sufficient and determined and intent. her pistol was quite cocked and ready. vii dan failing was really not badly hurt. the quick, lashing blows had not done more than severely bruise the flesh of his face; and the mists of unconsciousness that had been falling over him were more nearly the result of his own tremendous physical exertion. now these mists were rising. "go--go away," the girl was commanding. "i think you've killed him." dan opened his eyes to find her kneeling close beside him, but still covering cranston with her pistol. her hand was resting on his bruised cheek. he couldn't have believed that a human face could be as white, while life still remained, as hers was then. all the lovely tints that had been such a delight to him, the play of soft reds and browns, had faded as an after-glow fades on the snow. dan's glance moved with hers to cranston. he was standing easily at a distance of a dozen feet; and except for the faintest tremble all over his body, a muscular reaction from the violence of his passion, he had entirely regained his self-composure. this was quite characteristic of the mountain men. they share with the beasts a passion of living that is wholly unknown on the plains; but yet they have a certain quality of imperturbability known nowhere else. nor is it limited to the native-born mountaineers. no man who intimately knows a member of that curious, keen-eyed little army of naturalists and big-game hunters who go to the north woods every fall, as regularly and seemingly as inexorably as the waterfowl go in spring, can doubt this fact. they seem to have acquired from the silence and the snows an impregnation of that eternal calm and imperturbability that is the wilderness itself. cranston wasn't in the least afraid. fear is usually a matter of uncertainty, and he knew exactly where he stood. it is extremely doubtful if a plainsman would have possessed this knowledge. but a plainsman has not the knowledge of life itself that the mountaineer has, simply because he does not see it in the raw. and he has not half the intimate knowledge of death, an absolute requisite of self-composure. the mountaineer knows life in its simple phases with little tradition or convention to blur the vision. death is a very intimate acquaintance that may be met in any snowdrift, on any rocky trail; and these conditions are very deadly to any delusions that he has in regard to himself. he acquires an ability to see just where he stands, and of course that means self-possession. this quality had something to do with the remarkable record that the mountain men, such as that magnificent warrior from tennessee, made in the late war. cranston knew exactly what snowbird would do. although of a higher order, she was a mountain creature, even as himself. she meant exactly what she said. if he hadn't climbed from dan's prone body, she would have shot quickly and very straight. if he tried to attack either of them now, her finger would press back before he could blink an eye, and she wouldn't weep any hysterical tears over his dead body. if he kept his distance, she wouldn't shoot at all. he meant to keep his distance. but he did know that he could insult her without danger to himself. and by now his lips had acquired their old curl of scorn. "i'll go, snowbird," he said. "i'll leave you with your sissy. but i guess you saw what i did to him--in two minutes." "i saw. but you must remember he's sick. now go." "if he's sick, let him stay in bed--and have a wet nurse. maybe you can be that." the lids drooped halfway over her gray eyes, and the slim finger curled more tightly about the trigger. "oh, i wish i could shoot you, bert!" she said. she didn't whisper it, or hiss it, or hurl it, or do any of the things most people are supposed to do in moments of violent emotion. she simply said it, and her meaning was all the clearer. "but you can't. and i'll pound that milksop of yours to a jelly every time i see him. i'd think, snowbird, that you'd want a _man_." he started up the trail; and then she did a strange thing. "he's more of a man than you are, right now, bert," she told him. "he'll prove it some day." then her arm went about dan's neck and lifted his head upon her breast; and in cranston's plain sight, she bent and kissed him, softly, on the lips. cranston's answer was an oath. it dripped from his lips, more poisonous, more malicious than the venom of a snake. his late calm, treasured so much, dropped from him in an instant. his features seemed to tighten, the dark lips drew away from his teeth. no words could have made him such an effective answer as this little action of hers. and as he turned up the trail, he called down to her a name,--that most dreadful epithet that foul tongues have always used to women held in greatest scorn. dan struggled in her arms. the kiss on his lips, the instant before, had not called him out of his half-consciousness. it had scarcely seemed real, rather just an incident in a blissful dream. but the word called down the trail shot out clear and vivid from the silence, just as a physician's face will often leap from the darkness after the anesthesia. the whole scene in an instant became incredibly vivid,--the dark figure on the trail, the girl's white face above him, narrow-eyed and drawn-lipped, and the dark pines, silent and sad, overhead. something infinitely warm and tender was holding him, pressing him back against a holy place that throbbed and gave him life and strength; but he knew that this word had to be answered. and only actions, not other words, could be its payment. all the voices of his body called to him to lie still, but the voices of the spirit, those higher, nobler promptings from which no man, to the glory of the breed from which he sprung, can ever quite escape, were stronger yet. he tugged upward, straining. but he didn't even have the strength to break the hold that the soft arm had about his neck. "oh, if i could only pull the trigger!" she was crying. "if i could only kill him--" "let me," he pleaded. "give me the pistol. i'll kill him--" and he would. there was no flinching in the gray eyes that looked up to her. she leaned forward, as if to put the weapon in his hands, but at once drew it back. and then a single sob caught at her throat. an instant later, they heard cranston's laughter as he vanished around the turn of the trail. for long minutes the two of them were still. the girl still held the man's head upon her breast. the pistol had fallen in the pine needles, and her nervous hand plucked strangely at the leaves of a mountain flower. to dan's eyes, there was something trancelike, a hint of paralysis and insensibility about her posture. he had never seen her eyes like this. the light that he had always beheld in them had vanished. their utter darkness startled him. he sat up straight, and her arm that had been about his neck fell at her side. he took her hand firmly in his, and their eyes met. "we must go home, snowbird," he told her simply. "i'm not so badly hurt but that i can make it." she nodded; but otherwise scarcely seemed to hear. her eyes still flowed with darkness. and then, before his own eyes, their dark pupils began to contract. the hand he held filled and throbbed with life, and the fingers closed around his. she leaned toward him. "listen, dan," she said quickly. "you heard--didn't you--the last thing that he said?" "i couldn't help but hear, snowbird." her other hand sought for his. "then if you heard--payment must be made. you see what i mean, dan. maybe you can't see, knowing the girls that live on the plains. you were the cause of his saying it, and you must answer--" it seemed to dan that some stern code of the hills, unwritten except in the hearts of their children, inexorable as night, was speaking through her lips. this was no personal thing. in some dim, half-understood way, it went back to the basic code of life. "people must fight their own fights, up here," she told him. "the laws of the courts that the plains' people can appeal to are all too far away. there's no one that can do it, except you. not my father. my father can't fight your battles here, if your honor is going to stand. it's up to you, dan. you can't pretend that you didn't hear him. such as you are, weak and sick to be beaten to a pulp in two minutes, you alone will have to make him answer for it. i came to your aid--and now you must come to mine." her fingers no longer clasped his. strength had come back to him, and his fingers closed down until the blood went out of hers, but she was wholly unconscious of the pain. in reality, she was conscious of nothing except the growing flame in his face. it held her eyes, in passionate fascination. his pupils were contracting to little bright dots in the gray irises. the jaw was setting, as she had never seen it before. "do you _think_, snowbird, that you'd even have to ask me?" he demanded. "don't you think i understand? and it won't be in your defense--only my own duty." "but he is so strong--and you are so weak--" "i won't be so weak forever. i never really cared much about living before. i'll try now, and you'll see--oh, snowbird, wait and trust me: i understand everything. it's my own fight--when you kissed me, and he cried down that word in anger and jealousy, it put the whole thing on me. no one else can make him answer; no one else has the right. it's my honor, no one else's, that stands or falls." he lifted her hand to his lips and kissed it again and again. and for the first time he saw the tears gathering in her dark eyes. "but you _fought_ here, didn't you, dan?" she asked with painful slowness. "you didn't put up your arms--or try to run away? i didn't come till he had you done, so i didn't see." she looked at him as if her whole joy of life hung on his answer. "fought! i would have fought till i died! but that isn't enough, snowbird. it isn't enough just to fight, in a case like this. a man's got to win! i would have died if you hadn't come. and that's another debt that i have to pay--only that debt i owe to _you_." she nodded slowly. the lives of the mountain men are not saved by their women without incurring obligation. she attempted no barren denials. she made no effort to pretend he had not incurred a tremendous debt when she had come with her pistol. it was an unavoidable fact. a life for a life is the code of the mountains. "two things i must do, before i can ever dare to die," he told her soberly. "one of them is to pay you; the other is to pay cranston for the thing he said. maybe the chance will never come for the first of the two; only i'll pray that it will. maybe it would be kinder to you to pray that it wouldn't; yet i pray that it will! maybe i can pay that debt only by being always ready, always watching for a chance to save you from any danger, always trying to protect you. you didn't come in time to see the fight i made. besides--i lost, and little else matters. and that debt to you can't be paid until sometime i fight again--for you--and win." he gasped from his weakness, but went on bravely. "i'll never be able to feel at peace, snowbird, until i'm tested in the fire before your eyes! i want to show you the things cranston said of me are not true--that my courage can stand the test. "it wouldn't be the same, perhaps, with an eastern girl. other things matter in the valleys. but i see how it is here; that there is only one standard for men and by that standard they rise or fall. things in the mountains are down to the essentials." he paused and struggled for strength to continue. "and i know what you said to him," he went on. "half-unconscious as i was, i remember every word. each word just seems to burn into me, snowbird, and i'll make every one of them good. you said i am a better man than he, and sometime it would be proved--and it's the truth! maybe in a month, maybe in a year. i'm not going to die from this malady of mine now, snowbird. i've got too much to live for--too many debts to pay. in the end, i'll prove your words to him." his eyes grew earnest, and the hard fire went out of them. "it's almost as if you were a queen, a real queen of some great kingdom," he told her, tremulous with a great awe that was stealing over him, as a mist steals over water. "and because i had kissed your fingers, for ever and ever i was your subject, living only to fight your fights--maybe with a dream in the end to kiss your fingers again. when you bent and kissed me on that hillside--for him to see--it was the same: that i was sworn to you, and nothing mattered in my life except the service and love i could give to you. and it's more than you ever dream, snowbird. it's all yours, for your battles and your happiness." the great pines were silent above them, shadowed and dark. perhaps they were listening to an age-old story, those vows of service and self-gained worth by which the race has struggled upward from the darkness. "but i kissed you--once before," she reminded him. the voice was just a whisper, hardly louder than the stir of the leaves in the wind. "but that kiss didn't count," he told her. "it wasn't at all the same. i loved you then, i think, but it didn't mean what it did to-day." "and what--" she leaned toward him, her eyes full on his, "does it mean now?" "all that's worth while in life, all that matters when everything is said that can be said, and all is done that can be done. and it means, please god, when the debts are paid, that i may have such a kiss again." "not until then," she told him, whispering. "until then, i make oath that i won't even ask it, or receive it if you should give it. it goes too deep, dearest--and it means too much." this was their pact. not until the debts were paid and her word made good would those lips be his again. there was no need for further words. both of them knew. the soldier of the queen must be tried with fire, before he may return to kiss her fingers. the light burns clear in this. no instances of degeneracy, no exceptions brought to pass by thwarted nature, can affect the truth of this. in the skies, the gray clouds were gathering swiftly, as always in the mountains. the rain-drops were falling one and one, over the forest. the summer was done, and fall had come in earnest. viii the rains fell unceasingly for seven days: not a downpour but a constant drizzle that made the distant ridges smoke. the parched earth seemed to smack its lips, and little rivulets began to fall and tumble over the beds of the dry streams. the rogue and the umpqua flooded and the great steelhead began to ascend their smaller tributaries. whisperfoot hunted with ease, for the wet shrubbery did not crack and give him away. the air was filled with the call of the birds of passage. all danger of forest fire was at once removed, and snowbird was no longer needed as a lookout on old bald mountain. she went to her own home, her companion back to the valley; and now that his sister had taken his place as housekeeper, bill had gone down to the lower foothills with a great part of the live stock. dan spent these rainy days in toil on the hillsides, building himself physically so that he might pay his debts. it was no great pleasure, these rainy days. he would have greatly liked to have lingered in the square mountain house, listening to the quiet murmur of the rain on the roof and watching snowbird at her household tasks. she could, as her father had said, make a biscuit. she could also roll up sleeves over trim, brown arms and with entire good humor do a week's laundry for three hardworking men. he would have liked to sit with her, through the long afternoons, as she knitted beside the fireplace--to watch the play of her graceful fingers and perhaps, now and then, to touch her hands when he held the skeins. but none of these things transpired. he drove himself from daylight till dark, developing his body for the tests that were sure to come. the first few days nearly killed him. he over-exercised in the chill rain, and one anxious night he developed all the symptoms of pneumonia. such a sickness would have been the one thing needed to make the doctor's prophecy come true. but with snowbird's aid, and numerous hot drinks, he fought it off. she had made him go to bed, and no human memory could be so dull as to forget the little, whispered message that she gave him with his last spoonful of medicine. she said she'd pray for him, and she meant it too,--literal, entreating prayer that could not go unheard. she was a mountain girl, and her beliefs were those of her ancestors,--simple and true and wholly without affectation. but he hadn't relaxed thereafter. he knew the time had come to make the test. night after night he would go to bed half-sick from fatigue, but the mornings would find him fresh. and after two weeks, he knew he had passed the crisis and was on the direct road to complete recovery. sometimes he cut wood in the forest: first the felling of some tall pine, then the trimming and hewing into two-foot lengths. the blisters came on his hands, broke and bled, but finally hardened into callosities. he learned the most effective stroke to hurl a shower of chips from beneath the blade. his back and limbs hardened from the handling of heavy wood--and the cough was practically gone. sometimes he mended fences and did other manual labor about the ranch; but not all his exercise was taken out in work. he didn't forget his friends in the forest, creatures of talon and paw and wing. he spent long days roaming the ridges and fighting through the buckbrush, and the forest yielded up its secrets, one by one. but he knew that no mortal span of years was long enough to absorb them all. sometimes he shot ducks over the marshes; and there was no greater sport for him in the wilds than the first sight of a fine, black-pencil line upon the distant sky, the leap through the air that it made until, in an instant's flash, it evolved into a flock of mallard passing with the wind; and then the test of eye and nerve as he saw them over the sights. his frame filled out. his face became swarthy from constant exposure. he gained in weight. a month glided by, and he began to see the first movement of the largest forest creatures down to the foothills. for not even the animals, with the exception of the hardy wolf pack, can survive if unprotected from the winter snow and cold of the high levels. the first snow sifted from the gray sky and quickly melted on the wet pine needles. and then the migration of the deer began in earnest. before another week was done, whisperfoot had cause to marvel where they had all gone. one cloudy afternoon in early november found silas lennox cutting wood on the ridge behind his house. it was still an open question with him whether he and his daughter would attempt to winter on the divide. dan of course wanted to remain, yet there were certain reasons, some very definite and others extremely vague, why the prospect of the winter in the snow fields did not appeal to the mountaineer. in the first place, all signs pointed to a hard season. although the fall had come late, the snows were exceptionally early. the duck flight was completed two weeks before its usual time, and the rodents had dug their burrows unusually deep. besides, too many months of snow weigh heavily upon the spirit. the wolf packs sing endlessly on the ridges, and many unpleasant things may happen. on previous years, some of the cabins on the ridges below had human occupants; this winter the whole region, for nearly seventy miles across the mountains to the foothills, would be wholly deserted by human beings. even the ranger station, twelve miles across a steep ridge, would soon be empty. of course a few ranchers had homes a few miles beyond the river, but the wild cataracts did not freeze in the coldest of seasons, and there were no bridges. besides, most of the more prosperous farmers wintered in the valleys. only a few more days would the road be passable for his car; and no time must be lost in making his decision. once the snows came in reality, there was nothing to do but stay. seventy miles across the uncharted ridges on snowshoes is an undertaking for which even a mountaineer has no fondness. it might be the wisest thing, after all, to load snowbird and dan into his car and drive down to the valleys. the fall round-up would soon be completed, bill would return for a few days from the valleys with new equipment to replace the broken lighting system on the car, and they could avoid the bitter cold and snow that lennox had known so long. of course he would miss it somewhat. he had a strong man's love for the endless drifts, the crackling dawns and the hushed, winter forest wherein not even woof or whisperfoot dares to go abroad. he chopped at a great log and wondered what would suit him better,--the comfort and safety of the valleys or the rugged glory of the ridges. but at that instant, the question of whether or not he would winter on the divide was decided for him. and an instant was all that was needed. for the period of one breath he forgot to be watchful,--and a certain dread spirit that abides much in the forest saw its chance. perhaps he had lived too long in the mountains and grown careless of them: an attitude that is usually punished with death. he had just felled a tree, and the trunk was still attached to the stump by a stripe of bark to which a little of the wood adhered. he struck a furious blow at it with his ax. he hadn't considered that the tree lay on a steep slope. as the blade fell, the great trunk simply seemed to leap. lennox leaped too, in a frenzied effort to save his life; but already the leafy bows, like the tendrils of some great amphibian, had whipped around his legs. he fell, struggling; and then a curious darkness, streaked with flame, dropped down upon him. an hour later he found himself lying on the still hillside, knowing only a great wonderment. at first his only impulse was to go back to sleep. he didn't understand the grayness that had come upon the mountain world, his own strange feeling of numbness, of endless soaring through infinite spaces. but he was a mountain man, and that meant he was schooled, beyond all things, to keep his self-control. he made himself remember. it was the cruelest work he had ever done, and it seemed to him that his brain would shiver to pieces from the effort. yes--he had been cutting wood on the hillside, and the shadows had been long. he had been wondering whether or not they should go down to the valleys. he remembered now: the last blow and the rolling log. he tried to turn his head to look up to the hill. he found himself wholly unable to do it. something wracked him in his neck when he tried to move. but he did glance down. and yes, he could turn in this direction. and he saw the great tree trunk lying twenty feet below him, wedged in between the young pines. he was surrounded by broken fragments of limbs, and it was evident that the tree had not struck him a full blow. the limbs had protected him to some extent. no man is of such mold as to be crushed under the solid weight of the trunk and live to remember it. he wondered if this were the frontier of death,--the grayness that lingered over him. he seemed to be soaring. he brought himself back to earth and tried again to remember. of course, the twilight had fallen. it had been late afternoon when he had cut the tree. his hand stole along his body; and then, for the first time, a hideous sickness came upon him. his hand was warm and wet when he brought it up. the other hand he couldn't stretch at all. the forest was silent around him, except a bird calling somewhere near the house--a full voice, rich and clear, and it seemed to him that it had a quality of distress. then he recognized it. it was the voice of his own daughter, snowbird, calling for him. he tried to answer her. it was only a whisper, at first. yet she was coming nearer; and her own voice sounded louder. "here, snowbird," he called again. she heard him then: he could tell by the startled tone of her reply. the next instant she was at his side, her tears dropping on his face. with a tremendous effort of will, he recalled his speeding faculties. "i don't think i'm badly hurt," he told her very quietly. "a few ribs broken--and a leg. but we'll have to winter here on the divide, snowbird mine." "what does it matter, if you live," she cried. she crawled along the pine needles beside him, and tore his shirt from his breast. he was rapidly sinking into unconsciousness. the thing she dreaded most--that his back might be broken--was evidently not true. there were, as he said, broken ribs and evidently one severe fracture of the leg bone. whether he had sustained internal injuries that would end his life before the morning, she had no way of knowing. at that point, the problem of saving her father's life fell wholly into her hands. it was perfectly plain that he could not aid himself in the slightest way. it was evident, also, he could not be moved, except possibly for the distance to the house. she banished all impulse toward hysteria and at once began to consider all phases of the case. his broken body could not be carried over the mountain road to physicians in the valleys. they must be transported to the ranch. it would take them a full day to make the trip, even if she could get word to them at once; and twenty-four hours without medical attention would probably cost her father his life. the nearest telephone was at the ranger station, twelve miles distant over a mountain trail. the telephone line to bald mountain, four miles off, had been disconnected when the rains had ended the peril of the forest fire. it all depended upon her. bill was driving cattle into the valleys, and he and his men had in use all the horses on the ranch with one exception. the remaining horse had been ridden by dan to some distant marshes, and as dan would shoot until sunset, that meant he would not return until ten o'clock. there was no road for a car to the ranger station, only a rough steep trail, and she remembered, with a sinking heart, that one of bill's missions in the valley was to procure a new lighting system. by no conceivable possibility could she drive down that mountain road in the darkness. but she was somewhat relieved by the thought that in all probability she could walk twelve miles across the mountains to the ranger station in much less time than she could drive, by automobile, seventy miles down to the ranches at the foothills about the valley. besides, she remembered with a gladdening heart that richards, one of the rangers, had been a student at a medical college and had taken a position with the forest service to regain his health. she would cross the ridge to the station, 'phone for a doctor in the valleys, and would return on horseback with richards for such first aid as he could give. the only problem that remained was that of getting her father into the house. he was stirring a little now. evidently consciousness was returning to him. and then she thanked heaven for the few simple lessons in first aid that her father had taught her in the days before his carelessness had come upon him. he had been wise enough to know that rare would be her fortune if sometime she did not have need of such knowledge. one of his lessons had been that of carrying an unconscious human form,--a method by which even a woman may carry, for a short distance, a heavy man. it was approximately the method used in carrying wounded in no man's land: the body thrown over the shoulders, one arm through the fork of the legs to the wounded man's hand. her father was not a particularly heavy man, and she was an exceptionally strong young woman. she knew at once that this problem was solved. the hardest part was lifting him to her shoulders. only by calling upon her last ounce of strength, and tugging upward with her arms, was she able to do it. but it was fairly easy, in her desperation, to carry him down the hill. what rest she got she took by leaning against a tree, the limp body still across her shoulders. it was a distance of one hundred yards in all. no muscles but those trained by the outdoors, no lungs except those made strong by the mountain air, could have stood that test. she laid him on his own bed, on the lower floor, and set his broken limbs the best she could. she covered him up with thick, fleecy blankets, and set a bottle of whisky beside the bed. then she wrote a note to dan and fastened it upon one of the interior doors. she had learned, long ago, the value of frequent rests. she did not fly at once to her long tramp. for three minutes she lay perfectly limp on the fireplace divan, resting from the exertion of carrying her father down the hill. then she drew on her hob-nailed boots--needed sorely for the steep climb--and pocketed her pistol. she thrust a handful of jerked venison into the pocket of her coat and lighted the lantern. the forest night had fallen, soft and vibrant and tremulous, over the heads of the dark trees when she started out. far away on a distant hillside, whisperfoot the cougar howled and complained because he could find no deer. ix snowbird felt very glad of her intimate, accurate knowledge of the whole region of the divide. in her infancy the winding trails had been her playground, and long ago she had acquired the mountaineer's sixth sense for traversing them at night. she had need of that knowledge now. the moon was dim beneath thin clouds, and the lantern she carried did not promise much aid. the glass was rather smoked from previous burnings, and its flame glowed dully and threatened to go out altogether. it cast a few lame beams on the trail beneath her feet; but they perished quickly in the expanse of darkness. she slipped into her free, swinging stride; and the last beams from the windows of the house were soon lost in the pines behind her. it was one of those silent, breathless nights with which no mountaineer is entirely unacquainted, and for a long tune the only sound she could hear was her own soft tramp in the pine needles. the trees themselves were motionless. that peculiar sound, not greatly different from that of running water which the wind often makes in the pine tops, was entirely lacking. not that she could be deceived by it,--as stories tell that certain tenderfeet, dying of thirst in the barren hills, have been. but she always liked the sound; and she missed it especially to-night. she felt that if she would stop to listen, there would be many faint sounds in the thickets,--those little hushed noises that the wild things make to remind night-wanderers of their presence. but she did not in the least care to hear these sounds. they do not tend toward peace of mind on a long walk over the ridges. the wilderness began at once. whatever influence toward civilization her father's house had brought to the wilds chopped off as beneath a blade in the first fringe of pines. this is altogether characteristic of the oregon forests. they are much too big and too old to be tamed in any large degree by the presence of one house. no one knew this fact better than lennox himself who, in a hard winter of four years before, had looked out of his window to find the wolf pack ranged in a hungry circle about his house. within two hundred yards after she had passed through her father's door, she was perfectly aware that the wild was stirring and throbbing with life about her. at first she tried very hard to think of other things. but the attempt wasn't entirely a success. and before she had covered the first of the twelve miles, the sounds that from the first had been knocking at the door of her consciousness began to make an entrance. if a person lies still long enough, he can usually hear his heart beating and the flow of his blood in his arteries. any sound, no matter how faint, will make itself heard at last. it was this way with a very peculiar noise that crept up through the silence from the trail behind her. she wouldn't give it any heed at first. but in a very little while indeed, it grew so insistent that she could no longer disregard it. some living creature was trotting along on the trail behind, keeping approximately the same distance between them. foregoing any attempt to ignore it, she set her cool young mind to thinking what manner of beast it might be. its step was not greatly different from that of a large dog,--except possibly a dog would have made slightly more noise. yet she couldn't even be sure of this basic premise, because this animal, whatever it might be, had at first seemingly moved with utmost caution, but now took less care with its step than is customary with the wild denizens of the woods. a wolf, for instance, can simply drift when it wishes, and the silence of a cougar is a name. yet unless her pursuer were a dog, which seemed entirely unlikely, it was certainly one of these two. she would have liked very much to believe the step was that of old woof, the bear, suddenly curious as to what this dim light of hers might be; but she couldn't bring herself to accept the lie. woof, except when wounded or cornered, is the most amiable creature in the oregon woods, and it would give her almost a sense of security to have him waddling along behind her. the wolves and cougar, remembering the arms of woof, would not be nearly so curious. but unfortunately, the black bear had never done such a thing in the memory of man, and if he had, he would have made six times as much noise. he can go fairly softly when he is stalking, but when he is obliged to trot--as he would be obliged to do to keep up with a swift-walking human figure--he cracks twigs like a rolling log. she had the impression that the animal behind had been passing like smoke at first, but wasn't taking the trouble to do it now. the sound was a soft _pat-pat_ on the trail,--sometimes entirely obliterated but always recurring when she began to believe that she had only fancied its presence. sometimes a twig, rain-soaked though it was, cracked beneath a heavy foot, and again and again she heard the brush crushing and rustling as something passed through. behind it all, a weird _motif_, remained the _pat-pat_ of cushioned feet. sometimes, when the trail was covered with soft pine needles, it was practically indistinguishable. she had to strain to hear it,--and it is not pleasing to the spirit to have to strain to hear any sound. on the bare, rain-packed earth, even untrained plainsmen's ears could not possibly doubt the reality of the sound. the animal was approximately one hundred feet behind. it wasn't a wolf, she thought. the wolves ran in packs this season, and except in winter were more afraid of human beings than any other living creature. it wasn't a lynx--one of those curiosity-devoured little felines that will mew all day on a trail and never dare come near. it was much too large for a lynx. the feet fell too solidly. she had already given up the idea that it could be woof. there were no dogs in the mountains to follow at heel; and she had no desire whatever to meet shag, the faithful hybrid that used to be her guardian in the hills. for shag had gone to his well-deserved rest several seasons before. two other possibilities remained. one was that this follower was a human being, the other that it was a cougar. ordinarily a human being is much more potentially dangerous to a woman in the hills at night than a cougar. a cougar is an abject coward and some men are not. but snowbird felt herself entirely capable of handling any human foes. they would have no advantage over her; they would have no purpose in killing from ambush; and she trusted to her own marksmanship implicitly. while it is an extremely difficult thing to shoot at a cougar leaping from the thicket, a tall man standing on a trail presents an easy target. besides, she had a vague sense of discomfort that if this animal were a cougar, he wasn't acting true to form. he was altogether too bold. she knew perfectly that many times since men came to live in the pine-clad mountains they have been followed by the great, tawny cats. curiosity had something to do with it, and perhaps less pleasing reasons. but any dreadful instincts that such a cat may have, he utterly lacks courage to obey. he has an inborn fear of men, a fear that goes down to the roots of the world, and he simply doesn't dare make an attack. it was always a rather distressing experience, but nothing ever came of it except a good tale around a fireside. but most of these episodes, snowbird remembered, occurred either in daylight or in the dry season. the reason was obviously that in the damp woods or at night a stalking cougar cannot be perceived by human senses. her own senses could perceive this animal all too plainly,--and the fact suggested unpleasant possibilities. the animal on the trail behind her was taking no care at all to go silently. he was simply pat-patting along, wholly at his ease. he acted as if the fear that men have instilled in his breed was somehow missing. and that is why she instinctively tried to hurry on the trail. the step kept pace. for a long mile, up a barren ridge, she heard every step it made. then, as the brush closed deeper around her, she couldn't hear it at all. she hurried on, straining to the silence. no, the sound was stopped. could it be that the animal, fearful at last, had turned from her trail? and then for the first time a gasp that was not greatly different from a despairing sob caught at her throat. she heard the steps again, and they were in the thickets just beside her. * * * * * two hours before snowbird had left the house, on her long tramp to the ranger station, dan had started home. he hadn't shot until sunset, as he had planned. the rear guard of the waterfowl--hardy birds who spent most of the winter in the lake region and which had come south in the great flight that had been completed some weeks before--had passed in hundreds over his blind, and he had obtained the limit he had set upon himself--ten drake mallards--by four o'clock in the afternoon. if he had stayed to shoot longer, his birds would have been wasted. so he started back along a certain winding trail that led through the thickets and which would, if followed long enough, carry him to the road that led to the valleys. he rode one of lennox's cattle ponies, the only piece of horse-flesh that bill had not taken to the valleys when he had driven down the livestock. she was a pretty bay, a spirited, high-bred mare that could whip about on her hind legs at the touch of the rein on her neck. she made good time along the trail. and an hour before sunset he passed the only human habitation between the marsh and lennox's house,--the cabin that had been recently occupied by landy hildreth. he glanced at the place as he passed and saw that it was deserted. no smell of wood smoke remained in the air. evidently landy had gone down to the settlements with his precious testimony in regard to the arson ring. yet it was curious that no word had been heard of him. as far as dan knew, neither the courts nor the forest service had taken action. he hurried on, four miles farther. the trail entered the heavy thickets, and he had to ride slowly. it was as wild a section as could be found on the whole divide. once a deer leaped from the trail, and once he heard woof grunting in the thickets. and just as he came to a little cleared space, three strange, dark birds flung up on wide-spreading wings. he knew them at once. all mountaineers come to know them before their days are done. they were the buzzards, the followers of the dead. and what they were doing in the thicket just beside the trail, dan did not dare to think. of course they might be feeding on the body of a deer, mortally wounded by some hunter. he resolved to ride by without investigating. he glanced up. the buzzards were hovering in the sky, evidently waiting for him to pass. then, mostly to relieve a curious sense of discomfort in his own mind, he stopped his horse and dismounted. the twilight had started to fall, and already its first grayness had begun to soften the harder lines of forest and hill. and after his first glance at the curious white heap beside the trail, he was extremely glad that it had. but there was no chance to mistake the thing. the elements and much more terrible agents had each wrought their change, yet there was grisly evidence in plenty to show what had occurred. dan didn't doubt for an instant but that it was the skeleton of landy hildreth. he forced himself to go nearer. the buzzards were almost done, and one white bone from the shoulder gave unmistakable evidence of the passage of a bullet. what had happened thereafter, he could only guess. he got back quickly on his horse. he understood, now, why nothing had been heard of the evidence that landy hildreth was to turn over to the courts as to the activities of the arson ring. some one--probably bert cranston himself--had been waiting on the trail. others had come thereafter. and his lips set in his resolve to let this murder measure in the debt he had to pay cranston. the lennox house seemed very silent when, almost an hour later, he turned his horse into the corral. he had rather hoped that snowbird would be at the door to meet him. the darkness had just fallen, and all the lamps were lighted. he strode into the living room, warming his hands an instant beside the fireplace. the fire needed fuel. it had evidently been neglected for nearly an hour. then he called snowbird. his voice echoed in the silent room, unanswered. he called again, then went to look for her. at the door of the dining room he found the note that she had left for him. it told, very simply and plainly, that her father lay injured in his bed, and he was to remain and do what he could for him. she had gone for help to the ranger station. he leaped through the rooms to lennox's door, then went in on tiptoe. and the first thing he saw when he opened the door was the grizzled man's gray face on the pillow. "you're home early, dan," he said. "how many did you get?" it was entirely characteristic. shaggy old woof is too proud to howl over the wounds that lay him low, and this gray old bear on the bed had partaken of his spirit. "good lord," dan answered. "how badly are you hurt?" "not so bad but that i'm sorry that snowbird has gone drifting twelve miles over the hills for help. it's dark as pitch." and it was. dan could scarcely make out the outline of the somber ridges against the sky. they talked on, and their subject was whether dan should remain to take care of lennox, or whether he should attempt to overtake snowbird with the horse. of course the girl had ordered him to stay. lennox, on the other hand, said that dan could not help him in the least, and desired him to follow the girl. "i'm not often anxious about her," he said slowly. "but it is a long walk through the wildest part of the divide. she's got nothing but a pistol and a lantern that won't shine. besides--i've had bad dreams." "you don't mean--" dan's words came hard--"that she's in any danger from the animals--the cougars--or the wolves?" "barring accidents, no. but, dan--i want you to go. i'm resting fairly easily, and there's whisky on the table in case of a pinch. someway--i can't bar accidents to-night. i don't like to think of her on those mountains alone." and remembering what had lain beside the trail, dan felt the same. he had heard, long ago, that any animal that has once tasted human flesh loses its fear of men and is never to be trusted again. some wild animal that still hunted the ridges had, in the last month, done just that thing. he left the room and walked softly to the door. the night lay silent and mysterious over the divide. he stood listening. the girl had started only an hour before, and it was unlikely that she could have traversed more than two miles of the steep trail in that time. he could fancy her toiling ever upward, somewhere on the dark ridge that lay beyond. although the horse ordinarily did not climb a hill more swiftly than a human being, he didn't doubt but that he could overtake her before she went three miles farther. but where lay his duty,--with the injured man in the house or with the daughter on her errand of mercy in the darkness? then the matter was decided for him. so faint that it only whispered at the dim, outer frontiers of hearing, a sound came pricking through the darkness. only his months of listening to the faint sounds of the forest, and the incredible silence of the night enabled him to hear it at all. but he knew what it was, the report of a pistol. snowbird had met an enemy in the darkness. he called once to lennox, snatched the shotgun that still stood where he had placed it in the corner of the room, and hastened to the corral. the mare whickered plaintively when he took her from her food. x even in the darkest night, there is one light that never brings hope or cannot lead. it is not a twinkling, joyous light like that mysterious will-o'-the-wisp that now and again has lured travelers into the marshes to their death. nor can any one ever mistake it, or be soothed and cheered by it. it always appears the same way,--two green circles, close together, in the darkness. when snowbird first heard the step in the thickets beside her, she halted bravely and held her lantern high. she understood at last. the very extremity of the beams found a reflection in two very curious circles of greenish fire: a fire that was old upon the world before man ever rubbed two sticks together to strike a flame. of course the dim rays had simply been reflected on the eyes of some great beast of prey. she identified it at once. only the eyes of the felines, with vertical pupils, have this identical greenish glare. the eyes of the wolves glow in the darkness, but the circles are usually just bright points. of course it was a cougar. she didn't cry out again. realizing at last the reality of her peril, her long training in the mountains came to her aid. that did not mean she was not truly and terribly afraid. the sight of the eyes of a hunting animal in the darkness calls up memories from the germ-plasm,--deep-buried horrors of thousands of generations past, when such lights glowed all about the mouth of the cave. besides, the beast was hunting _her_. she couldn't doubt this fact. curiosity might make a lion follow her, but it would never beget such a wild light of madness in his eyes as this she had just seen. only the frenzied pulse of wild blood through the fine vessels of the corneas could occasion such a glow as this. she simply clamped down all her moral strength on her rising hysteria and looked her situation in the face. her hand flew instinctively to her side, and the pistol leaped in the lantern light. but the eyes had already blinked out before she could raise the weapon. she shot twice. the echoes roared back, unbelievably loud in the silence, and then abruptly died; and the only sound was a rustling of leaves as the cougar crouched. she sobbed once, then hurried on. she was afraid to listen at first. she wanted to believe that her pistol fire would frighten the animal from her trail. she knew, under ordinary conditions, that it would. if he still followed, it could mean but one thing,--that some unheard-of incident had occurred to destroy his fear of men. it would mean that he had knowingly set upon her trail and was hunting her with all the age-old remorselessness that is the code of the mountains. for a little while all was silence. then out of the hush the thickets suddenly crashed and shook on the opposite side of the trail. she fired blindly into the thicket. then she caught herself with a sob. but two shells remained in her pistol, and they must be saved for the test. whisperfoot the cougar, remembering the lessons of his youth, turned from the trail when he had first heard snowbird's step. he had crouched and let her pass. she was walking into the wind; and as she was at the closest point a message had blown back to him. the hair went straight on his shoulders and along his spine. his blood, running cold an instant before from fear, made a great leap in his veins. a picture came in his dark mind: the chase for a deer when the moon had set, the stir of a living thing that broke twigs in the thickets, and the leap he had made. there had been blood, that night,--the wildness and the madness and the exultation of the kill. of course there had been terror first, but the terror had soon departed and left something lying warm and still in the thickets. it was the same game that walked his trail in front--game that died easily and yet, in a vague way he did not understand, the noblest game of all. it was living flesh, to tear with talon and fang. all his training, all the instincts imbued in him by a thousand generations of cougars who knew this greatest fear, were simply obliterated by the sudden violence of his hunting-madness. he had tasted this blood once, and it could never be forgotten. the flame leaped in his eyes. and then he began the stalk. a cougar, trying to creep silently on its game, does not move quickly. it simply steals, as a serpent steals through the grass. whisperfoot stalked for a period of five minutes, to learn that the prey was farther away from him at every step. he trotted forward until he came close, and again he stalked. again he found, after a few minutes of silent creeping through the thickets, that he had lost distance. evidently this game did not feed slowly, like the deer. it was to be a chase then. again he trotted within one hundred feet of the girl. three times more he tried to stalk before he finally gave it up altogether. this game was like the porcupine,--simply to be chased down and taken. as in the case of all animals that hunt their game by overtaking it, there was no longer any occasion for going silently. the thing to do was to come close and spring from the trail behind. though the fear was mostly gone, the cougar retained enough of that caution that most wild animals exhibit when hunting a new game so that he didn't attempt to strike snowbird down at once. but as the chase went on, his passion grew upon him. ever he crept nearer. and at last he sprang full into the thickets beside her. at that instant she had shot for the first time. because the light had left his eyes before she could find aim, both shots had been clean misses. and terrible as the reports were, he was too engrossed in the chase to be frightened away by mere sound. this was the cry the man-pack always made,--these sudden, startling sounds in the silence. but he felt no pain. he crouched a moment, shivering. then he bounded on again. the third shot was a miss too: in fact, there had been no chance for a hit. a sound in the darkness is as unreliable a target as can possibly be imagined. and it didn't frighten him as much as the others. three times he crouched, preparing for a spring, and three times his tawny tail began that little up-and-down motion that is always the warning before his leap. but each time, as he waited to find his courage, the game had hurried on. now she had her back to a tree and was holding the lantern high. it glinted on his eyes. and the fourth time she shot, and something hot and strange singed by close to his head. but it wasn't the pain of one quill from a porcupine, and it only increased his anger. he waited, crouching, and the girl started on. she was making other sounds now--queer, whimpering sounds not greatly different from the bleat that the fawn utters when it dies. it was a fear-sound, and if there is one emotion with which the wild beasts are acquainted, in all its phases, it is fear. she was afraid of him then, and that meant he need no longer be in the least afraid of her. his skin began to twitch all over with that terrible madness and passion of the flesh-hunters. this game was like the deer, and the thing to do was lie in wait. there was only one trail. he was simply following his instincts, no conscious intelligence, when he made a long circle about her and turned back to the trail two hundred yards in front. he wasn't afraid of losing her in the darkness. she was neither fleet like the deer nor courageous like woof, the bear. he had only to wait and leap from the darkness when she passed. and because this was his own way of hunting, because the experiences of a thousand generations of cougars had taught him that it was the safest way, that even an elk may be downed by a surprise leap from ambush, the last of his fear went out of him. the step drew nearer, and he knew he would not again be afraid to give his stroke. * * * * * when dan failing, riding like mad over the mountain trail, heard the third shot from snowbird's pistol, he felt that one of the debts he owed had come due at last. he seemed to know, as the darkness pressed around him, that he was to be tried in the fire. and the horse staggered beneath him as he tried to hasten. he showed no mercy to his mount. horseflesh isn't made for carrying a heavy man over such a trail as this, and she was red-nostriled and lathered before half a mile had been covered. he made her leap up the rocks, and on the fairly level stretches he loosed the reins and lashed her into a gallop. only a mountain horse could have stood that test. to dan's eyes, the darkness was absolute; yet she kept straight to the trail. he made no attempt to guide her. she bounded over logs that he couldn't see, and followed turn after turn in the trail without ever a misstep. he gave no thought to his own safety. his courage was at the test, and no risk of his own life must interfere with his attempt to save snowbird from the danger that threatened her. he didn't know when the horse would fall with him and precipitate him down a precipice, and he was perfectly aware that to crash into a low-hanging limb of one of the great trees beside the trail would probably crush his skull. but he took the chance. and before the ride was done he found himself pleading with the horse, even as he lashed her sides with his whip. the lesser forest creatures sprang from his trail; and once the mare leaped high to miss a dark shadow that crossed in front. as she caught her stride, dan heard a squeal and a rattle of quills that identified the creature as a porcupine. by now he had passed the first of the worst grades, coming out upon a long, easy slope of open forest. again he urged his horse, leaving to her keen senses alone the choosing of the path between the great tree trunks. he rode almost in silence. the deep carpet of pine needles, wet from the recent rains, dulled the sound of the horse's hoofs. then he heard snowbird fire for the fourth time; and he knew that he had almost overtaken her. the report seemed to smash the air. and he lashed his horse into the fastest run she knew,--a wild, sobbing figure in the darkness. "she's only got one shot more," he said. he knew how many bullets her pistol carried; and the danger--whatever it was--must be just at hand. underbrush cracked beneath him. and then the horse drew up with a jerk that almost hurled him from the saddle. he lashed at her in vain. she was not afraid of the darkness and the rocks of the trail, but some terror in the woods in front had in an instant broken his control over her. she reared, snorting; then danced in an impotent circle. meanwhile, precious seconds were fleeing. he understood now. the horse stood still, shivering beneath him, but would not advance a step. the silence deepened. somewhere in the darkness before him a great cougar was waiting by the trail, and snowbird, hoping for the moment that it had given up the chase, was hastening through the shadows squarely into its ambush. whisperfoot crouched lower: and again his long serpent of a tail began the little vertical motion that always precedes his leap. he had not forgotten the wild rapture of that moment he had inadvertently sprung on landy hildreth,--or how, after his terror had died, he had come creeping back. he hunted his own way, waiting on the trail; and his madness was at its height. he was not just whisperfoot; the coward, that runs at the shadow of a tall form in the thickets. the consummation was complete, and that single experience of a month before had made of him a hunter of men. his muscles set for the leap. so intent was he that his keen senses didn't detect the fact that there was a curious echo to the girl's footsteps. dan failing had slipped down from his terrified horse and was running up the trail behind her, praying that he could be in time. snowbird heard the pat, pat of his feet; but at first she did not dare to hope that aid had come to her. she had thought of dan as on the far-away marshes; and her father, the only other living occupant of this part of the divide, might even now be lying dead in his house. in her terror, she had lost all power of interpretation of events. the sound might be the cougar's mate, or even the wolf pack, jealous of his game. sobbing, she hurried on into whisperfoot's ambush. then she heard a voice, and it seemed to be calling to her. "snowbird--i'm coming, snowbird," a man's strong voice was shouting. she whirled with a sob of thankfulness. at that instant the cougar sprang. terrified though she was, snowbird's reflexes had kept sure and true. even as the great cat leaped, a long, lithe shadow out of the shadow, her finger pressed back against the trigger of her pistol. she had been carrying her gun in front of her, and she fired it, this last time, with no conscious effort. it was just a last instinctive effort to defend herself. one other element affected the issue. she had whirled to answer dan's cry just as the cougar left the ground. but she had still been in range. the only effect was to lessen, in some degree, the accuracy of the spring. the bullet caught the beast in mid-air; but even if it had reached its heart, the momentum of the attack was too great to be completely overcome. snowbird only knew that some vast, resistless power had struck her, and that the darkness seemed to roar and explode about her. hurled to her face in the trail, she did not see the cougar sprawl on the earth beside her. the flame in the lantern almost flicked out as it fell from her hand, then flashed up and down, from the deepest gloom to a vivid glare with something of the effect of lightning flickering in the sky. nor did she hear the first frenzied thrashing of the wounded animal. kindly unconsciousness had fallen, obscuring this and also the sight of the great cat, in the agony of its wound, creeping with broken shoulder and bared claws across the pine needles toward her defenseless body. but the terrible fangs were never to know her white flesh. some one had come between. there was no chance to shoot: whisperfoot and the girl were too near together for that. but one course remained; and there was not even time to count the cost. in this most terrible moment of dan failing's life, there was not even an instant's hesitation. he did not know that whisperfoot was wounded. he saw the beast creeping forward in the weird dancing light of the fallen lantern, and he only knew that his flesh, not hers, must resist its rending talons. nothing else mattered. no other considerations could come between. it was the test; and dan's instincts prompted coolly and well. he leaped with all his strength. the cougar bounded into his arms, not upon the prone body of the girl. and she opened her eyes to hear a curious thrashing in the pine needles, a strange grim battle that, as the lantern flashed out, was hidden in the darkness. and that battle, in the far reaches of the divide, passed into a legend. it was the tale of how dan failing, his gun knocked from his hands as he met the cougar's leap, with his own unaided arms kept the life-giving breath from the animal's lungs and killed him in the pine needles. claw and fang and the frenzy of death could not matter at all. thus failing established before all men his right to the name he bore. and thus he paid one of his debts--life for a life, as the code of the forest has always decreed--and in the fire of danger and pain his metal was tried and proven. book three the payment i the lennox home, in the far wilderness of the umpqua divide, looked rather like an emergency hospital for the first few days after dan's fight with whisperfoot. its old sounds of laughter and talk were almost entirely lacking. two injured men and a girl recovering from a nervous collapse do not tend toward cheer. but the natural sturdiness of all three quickly came to their aid. of course lennox had been severely injured by the falling log, and many weeks would pass before he would be able to walk again. he could sit up for short periods, however; had the partial use of one arm; and could propel himself--after the first few weeks--at a snail's pace through the rooms in a rude wheel chair that bill's ingenuity had contrived. the great livid scratches that dan bore on his body quickly began to heal; and before a week was done, he began to venture forth on the hills again. snowbird had remained in bed for three days: then she had hopped out, one bright afternoon, swearing never to go back into it again. evidently the crisp, fall air of the mountains had been a nerve tonic for them all. of course there had been medical attention. a doctor and a nurse had motored up the day after the accident; the physician had set the bones and departed, and the nurse remained for a week, to see the grizzled mountaineer well on the way of convalescence. but it was an anxious wait, and lennox's car was kept constantly in readiness to speed her away in case the snows should start. at last she had left him in snowbird's hands, and bill had driven her back to the settlements in his father's car. the die was now cast as to whether or not dan and the remainder of the family should winter in the mountains. the snow clouds deepened every day, the frost was ever heavier in the dawns, and the road would surely remain open only a few days more. once more the three seemingly had the divide all to themselves. bert cranston had evidently deserted his cabin and was working a trap-line on the umpqua side. the rangers left the little station, all danger of fire past, and went down to their offices in the federal building of one of the little cities below. because he was worse than useless in the deep snows that were sure to come, one of the ranch hands that had driven up with bill rode away to the valleys the last of the live stock,--the horse that dan had ridden to snowbird's defense. nothing had been heard of landy hildreth, who used to live on the trail to the marsh, and both lennox and his daughter wondered why. there were also certain officials who had begun to be curious. as yet, dan had told no one of the grim find he had made on his return from hunting. and he would have found it an extremely difficult fact to explain. it all went back to those inner springs of motive that few men can see clearly enough within themselves to recognize. even the first day, when he lay burning from his wounds, he worked out his own explanation in regard to the murder mystery. he hadn't the slightest doubt but that cranston had killed hildreth to prevent his testimony from reaching the courts below. of course any other member of the arson ring of hillmen might have been the murderer; yet dan was inclined to believe that cranston, the leader of the gang, usually preferred to do such dangerous work as this himself. if it were true, somewhere on that tree-clad ridge clues would be left. by a law that went down to the roots of life, he knew, no action is so small but that it leaves its mark. moreover, it was wholly possible that the written testimony hildreth must have gathered had never been found or destroyed. dan didn't want the aid of the courts to find these clues. he wanted to work out the case himself. it resolved itself into a simple matter of vengeance: dan had his debt to pay, and he wanted to bring cranston to ruin by his own hand alone. while it was true that he took rather more than the casual interest that most citizens feel in the destruction of the forest by wanton fire, and had an actual sense of duty to do all that he could to stop the activities of the arson ring, his motives, stripped and bare, were really not utilitarian. he had no particular interest in hildreth's case. he remembered him simply as one of cranston's disreputable gang, a poacher and a fire bug himself. when all is said and done, it remained really a personal issue between dan and cranston. and personal issues are frowned upon by law and society. civilization has toiled up from the darkness in a great measure to get away from them. but human nature remains distressingly the same, and dan's desire to pay his debt was a distinctly human emotion. sometime a breed will live upon the earth that can get clear away from personal vengeance--from that age-old code of the hills that demands a blow for a blow and a life for a life--but the time is not yet. and after all, by all the standards of men as men, not as read in idealistic philosophies, dan's debt was entirely real. by the light held high by his ancestors, he could not turn his other cheek. just as soon as he was able, he went back to the scene of the murder. he didn't know when the snow would come to cover what evidence there was. it threatened every hour. every wind promised it. the air was sharp and cold, and no drop of rain could fall through it without crystallizing into snow. the deer had all gone, and the burrowing people had sought their holes. the bees worked no more in the winter flowers. of all the greater forest creatures, only the wolves and the bear remained,--the former because their fear of men would not permit them to go down to the lower hills, and the latter because of his knowledge that when food became scarce, he could always burrow in the snow. no bear goes into hibernation from choice. wise old bachelor, he much prefers to keep just as late hours as he can--as long as the eating places in the berry thickets remain open. the cougars had all gone down with the deer, the migratory birds had departed, and even the squirrels were in hiding. the scene didn't offer much in the way of clues. of the body itself, only a white heap of bones remained; for many and terrible had been the agents at work upon them. the clothes, however, particularly the coat, were practically intact. gripping himself, dan thrust his fingers into its pockets, then into the pockets of the shirt and trousers. all papers that would in any way serve to identify the murdered man, or tell what his purpose had been in journeying down the trail the night of the murder had been removed. only one explanation presented itself. cranston had come before him, and searched the body himself. dan looked about for tracks, and he was considerably surprised to find the blurred, indistinct imprint of a shoe other than his own. he hadn't the least hope that the tracks themselves would offer a clue to a detective. they were too dim for that. the surprising fact was that since the murder had been committed immediately before the fall rains, the water had not completely washed them out. the only possibility remaining was that cranston had returned to the body after the week's rain-fall. the track had been dimmed by the lighter rains that had fallen since. but yet it was entirely to be expected that the examination of the body would be an after-thought on cranston's part. possibly at first his only thought was to kill and, following the prompting that has sent so many murderers to the gallows, he had afterwards returned to the scene of the crime to destroy any clues he might have left and to search the body for any evidence against the arson ring. dan's next thought was to follow along the trail and find cranston's ambush. of course it would be in the direction of the settlement from the body, as the bullet had entered from the front. he found it hard to believe that hildreth had fallen in the exact spot where the body lay. men journeying at night keep to the trail, and the white heap itself was fully forty feet back from the trail in the thickets. perhaps cranston had dragged it there to hide it from the sight of any one who might pass along the lonely trail again; and it was a remote possibility that whisperfoot, coming in the night, had tugged it into the thickets for dreadful purposes of his own. likely the shot was fired when hildreth was in an open place on the trail; and dan searched for the ambush with this conclusion in mind. he walked back, looking for a thicket from which such a spot would be visible. something over fifty yards down he found it; and he knew it by the empty brass rifle cartridge that lay half buried in the wet leaves. the shell was of the same caliber as cranston's hunting rifle. dan's hand shook as he put it in his pocket. encouraged by this amazing find, he turned up the trail toward hildreth's cabin. it might be possible, he thought, that hildreth had left some of his testimony--perhaps such rudely scrawled letters as cranston had written him--in some forgotten drawer in his hut. it was but a short walk for dan's hardened legs, and he made it before mid-afternoon. the search itself was wholly without result. but because he had time to think as he climbed the ridge, because as he strode along beneath that wintry sky he had a chance to consider every detail of the case, he was able to start out on a new tack when, just before sunset, he returned to the body. this new train of thought had as its basis that cranston's shot had not been deadly at once; that wounded, hildreth had himself crawled into the thickets where whisperfoot had found him. and that meant that he had to enlarge his search for such documents as hildreth had carried to include all the territory between the trail and the location of the body. it was possibly a distance of forty feet, and getting down on his hands and knees, dan looked for any break in the shrubbery that would indicate the path that the wounded hildreth had taken. and it was ten minutes well rewarded, as far as clearing up certain details of the crime. his senses had been trained and sharpened by his months in the wilderness, and he was able to back-track the wounded man from the skeleton clear to the clearing on the trail where he had first fallen. but as no clues presented themselves, he started to turn home. he walked twelve feet, then turned back. out of the corner of his eye it seemed to him that he had caught a flash of white, near the end of a great, dead log beside the path that the wounded hildreth had taken. it was to the credit of his mountain training alone that his eye had been keen enough to detect it; that it had been so faithfully recorded on his consciousness; and that, knowing at last the importance of details, he had turned back. for a moment he searched in vain. evidently a yellow leaf had deceived him. once more he retraced his steps, trying to find the position from which his eye had caught the glimpse of white. then he dived straight for the rotten end of the log. into a little hollow in the bark, on the underside of the log, some hand had thrust a small roll of papers. they were rain soaked now, and the ink had dimmed and blotted; but dan realized their significance. they were the complete evidence that hildreth had accumulated against the arson ring,--letters that had passed back and forth between himself and cranston, a threat of murder from the former if hildreth turned state's evidence, and a signed statement of the arson activities of the ring by hildreth himself. they were not only enough to break up the ring and send its members to prison; with the aid of the empty shell and other circumstantial evidence, they could in all probability convict bert cranston of murder. for a long time he stood with the shadows of the pines lengthening about him, his gray eyes in curious shadow. for the moment a glimpse was given him into the deep wells of the human soul; and understanding came to him. was there no balm for hatred even in the moment of death? were men unable to forget the themes and motives of their lives, even when the shadows closed down upon them? hildreth had known what hand had struck him down. and even on the frontier of death, his first thought was to hide his evidence where cranston could not find it when he searched the body, but where later it might be found by the detectives that were sure to come. it was the old creed of a life for a life. he wanted his evidence to be preserved,--not that right should be wronged, but so that cranston would be prosecuted and convicted and made to suffer. his hatred of cranston that had made him turn state's evidence in the first place had been carried with him down into death. as dan stood wondering, he thought he heard a twig crack on the trail behind him, and he wondered what forest creature was still lingering on the ridges at the eve of the snows. ii the snow began to fall in earnest at midnight,--great, white flakes that almost in an instant covered the leaves. it was the real beginning of winter, and all living creatures knew it. the wolf pack sang to it from the ridge,--a wild and plaintive song that made bert cranston, sleeping in a lean-to on the umpqua side of the divide, swear and mutter in his sleep. but he didn't really waken until jim gibbs, one of his gang, returned from his secret mission. they wasted no words. bert flung aside the blankets, lighted a candle, and placed it out of the reach of the night wind. it cast queer shadows in the lean-to and found a curious reflection in the steel points of his eyes. his face looked swarthy and deep-lined in its light. "well?" he demanded. "what did you find?" "nothin'," jim gibbs answered gutturally. "if you ask me what i found _out_, i might have somethin' to answer." "then--" and bert, after the manner of his kind, breathed an oath--"what did you find out?" his tone, except for an added note of savagery, remained the same. yet his heart was thumping a great deal louder than he liked to have it. he wasn't amused by his associate's play on words. nor did he like the man's knowing tone and his air of importance. realizing that the snows were at hand, he had sent gibbs for a last search of the body, to find and recover the evidence that hildreth had against him and which had not been revealed either on hildreth's person or in his cabin. he had become increasingly apprehensive about those letters he had written hildreth, and certain other documents that had been in his possession. he didn't understand why they hadn't turned up. and now the snows had started, and jim gibbs had returned empty-handed, but evidently not empty-minded. "i've found out that the body's been uncovered--and men are already searchin' for clues. and moreover--i think they've found them." he paused, weighing the effect of his words. his eyes glittered with cunning. rat that he was, he was wondering whether the time had arrived to leave the ship. he had no intention of continuing to give his services to a man with a rope-noose closing about him. and cranston, knowing this fact, hated him as he hated the buzzard that would claim him in the end and tried to hide his apprehension. "go on. blat it out," cranston ordered. "or else go away and let me sleep." it was a bluff; but it worked. if gibbs had gone without speaking, cranston would have known no sleep that night. but the man became more fawning. "i'm tellin' you, fast as i can," he went on, almost whining. "i went to the cabin, just as you said. but i didn't get a chance to search it--" "why not?" cranston thundered. his voice reëchoed among the snow-wet pines. "i'll tell you why! because some one else--evidently a cop--was already searchin' it. both of us know there's nothin' there anyway. we've gone over it too many times. after a while he went away--but i didn't turn back yet. that wouldn't be jim gibbs. i shadowed him, just as you'd want me to. and he went straight back to the body." "yes?" cranston had hard work curbing his impatience. again gibbs' eyes were full of ominous speculations. "he stopped at the body, and it was plain he'd been there before. he went crawling through the thickets, lookin' for clues. he done what you and me never thought to do--lookin' all the way between the trail and the body. he'd already found the brass shell you told me to get. at least, it wasn't there when i looked, after he'd gone. you should've thought of it before. but he found somethin' else a whole lot more important--a roll of papers that hildreth had chucked into an old pine stump when he was dyin'. it was your fault, cranston, for not gettin' them that night. you needn't 've been afraid of any one hearin' the shot and catching you red-handed. this detective stood and read 'em on the trail. and you know--just as well as i do--what they were." "damn you, i went back the next morning, as soon as i could see. and the mountain lion had already been there. i went back lots of times since. and that shell ain't nothing--but all the time i supposed i put it in my pocket. you know how it is--a fellow throws his empty shell out by habit." gibbs' eyes grew more intent. what was this thing? cranston's tone, instead of commanding, was almost pleading. but the leader caught himself at once. "i don't see why i need to explain any of that to you. what i want to know is this: why you didn't shoot and get those papers away from him?" for an instant their eyes battled. but gibbs had never the strength of his leader. if he had, it would have been asserted long since. he sucked in his breath, and his gaze fell away. it rested on cranston's rifle, that in some manner had been pulled up across his knees. and at once he was cowed. he was never so fast with a gun as cranston. "blood on my hands, eh--same as on yours?" he mumbled, looking down. "what do you think i want, a rope around my neck? these hills are big, but the arm of the law has reached up before, and it might again. you might as well know first as last i'm not goin' to do any killin's to cover up your murders." "that comes of not going myself. you fool--if he gets that evidence down to the courts, you're broken the same as me." "but i wouldn't get more'n a year or so, at most--and that's a heap different from the gallows. i did aim at him--" "but you just lacked the guts to pull the trigger!" "i did, and i ain't ashamed of it. but besides--the snows are here now, and he won't be able to even get word down to the valleys in six months. if you want him killed so bad, do it yourself." this was a thought indeed. on the other hand, another murder might not be necessary. months would pass before the road would be opened, and in the meantime cranston could have a thousand chances to steal back the accusing letters. perhaps they would be guarded closely at first, but by the late winter months they would be an old story, and a single raid on the house might turn the trick. he didn't believe for an instant that the man gibbs had seen a detective. he had kept too close watch over the roads for that. "a tall chap, in outing clothes--dark-haired and clean-shaven?" "yes?" "wears a tan hat?" "that's the man." "i know him--and i wish you'd punctured him. why, you could've taken those papers away from him and slapped his face, and he wouldn't have put up his arms. and now he'll hide 'em somewhere--afraid to carry 'em for fear he meets me. that's failing--the tenderfoot that's been staying at lennox's. he's a lunger." "he didn't look like no lunger to me." "but no matter about that--it's just as i thought. and i'll get 'em back--mark my little words." in the meantime the best thing to do was to move at once to his winter trapping grounds,--a certain neglected region on the lower levels of the north fork. if at any time within the next few weeks, dan should attempt to carry word down to the settlements, he would be certain to pass within view of this camp. but he knew that the chance of dan starting upon any such journey before the snow had melted was not one in a thousand. to be caught in the divide in the winter means to be snowed in as completely as the innuits of upper greenland. no word could pass except by a man on snowshoes. really there was no urgency about this matter of the evidence. yet if the chance did come, if the house should be left unguarded, it might play cranston to make an immediate search. dan would have no reason for supposing that cranston suspected his possession of the letters; he would not be particularly watchful, and would probably pigeonhole them until spring in lennox's desk. and the truth was that cranston had reasoned out the situation almost perfectly. when dan wakened in the morning, and the snow lay already a foot deep over the wilderness world, he knew that he would have no chance to act upon the cranston case until the snows melted in the spring. so he pushed all thought of it out of his mind and turned his attention to more pleasant subjects. it was true that he read the documents over twice as he lay in bed. then he tied them into a neat packet and put them away where they would be quickly available. then he thrust his head out of the window and let the great snowflakes sift down upon his face. it was winter at last, the season that he loved. he didn't stir from the house, that first day of the storm. snowbird and he found plenty of pleasant things to do and talk about before the roaring fire that he built in the grate. he was glad of the great pile of wood that lay outside the door. it meant life itself, in this season. then snowbird led him to the windows, and they watched the white drifts pile up over the low underbrush. when finally the snowstorm ceased, five days later, the whole face of the wilderness was changed. the buckbrush was mostly covered, the fences were out of sight; the forest seemed a clear, clean sweep of white, broken only by an occasional tall thicket and by the great, snow-covered trees. when the clouds blew away, and the air grew clear, the temperature began to fall. dan had no way of knowing how low it went. thermometers were not considered essential at the lennox home. but when his eyelids congealed with the frost, and his mittens froze to the logs of firewood that he carried through the door, and the pine trees exploded and cracked in the darkness, he was correct in his belief that it was very, very cold. but he loved the cold, and the silence and austerity that went with it. the wilderness claimed him as never before. the rugged breed that were his ancestors had struggled through such seasons as this and passed a love of them down through the years to him. when the ice made a crust over the snow, he learned to walk on snowshoes. at first there were pained ankles and endless floundering in the drifts. but between the fall of fresh snow and the thaws that softened the crust, he slowly mastered the art. snowbird--and dan never realized the full significance of her name until he saw her flying with incredible grace over the snow--laughed at him at first and ran him races that would usually end in his falling head-first into a ten-foot snowbank. she taught him how to ski and more than once she would stop in the middle of an earnest bit of pedagogy to find that he wasn't listening at all. he would seem to be fairly devouring her with his eyes, delighting in the play of soft pinks and reds in her cheeks, and drinking, as a man drinks wine, the amazing change of light and shadow in her eyes. she seemed to blossom under his gaze. not one of those short winter days went by without the discovery of some new trait or little vanity to astonish or delight him,--sometimes an unlooked-for tenderness toward the weak, often a sweet, untainted philosophy of life, or perhaps just a lowering of her eyelids in which her eyes would show lustrous through the lashes, or some sweeping, exuberant gesture startlingly graceful. lennox wakened one morning with the realization that this was one of the hardest winters of his experience. more snow had fallen in the night and had banked halfway up his windows. the last of the shrubbery--except for the ends of a few tall bushes that would not hold the snow--was covered, and the roofs of some of the lower outbuildings had somewhat the impression of drowning things, striving desperately to keep their heads above water. he began to be very glad of the abundant stores of provisions that overcrowded his pantry--savory hams and bacons, dried venison, sacks of potatoes and evaporated vegetables, and, of course, canned goods past counting. with the high fire roaring in the grate, the season held no ills for them. but sometimes, when the bitter cold came down at twilight, and the moon looked like a thing of ice itself over the snow, he began to wonder how the wild creatures who wintered on the divide were faring. of course most of them were gone. woof, long since, had grunted and mumbled his way into a winter lair. but the wolves remained, strange gray shadows on the snow, and possibly a few of the hardier smaller creatures. more than once in those long winter nights their talk was chopped off short by the song of the pack on some distant ridge. sometime, when the world is old, possibly a man will be born that can continue to talk and keep his mind on his words while the wolf pack sings. but he is certainly an unknown quantity to-day. the cry sets in vibration curious memory chords, and for a moment the listener sees in his mind's eye his ancient home in an ancient world,--darkness and fear and eyes shining about the cave. it carries him back, and he knows the wilderness as it really is; and to have such knowledge dries up all inclination to talk, as a sponge dries water. of course the picture isn't entirely plain. it is more a thing guessed at, a photograph in some dark part of an under-consciousness that has constantly grown more dim as the centuries have passed. possibly sometime it will fade out altogether; and then a man may continue to discuss the weather while the song from the ridge shudders in at the windows. but the world will be quite cold by then, and no longer particularly interesting. and possibly even the wolves themselves will then be tamed to play dead and speak pieces,--which means the wilderness itself will be tamed. for as long as the wild lasts, the pack will run through it in the winter. they were here in the beginning, and in spite of constant war and constant hatred on the part of men, they will be here in the end. the reason is just that they are the symbol of the wilderness itself, and the idea of it continuing to exist without them is stranger than that of a nation without a flag. it wasn't quite the same song that dan had listened to in the first days of fall. it had been triumphant then, and proud with the wilderness pride. of course it had been sad then, too, but it was more sad now. and it was stranger, too, and crept farther into the souls of its listeners. it was the song of strength that couldn't avail against the snow, possibly of cold and the despair and courage of starvation. these three that heard it were inured to the wilderness; but a moment was always needed after its last note had died to regain their gayety. "they're getting lean and they're getting savage," lennox said one night, stretched on his divan before the fireplace. he was still unable to walk; but the fractures were knitting slowly and the doctor had promised that the summer would find him well. "if we had a dog, i wouldn't offer much for his life. one of these days we'll find 'em in a big circle around the house--and then we'll have to open up with the rifles." but this picture appalled neither of his two young listeners. no wolf pack can stand against three marksmen, armed with rifles and behind oaken walls. christmas came and passed, and january brought clear days and an ineffective sun shining on the snow. these were the best days of all. every afternoon dan and snowbird would go out on their skis or on snowshoes, unarmed except for the pistol that snowbird carried in the deep pocket of her mackinaw. "but why not?" dan replied to lennox's objection. "she could kill five wolves with five shots, or pretty near it, and you know well enough that that would hold 'em off till we got home. they'd stop to eat the five. i have hard enough time keeping up with her as it is, without carrying a rifle." and lennox was content. in the first place, the wolf pack has to be desperate indeed before it will even threaten human beings; and knowing the coward that the wolf is in the other three seasons, he couldn't bring himself to believe that this point was reached. in the second, dan had told the truth when he said that five deaths, or even fewer, would repel the attack of any wolf pack he had ever seen. there was just one troubling thought. he had heard, long ago, and he had forgotten who had told him, that in the most severe winters the wolves gather in particularly large packs; and a quality in the song that they had heard at night seemed to bear it out. the chorus had been exceptionally loud and strong, and he had been unable to pick out individual voices. the snow was perfect for skiing. previously their sport had been many times interrupted either by the fall of fresh snow or a thaw that had softened the snow crust; but now every afternoon was too perfect to remain indoors. they shouted and romped in the silences, and they did not dream but that they had the wilderness all to themselves. the fact that one night lennox's keen eyes had seen what looked like the glow of a camp fire in the distance didn't affect this belief of theirs at all. it was evidently just the phosphorus glowing in a rotten log from which the winds had blown the snow. once or twice they caught glimpses of wild life: once a grouse that had buried in the snow flushed from their path and blew the snow-dust from its wings; and once or twice they saw snowshoe rabbits bounding away on flat feet over the drifts. but just one day they caught sight of a wolf. they were on snowshoes on a particularly brilliant afternoon late in january. he was a lone male, evidently a straggler from the pack, and he leaped from the top of a tall thicket that had remained above the snow. the man and the girl had entirely different reactions. dan's first impression was amazement at the animal's condition. it seemed to be in the last stages of starvation: unbelievably gaunt, with rib bones showing plainly even through the furry hide. ordinarily the heavily furred animals do not show signs of famine; but even an inexperienced eye could not make a mistake in this case. the eyes were red, and they carried dan back to his first adventure in the oregon forest--the day he had shot the mad coyote. snowbird thought of the beast only as an enemy. the wolves killed her father's stock; they were brigands of the worst order; and she shared the hatred of them that is a common trait of all primitive peoples. her hand whipped back, seized her pistol, and she fired twice at the fleeing figure. the second shot was a hit: both of them saw the wolf go to its side, then spring up and race on. shouting, both of them sped after him. in a few moments he was out of sight among the distant trees, but they found the blood-trail and mushed over the ridge. they expected at any moment to find him lying dead; but the track led them on clear down the next canyon. and now they cared not at all whether they found him: it was simply a tramp in the out-of-doors; and both of them were young with red blood in their veins. but all at once dan stopped in his tracks. the girl sped on for six paces before she missed the sound of his snowshoes; then she turned to find him standing, wholly motionless, with eyes fixed upon her. it startled her, and she didn't know why. a companion abruptly freezing in his path, his muscles inert, and his eyes filling with speculations is always startling. when this occurs, it means simply that a thought so compelling and engrossing that even the half-unconscious physical functions, such as walking, cannot continue, has come into his mind. and it is part of the old creed of self-preservation to dislike greatly to be left out on any such thought as this. if danger is present, the sooner it is identified the better. "what is it?" she demanded. he turned to her, curiously intent. "how many shells have you in that pistol?" she took one breath and answered him. "it holds five, and i shot twice. i haven't any others." "and i don't suppose it ever occurred to you to carry extra ones in your pocket?" "father is always telling me to--and several times i have. but i'd shoot them away at target practice and forget to take any more. there was never any danger--except that night with a cougar. i did intend to--but what does it matter now?" "we're a couple of wise ones, going after that wolf with only three shots to our name. of course by himself he's harmless--but he's likely enough to lead us straight toward the pack. and snowbird--i didn't like his looks. he's too gaunt, and he's too hungry--and i haven't a bit of doubt he waited in that brush for us to come, intending to attack us--and lost his nerve the last thing. that shows he's desperate. i don't like him, and i wouldn't like his pack. and a whole pack might not lose _its_ nerve." "then you think we'd better turn back?" "yes, i do, and not come out any more without a whole pocket of shells. i'm going to carry my rifle, too, just as lennox has always advised. he's only got a flesh-wound. you saw what you did with two cartridges--got in one flesh-wound. three of 'em against a pack wouldn't be a great deal of aid. i don't mean to say you can't shoot, but a jumping, lively wolf is worse than a bird in the air. we've gone over three miles; and he'd lead us ten miles farther--even if he didn't go to the pack. let's go back." "if you say so. but i don't think there's the least bit of danger. we can always climb a tree." "and have 'em make a beautiful circle under it! they've got more patience than we have--and we'd have to come down sometime. your father can't come to our help, you know. it's the sign of the tenderfoot not to think there's any danger--and i'm not going to think that way any more." they turned back and mushed in silence a long time. "i suppose you'll think i'm a coward," dan asked her humbly. "only prudent, dan," she answered, smiling. whether she meant it, he did not know. "i'm just beginning to understand that you--living here only a few months--really know and understand all this better than i do." she stretched her arms wide to the wilderness. "i guess it's your instincts." "and i do understand," he told her earnestly. "i sensed danger back there just as sure as i can see your face. that pack--and it's a big one--is close; and it's terribly hungry. and you know--you can't help but know--that the wolves are not to be trusted in famine times." "i know it only too well," she said. then she paused and asked him about a strange grayness, like snow blown by the wind, on the sky over the ridge. iii bert cranston waited in a clump of exposed thicket on the hillside until he saw two black dots, that he knew were dan and snowbird, leave the lennox home. he lay very still as they circled up the ridge, noticing that except for the pistol that he knew snowbird always carried, they were unarmed. there was no particular reason why he should be interested in that point. it was just the mountain way always to look for weapons, and it is rather difficult to trace the mental processes behind this impulse. perhaps it can be laid to the fact that many mountain families are often at feud with one another, and anything in the way of violence may happen before the morning. the two passed out of his sight, and after a long time he heard the crack of snowbird's pistol. he guessed that she had either shot at some wild creature, or else was merely at target practice,--rather a common proceeding for the two when they were on the hills together. thus it is to be seen that cranston knew their habits fairly well. and since he had kept a close watch upon them for several days, this was to be expected. he had no intention of being interrupted in this work he was about to do. he had planned it all very well. at first the intermittent snow-storms and the thaws between had delayed him. he needed a perfect snow crust for the long tramp over the ridge; and at last the bright days and the icy dawns had made it. the elder lennox was still helpless. he had noticed that when dan and snowbird went out, they were usually gone from two to four hours; and that gave him plenty of time for his undertaking. the moment had come at last to make a thorough search of lennox's house for those incriminating documents that dan had found near the body of landy hildreth. the only really dangerous part of his undertaking was his approach. if by any chance lennox were looking out of the window, he might be found waiting with a rifle across his arms. it would be quite like the old mountaineer to have his gun beside him, and to shoot it quick and exceptionally straight, without asking questions, at any stealing figure in the snow. yet cranston felt fairly sure that lennox was still too helpless to raise a gun to a shooting position. he had observed that the mountaineer spent his time either on the fireplace divan or on his own bed. neither of these places was available to the rear windows of the house. so, very wisely, he made his attack from the rear. he came stealing across the snow,--a musher of the first degree. very silently and swiftly he slipped off his snowshoes at the door. the door itself was unlocked, just as he had supposed. in an instant more he was tiptoeing, a dark, silent figure, through the corridors of the house. he held his rifle ready in his hands. he peered into lennox's bedroom first. the room was unoccupied. then the floor of the corridor creaked beneath his step; and he knew nothing further was to be gained by waiting. if lennox suspected his presence, he might be waiting with aimed rifle as he opened the door of the living room. he glided faster. he halted once more,--a moment at the living-room door to see if lennox had been disturbed. he was lying still, however, so cranston pushed through. lennox glanced up from his magazine to find that unmistakable thing, the barrel of a rifle, pointed at his breast. cranston was one of those rare marksmen who shoots with both eyes open,--and that meant that he kept his full visual powers to the last instant before the hammer fell. "i can't raise my arms," lennox said simply. "one of 'em won't work at all--besides, against the doctor's orders." cranston stole over toward him, looking closely for weapons. he pulled aside the woolen blanket that lennox had drawn up over his body, and he pushed his hand into the cushions of the couch. a few deft pats, holding his rifle through the fork of his arm, finger coiled into the trigger guard, assured him that lennox was not "heeled" at all. then he laughed and went to work. "i thought i told you once," lennox began with perfect coldness, "that the doors of my house were no longer open to you." "you did say that," was cranston's guttural reply. "but you see i'm here just the same, don't you? and what are you going to do about it?" "i probably felt that sooner or later you would come to steal--just as you and your crowd stole the supplies from the forest station last winter--and that probably influenced me to give the orders. i didn't want thieves around my house, and i don't want them now. i don't want coyotes, either." "and i don't want any such remarks out of you, either," cranston answered him. "you lie still and shut up, and i suspect that sissy boarder of yours will come back, after he's through embracing your daughter in the snow, and find you in one piece. otherwise not." "if i were in one piece," lennox answered him very quietly, "instead of a bundle of broken bones that can't lift its arms, i'd get up off this couch, unarmed as i am, and stamp on your lying lips." but cranston only laughed and tied lennox's feet with a cord from the window shade. * * * * * he went to work very systematically. first he rifled lennox's desk in the living room. then he looked on all the mantels and ransacked the cupboards and the drawers. he was taunting and calm at first. but as the moments passed, his passion grew upon him. he no longer smiled. the rodent features became intent; the eyes narrowed to curious, bright slits under the dark lashes. he went to dan's room, searched his bureau drawer and all the pockets of the clothes hanging in his closet. he upset his trunk and pawed among old letters in the suitcase. then, stealing like some creature of the wilderness, he came back to the living room. lennox was not on the divan where he had left him. he lay instead on the floor near the fireplace; and he met the passion-drawn face with entire calmness. his motives were perfectly plain. he had just made a desperate effort to procure dan's rifle that hung on two sets of deer horns over the fireplace, and was entirely exhausted from it. he had succeeded in getting down from the couch, though wracked by agony, but had been unable to lift himself up in reach of the gun. cranston read his intention in one glance. lennox knew it, but he simply didn't care. he had passed the point where anything seemed to matter. "tell me where it is," cranston ordered him. again he pointed his rifle at lennox's wasted breast. "tell you where what is? my money?" "you know what i want--and it isn't money. i mean those letters that failing found on the ridge. i'm through fooling, lennox. dan learned that long ago, and it's time you learned it now." "dan learned it because he was sick. he isn't sick now. don't presume too much on that." cranston laughed with harsh scorn. "but that isn't the question. i said i've wasted all the time i'm going to. you are an old man and helpless; but i'm not going to let that stand in the way of getting what i came to get. they're hidden somewhere around this house. they wouldn't be out in the snow, because he'd want 'em where he could get them. by no means would he carry them on his person--fearing that some day he'd meet me on the ridge. he's a fool, but he ain't that much of a fool. i've watched, and he's had no chance to take them into town. i'll give you--just five seconds to tell me where they're hidden." "and i give you," lennox replied, "one second less than that--to go to hell!" both of them breathed hard in the quiet room. cranston was trembling now, shivering just a little in his arms and shoulders. "don't get me wrong, lennox," he warned. "and don't have any delusions in regard to me, either," lennox replied. "i've stood worse pain, from this accident, than any man can give me while i yet live, no matter what he does. if you want to get on me and hammer me in the approved cranston way, i can't defend myself--but you won't get a civil answer out of me. i'm used to pain, and i can stand it. i'm not used to fawning to a coyote like you, and i can't stand it." but cranston hardly heard. an idea had flamed in his mind and cast a red glamour over all the scene about him. it was instilling a poison in his nerves and a madness in his blood, and it was searing him, like fire, in his dark brain. nothing seemed real. he suddenly bent forward, tense. "that's all right about you," he said. "but you'd be a little more polite if it was snowbird--and dan--that would have to pay." perhaps the color faded slightly in lennox's face; but his voice did not change. "they'll see your footprints before they come in and be ready," lennox replied evenly. "they always come by the back way. and even with a pistol, snowbird's a match for you." "did you think that was what i meant?" cranston scorned. "i know a way to destroy those letters, and i'll do it--in the four seconds that i said, unless you tell. i'm not even sure i'm goin' to give you a chance to tell now; it's too good a scheme. there won't be any witnesses then to yell around in the courts. what if i choose to set fire to this house?" "it wouldn't surprise me a great deal. it's your own trade." lennox shuddered once on his place on the floor. "i wouldn't have to worry about those letters then, would i? they are somewhere in the house, and they'd be burned to ashes. but that isn't all that would be burned. you could maybe crawl out, but you couldn't carry the guns, and you couldn't carry the pantry full of food. you're nearly eighty miles up here from the nearest occupied house, with two pair of snowshoes for the three of you and one dinky pistol. and you can't walk at all. it would be a nice pickle, wouldn't it? wouldn't you have a fat chance of getting down to civilization?" the voice no longer held steady. it trembled with passion. this was no idle threat. the brain had already seized upon the scheme with every intention of carrying it out. outside the snow glittered in the sunlight, and pine limbs bowed with their load; overhung with that curious winter silence that, once felt, returns often in dreams. the wilderness lay stark and bare, stripped of all delusion--not only in the snow world outside but in the hearts of these two men, its sons. "i have only one hope," lennox replied. "i hope, unknown to me, that dan has already dispatched those letters. the arm of the law is long, cranston. it's easy to forget that fact up here. it will reach you in the end." cranston turned through the door, into the kitchen. he was gone a long time. lennox heard him at work: the crinkle of paper and then a pouring sound around the walls. then he heard the sharp crack of a match. an instant later the first wisp of smoke came curling, pungent with burning oil, through the corridor. "you crawled from your couch to reach that gun," cranston told him when he came in. "let's see you crawl out now." lennox's answer was a curse,--the last, dread outpouring of an unbroken will. he didn't look again at the glittering eyes. he scarcely watched cranston's further preparations: the oil poured on the rugs and furnishings, the kindling placed at the base of the curtains. cranston was trained in this work. he was taking no chances on the fire being extinguished. and lennox began to crawl toward the door. he managed to grasp the corner of the blanket on the divan as he went, and he dragged it behind him. pain wracked him, and smoke half-blinded him. but he made it at last. and by the time he had crawled one hundred feet over the snow crust, the whole structure was in flames. the red tongues spoke with a roar. cranston, the fire-madness on his face, hurried to the outbuildings. there he repeated the work. he touched a match to the hay in the barn, and the wind flung the flame through it in an instant. the sheds and other outbuildings were treated with oil. and seeing that his work was done, he called once to the prone body of lennox on the snow and mushed away into the silences. lennox's answer was not a curse this time. rather it was a prayer, unuttered, and in his long years lennox had not prayed often. when he prayed at all, the words were burning fire. his prayer was that of samson,--that for a moment his strength might come back to him. iv two miles across the ridges, dan and snowbird saw a faint mist blowing between the trees. they didn't recognize it at first. it might be fine snow, blown by the wind, or even one of those mysterious fogs that sometimes sweep over the snow. "but it looks like smoke," snowbird said. "but it couldn't be. the trees are too wet to burn." but then a sound that at first was just the faintest whisper in which neither of them would let themselves believe, became distinct past all denying. it was that menacing crackle of a great fire, that in the whole world of sounds is perhaps the most terrible. they were trained by the hills, and neither of them tried to mince words. they had learned to face the truth, and they faced it now. "it's our house," snowbird told him. "and father can't get out." she spoke very quietly. perhaps the most terrible truths of life are always spoken in that same quiet voice. then both of them started across the snow, fast as their unwieldy snowshoes would permit. "he can crawl a little," dan called to her. "don't give up, snowbird mine. i think he'll be safe." they mounted to the top of the ridge; and the long sweep of the forest was revealed to them. the house was a singular tall pillar of flame, already glowing that dreadful red from which firemen, despairing, turn away. then the girl seized his hands and danced about him in a mad circle. "he's alive," she cried. "you can see him--just a dot on the snow. he crawled out to safety." she turned and sped at a breakneck pace down the ridge. dan had to race to keep up with her. but it wasn't entirely wise to try to mush so fast. a dead log lay beneath the snow with a broken limb stretched almost to its surface, and it caught her snowshoe. the wood cracked sharply, and she fell forward in the snow. but she wasn't hurt, and the snowshoe itself, in spite of a small crack in the wood, was still serviceable. "haste makes waste," he told her. "keep your feet on the ground, snowbird; the house is gone already and your father is safe. remember what lies before us." the thought sobered and halted her. she glanced once at the dark face of her companion. dan couldn't understand the strange light that suddenly leaped to her eyes. perhaps she herself couldn't have explained the wave of tenderness that swept over her,--with no cause except the look in dan's earnest gray eyes and the lines that cut so deep. since the world was new, it has been the boast of the boldest of men that they looked their fate in the face. and this is no mean looking. for fate is a sword from the darkness, a power that reaches out of the mystery, and cannot be classed with sights of human origin. it burns out the eyes of all but the strongest men. yet dan was looking at his fate now, and his eyes held straight. they walked together down to the ruined house, and the three of them sat silent while the fire burned red. then lennox turned to them with a half-smile. "you're wasting time, you two," he said. "remember all our food is gone. if you start now, and walk hard, maybe you can make it out." "there are several things to do first," dan answered simply. "i don't know what they are. it isn't going to be any picnic, dan. a man can travel only so far without food to keep up his strength, particularly over such ridges as you have to cross. it will be easy to give up and die. it's the test, man; it's the test." "and what about you?" his daughter asked. "oh, i'll be all right. besides--it's the only thing that can be done. i can't walk, and you can't carry me on your backs. what else remains? i'll stay here--and i'll scrape together enough wood to keep a fire. then you can bring help." he kept his eyes averted when he talked. he was afraid for dan to see them, knowing that he could read the lie in them. "how do you expect to find wood--in this snow?" dan asked him. "it will take four days to get out; do you think you could lie here and battle with a fire for four days, and then four days more that it will take to come back? you'd have two choices: to burn green wood that i'd cut for you before i left, or the rain-soaked dead wood under the snow. you couldn't keep either one of them burning, and you'd die in a night. besides--this is no time for an unarmed man to be alone in the hills." lennox's voice grew pleading. "be sensible, dan!" he cried. "that cranston's got us, and got us right. i've only one thing more i care about--and that is that you pay the debt! i can't hope to get out myself. i say that i can't even hope to. but if you bring my daughter through--and when the spring comes, pay what we owe to cranston--i'll be content. heavens, son--i've lived my life. the old pack leader dies when his time comes, and so does a man." his daughter crept to him and sheltered his gray head against her breast. "i'll stay with you then," she cried. "don't be a little fool, snowbird," he urged. "my clothes are wet already from the melted snow. it's too long a way--it will be too hard a fight, and children--i'm old and tired out. i don't want to make the try--hunger and cold; and even if you'd stay here and grub wood, snowbird, they'd find us both dead when they came back in a week. we can't live without food, and work and keep warm--and there isn't a living creature in the hills." "except the wolves," dan reminded him. "except the wolves," lennox echoed. "remember, we're unarmed--and they'd find it out. you're young, snowbird, and so is dan--and you two will be happy. i know how things are, you two--more than you know yourselves--and in the end you'll be happy. but me--i'm too tired to make the try. i don't care about it enough. i'm going to wave you good-by, and smile, and lie here and let the cold come down. you feel warm in a little while--" but she stopped his lips with her hand. and he bent and kissed it. "if anybody's going to stay with you," dan told them in a clear, firm voice, "it's going to be me. but aren't any of the cabins occupied?" "you know they aren't," lennox answered. "not even the houses beyond the north fork, even if we could get across. the nearest help is over seventy miles." "and snowbird, think! haven't any supplies been left in the ranger station?" "not one thing," the girl told him. "you know cranston and his crowd robbed the place last winter. and the telephone lines were disconnected when the rangers left." "then the only way is for me to stay here. you can take the pistol, and you'll have a fair chance of getting through. i'll grub wood for our camp meanwhile, and you can bring help." "and if the wolves come, or if help didn't come in time," lennox whispered, passion-drawn for the first time, "who would pay what we owe to cranston?" "but her life counts--first of all." "i know it does--but mine doesn't count at all. believe me, you two. i'm speaking from my own desires when i say i don't want to make the fight. snowbird would never make it through alone. there are the wolves, and maybe cranston too--the worst wolf of all. a woman can't mush across those ridges four days without food, without some one who loves her and forces her on! neither can she stay here with me and try to make green branches burn in a fire. she's got three little pistol balls--and we'd all die for a whim. oh, please, please--" but dan leaped for his hand with glowing eyes. "listen, man!" he cried. "i know another way yet. i know more than one way; but one, if we've got the strength, is almost sure. there is an ax in the kitchen, and the blade will still be good." "likely dulled with the fire--" "i'll cut a limb with my jackknife for the handle. there will be nails in the ashes, plenty of them. we'll make a rude sledge, and we'll get you out too." lennox seemed to be studying his wasted hands. "it's a chance, but it isn't worth it," he said at last. "you'll have fight enough, without tugging at a heavy sled. it will take all night to build it, and it would cut down your chances of getting out by pretty near half. remember the ridges, dan--" "but we'll climb every ridge--besides, its a slow, down grade most of the way. snowbird--tell him he must do it." snowbird told him, overpowering him with her enthusiasm. and dan shook his shoulders with rough hands. "you're hurting, boy!" lennox warned. "i'm a bag of broken bones." "i'll tote you down there if i have to tie you in," dan failing replied. "before, i've bowed to your will; but this time you have to bow to mine. i'm not going to let you stay here and die, no matter if you beg on your knees! it's the test--and i'm going to bring you through." he meant what he said. if mortal strength and sinew could survive such a test, he would succeed. there was nothing in these words to suggest the physical weakling that both of them had known a few months before. the eyes were earnest, the dark face intent, the determined voice did not waver at all. "dan failing speaks!" lennox replied with glowing eyes. he was recalling another dan failing of the dead years, a boyhood hero, and his remembered voice had never been more determined, more masterful than this he had just heard. "and cranston didn't get his purpose, after all." to prove his words, dan thrust his hand into his inner coat pocket. he drew forth a little, flat package, half as thick as a pack of cards. he held it up for them to see. "the thing bert cranston burned the house down to destroy," he explained. "i'm learning to know this mountain breed, lennox. i kept it in my pocket where i could fight for it, at any minute." cranston had been mistaken, after all, in thinking that in fear of himself dan would be afraid to keep the packet on his person, and would cravenly conceal it in the house. he would have been even more surprised to know that dan had lived in constant hope of meeting cranston on the ridges, showing him what it contained, and fighting him for it, hands to hands. and even yet, perhaps the day would come when cranston would know at last that snowbird's words, after the fight of long ago, were true. the twilight was falling over the snow, so snowbird and dan turned to the toil of building a sled. v the snow was steel-gray in the moonlight when the little party made their start down the long trail. their preparations, simple and crude as they were, had taken hours of ceaseless labor on the part of the three. the ax, its edge dulled by the flame and its handle burned away, had been cooled in the snow, and with his one sound arm, lennox had driven the hot nails that snowbird gathered from the ashes of one of the outbuildings. the embers of the house itself still glowed red in the darkness. dan had cut the green limbs of the trees and planed them with his ax. the sled had been completed, handles attached for pushing it, and a piece of fence wire fastened with nails as a rope to pull it. the warm mackinaws of both of them as well as the one blanket that lennox had saved from the fire were wrapped about the old frontiersman's wasted body,--dan and snowbird hoping to keep warm by the exercise of propelling the sled. except for the dull ax and the half-empty pistol, their only equipment was a single charred pot for melting snow that dan had recovered from the ashes of the kitchen. the three had worked almost in silence. words didn't help now. they wasted no sorely-needed breath. but they did have one minute of talk when they got to the top of the little ridge that had overlooked the house. "we'll travel mostly at night," dan told them. "we can see in the snow, and by taking our rest in the daytime, when the sun is bright and warm, we can save our strength. we won't have to keep such big fires then--and at night our exertion will keep us as warm as we can hope for. getting up all night to cut green wood with this dull ax in the snow would break us to pieces very soon, for remember that we haven't any food. i know how to build a fire even in the snow--especially if i can find the dead, dry heart of a rotten log--but it isn't any fun to keep it going with green wood. we don't want to have to spend any more of our strength stripping off wet bark and hacking at saplings than we can help; and that means we'd better do our resting in the heat of the day. after all, it's a fight against starvation more than anything else." "just think," the girl told them, reproaching herself, "if i'd just shot straight at that wolf to-day, we could have gone back and got his body. it might have carried us through." neither of the others as much as looked surprised at these amazing regrets over the lost, unsavory flesh of a wolf. they were up against realities, and they didn't mince words. dan smiled at her gently, and his great shoulder leaned against the traces. they moved through a dead world. the ever-present manifestations of wild life that had been such a delight to dan in the summer and fall were quite lacking now. the snow was trackless. once they thought they saw a snowshoe rabbit, a strange shadow on the snow, but he was too far away for snowbird to risk a pistol shot. the pound or two of flesh would be sorely needed before the journey was over, but the pistol cartridges might be needed still more. she didn't let her mind rest on certain possibilities wherein they might be needed. such thoughts stole the courage from the spirit, and courage was essential beyond all things else to bring them through. once a flock of wild geese, stragglers from the main army of waterfowl, passed overhead on their southern migration. they were many months too late. they called down their eerie cries,--that song that they had learned from the noise the wind makes, blowing over the bleak marshes. it wailed down to them a long time after the flock was hidden by the distant tree tops, and seemed to shiver, with curious echoes, among the pines. trudging on, they listened to its last note. and possibly they understood the cry as never before. it was one of the untamed, primitive voices of the wilderness, and they could realize something of its sadness, its infinite yearning and complaint. they knew the wilderness now, just as the geese themselves did. they knew its cold, its hunger, its remorselessness, and beyond all, the fear that was bright eyes in the darkness. no man could have crossed that first twenty miles with them and remained a tenderfoot. the wild was sending home its lessons, one after another, until the spirit broke beneath them. it was showing its teeth. it was reminding them, very clearly, that in spite of houses built on the ridges and cattle pens and rifles and all the tools and aids of civilization, it was still unconquered. mostly the forest was heavily laden with silence. and silence, in this case, didn't seem to be merely an absence of sound. it seemed like a substance in itself, something that lay over the snow, in which all sound was immediately smothered and extinguished. they heard their own footfalls in the snow and the crunch of the sled. but the sound only went a little way. once in a long time distant trees cracked in the frost; and they all stood still a moment, trying to fight down the vain hope that this might be some hunter from the valleys who would come to their aid. a few times they heard the snow sliding, with the dull sound of rolling window shade, down from the overburdened limbs. the trees were inert with their load of snow. as the dawn came out, they all stood still and listened to the wolf pack, singing on the ridge somewhere behind them. it was a large pack. they couldn't make out individual voices,--neither the more shrill cry of the females, the yapping of the cubs, or the low, clear g-below-middle-c note of the males. "if they should cross our tracks--" lennox suggested. "no use worrying about that now--not until we come to it," dan told him. the morning broke, the sun rose bright in a clear sky. but still they trudged on. in spite of the fact that the sled was heavy and broke through the snow crust as they tugged at it, they had made good time since their departure. but now every step was a pronounced effort. it was the dreadful beginning of fatigue that only food and warmth and rest could rectify. "we'll rest now," dan told them at ten o'clock. "the sun is warm enough so that we won't need much of a fire. and we'll try to get five hours' sleep." "too long, if we're going to make it out," lennox objected. "that leaves a work-day of nineteen hours," dan persisted. "not any too little. five hours it will be." he found where the snow had drifted against a great, dead log, leaving the white covering only a foot in depth on the lee side. he began to scrape the snow away, then hacked at the log with his ax until he had procured a piece of comparatively dry wood from its center. they all stood breathless while he lighted the little pile of kindling and heaped it with green wood,--the only wood procurable. but it didn't burn freely. it smoked fitfully, threatening to die out, and emitting very little heat. but they didn't particularly care. the sun was warm above, as always in the mountain winters of southern oregon. snowbird and dan cleared spaces beside the fire and slept. lennox, who had rested on the journey, lay on his sled and with his uninjured arm tried to hack enough wood from the saplings that dan had cut to keep the fire burning. at three they got up, still tired and aching in their bones from exposure. twenty-four hours had passed since they had tasted food, and their unreplenished systems complained. there is no better engine in the wide world than the human body. it will stand more neglect and abuse than the finest steel motors ever made by the hands of european craftsmen. a man may fast many days if he lies quietly in one place and keeps warm. but fasting is a deadly proposition while pulling sledges over the snow. dan was less hopeful now. his face told what his words did not. the lines cleft deeper about his lips and eyes; and snowbird's heart ached when he tried to encourage her with a smile. it was a wan, strange smile that couldn't quite hide the first sickness of despair. the shadows quickly lengthened--simply leaping over the snow from the fast-falling sun. soon it dropped down behind the ridge; and the gray of twilight began to deepen among the more distant trees. it blurred the outline and dulled the sight. with the twilight came the cold, first crisp, then bitter and penetrating to the vitals. the twilight deepened, the snow turned gray, and then, in a vague way, the journey began to partake of a quality of unreality. it was not that the cold and the snow and their hunger were not entirely real, or that the wilderness was no longer naked to their eyes. it was just that their whole effort seemed like some dreadful, emburdened journey in a dream,--a stumbling advance under difficulties too many and real to be true. the first sign was the far-off cry of the wolf pack. it was very faint, simply a stir in the ear drums, yet it was entirely clear. that clear, cold mountain air was a perfect telephone system, conveying a message distinctly, no matter how faintly. there were no tall buildings or cities to disturb the ether waves. and all three of them knew at the same instant it was not exactly the cry they had heard before. they couldn't have told just why, even if they had wished to talk about it. in some dim way, it had lost the strange quality of despair that it had held before. it was as if the pack were running with renewed life, that each wolf was calling to another with a dreadful sort of exultation. it was an excited cry too,--not the long, sad song they had learned to listen for. it sounded immediately behind them. they couldn't help but listen. no human ears could have shut out the sound. but none of them pretended that they had heard. and this was the worst sign of all. each one of the three was hoping against hope in his very heart; and at the same time, hoping that the others did not understand. for a long time, as the darkness deepened about them, the forests were still. perhaps, dan thought, he had been mistaken after all. his shoulders straightened. then the chorus blared again. the man looked back at the girl, smiling into her eyes. lennox lay as if asleep, the lines of his dark face curiously pronounced. and the girl, because she was of the mountains, body and soul, answered dan's smile. then they knew that all of them knew the truth. not even an inexperienced ear could have any delusions about the pack song now. it was that oldest of wilderness songs, the hunting-cry,--that frenzied song of blood-lust that the wolf pack utters when it is running on the trail of game. it had found the track of living flesh at last. "there's no use stopping, or trying to climb a tree," dan told them simply. "in the first place, lennox can't do it. in the second, we've got to take a chance--for cold and hunger can get up a tree where the wolf pack can't." he spoke wholly without emotion. once more he tightened the traces of the sled. "i've heard that sometimes the pack will chase a man for days without attacking," lennox told them. "it all depends on how long they've gone without food. keep on and try to forget 'em. maybe we can keep 'em bluffed." but as the hours passed, it became increasingly difficult to forget the wolf pack. it was only a matter of turning the head and peering for an instant into the shadows to catch a glimpse of one of the creatures. their forms, when they emerged from the shadows of the tree trunks, were entirely visible against the snow. they no longer yapped and howled. they acted very intent and stealthy. they had spread out in a great wing, slipping from shadow and shadow, and what were their mental processes no human being may even guess. it was a new game; and they seemed to be seeking the best means of attack. their usual fear of men, always their first emotion, had given way wholly to a hunting cunning: an effort to procure their game without too great risk of their own lives. in the desperation of their hunger they could not remember such things as the fear of men. they spread out farther, and at last dan looked up to find one of the gray beasts waiting, like a shadow himself, in the shadow of a tree not one hundred feet from the sled. snowbird whipped out her pistol. "don't dare!" dan's voice cracked out to her. he didn't speak loudly; yet the words came so sharp and commanding, so like pistol fire itself, that they penetrated into her consciousness and choked back the nervous reflexes that in an instant might have lost them one of their three precious shells. she caught herself with a sob. dan shouted at the wolf, and it melted into the shadows. "you won't do it again, snowbird?" he asked her very humbly. but his meaning was clear. he was not as skilled with a pistol as she; but if her nerves were breaking, the gun must be taken from her hands. the three shells must be saved to the moment of utmost need. "no," she told him, looking straight into his eyes. "i won't do it again." he believed her. he knew that she spoke the truth. he met her eyes with a half smile. then, wholly without warning, fate played its last trump. again the wilderness reminded them of its might, and their brave spirits were almost broken by the utter remorselessness of the blow. the girl went on her face with a crack of wood. her snowshoe had been cracked by her fall of the day before, when running to the fire, and whether she struck some other obstruction in the snow, or whether the cracked wood had simply given way under her weight, mattered not even enough for them to investigate. as in all great disasters, only the result remained. the result in this case was that her snowshoe, without which she could not walk at all in the snow, was irreparably broken. vi "fate has stacked the cards against us," lennox told them, after the first moment's horror from the broken snowshoe. but no one answered him. the girl, white-faced, kept her wide eyes on dan. he seemed to be peering into the shadows beside the trail, as if he were watching for the gray forms that now and then glided from tree to tree. in reality, he was not looking for wolves. he was gazing down into his own soul, measuring his own spirit for the trial that lay before him. the girl, unable to step with the broken snowshoe, rested her weight on one foot and hobbled like a bird with broken wings across to him. no sight of all this terrible journey had been more dreadful in her father's eyes than this. it seemed to split open the strong heart of the man. she touched her hand to his arm. "i'm sorry, dan," she told him. "you tried so hard--" just one little sound broke from his throat--a strange, deep gasp that could not be suppressed. then he caught her hand in his and kissed it,--again and again. "do you think i care about that?" he asked her. "i only wish i could have done more--and what i have done doesn't count. just as in my fight with cranston, nothing counts because i didn't win. it's just fate, snowbird. it's no one's fault, but maybe, in this world, nothing is ever any one's fault." for in the twilight of those winter woods, in the shadow of death itself, perhaps he was catching glimmerings of eternal truths that are hidden from all but the most far-seeing eyes. "and this is the end?" she asked him. she spoke very bravely. "no!" his hand tightened on hers. "no, so long as an ounce of strength remains. to fight--never to give up--may god give me spirit for it till i die." and this was no idle prayer. his eyes raised to the starry sky as he spoke. "but, son," lennox asked him rather quietly, "what can you do? the wolves aren't going to wait a great deal longer, and we can't go on." "there's one thing more--one more trial to make," dan answered. "i thought about it at first, but it was too long a chance to try if there was any other way. and i suppose you thought of it too." "overtaking cranston?" "of course. and it sounds like a crazy dream. but listen, both of you. if we have got to die, up here in the snow--and it looks like we had--what is the thing you want done worst before we go?" lennox's hands clasped, and he leaned forward on the sled. "pay cranston!" he said. "yes!" dan's voice rang. "cranston's never going to be paid unless we do it. there will be no signs of incendiarism at the house, and no proofs. they'll find our bodies in the snow, and we'll just be a mystery, with no one made to pay. the evidence in my pocket will be taken by cranston, sometime this winter. if i don't make him pay, he never will pay. and that's one reason why i'm going to try to carry out this plan i've got. "the second reason is that it's the one hope we have left. i take it that none of us are deceived on that point. and no man can die tamely--if he is a man--while there's a chance. i mean a young man, like me,--not one who is old and tired. it sounds perfectly silly to talk about finding cranston's winter quarters, and then, with my bare hands, conquering him, taking his food and his blankets and his snowshoes and his rifle to fight away these wolves, and bringing 'em back here." "you wouldn't be barehanded," the girl reminded him. "you could have the pistol." he didn't even seem to hear her. "i've been thinking about it. it's a long, long chance--much worse than the chance we had of getting out by straight walking. i think we could have made it, if the wolves had kept off and the snowshoe hadn't broken. it would have nearly killed us, but i believe we could have got out. that's why i didn't try this other way first. a man with his bare hands hasn't much of a chance against another with a rifle, and i don't want you to be too hopeful. and of course, the hardest problem is finding his camp. "but i do feel sure of one thing: that he is back to his old trapping line on the north fork--somewhere south of here--and his camp is somewhere on the river. i think he would have gone there so that he could cut off any attempt i might make to get through with those letters. my plan is to start back at an angle that will carry me between the north fork and our old house. somewhere in there i'll find his tracks, the tracks he made when he first came over to burn up the house. i suppose he was careful to mix 'em up after once he arrived there, but the first part of the way he likely walked straight toward the house from his camp. somewhere, if i go that way, i'll cross his trail--within ten miles at least. then i'll back-track him to his camp." "and never come back!" the girl cried. "maybe not. but at least everything that can be done will be done. nothing will be left. no regrets. we will have made the last trial. i'm not going to waste any time, snowbird. the sooner we get your fire built the better." "father and i are to stay here--?" "what else can you do?" he went back to his traces and drew the sled one hundred yards farther. he didn't seem to see the gaunt wolf that backed off into the shadows as he approached. he refused to notice that the pack seemed to be steadily growing bolder. human hunters usually had guns that could blast and destroy from a distance; but even an animal intelligence could perceive that these three seemed to be without this means of inflicting death. a wolf is ever so much more intelligent than a crow,--yet a crow shows little fear of an unarmed man and is wholly unapproachable by a boy with a gun. the ugly truth was simply that in their increasing madness and excitement and hunger, they were becoming less and less fearful of these three strange humans with the sled. it was not a good place for a camp. they worked a long time before they cleared a little patch of ground of its snow mantle. dan cut a number of saplings--laboriously with his ax--and built a fire with the comparatively dry core of a dead tree. true, it was feeble and flickering, but as good as could be hoped for, considering the difficulties under which he worked. the dead logs under the snow were soaked with water from the rains and the thaws. the green wood that he cut smoked without blazing. "no more time to be lost," dan told snowbird. "it lies in your hands to keep the fire burning. and don't leave the circle of the firelight without that pistol in your hand." "you don't mean," she asked, unbelieving, "that you are going to go out there to fight cranston--unarmed?" "of course, snowbird. you must keep the pistol." "but it means death; that's all it means. what chance would you have against a man with a rifle? and as soon as you get away from this fire, the wolves will tear you to pieces." "and what would you and your father do, if i took it? you can't get him into a tree. you can't build a big enough fire to frighten them. please don't even talk about this matter, snowbird. my mind's made up. i think the pack will stay here. they usually--god knows how--know who is helpless and who isn't. maybe with the gun, you will be able to save your lives." "what's the chance of that?" "you might--with one cartridge--kill one of the devils; and the others--but you know how they devour their own dead. that might break their famine enough so that they'd hold off until i can get back. that's the prize i'm playing for." "and what if you don't get back?" he took her hand in one of his, and with the other he caressed, for a single moment, the lovely flesh of her throat. the love he had for her spoke from his eyes,--such speech as no human vision could possibly mistake. both of them were tingling and breathless with a great, sweet wonder. "never let those fangs tear that softness, while you live," he told her gently. "never let that brave old man on the sled go to his death with the pack tearing at him. cheat 'em, snowbird! beat 'em the last minute, if no other way remains! show 'em who's boss, after all--of all this forest." "you mean--?" her eyes widened. "i mean that you must only spend one of those three shells in fighting off the wolves. save that till the moment you need it most. the other two must be saved--for something else." she nodded, shuddering an instant at a menacing shadow that moved within sixty feet of the fire. the firelight half-blinded them, dim as it was, and they couldn't see into the darkness as well as they had before. except for strange, blue-yellow lights, close together and two and two about the fire, they might have thought that the pack was gone. "then good-by, dan!" she told him. and she stretched up her arms. "the thing i said--that day on the hillside--doesn't hold any more." his own arms encircled her, but he made no effort to claim her lips. lennox watched them quietly; in this moment of crisis not even pretending to look away. dan shook his head to her entreating eyes. "it isn't just a kiss, darling," he told her soberly. "it goes deeper than that. it's a symbol. it was your word, too, and mine; and words can't be broken, things being as they are. can't i make you understand?" she nodded. his eyes burned. perhaps she didn't understand, as far as actual functioning of the brain was concerned. but she reached up to him, as women--knowing life in the concrete rather than the abstract--have always reached up to men; and she dimly caught the gleam of some eternal principle and right behind his words. this strong man of the mountains had given his word, had been witness to her own promise to him and to herself, and a law that goes down to the roots of life prevented him from claiming the kiss. many times, since the world was new, comfort--happiness--life itself have been contingent on the breaking of a law. yet in spite of what seemed common sense, even though no punishment would forthcome if it were broken, the law has been kept. it was this way now. it wouldn't have been just a kiss such as boys and girls have always had in the moonlight. it meant the symbolic renunciation of the debt that dan owed cranston,--a debt that in his mind might possibly go unpaid, but which no weight of circumstance could make him renounce. his longing for her lips pulled at the roots of him. but by the laws of his being he couldn't claim them until the debt incurred on the hillside, months ago, had been paid; to take them now meant to dull the fine edge of his resolve to carry the issue through to the end, to dim the star that led him, to weaken him, by bending now, for the test to come. he didn't know why. it had its font in the deep wells of the spirit. common sense can't reveal how the holy man keeps strong the spirit by denying the flesh. it goes too deep for that. dan kept to his consecration. he did, however, kiss her hands, and he kissed the tears out of her eyes. then he turned into the darkness and broke through the ring of the wolves. vii dan failing was never more thankful for his unerring sense of direction. he struck off at a forty-five-degree angle between their late course and a direct road to the river, and he kept it as if by a surveyor's line. all the old devices of the wilderness--the ridge on ridge that looked just alike, inclines that to the casual eye looked like downward slopes, streams that vanished beneath the snow, and the snow-mist blowing across the face of the landmarks--could not avail against him. a half dozen of the wolves followed him at first. but perhaps their fierce eyes marked his long stride and his powerful body, and decided that their better chance was with the helpless man and the girl beside the flickering fire. they turned back, one by one. dan kept straight on and in two hours crossed cranston's trail. it was perfectly plain in the moonlit snow. he began to back-track. he headed down a long slope and in an hour more struck the north fork. he didn't doubt but that he would find cranston in his camp, if he found the camp at all. the man had certainly returned to it immediately after setting fire to the buildings, if for no other reason than for food. it isn't well to be abroad on the wintry mountains without a supply of food; and cranston would certainly know this fact. dan didn't know when a rifle bullet from some camp in the thickets would put an abrupt end to his advance. the brush grew high by the river, the elevation was considerably lower, and there might be one hundred camps out of the sight of the casual wayfarer. if cranston should see him, mushing across the moonlit snow, it would give him the most savage joy to open fire upon him with his rifle. dan's advance became more cautious. he was in a notable trapping region, and he might encounter cranston's camp at any moment. his keen eyes searched the thickets, and particularly they watched the sky line for a faint glare that might mean a camp fire. he tried to walk silently. it wasn't an easy thing to do with awkward snowshoes; but the river drowned the little noise that he made. he tried to take advantage of the shelter of the thickets and the trees. then, at the base of a little ridge, he came to a sudden halt. he had estimated just right. not two hundred yards distant, a camp fire flickered and glowed in the shelter of a great log. he saw it, by the most astounding good fortune, through a little rift in the trees. ten feet on either side, and it was obscured. he lost no time. he did not know when the wolves about snowbird's camp would lose the last of their cowardice. yet he knew he must keep a tight grip on his self-control and not let the necessity of haste cost him his victory. he crept forward, step by step, placing his snowshoes with consummate care. when he was one hundred yards distant he saw that cranston's camp was situated beside a little stream that flowed into the river and that--like the mountaineer he was--he had built a large lean-to reinforced with snowbanks. the fire burned at its opening. cranston was not in sight; either he was absent from camp or asleep in his lean-to. the latter seemed the more likely. dan made a wide detour, coming in about thirty yards behind the construction. still he moved with incredible caution. never in his life had he possessed a greater mastery over his own nerves. his heart leaped somewhat fast in his breast; but this was the only wasted motion. it isn't easy to advance through such thickets without ever a misstep, without the rustle of a branch or the crack of a twig. certain of the wild creatures find it easy; but men have forgotten how in too many centuries of cities and farms. it is hardly a human quality; and a spectator would have found a rather ghastly fascination in watching the lithe motions, the passionless face, the hands that didn't shake at all. but there were no spectators--unless the little band of wolves, stragglers from the pack that had gathered on the hills behind--watched with lighted eyes. dan went down at full length upon the snow and softly removed his snowshoes. they would be only an impediment in the close work that was sure to follow. he slid along the snow crust, clear to the mouth of the lean-to. the moonlight poured through and showed the interior with rather remarkable plainness. cranston was sprawled, half-sitting, half-lying on a tree-bough pallet near the rear wall. there was not the slightest doubt of the man's wakefulness. dan heard him stir, and once--as if at the memory of his deed of the day before--he cursed in a savage whisper. although he was facing the opening of the lean-to, he was wholly unaware of dan's presence. the latter had thrust his head at the side of the opening, and it was in shadow. cranston seemed to be watching the great, white snow fields that lay in front, and for a moment dan was at loss to explain this seeming vigil. then he understood. the white field before him was part of the long ridge that the three of them would pass on their way to the valleys. cranston had evidently anticipated that the girl and the man would attempt to march out--even if he hadn't guessed they would try to take the helpless lennox with them--and he wished to be prepared for emergencies. there might be sport to have with dan, unarmed as he was. and his eyes were full of strange conjectures in regard to snowbird. both would be exhausted now and helpless-- dan's eyes encompassed the room: the piles of provisions heaped against the wall, the snowshoes beside the pallet, but most of all he wished to locate cranston's rifle. success or failure hung on that. he couldn't find it at first. then he saw the glitter of its barrel in the moonlight,--leaning against a grub-box possibly six feet from cranston and ten from himself. his heart leaped. the best he had hoped for--for the sake of snowbird, not himself--was that he would be nearer to the gun than cranston and would be able to seize it first. but conditions could be greatly worse than they were. if cranston had actually had the weapon in his hands, the odds of battle would have been frightfully against dan. it takes a certain length of time to seize, swing, and aim a rifle; and dan felt that while he would be unable to reach it himself, cranston could not procure it either, without giving dan an opportunity to leap upon him. in all his dreams, through the months of preparation, he had pictured it thus. it was the test at last. the gun might be loaded, and still--in these days of safety devices--unready to fire; and the loss of a fraction of a second might enable cranston to reach his knife. thus dan felt justified in ignoring the gun altogether and trusting--as he had most desired--to a battle of hands. and he wanted both hands free when he made his attack. if dan had been erect upon his feet, his course would have been an immediate leap on the shoulders of his adversary, running the risk of cranston reaching his hunting knife in time. but the second that he would require to get to his feet would entirely offset this advantage. cranston could spring up too. so he did the next most disarming thing. he sprang up and strode into the lean-to. "good evening, cranston," he said pleasantly. cranston was also upon his feet the same instant. his instincts were entirely true. he knew if he leaped for his rifle, dan would be upon his back in an instant, and he would have no chance to use it. his training, also, had been that of the hills, and his reflexes flung him erect upon his feet at the same instant that he saw the leap of his enemy's shadow. they brought up face to face. the rifle was now out of the running, as they were at about equal distances from it, and neither would have time to swing or aim it. dan's sudden appearance had been so utterly unlooked-for, that for a moment cranston could find no answer. his eyes moved to the rifle, then to his belt where hung his hunting knife, that still lay on the pallet. "good evening, failing," he replied, trying his hardest to fall into that strange spirit of nonchalance with which brave men have so often met their adversaries, and which dan had now. "i'm surprised to see you here. what do you want?" dan's voice when he replied was no more warm than the snow banks that reinforced the lean-to. "i want your rifle--also your snowshoes and your supplies of food. and i think i'll take your blankets, too." "and i suppose you mean to fight for them?" cranston asked. his lips drew up in a smile, but there was no smile in the tone of his words. "you're right," dan told him, and he stepped nearer. "not only for that, cranston. we're face to face at last--hands to hands. i've got a knife in my pocket, but i'm not even going to bring it out. it's hands to hands--you and i--until everything's square between us." "perhaps you've forgotten that day on the ridge?" cranston asked. "you haven't any woman to save you this time." "i remember the day, and that's part of the debt. the thing you did yesterday is part of it too. it's all to be settled at last, cranston, and i don't believe i could spare you if you went to your knees before me. you've got a clearing out by the fire--big as a prize ring. we'll go out there--side by side. and hands to hands we'll settle all these debts we have between us--with no rules of fighting and no mercy in the end!" they measured each other with their eyes. once more cranston's gaze stole to his rifle, but lunging out, dan kicked it three feet farther into the shadows of the lean-to. dan saw the dark face drawn with passion, the hands clenching, the shoulder muscles growing into hard knots. and cranston looked and knew that merciless vengeance--that age-old sin and christless creed by which he lived--had followed him down and was clutching him at last. he saw it in the position of the stalwart form before him, the clear level eyes that the moonlight made bright as steel, the hard lines, the slim, powerful hands. he could read it in the tones of the voice,--tones that he himself could not imitate or pretend. the hour had come for the settling of old debts. he tried to curse his adversary as a weakling and a degenerate, but the obscene words he sought for would not come to his lips. here was his fate, and because the darkness always fades before the light, and the courage of wickedness always breaks before the courage of righteousness, cranston was afraid to look it in the face. the fear of defeat, of death, of heaven knows what remorselessness with which this grave giant would administer justice was upon him, and his heart seemed to freeze in his breast. cravenly he leaped for his knife on the blankets below him. dan was upon him before he ever reached it. he sprang as a cougar springs, incredibly fast and with shattering power. both went down, and for a long time they writhed and struggled in each other's arms. the pine boughs rustled strangely. the dark, gaunt hand reached in vain for the knife. some resistless power seemed to be holding his wrist and was bending its bone as an indian bends a bow. pain lashed through him.--and then this dark-hearted man, who had never known the meaning of mercy, opened his lips to scream that this terrible enemy be merciful to him. but the words wouldn't come. a ghastly weight had come at his throat, and his tortured lungs sobbed for breath. then, for a long time, there was a curious pounding, lashing sound in the evergreen boughs. it seemed merciless and endless. but dan got up at last, in a strange, heavy silence, and swiftly went to work. he took the rifle and filled it with cartridges from cranston's belt. then he put the remaining two boxes of shells into his shirt pocket. the supplies of food--the sack of nutritious jerked venison like dried bark, the little package of cheese, the boxes of hardtack and one of the small sacks of prepared flour--he tied, with a single kettle, into his heavy blankets and flung them with the rifle upon his back. finally he took the pair of snowshoes from the floor. he worked coldly, swiftly, all the time munching at a piece of jerked venison. when he had finished he walked to the door of the lean-to. it seemed to dan that cranston whispered faintly, from his unconsciousness, as he passed; but the victor did not turn to look. the snowshoes crunched away into the darkness. on the hill behind a half-dozen wolves--stragglers from the pack--frisked and leaped about in a curious way. a strange smell had reached them on the wind, and when the loud, fearful steps were out of hearing, it might pay them to creep down, one by one, and investigate its cause. viii the gray circle about the fire was growing impatient. snowbird waited to the last instant before she admitted this fact. but it is possible only so long to deny the truth of a thing that all the senses verify, and that moment for her was past. at first the wolves had lingered in the deepest shadow and were only visible in profile against the gray snow. but as the night wore on, they became increasingly careless. they crept up to the very edge of the little circle of firelight; and when a high-leaping flame threw a gleam over them, they didn't shrink. she had only to look up to see that age-old circle of fire--bright dots, two and two--at every side. it is an instinct in the hunting creatures to remain silent before the attack. the triumph cries come afterward. but they seemed no longer anxious about this, either. sometimes she would hear their footfall as they leaped in the snow, and what excitement stirred them she didn't dare to think. quite often one of them would snarl softly,--a strange sound in the darkness. she noticed that when she went to her hands and knees, laboriously to cut a piece of the drier wood from the rain-soaked, rotted snag that was her principal supply of fuel, every wolf would leap forward, only to draw back when she stood straight again. at such times she saw them perfectly plainly,--their gaunt bodies, their eyes lighted with the insanity of famine, their ivory fangs that glistened in the firelight. she worked desperately to keep the fire burning bright. she dared not neglect it for a moment. except for the single pistol ball that she could afford to expend on the wolves--of the three she had--the fire was her last defense. but it was a losing fight. the rain-soaked wood smoked without flame, the comparatively dry core with which dan had started the fire had burned down, and the green wood, hacked with such heart-breaking difficulty from the saplings that dan had cut, needed the most tireless attention to burn at all. when dan had gone, these little trees were well within the circle of the wolves. unfortunately, the circle had drawn in past them. nevertheless, now that the last of the drier dead wood was consumed, she shouldered her ax and walked straight toward the gray, crouching bodies in the snow. for a tragic second she thought that the nearest of them was going to stand its ground. but almost when she was in striking range, and its body was sinking to the snow in preparation for a leap, it skulked back into the shadow. exhausted as she was, it seemed to her that she chopped endlessly to cut away one little length. the ax blade was dull, the handle awkward in her hand, she could scarcely stand on her broken snowshoes, and worse, the ice crust broke beneath her blows, burying the sapling in the snow. she noticed that every time she bent to strike a blow, the circle would plunge a step nearer her, withdrawing as she straightened again. books of woodcraft often describe with what ease a fire may be built and maintained in wet snow. it works fairly well in theory, but it is a heart-breaking task in practice. under such difficulties as she worked, it became one of those dreadful undertakings that partake of a nightmare quality,--the walking of a treadmill or the sweeping of waves from the shore. when she secured the first length, her fire was almost extinguished. it threw a fault cloud of smoke into the air, but the flame was almost gone. the darkness dropped about her, and the wolves came stealing over the snow. she worked furiously, with the strength of desperation, and little by little she won back a tiny flame. her nervous vitality was flowing from her in a frightful stream. too long she had toiled without food in the constant presence of danger, and she was very near indeed to utter exhaustion. but at the same time she knew she must not faint. that was one thing she could not do,--to fall unconscious before the last of her three cartridges was expended in the right way. again she went forth to the sapling, and this time it seemed to her that if she simply tossed the ax through the air, she could fell one of the gray crowd. but when she stooped to pick it up--she didn't finish the thought. she turned to coax the fire. and then she leaned sobbing over the sled. "what's the use?" she cried. "he won't come back. what's the use of fighting any more?" "there's always use of fighting," her father told her. he seemed to speak with difficulty, and his face looked strange and white. the cold and the exposure were having their effect on his weakened system, and unconsciousness was a near shadow indeed. "but, dearest,--if i could only make you do what i want you to--" "what?" "you're able to climb a tree, and if you'd take these coats, you wouldn't freeze by morning. if you'd only have the strength--" "and see you torn to pieces!" "i'm old, dear--and very tired--and i'd crawl away into the shadows, where you couldn't see. there's no use mincing words, snowbird. you're a brave girl--always have been since a little thing, as god is my judge--and you know we must face the truth. better one of us die than both. and i promise--i'll never feel their fangs. and i won't take your pistol with me either." her thought flashed to the clasp hunting knife that he carried in his pocket. but her eyes lighted, and she bent and kissed him. and the wolves leaped forward even at this. "we'll stay it out," she told him. "we'll fight it to the last--just as dan would want us to do. besides--it would only mean the same fate for me, in a little while. i couldn't cling up there forever--and dan won't come back." * * * * * she was wholly unable to gain on the fire. only by dint of the most heart-breaking toil was she able to secure any dry fuel for it at all. every length of wood she cut had to be scraped of bark, and half the time the fire was only a sickly column of white smoke. it became increasingly difficult to swing the ax. the trail was almost at its end. the after-midnight hours drew one by one across the face of the wilderness, and she thought that the deepening cold presaged dawn. her fingers were numb. her nerve control was breaking; she could no longer drive a straight blow with the ax. the number of the wolves seemed to be increasing: every way she looked she could see them leaping. or was this just hysteria? surely the battle could go on but a few moments more. the wolves themselves, sensing dawn, were losing the last of their cowardice. once more she went to one of the saplings, but she stumbled and almost went to her face at the first blow. it was the instant that her gray watchers had been waiting for. the wolf that stood nearest leaped--a gray streak out of the shadow--and every wolf in the pack shot forward with a yell. it was a short, expectant cry; but it chopped off short. for with a half-sob, and seemingly without mental process, she aimed her pistol and fired. a fast-leaping wolf is one of the most difficult pistol targets that can be imagined. it bordered on the miraculous that she did not miss him altogether. her nerves were torn, their control over her muscles largely gone. yet the bullet coursed down through the lungs, inflicting a mortal wound. the wolf had leaped for her throat; but he fell short. she staggered from a blow, and she heard a curious sound in the region of her hip. but she didn't know that the fangs had gone home in her soft flesh. the wolf rolled on the ground; and if her pistol had possessed the shocking power of a rifle, he would have never got up again. as it was, he shrieked once, then sped off in the darkness to die. five or six of the nearest wolves, catching the smell of his blood, bayed and sped after him. but the remainder of the great pack--fully fifteen of the gray, gaunt creatures--came stealing across the snow toward her. white fangs had gone home; and a new madness was in the air. * * * * * straining into the silence, a perfectly straight line between cranston's camp and snowbird's, dan failing came mushing across the snow. his sense of direction had never been obliged to stand such a test as this before. snowbird's fire was a single dot on a vast plateau; yet he had gone straight toward it. he was risking everything for the sake of speed. he gave no heed to the fallen timber that might have torn the web of his snowshoes to shreds. because he shut out all thought of it, he had no feeling of fatigue. the fight with cranston had been a frightful strain on muscle and nerve; but he scarcely remembered it now. his whole purpose was to return to snowbird before the wolves lost the last of their cowardice. the jerked venison that he had munched had brought him back much of his strength. he was wholly unconscious of his heavy pack. never did he glide so swiftly, so softly, with such unerring step; and it was nothing more or less than a perfect expression of the ironclad control that his steel nerves had over his muscles. then, through the silence, he heard the shout of the pack as the wolf had leaped at snowbird. he knew what it meant. the wolves were attacking then, and a great flood of black, hating bitterness poured over him at the thought he had been too late. it had all been in vain, and before the thought could fully go home, he heard the dim, far-off crack of a pistol. was that the first of the three shots, the one she might expend on the wolves, or had the first two already been spent and was she taking the last gateway of escape? perhaps even now lennox was lying still on the sled, and she was standing before the ruin of her fire, praying that her soul might have wings. he shouted with all the power of his lungs across the snow. but snowbird only heard the soft glide of the wolves in the snow. the wind was blowing toward dan; and while he had heard the loud chorus of the pack, one of the most far-carrying cries, and the penetrating crack of a pistol, she couldn't hear his answering shout. in fact, the wilderness seemed preternaturally still. all was breathless, heavy with suspense, and she stood, just as dan had thought, between the ruin of her fire and the sled, and she looked with straight eyes to the oncoming wolves. "hurry, snowbird," lennox was whispering. "give me the pistol--for that last work. we have only a moment more." he looked very calm and brave, half-raised as he was on the sled, and perhaps a half-smile lingered at his bearded lips. and the bravest thing of all was that to spare her, he was willing to take the little weapon from her hand to use it in its last service. she tried to smile at him, then crept over to his side. the strain was over. they knew what they had to face. she put the pistol in his steady hand. his hand lowered to his side and he sat waiting. the moments passed. the wolves seemed to be waiting too, for the last flickering tongue of the little fire to die away. the last of her fuel was ignited and burning out; they were crouched and ready to spring if she should venture forth after more. the darkness closed down deeper, and at last only a column of smoke remained. it was nothing to be afraid of. the great, gray leader of the pack, a wolf that weighed nearly one hundred pounds, began slowly and deliberately to set his muscles for the spring. it was the same as when the great bull elk comes to bay at the base of the cliffs: usually some one wolf, often the great pack leader, wishing to remind his followers of his might, or else some full-grown male proud in his strength, will attack alone. because this was the noblest game that the pack had ever faced, the leader chose to make the first leap himself. it was true that these two had neither such horns nor razor-edged hoofs as the elk, yet they had eyes that chilled his heart when he tried to look at them. but one was lying almost prone, and the fire was out. besides, the madness of starvation, intensified ten times by their terrible realization of the wound at her hip, was upon the pack as never before. the muscles bunched at his lean flanks. but as snowbird and her father gazed at him in fascinated horror, the great wolf suddenly smashed down in the snow. she was aware of its curious, utter collapse actually before the sound of the rifle shot that occasioned it had penetrated her consciousness. it was a perfect shot at long range; and for a long instant her tortured faculties refused to accept the truth. then the rifle spoke again, and a second wolf--a large male that crouched on the other side of the sled--fell kicking in the snow. the pack had leaped forward at the first death; but they halted at the second. and then terror came to them when the third wolf suddenly opened its savage lips and screamed in the death agony. up to this time, except for the report of the rifle, the attack had been made in utter silence. the reason was just that both breath and nervous force are needed to shout; and dan failing could afford to waste neither of these vital forces. he had dropped to his knee, and was firing again and again, his gray eyes looking clear and straight along the barrel, his fingers without jerk or tremor pressing again and again at the trigger, his hands holding the rifle as in a vice. every nerve and muscle were completely in his command. the distance was far, yet he shot with deadly, amazing accuracy. the wolves were within a few feet of the girl, and a fraction's waver in the gun barrel might have sped his bullet toward her. "it's dan failing," lennox shouted as the fourth wolf died. then snowbird snatched her pistol from her father's hand and opened fire. the two shells were no longer needed to free herself and her father from the agony of fangs. she took careful aim, and although a pistol is never as accurate or as powerful as a rifle, she killed one wolf and wounded another. frenzied in their savagery, three or four of the remaining wolves leaped at the body of one of the wounded; but the others scattered in all directions. still dan fired with the same unbelievable accuracy, and still the wolves died in the snow. the girl and the man were screaming now in the frenzied joy of deliverance. the wolves scurried frantically among the trees; and some of them unknowingly ran full in the face of their enemy, to be shot down without mercy. and few indeed were those that escaped,--to collect on a distant ridge, and, perhaps, to be haunted in dreams by a death that came out of the shadows to blast the pack. again the pack-song would be despairing and strange in the winter nights,--that age-old chant of famine and fear and the long war of existence with only death and darkness in the end. and because it is the voice of the wilderness itself, the tenderfoot that camps in the evergreen forest will listen, and his talk will die at his lips, and he will have the beginnings of knowledge. and perhaps he will wonder if god has given him the thews and fiber to meet the wilderness breast to breast as dan had met it: to remain and to fight and to conquer. and thereby his metal will be tested in the eyes of the red gods. snowbird stood waiting in the snow, arms stretched to her forester as dan came running through the wood. but his arms were wider yet, and she went softly into them. * * * * * "we will take it easy from now on," dan failing told them, after the camp was cleared of its dead and the fire was built high. "we have plenty of food; and we will travel a little while each day and make warm camps at night. we'll have friendship fires, just as sometimes we used to build on the ridge." "but after you get down into the valleys?" lennox asked anxiously. "are you and snowbird coming up here to live?" the silence fell over their camp; and a wounded wolf whined in the darkness. "do you think i could leave it now?" dan asked. by no gift of words could he have explained why; yet he knew that by token of his conquest, his spirit was wedded to the dark forests forever. "but heaven knows what i'll do for a living." snowbird crept near him, and her eyes shone in the bright firelight. "i've solved that," she said. "you know you studied forestry--and i told the supervisor at the station how much you knew about it. i wasn't going to tell you until--until certain things happened--and now they have happened, i can't wait another instant. he said that with a little more study you could get into the forest service--take an examination and become a ranger. you're a natural forester if one ever lived, and you'd love the work." "besides," lennox added, "it would clip my snowbird's wings to make her live on the plains. my big house will be rebuilt, children. there will be fires in the fireplace on the fall nights. there is no use of thinking of the plains." "and there's going to be a smaller house--just a cottage at first--right beside it," dan replied. he could go back to his forests, after all. he wouldn't have to throw away his birthright, fought for so hard; and it seemed to him no other occupation could offer so much as that of the forest rangers,--those silent, cool-nerved guardians of the forest and keepers of its keys. for a long time snowbird and he stood together at the edge of the firelight, their bodies warm from the glow, their hearts brimming with words they could not utter. words always come hard to the mountain people. they are folk of action, and dan, rather than to words, trusted to the yearning of his arms. "we're made for each other, snowbird darling," he told her breathlessly at last. "and at last i can claim what i've been waiting for all these months." he claimed it; and in open defiance to all civil law, he collected fully one hundred times in the next few minutes. but it didn't particularly matter, and snowbird didn't even turn her face. "maybe you've forgotten you claimed it when you first came back too," she said. so he had. it had completely slipped his mind, in the excitement of his fight with the wolf pack. and then while lennox pretended to be asleep, they sat, breathless with happiness, on the edge of the sled and watched the dawn come out. they had never seen the snow so lovely in the sunlight. +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's notes: | | | | * words in italics are represented between underscores: _text_. | | * bold-faced words are represented between equal signs: =text=. | | * several obvious typographical and lay-out errors have been | | corrected. | | * inconsistencies in the original have been left as they were: | | geographical names in the tables are often spelled differently| | from those in the text, table lay-out is often inconsistent, | | several words are used spaced, hyphenated and/or non- | | hyphenated, both per cent. and per cent are used, etc. | | * in the table of contents, pages that have no page number in | | the original have been listed as --. | | * several tables have been split and/or rearranged to fit the | | available width. | * page , under table 'cost statement': ' yds. of sand' | | should probably be ' cu. yds. of sand'; ditto for 'rock'. | | * table b, page : the (¶) symbol is not explained in the | | original document. | | * table g: lowest price mentioned for riprap is $ . (last | | row), lowest price in column riprap is $ . . | +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ [illustration: on the pacific highway in the siskiyou mountains, jackson county. macadamized in ] third biennial report of the oregon state highway commission covering the period december st, to november th, oregon state highway commission s. benson, chairman w. l. thompson, commissioner; r. a. booth, commissioner herbert nunn, state highway engineer salem, oregon: state printing department letter of transmittal salem, oregon, december , . honorable james withycombe, governor of the state of oregon, dear sir: in compliance with section , article ii, chapter , laws of , we have the honor to submit herewith the report of the state highway commission for the period december , to november , . the commission desires at this time to express its appreciation of the courtesies and assistance rendered to it by the various state officers and county officials in the work of the past two years. respectfully submitted, oregon state highway commission, s. benson, chairman w. l. thompson, commissioner r. a. booth, commissioner attest: roy a. klein, secretary table of contents page letter of transmittal to the governor table of contents report of the state highway commission general resume of the work of the biennium proposals received on construction jobs bond sales financial statement state highway engineer's report to the highway commission letter of transmittal work accomplished moneys available and expended paving macadamizing grading bridges elimination of grade crossings federal cooperation post road projects forest road projects the pacific highway the columbia river highway county work supervised by the highway department construction work by state forces state highway funds equipment office organization cost keeping employes in the army service tabulated statements of expenditures and costs allotments to various highway funds summary of fund allotments and fund expenditures expenditures segregated by counties expenditures segregated under the heads of general administrative, surveys, construction engineering, construction, equipment, etc. expenditures for construction detailed by jobs expenditures for surveys detailed by jobs expenditures for equipment, bond interest and overhead summary of county funds expended by the department general tabulated information and highway maps miles of highway construction by the department during and tabulation of bridge design and construction miles of location surveys made by the department during and miles of different types of roads in each county motor vehicle registration by counties county bond issues tabulation of contract prices -- yearly expenditure of state funds in counties mileage table of main travelled roads map of main travelled roads -- official designation of state highways employes of the highway commission numbers and mileages of state highways map of state highway system general description of work in various counties baker county benton county clackamas county clatsop county columbia county coos county crook county curry county deschutes county douglas county gilliam county grant county harney county hood river county jackson county jefferson county josephine county klamath county lake county lane county lincoln county linn county malheur county marion county morrow county multnomah county polk county sherman county tillamook county umatilla county union county wallowa county wasco county washington county wheeler county yamhill county third biennial report of the state highway commission of the state of oregon - the law establishing this commission was approved by governor withycombe on february , and on march the following appointments were made: s. benson, portland, for the three-year period; w. l. thompson, pendleton, two-year period; e. j. adams, eugene, one-year period. the first meeting was held on march , , when this commission was organized and s. benson elected chairman and g. ed ross, secretary. the former commission, consisting of james withycombe, governor, ben w. olcott, secretary of state, and thos. b. kay, state treasurer, held meetings on december , and january , and on the qualification of the members of the new commission, as provided in section , article ii, chapter , laws of , transferred all records, maps, equipment and property in its possession. the former commission, in view of proposed legislation providing for a new highway code, made no appropriations nor were policies outlined, so that when the new commission entered upon its duties, it was not embarrassed by policies made by its predecessors. at a meeting on april , , herbert nunn was appointed state highway engineer. on april , , robert a. booth, of eugene, was appointed by governor withycombe to succeed e. j. adams. on august , , roy a. klein was appointed secretary to succeed g. ed ross, resigned. the commission has held fifty-one meetings for the transaction of its business. the state highway system as outlined in the law has been adopted and the work of the biennium confined to the various units of this system. specifications covering hard surface pavement have been prepared by the state highway engineer and adopted by the commission, as well as specifications for grading and bridge construction which have been acceptable to the united states office of public roads and are used on all federal aid projects in the state. surveys have been made on state highway routes to determine the best and most economical location, at the request of the counties, and also several important bridges have been designed and constructed under the supervision of the department. engineers have been furnished at state expense to supervise construction work being done by the counties on state highways in several instances. the program for depending upon the passage of the $ , , . bonding act, the working season remaining after ratification by the voters was short, but engineering parties were sent out and the first contract under this act was let on june , . all except the smaller contracts entered into were carried over into the working season. no new paving or grading contracts of any magnitude have been awarded this year due to the rising costs of material and scarcity of labor. there was early seen the necessity of conserving labor and capital in the national emergency and for that reason the commission has been unable to give aid to many meritorious projects submitted by various sections of the state. at a meeting held on june , the commission went on record, as a war measure, to devote its resources to the completion of the two trunk line highways, the columbia river highway and the pacific highway, completing projects under construction, temporary surfacing to keep trunk highways open or roads to develop resources which are an aid in the prosecution of the war. notwithstanding the mandatory nature of the state law which created the commission and provides funds for work under it, the commission believes this course was warranted and that its action will be supported. due to the uncertainty of materials, supplies, labor conditions, etc., contractors have been unable to make satisfactory bids and on several occasions no satisfactory bids being received, the commission undertook to do the work by day labor, in each case effecting a saving under the low bid. in a few cases, either no bids being received or the ones received being considered excessive, work has been let on the cost plus basis with definite cost limit set, beyond which no percentage would be paid. three of these force account jobs have later been taken over by the commission, as it was felt that the work could be handled more economically with its own forces. to determine the legality of the state and federal co-operative bonds for co-operation on post and forest roads, a friendly suit was brought in the supreme court which was decided favorable to the issue. the interpretation placed on the federal aid road law by the secretary of agriculture requiring actual carriage of the mails or a reasonable prospect before approving as eligible for federal co-operation eliminated from the classification practically all of the columbia river highway and especially links in the pacific highway in douglas county on which it was desired to receive federal aid. under the post road law seventeen projects have been agreed upon, and to date ten have been approved, three disapproved, two pending and two in preparation. construction work has been started on two of these projects. under the forest road law fourteen projects have been approved. construction has been started on four of these projects. several will carry over into the program. a railroad asphalt paving plant was purchased but not used during the season, since no bituminous pavements were constructed, under new contracts, in that period. three concrete pavers are owned by the commission, as well as three road rollers, four rock crushers, and six auto trucks, besides considerable grading construction equipment. a large part of this equipment has been in use this season and not only has saved the cost of rented equipment but has been available at times when it was impossible to get the same elsewhere. a total of seventy-one projects have been advertised as follows. it will be noted that the number of proposals exceeds the number of bidders which may be explained by the fact that on paving work bidders have made proposals on more than one type of pavement. =============================+================+===========+=========== project | date | number of | number of | | proposals | bidders -----------------------------+----------------+-----------+----------- sheridan paving | may , | | sheridan grading | may , | | cummings hill grading | june , | | pendleton paving | june , | | rex-tigard grading | july , | | rex-tigard paving | july , | | clackamas-marion paving | july , | | siskiyou grading | july , | | siskiyou paving | july , | | astoria-svenson grading | july , | | astoria-svenson paving | july , | | goble section grading | july , | | rainier hill section grading | july , | | cascade locks section grading| july , | | viento section grading | july , | | ruthton hill section grading | july , | | columbia county bridges, wood| aug. , | | columbia county bridges, | | | concrete | aug. , | | wasco county, macadam | aug. , | | cummings hill, macadam | aug. , | | condon-thirty mile creek, | | | macadam | aug. , | | mult. county line-scappoose, | | | paving | aug. , | | bend-lapine, cindering | aug. , | | clatsop county line-goble, | | | macadam | aug. , | | new era grading | aug. , | | divide-latham macadam | aug. , | - | - pioneer mountain section, | | | grading | aug. , | - | - lakeview-paisley macadam | aug. , | - | - svenson-westport macadam | aug. , | | tillamook-cloverdale paving | aug. , | | oregon city-canby paving | sept. , | | lane county line-comstock | | | grading | sept. , | | comstock-leona grading | sept. , | | yoncalla-oakland grading | sept. , | | locust hill section grading | sept. , | | wolf creek-grave creek | | | grading | nov. , | | myrtle creek-dillard grading | nov. , | | bridge creek section grading | nov. , | | john day bridge | nov. , | | goble creek bridge | nov. , | | onion flat bridge | nov. , | | canemah-new era grading | dec. , | | tualatin bridge | jan. , | | umpqua bridge ½ miles south | | | of dillard | jan. , | | umpqua bridge mile north | | | of dillard | jan. , | | pendleton-echo grading and | | | macadam | feb. , | | echo-morrow county line | | | grading and macadam | feb. , | | umpqua bridge ½ miles south | | | dillard | feb. , | | hood river bridge | mar. , | | umpqua bridge ½ miles south | | | dillard | mar. , | | beaver creek bridge no. | mar. , | | half viaduct little jack | | | falls | mar. , | | svenson-columbia county line | | | macadam | mar. , | | sheridan-mcminnville section | | | paving | mar. , | | graham creek bridge | mar. , | ... | ... plympton creek bridge | mar. , | ... | ... little creek bridge | mar. , | ... | ... big creek bridge | mar. , | ... | ... clatsop county line-tide | | | creek macadam | mar. , | ... | ... half viaducts in columbia | | | county | mar. , | ... | ... stone wall construction | | | columbia county | mar. , | ... | ... cascade locks section gravel | may , | | salem-aurora paving unit | | | no. | june , | | salem-aurora paving unit | | | no. | june , | | fanno creek bridge | july , | | elgin-minam section grading | july , | | union-telocaset section | | | grading | july , | | elgin-minam section grading | july , | | ashland paving | july , | | divide-comstock macadam | july , | | divide overhead crossing | sept. , | | divide overhead crossing | | | grading | sept. , | | marshfield-coquille macadam | oct. , | | | +-----------+----------- | | | -----------------------------+----------------+-----------+----------- under the provisions of the six million dollar bonding act, bonds to the amount of $ , , . par value have been sold. these bonds bear four per cent interest and mature in from five to twenty-five years from date of issue. an average of six proposals were made for each issue. ===========+==========+===========+===============+==========+========== date of | date of | numbers | highest |par value |price paid sales | bonds | | bidder | | -----------+----------+-----------+---------------+----------+---------- aug. , | aug. , | - | lumbermen's | $ , | $ , | | | trust | | | | | company | | sept. , | sept. , | - | e. h. rollins | , | , | | | & sons | | mar. , | april , | - | henry teal | , | , | | | | | july , | july , | - | e. h. rollins | , | , | | | & sons and | | | | | a. b. leach | | | | | +----------+---------- totals |$ , , |$ , , --------------------------------------------------+----------+---------- under the provisions of chapter of the laws of , (bean-barrett) bonds to meet federal co-operation are authorized. four hundred thousand dollars par value of these bonds were sold august , by the board of control to the highest bidder, clark-kendall & co., whose proposal was $ , . . these bonds are four per cent and mature in from four to eight years. the work accomplished during the biennium may be summed up as follows: miles of hard surface. . miles of broken stone or gravel surface. . miles of graded roadbed. bridges. with the close of the war and the prospect of declining prices of material and a more plentiful supply of labor, the commission looks forward to as a year in which a great deal can be accomplished and at this date a tentative program has been prepared providing for improvement of the state highways in every county of the state. the report of the state highway engineer to the commission is hereto appended, showing in detail the work accomplished and the expenditures during the biennium. financial statement oregon state highway commission statement for the biennium ending november , one-quarter mill tax fund-- balance on hand december , $ , . turnover january , , . turnover january , , . ----------- total receipts $ , . expenditures from ¼ mill tax fund to nov. , , . -------------- balance on hand december , $ , . automobile license fund-- turnover october , $ , . turnover april , , . turnover october , , . ----------- total receipts $ , . total expenditures to nov. , , . ------------ balance, december , $ , . six million dollar bond fund-- august , , $ , . bonds $ , . accrued interest , . sept. , , $ , . bonds , . accrued interest , . march , , $ , . bonds , . accrued interest . july , , $ , . bonds , . accrued interest , . ----------- total receipts from bond sales $ , , . expenditures to november , , , . ------------ ------------ balance on hand december , $ , . state and federal co-operative bonds-- august , , sold $ , . $ , . accrued interest , . ----------- $ , . expenditure of board of control this issue . ----------- turnover by board of control to state highway commission $ , . expenditures to nov. , , . ------------ balance on hand december , $ , . summary =======+===========+===========+=============+============+============= | | | | federal | | | | |co-operative| | ¼-mill | auto | six million | bonds |bean-barrett | | | | state and | -------+-----------+-----------+-------------+------------+------------- total |$ , . |$ , . |$ , , . | $ , . |$ , , . funds | | | | | expend-| , . | , . | , , . | , . | , , . itures | | | | | +-----------+-----------+-------------+------------+------------- balance| $ , . |$ , . |$ , . | $ , . |$ , . -------+-----------+-----------+-------------+------------+------------- [illustration: little jack falls on the columbia river highway between goble and rainier in columbia county] report of the state highway engineer to the state highway commission of the state of oregon - herbert nunn, state highway engineer letter of transmittal salem, oregon, december , . to the honorable state highway commission, s. benson, chairman, w. l. thompson, commissioner, r. a. booth, commissioner. gentlemen: i have the honor to submit report covering the operations of the highway department for the fiscal years ending november , , and november , . in view of the fact that the state highway department did not complete its organization until late in the season of and due to the further fact that practically all contracts were awarded after the first day of july, , it was impossible to place before the state highway commission a report which would be of any particular value to the general public at the end of the last fiscal year. therefore, it has been decided to submit the two fiscal years under one cover in order that the public may have at its command a statement of public highway expenditures and the accomplishments of the state highway department under the supervision of the state highway commission. it was considered advisable by the highway commission to award contracts and get work under way as early in as the necessarily late organization of the department would permit. the matter of preparing estimates and calling for bids was therefore carried out as rapidly as possible, using the data and surveys of the previous administration as a basis for estimates. it is believed that by awarding the contracts during the year , approximately twenty per cent was saved on all construction for the reason that the shortage in labor and material did not become serious in the state of oregon until late in that season. i wish to call the attention of the commission to the law which requires the state highway commission to make county surveys upon the state highway system within the boundaries of any county making application. i believe the law to be a good one, inasmuch as it furnishes free to counties engineering skill which they cannot afford and places at their command an organization which is in a position to carry out preliminary location and estimates. the law states that this work shall be charged to the counties under any future appropriation which may be made to them. the law limiting the expenditures of the state highway department for engineering and administrative purposes to ten per cent of the total moneys appropriated for construction, is sufficient for all purposes of the state highway department, as an examination of the tabulated report will show. however, as there are no separate funds set aside for the county work as above noted, it has been necessary for this department to charge in all such work against our own engineering forces, and when i state to you that the total sum for strictly county work, as requested by the county courts, amounts to $ , . in two years, you will see that the department is carrying a rather heavy burden which in reality does not belong to it. so far the department has been able to carry the burden and still live within the ten per cent, but at any time the counties increase their construction and engineering work and request our supervision, this might exceed the lawful limit which we are allowed. i recommend that this law be made clearer and that certain funds be set aside for engineering work handled by the state highway department for counties. in order to anticipate the large amount of construction for , the state highway department has worked a rather large engineering force throughout the summer of and will continue it through the winter of and . this preliminary work is absolutely necessary in order to award contracts early in the spring of . the federal government requires very carefully prepared plans and estimates for all future government work and this has been anticipated also, and practically every project has been completed as to engineering features and submitted to the federal government for approval. respectfully submitted, herbert nunn, state highway engineer. report of the state highway engineer to the oregon state highway commission december , , to november , work accomplished during the two-year period covered by this report, conditions have been unusually unfavorable for highway construction work. labor and materials of all kinds have been difficult to secure, wages and prices have been very high, transportation facilities have been inadequate and many other conditions have operated to interfere with highway construction. during the last year public sentiment has been opposed to the prosecution of construction work and the restrictions imposed by the federal government have prevented the undertaking of any extensive program of road improvement. for these reasons the highway department has not handled nearly the amount of work that it would have handled under normal conditions, but nevertheless a great stride has been made in the development of oregon's good roads system, and the department feels that a fairly good showing has been made. the actual construction work undertaken and completed during the two years consists of fifty miles of paving, one hundred and eleven and eight-tenths miles of macadamizing, one hundred and thirty-four and five-tenths miles of grading and forty bridges and large culverts. in addition to this actual construction work the department has made surveys of nine hundred and two miles of state roads and has prepared designs for forty-two bridges for county authorities. moneys available and expended from december , , to november , , the state highway department has had available for expenditure a total of $ , , . of state and county funds. of this amount $ , , . has been expended. these amounts distributed over funds are as follows: =================================+===============+=============== funds | amounts | amounts | available | expended ---------------------------------+---------------+--------------- state funds: | | one-quarter mill tax fund | $ , . | $ , . automobile license fund | , . | , . six million dollar bond fund | , , . | , , . state and federal co-operative | , . | , . bond fund | | +---------------+--------------- total state funds | $ , , . | $ , , . county funds | , . | , . +---------------+--------------- grand total | $ , , . | $ , , . ---------------------------------+---------------+--------------- paving a total of fifty miles of pavement was completed by the department during the and seasons. had it not been for the entrance of the united states into the war, this mileage would have been more than doubled, but with need of paving materials, labor and capital for war uses, the commission felt that it must curtail its paving program to the greatest possible extent. to this end, only three miles of pavement was started during the season, whereas under normal conditions the mileage of new work would have been greatly in excess of the forty-seven miles undertaken in . the sections of pavement completed are as follows: clackamas county-- miles oregon city to canby . clatsop county-- astoria to svensen . columbia county-- scappoose to multnomah county line . jackson county-- ashland hill section . tillamook county-- tillamook-cloverdale section . umatilla county-- pendleton to adams . pendleton to state hospital . washington county-- multnomah county line to yamhill county line . yamhill county-- newberg to washington county line . sheridan east . ---- total miles paved . all of the above pavements are sixteen feet in width, and despite the fact that the prices of material and labor increased greatly during the period between the inauguration of the six million dollar paving program and the actual commencement of work, the cost of these paved roads has been only slightly in excess of $ , . per mile per foot width contemplated at the time the six million dollar bond issue was voted. the actual cost of the fifty miles of completed pavement was approximately $ , . which gives a unit cost of $ , . per mile per foot width. each of the sections paved is described in full in an article under the heading of the particular county in which it is located. macadamizing one hundred and twelve miles of state roads have been surfaced with broken stone and gravel macadam. practically all of this surfacing is sixteen feet wide; there are, however, a few short stretches of nine-foot width necessitated by the coming on of wet weather before the full sixteen-foot width could be completed. the total quantity of broken stone and gravel placed in these miles of surface was , cubic yards, an average of , cubic yards per mile, which quantity of material per mile gives an average loose thickness of eight and one-half inches for macadam sixteen feet wide. the department's specifications call for a minimum thickness of six inches. in many places, however, particularly on the lower columbia river work it was found necessary to place as much as eighteen and twenty-four inches of rock before a satisfactory foundation could be secured. the sections upon which broken stone or gravel surfacing was placed are as follows: clatsop county-- miles astoria to columbia county line . columbia county-- clatsop county line to goble . deschutes county-- bend-lapine section (cinder macadam) . douglas county-- divide to leona . gilliam county-- condon to thirty mile creek . hood river county-- cascade locks to hood river . jackson county-- siskiyou mountain section . lake county-- lakeview-paisley section . lane county-- divide-cottage grove section . wheeler county-- cummins hill section . ----- total miles of macadam surfacing . a complete description of each of the above sections will be found in the chapter devoted to the county in which the work was performed. grading the grading work of the highway department is confined to the building of those sections of state roads which are so located that the counties in which they occur are not directly interested in their construction or which are so expensive that county funds are inadequate for their construction. the total number of miles graded during the last two-year period was . miles, most of which was on the pacific and columbia river highways. while the grading work was greatly curtailed during on account of war conditions, work was continued in those localities where resident labor was available and where the work interfered in no way with more essential war industries. a complete tabulation of the grading jobs is given elsewhere in this report, and a detailed outline of each is given under the respective county headings. a few of the more important grading jobs are as follows: miles grading between cascade locks and hood river in hood river county . elimination of roberts mountain grades in douglas county . grading of rice hill section between oakland and yoncalla . elimination of wolf creek-grave creek grades in josephine county . reduction of cummins hill grade in wheeler county . grading between oregon city and new era in clackamas county . bridges the state highway department has, during the period covered by this report, prepared designs for ninety-six bridges and fourteen special culverts. of these structures sixty bridges and ten culverts have been constructed at a total cost to state and counties of $ , . . the structures paid for out of state funds consist of twenty-two reinforced concrete bridges, ten wood bridges, and seven culverts. the total expenditure of state funds for these bridges and culverts was $ , . . [illustration: reinforced concrete bridge over hood river, nearing completion, on the columbia river highway at hood river city. built in .] the structures paid for out of county funds consist of thirteen reinforced concrete bridges, fourteen wood and steel bridges, and four culverts; the total cost of these structures being $ , . . of the structures paid for by the counties, the state highway department supervised the construction for three reinforced concrete bridges, four steel and wood bridges, and one culvert; the cost of which totaled $ , . . a complete tabulation of the bridges designed and constructed is given in another part of this report, and complete descriptions of the more important structures will be found in the articles devoted to the particular counties in which the structures are located. the $ , . intercounty bridge across the willamette river at salem was completed, and has attracted more than local attention. while the cost of this structure was borne by marion and polk counties the design and construction engineering were handled by this department. the reinforced concrete arch bridge at hood river, the largest concrete bridge yet constructed in this state was designed and built under state supervision, although the county also contributed toward its cost. among the proposed bridges of considerable magnitude for which county officials have requested designs from this department may be mentioned the deschutes and oregon city. the former will be located between the present toll bridge and the railroad bridge across the deschutes river and will thus obviate the necessity of toll payments. it will consist of a series of reinforced concrete arches. the oregon city bridge will replace the old suspension bridge across the willamette. studies are being made and comparisons of various types of bridges and locations of site are being made. during the war period, both for patriotic and economic reasons the employment of steel bridges was discontinued and wooden truss bridges used instead. now that the demand for steel for war purposes has subsided, and there are indications of a decline in the price of structural steel in the near future, the resumption of use of that material in the construction of bridges will probably be more general. elimination of grade crossings the department is working consistently for the elimination of dangerous grade crossings. no less than ten grade crossings have been done away with as far as through traffic on state roads is concerned, during the past two years. most of these eliminations have been brought about by holding roads on the same side of railway tracks instead of crossing over and back. two of the eliminations, however, were brought about by grade separations; one near rex in washington county and another near ashland in jackson county, both of these grade separations being undercrossings. an agreement was also reached whereby a reinforced concrete overhead crossing will be constructed to eliminate a very dangerous grade crossing on the pacific highway near divide, in lane county. this structure would have been built in , but on account of the requirements of material for war purposes, the united states highway council ordered the construction delayed. it will undoubtedly be constructed during the season. federal co-operation in , the united states congress enacted a law making available $ , , . of federal government moneys for co-operation with the several states in the construction and improvement of roads. of this amount, $ , , . is appropriated for co-operation on "post roads," roads over which either rural or star post routes are operated, and $ , , . is appropriated for co-operation on "forest roads," roads within or partly within national forests. during the five year period prior to july , , there will become available to the state of oregon from the government funds set aside by this act the following amounts: ===============================+================+================ | for | for | post roads | forest roads -------------------------------+----------------+---------------- july , , to july , |$ , . | $ , . july , , to july , | , . | , . july , , to july , | , . | , . july , , to july , | , . | . july , , to july , | , . | , . +----------------+---------------- totals |$ , , . | $ , . -------------------------------+----------------+---------------- total amount of government funds apportioned to the state of oregon for co-operative work. $ , , . . with the funds thus apportioned to the state, the government will co-operate on approved road projects to not to exceed fifty per cent of their cost. therefore, the state, or the state co-operating with the counties, must provide amounts at least equal to the amounts set aside by the federal government in order to avail itself of the funds apportioned to it. in , the state legislature passed a bill accepting the terms of the federal government's co-operative offer and authorizing the issue of bonds to the amount of $ , , . to provide the funds necessary to match the government funds. there is thus available for expenditure on post and forest roads in the state during the five years prior to july , , the following amounts: for post road projects: federal government funds $ , , . state funds , , . -------------- $ , , . for forest road projects: federal government funds $ , . state funds , . -------------- , , . -------------- total $ , , . for post road projects the plans are prepared, contracts let and work supervised by the state highway department, subject, of course, to approval and acceptance by the secretary of agriculture through the federal office of public roads and rural engineering. for forest road projects, the plans are prepared, contracts let and work supervised by the federal office of public roads and rural engineering acting for the secretary of agriculture. the state highway department is, therefore, directly responsible for the work done on post road projects, whereas on forest road projects the responsibility rests with the office of public roads and rural engineering, the state highway department simply approving the projects and auditing the claims presented by the federal government against the state's share of the funds. it is the policy of the highway department to match the government funds with equal amounts from state funds only, any county funds which may be available being used to increase the total amounts available rather than to reduce the amount of state co-operation. on projects approved to november , , the amount of these additional funds provided by counties is approximately $ , . . post road projects up to november , , fifteen post road projects had been submitted to the office of public roads for approval. of these fifteen projects nine have received approval, three have been rejected as not complying with the government requirements as regards rural and star route mail service over them, and three are pending action by the secretary of agriculture. the rejected projects were the wolf creek-grave creek project in josephine county, the canyonville-galesville project in douglas county, and the myrtle creek-dillard project also in douglas county. the first and third of these projects have since been constructed without government co-operation, and the second is under construction as a "forest road." construction is now under way on two post road projects both of which are in union county. these are the elgin-minam project, estimated to cost $ , . , and the union-telocaset project, estimated to cost $ , . . the contracts for the construction of both jobs were let on july , , to union county, represented by the county court, the lowest bidder. subsequent to the letting, however, the attorney general gave the opinion that the county court had no legal authority to enter into a contract of this nature, and in order to facilitate matters and prevent delay in construction the state highway commission on september , , agreed to take the work over at the prices bid by the county, the county agreeing to reimburse the state in case the cost of the work exceeded the bid prices. the total estimated cost of all projects agreed upon to date is $ , , . of which $ , . is to be paid by the federal government, $ , . by the state, and $ , . by the counties interested. on page is given a tabulation of the post road projects approved, giving the estimated cost of each project with the respective amounts to be paid by the state, the federal government and the counties. forest road projects the federal authorities and the state highway commission have to date agreed upon co-operation on fourteen forest road projects. the total estimated cost of these fourteen projects is $ , , . ; $ , . to be provided by the government, $ , . by the state, and $ , . by the counties. construction is already under way on three of the forest projects, namely: the canyonville-galesville section of the pacific highway in douglas county, the three rivers project in tillamook county, and the ochoco canyon project in crook county. post road projects projects agreed upon to november , =========+=======+========+=============+=================================== |project| miles | | funds provided projects |number | and | estimated +-----------+-----------+----------- +----+ | kind | total | by | by | by | | of work| cost |government | state | counties --------------+--+--------+-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- baker | | | | | | county: | | | | | | baker-middle | | . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . bridge | |miles-- | | | | section | |grading | | | | sag section | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . of baker- | |miles-- | | | | baker- | |grading | | | | cornucopia | |and | | | | road | |gravel | | | | canyon | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . section of | |miles-- | | | | baker- | |grading | | | | cornucopia | | | | | | road | | | | | | | | | | | | grant county: | | | | | | john day to | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... fiske creek | |miles-- | | | | section | |grading | | | | | |and | | | | | |gravel | | | | hall hill to | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... prairie | |miles-- | | | | city | |grading | | | | section | |and | | | | | |gravel | | | | | | | | | | harney county:| | | | | | burns-crane | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . project | |miles-- | | | | | |grading | | | | | |and | | | | | |gravel | | | | malheur | | | | | | county: | | | | | | project to be| | | , . | , . | , . | , . selected | | | | | | | | | | | | marion | | | | | | county: | | | | | | salem- | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... aurora | |miles-- | | | | project | |grading | | | | | | | | | | union county: | | | | | | elgin-minam | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... project | |miles-- | | | | | |grading | | | | union- | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... telocaset | |miles-- | | | | project | |grading | | | | | | | | | | wasco county: | | | | | | the dalles- |..| . | , . | , . | , . | , . three mile | |miles-- | | | | creek | |paving | | | | project | | | | | | | | | | | | wheeler | | | | | | county: | | | | | | fossil- | | . | , . | , . | , . | ... sarvice | |miles-- | | | | creek | |grading | | | | project | | | | | | | | | | | | wheeler and | | | | | | grant | | | | | | counties: | | | | | | sarvice | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . creek- | |miles-- | | | | valades | |grading | | | | ranch | | | | | | project | | | | | | | | | | | | yamhill | | | | | | county: | | | | | | grande | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . ronde | |miles-- | | | | project | |grading | | | | | |and | | | | | |gravel | | | | --------------+--+--------+-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- total estimated cost|$ , , . | | | of all projects | | | | federal government | |$ , . | | funds | | | | state funds | | |$ , . | county funds | | | |$ , . --------------------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- the canyonville-galesville section is what is generally known as cow creek canyon, one of the worst stretches on the pacific highway. this section is . miles in length, and is to be graded sixteen feet wide; the estimated total cost being $ , . . the work is under contract to john hampshire & co., of grants pass. the three rivers project is . miles in length and lies between hebo and dolph on the portland-tillamook highway in tillamook county. the county of tillamook, represented by its county court was the low bidder on this work, but before the contract was entered into, the attorney general ruled that the county court had no authority to contract work of this kind. the state highway department having available the necessary equipment and desiring to get this important piece of road work under way, agreed with the federal government to take the work over at the prices bid by tillamook county. a tabulation of forest road projects approved to date and giving the estimated cost and amounts of county, state and government funds is given below. forest road projects projects approved to november , =====================+=============+=================================== | | funds provided | estimated +-----------+-----------+----------- projects | total | by | by | by | cost | government| state | county ---------------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- clackamas county: | | | | zigzag section of | | | | mt. hood road |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . | ... | | | | crook county: | | | | ochoco canyon | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | | | | | curry county: | | | | curry-coos project | , . | , . | , . | ... | | | | deschutes-lane | | | | counties: | | | | mckenzie pass | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | | | | | douglas county: | | | | canyonville- | , . | , . | , . | , . galesville | | | | tiller trail | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | | | | | lake county: | | | | lapine-lakeview | , . | , . | , . | ... project | | | | | | | | jackson county: | | | | medford-crater | | | | lake project | , . | , . | , . | , . | | | | josephine county: | | | | grants pass- | | | | crescent city | , . | , . | , . | ... project | | | | | | | | klamath county: | | | | anna creek section | | | | of crater lake | , . | , . | , . | ... road | | | | | | | | lane county: | | | | eugene-florence | , . | , . | . . | , . project | | | | | | | | tillamook county: | | | | three rivers | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | | | | | wallowa county: | | | | flora-enterprise | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | | | | | wheeler county: | | | | ochoco canyon | , . | , . | , . | , . project | | | | +-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- total estimated |$ , , . | | | cost of all | | | | projects | | | | federal govt. funds| |$ , . | | state funds | | |$ , . | county funds | | | |$ , . ---------------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+----------- [illustration: mount ashland from the pacific highway in jackson county. elevation of highway , feet] the pacific highway the pacific highway running from portland, through oregon city, salem, albany, eugene, roseburg, grants pass, medford and ashland to the california line, is probably the most important through highway in the state. along it are situated nine of the most important cities of the state. it traverses the immensely productive valleys of the willamette, the umpqua and the rogue rivers. it is the intercommunicating road for nine of the thirty-five counties of the state, and passes through the county seats of all but one of the nine. it is the only continuous and direct road along the pacific coast west of the cascade mountains, and connecting as it does the metropoli of the three pacific coast states it is the most important interstate highway in the west. from the standpoint of the tourist, oregon would not be on the map if it had no pacific highway. it is the road that makes oregon accessible to tourists from other states. being the most important highway in the state, the pacific highway should be the best highway in the state. to make it the best and at the same time to bring it up to the standard of the same highway in the adjacent states of washington and california is one of the ends toward which the highway commission has been working during the past two years. during that time . miles of the very worst stretches of this highway have been newly graded to trunk highway standards. this grading has eliminated practically all of those heavy and dangerous grades which have made oregon notorious for bad roads and which have kept thousands of auto tourists from visiting the state. in addition to grading . miles on the pacific highway, the highway commission has put down . miles of pavement and . miles of macadam, the total cost of all of these improvements being $ , . . as a part of the program, the highway commission has already appropriated for the improvement of the pacific highway the sum of $ , , . , with which it is planned to build miles of pavement and miles of macadam surface. the particular sections of the pacific highway constructed during and , together with their mileages and total costs are given below. all of these sections are completed with the exception of the canyonville-galesville forest road project which is well under way. ================================================+=====+=========== sections |miles| total cost ------------------------------------------------+-----+----------- grading (including bridges)-- | | oregon city to new era | . |$ , . divide to leona | . | , . yoncalla to oakland | . | , . myrtle creek to dillard | . | , . canyonville to galesville | . | , . wolf creek to grave creek | . | , . grants pass to jackson county line | . | , . ashland undercrossing | . | , . | | macadam-- | | cottage grove to divide | . | , . divide to leona | . | , . siskiyou to california line | . | , . | | paving-- | | oregon city to canby | . | , . ashland hill section | . | , . +-----+----------- total cost of improvements completed and under| | way on pacific highway, - | |$ , . ------------------------------------------------+-----+----------- the columbia river highway the columbia river highway is second only to the pacific highway as a commercial necessity in the state of oregon; furthermore, the columbia river highway is the only connecting link between eastern and western oregon that can be kept open for vehicular traffic throughout the entire year. from a scenic standpoint, the columbia river highway has now become world famous, not only because of its wonderful natural advantages of location, but because of the high standard of construction. a large part of this combined commercial and scenic road is now open to traffic and the coming year will see the elimination of the last almost impassable barrier--the summit between hood river and mosier, a piece of construction . miles in length which will cost approximately $ , for the grading alone. the columbia river highway parallels the columbia river from the pacific ocean to umatilla, a distance of miles, thence southeast an additional miles to pendleton, where it connects with the old oregon trail. the old oregon trail continues southeast for a distance of miles, crossing the idaho-oregon line at huntington; making a continuous highway miles in length. at this date, the grading of the columbia river highway is practically complete from astoria to hood river, a total distance of miles, and the greater part of it is now either paved or macadamized. the cost of work completed on the columbia river highway between astoria and portland during the period covered by this report, after all payments are made will be approximately $ , . , of which amount $ , . has been expended to date. the work accomplished consists of . miles of grading, . miles of macadamizing, miles of paving, reinforced concrete bridges and one covered wood draw bridge. on the upper columbia river highway between hood river and cascade locks, . miles have been graded, miles gravelled, and a number of reinforced concrete bridges built, among which is the hood river bridge at hood river, costing $ , . . the total cost of the work completed between hood river and cascade locks will amount to $ , . . the sections improved during this period, with their mileages and costs are as follows: ====================================+=====+============= sections |miles| total cost ------------------------------------+-----+------------- grading-- | | cascade locks to hood river | . |$ , . goble to clatskanie | . | , . astoria to svensen | . | , . | | bridges-- | | hood river bridge | | , . beaver valley bridges | | , . john day river bridge | | , . other bridges | | , . | | paving-- | | astoria to svensen | . | , . scappoose to multnomah county line| . | , . | | macadamizing-- | | astoria to svensen | . | , . svensen to columbia county line | . | , . clatsop county line to goble | . | , . cascade locks to hood river | . | , . +-----+------------- total expenditures and | |$ , , . ------------------------------------+-----+------------- during , work will be undertaken on the columbia river highway to the amount of $ , , . , comprising miles of pavement, miles of gravel macadam and miles of grading. this work when completed will provide a surfaced highway between astoria and pendleton. county work supervised by the highway department that the counties of the state have confidence in the highway department and recognize the ability of the department to get results is evidenced by the fact that $ , . of county funds have been voluntarily turned over to the department during and to be expended under its supervision. this, $ , . , is the actual amount of money paid out by counties on vouchers audited and approved by the department. in addition to this a large amount of work has been done by counties under the supervision of the department, for which payment was made direct by the counties without being audited by the highway department. no record of the total amount thus expended is available, but it is estimated to be about $ , . . no part of this amount is included in any of the tabulations of expenditures given in this report. the cost of engineering and supervision of work handled in this manner, has been paid by the highway department and is included in table vi of the financial report as "engineering county construction." for co-operation on post and forest road projects, a total of $ , . of county funds have already been pledged. of this amount $ , . will be expended under state supervision, and $ , . under federal government supervision. construction work by state forces while the major part of the work supervised by the state highway department is handled under the contract system, it has been found to be good business for the department to go into competition with contractors and where satisfactory bids are not received to proceed to handle the work with state forces. during and , the department handled in this manner the construction of . miles of macadam surfacing, . miles of concrete paving, and . miles of grading. although war conditions prevailed during the past year and every possible obstacle had to be surmounted, the work done with state forces made a creditable showing when compared with cost plus and contract jobs. especially is this true of paving work where a comparison of costs with bid prices show a very substantial saving to the state, as illustrated by the following table: ===================+======+==========+==========+===========+========== |length| prelimi- |cost based|actual cost|saving to | in | nary | on lowest| with state| state | miles| estimate | bid price| forces | | | of cost | | | -------------------+------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- sheridan paving | . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . ashland hill paving| . | , . | , . | , . | , . +------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- total | . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . -------------------+------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- highway construction by the state highway department with its own forces has its limitation, however, in spite of the fact that it is often possible to do work at less cost than by contract. the oregon state highway department is by law and of necessity an engineering organization and, in order to have the best success in handling construction work, it is necessary to have a distinct organization. in the hiring of men for handling such construction, it is necessary for the state to compete with contractors for the higher priced and more experienced men, and the contractor is often in a position to offer more salary than the state. furthermore, it is necessary for the state to carry large quantities of expensive equipment which is idle at least a part of the year, and, in fact, the amount of equipment necessary to handle all of the state work by force account would represent too large a portion of the year's available money for road work. in handling its construction work direct, however, the department has the advantage of not being required to make a profit on the work, neither has it to pay interest on the necessary moneys to carry payrolls and other incidentals, neither is there any loss in retained percentage. the state does not have to carry a construction bond and, in fact, there are many reasons why a state should handle its construction direct, cheaper than by contract. there is much to be said on both sides of the question, but the department at this time does not believe that it is justified in attempting to handle all of the state work, believing that only under certain conditions where the state does not receive reasonable bids the work should be handled direct. the state highway department has many large construction jobs under contract at one time, and it is obvious, even to the layman, that an organization to handle all of this work with state forces is impossible under the present laws of the state of oregon, and the department recommends that force account be limited to such cases as are mentioned above and work for which the quantities and cost can not be closely estimated in advance of construction, such as maintenance work and light grading. state highway funds the funds at the disposal of the highway department are divided as follows: * * * * * =the state highway fund= provides for one-quarter mill tax on the assessed valuation of the state. this fund amounted to $ , . in ; $ , . in and in will equal $ , . . the money available in this fund provides a sufficient sum for the salaries and expenses of the state highway department, and the cost of maintaining state highways which have been constructed or improved. it is provided also, that with the proceeds of this fund, the commission may enter into co-operative agreements with any county for the survey, construction, improvement or maintenance of any state highway upon such basis or contribution as may be agreed upon. the bridge department is maintained out of this fund and furnishes designs for structures desired by the counties. * * * * * =the automobile license fund.= under the provision of section , chapter , laws of , the secretary of state is directed to transfer to an account under the jurisdiction of the state highway commission, the receipts from the automobile license fees, less the cost of administration. the law provides that these funds be transferred on april and october of each year. the receipts from this fund were $ , . and with the rapid increase of the number of automobiles, it is expected that this amount will be increased from year to year. the fund provides for the payment of principal and interest, as the same shall become due, on the bonded indebtedness of the state of oregon, contracted for road purposes under the provisions of the six million dollar bonding act and the state and federal road bonding act. the unexpended balance may be expended on such state highway projects as the commission approves. this fund is also used for co-operative work in counties where the six million dollar fund may not be used and on state highways not eligible for improvement under the post and forest road acts. * * * * * =the six million dollar road bond fund= provides for the issuance of six million dollars in bonds during the next five years. it provides for the sale of one million dollars in bonds in ; two million dollars in , and the balance as the commission may think advisable. the primary purpose of this act was to provide paving on the main highways of the state, contingent upon the counties preparing the road bed according to the plans of the state highway engineer. it also provides funds for the grading of the road bed on the columbia river highway in clatsop, columbia and hood river counties and on the pacific highway in jackson county. at this date a total of $ , , par value of bonds have been sold. * * * * * =state and federal co-operative road bonds.= under the federal aid road act there is provided for expenditure by the federal government during the next five years, $ , , . for the construction of post roads in the state of oregon and there is also available during the same period the sum of $ , . for the construction of highways within or partly within the national forests of the state. the purpose of this act is to meet federal aid in an equal amount and under this provision a total of $ , , . in bonds is authorized to be issued by the board of control and placed in a special fund to be used in carrying out the provisions of this act. a total of $ , . par value of these bonds have been sold. equipment the state highway department owns construction and hauling equipment to the approximate value of $ , . . this equipment is too varied and extensive to be shown in detail in this report. however, it includes six heavy auto trucks, two light auto trucks, twenty-two touring cars, three concrete mixers, two gasoline locomotives, three road rollers, one brown hoist, one asphalt paving plant, three rock crushers and an extensive supply of camp equipment, small tools, drills, steel, pipe, etc. most of this equipment is in fine working condition and adaptable to general highway work and has been used during the past year. however, we have on hand a certain amount of machinery which was bought for special purposes in former years, and while it has no doubt made a saving sufficient to justify its original cost, the department has no more use for it and it would be advantageous to the department if this equipment could be disposed of and the money invested in more necessary machinery. under present conditions, the state law makes it necessary to return any money from the sale of materials, supplies or equipment into the general fund of the state, and it is impossible to get this money back into highway funds without a special act of the legislature. despite this fact, however, some equipment was disposed of during the past year and the money turned into the general fund. if the state highway department is to proceed with any considerable amount of work with state forces, it will be necessary to purchase some additional equipment so that the work may be prosecuted more economically, especially is this true of concrete bridge work and general maintenance work. these are special types of work and special types of equipment are necessary to handle them properly. during the past year a great amount of equipment has been rented from private contractors and in case of short jobs and on special types of work, this is economical, but on long jobs, it is much more economical to purchase the necessary machinery as the amount paid out in rentals for a period of six or eight months is a considerable portion of the purchase price. during the past season a warehouse was built by the department for the purpose of housing construction equipment. this warehouse is located on state property near the penitentiary. it is by feet in size and has railroad facilities. all idle equipment and left over material is shipped to salem, for storage, at the close of the season. there the equipment is overhauled, repaired, repainted, and placed in readiness for the next season's work. the warehouse was built by the department with day labor. it will probably be advisable during the coming year to erect two more units to the warehouse to take care of a larger amount of equipment and provide for repair shop and garage. a garage was rented at north capitol street, salem, and an efficient automobile mechanic was placed in charge. by this means the automobiles of the department are kept in good repair, oiled and tires vulcanized. facilities are provided also for overhauling and repainting, which effects a considerable saving. office organization the work handled in the offices of the state highway department is of four classes, each requiring specialized training, and, in a way, of little or no relation to each other. for this reason, the office organization consists of four different offices or departments: the general office, the auditing department, the office engineering department and the bridge department. the work of these departments is outlined in the following paragraphs. * * * * * =general office.=--all business of the highway commission and all business of the department with the public is transacted through the general office. under the direction of the secretary of the commission and the first assistant engineer, this office handles all correspondence, the issuance of bonds, the execution of contracts, the purchase of supplies and equipment, and all general office detail. the seal of the state highway commission and the minutes of the commission meetings are in the custody of the secretary. all mail is received and distributed through the secretary's office, and in it filed all correspondence, legal documents, etc. this office also keeps a record of all state equipment and takes care of the charging out of rental and depreciation on same. the purchase of office, engineering and construction supplies and equipment is handled by this department and a considerable saving is realized by buying in quantities. on all stock supplies, each job is charged with the amount furnished and similarly rental on our own engineering instruments and automobiles is charged, so that the cost of each job may be determined. on construction projects which are furnished with our own trucks, road rollers, etc., each piece of equipment is rented out to the job in the same manner. a record is kept of the rental charged on each piece of equipment so that its value can be determined at any time. * * * * * =auditing department.=--this department, working under the supervision of the auditor, handles all claims against the commission, verifies each one, prepares the vouchers to cover, sends them out to claimants to be certified, and mails out the warrants when received from the secretary of state. all vouchers drawn from the counties for co-operative work or projects over which the commission has supervision, are also audited in this department. in there were , state vouchers passed, aggregating a total of $ , . ; in , , were passed, aggregating $ , , . . in there were county vouchers totaling $ , . , and in , vouchers totaling $ , . . a total of all such vouchers for the biennium aggregating $ , , . . employes of the commission are paid by payroll warrants drawn in favor of the state highway engineer and bank checks issued against the same. the total number of paychecks issued in was , , and in there was a total of , . it will be noted that in the past two years the commission has done considerable work by day labor and the above statement includes all direct employes. it is desirable to expedite payment of labor claims, especially to men who quit on short notice. the present law requires that claims be prepared in voucher form, approved by the commission for payment and then sent to the secretary of state for audit. the warrant when received is deposited in a bank and a paycheck issued. it is recommended that a revolving payroll fund be created on which pay checks could be drawn and sent out immediately as requested. these could later be listed and the payroll voucher prepared in the usual manner in favor of the state highway engineer. the warrant when received, to be refunded to the payroll fund which would be kept intact. the state highway engineer should furnish a payroll bond to cover. this fund could also be used for emergency claims to take advantage of trade discounts and permit the payment of small claims which it is desired to pay promptly. in the numerous cases in which the commission has taken over the work to do with its own forces, the necessary bookkeeping and detail records for handling material, supplies and labor payrolls have been carried by this office. on several force account jobs each invoice and payroll of the contractor has been carefully checked and verified before being paid. the record of both state and county funds have been audited by reputable certified public accountants and found correct. mr. g. ed ross served in the capacity of auditor until his resignation in july, , when his duties were taken over by roy a. klein, assistant engineer. * * * * * =office engineering department.=--in the office engineering department are handled the numerous office details in connection with the engineering work of the department. the more important of these duties are the working up of maps, profiles, specifications and estimates for new projects; the checking of monthly and final estimates for payments on contract work; the filing of engineering records of all kinds; the keeping of cost distribution and the compilation of reports, statistics and other data. during the past year this department, in addition to its other work, prepared and had published a road map of the state of oregon. this map shows all of the main traveled roads of the state and is believed to be the most authentic as well as the most complete road map of oregon yet published. a small reproduction of the map is contained in this report. single copies of a larger size, by inches will be supplied upon application. * * * * * =bridge department.=--the bridge department prepares designs, plans, specifications and estimates for all bridges and similar structures. the inspection and the supervision of construction of bridges is also in charge of this department. the laws of the state require that bridge designs be prepared for counties by the highway department, upon the request of county courts. twelve counties have taken advantage of this law during the past two years and have called upon the department for designs for a total of thirty-four bridges and six culverts, and of these structures twenty-seven bridges and four culverts have been built. a total of ninety-five bridges and fifteen culverts were designed by the bridge department, of which fifty-nine bridges and eleven culverts have been constructed. cost keeping the keeping of an accurate segregation of expenditures and a detailed distribution of costs for an organization handling the amount of work and the character of work handled by the highway department is a matter of the greatest importance. the highway department seldom has under way less than eighty or ninety separate and distinct jobs. these jobs are scattered all over the state, and few of them are of sufficient size to warrant the employment of timekeepers on the jobs to keep exact records of expenditures and costs. the records for all of these jobs must be kept in the main office where it is impossible for those keeping the records to be personally familiar with the details of the numerous expenditures made on each of the many jobs. to secure proper records of expenditures, therefore, a system of cost keeping must be used which requires little attention from the engineers and superintendents in charge of the various jobs, and at the same time gives sufficient information to those keeping the records in the main office to enable them to segregate all expenditures so that detailed information as regards total expenditures, monthly expenditures, expenditures from different funds, expenditures for different purposes, unit costs, etc., are readily available at any time, and in such form that all jobs may be combined to give total expenditures of various kinds, so that the department is always informed as to the financial status of each job and of all jobs. the system of cost keeping now in use by the department has been evolved from a number of other systems in use on work of a similar nature, and is a system specially devised to meet the requirements of the department. for every cent expended by the highway department or under its supervision, there appears in the cost records, entries which give at a glance the name of the county in which the expenditure is incurred, the name of the particular job, whether it is an engineering cost or a construction cost, the particular part of the work involved, the fund from which it is paid, and a reference to the original invoice or statement upon which the payment is made. these records are so arranged and so summarized each month that almost any desired combination of costs is available, such as the totals for each county, for each job, for each fund, for engineering, for construction, for surveys, for administration, for construction engineering, etc. the expenditure tabulations given in various parts of this report, and especially those in the part devoted to the financial report, give a good idea of the results being obtained with the system in use although they do not give the detail which is readily available in the records themselves. employes in the united states army service the state highway department is very proud of its representation in the army service and in recognition of the patriotism of those employes who have gone to the front, the department has maintained a service flag upon which there are now sixty stars. the men represented by these stars are listed on the following roll of honor: honor roll name and company former position with department abbott, charles h., d engineers inspector brown, merle, batt. f, th field artillery chainman chittick, ernest chainman chrisman, william chainman coats, solomon chainman conway, m. a., navy timekeeper cook, harold, private, s. a. t. c., willamette university blueprinter cooley, lorrin d., company mechanic, th co., coast chainman artillery cowgill, w. c. jr., st provisional co., d resident engineer engineers cutler, oscar, d engineer reg. locating engineer glass, d. g., d lieut., co. d, d engineers locating engineer grabenhorst, eugene b., private, co. p, th bn., instrumentman d engineers green, e. r. private, co. a, d engineers resident engineer greenwood, p. s. transitman grey, ulric r., camp -c, spruce squadron instrumentman hale, e. e. chainman harris, milton, d lieut. transitman hodgman, k. e., captain, spruce division, signal resident engineer corps hyatt, waldron, d co., st regiment, u. s. marine corps instrumentman ingels, hollis g., h. q. co., d inf. levelman ingram, r. c., corporal, co. l, d engineers draftsman isakson, c. o., st lieut., th engineers instrumentman jones, melville s., master engineer, co. c, th engineers computer judd, henry c., d co., coast artillery chainman junken, fred s., navy rodman kelley, c. c., st lieut., co. e, d bn., th district engineer engineers kinsey, claude, co. a, th engineers instrumentman lawrence, perry, amb. co. no. topographer lytle, k. d., co. c, d engineers transitman mcclintock, john, hospital unit, coast artillery chainman mcclintock, leon, hospital unit, coast artillery rodman may, aloys h. transit rodman metzger, floyd s., co. c. q. m. unit no. timekeeper miller, e. v. draftsman miller, ralph w. e., corporal, co. i, d infantry costkeeper minton, joseph, co. m, d infantry rodman moe, forrest l., th co. coast artillery chainman moore, don h., co. a, th engineers chainman moore, merton, co. a, th engineers chainman moore, royal, co. c, s. a. t. c., u. of california chainman morgan, silas b. rodman murdock, r. b., d lieut., co. c, d engineers district engineer murphy, thomas, hospital corps, th division chainman noble, chas. s., y. m. c. a. locating engineer nunn, roy, sergeant, h. q. co., th depot brig. resident engineer oerding, chas., engineers chainman oerding, harry, co. a, th engineers chainman quine, ralph, hospital unit, coast artillery chainman reiter, c. g., st lieut. locating engineer rynning, p. b., co. h, d engineers resident engineer schaffenberg, h. chainman smith, frederic w., co. c, q. m. unit no. timekeeper smith, thos. p. stakeman stretchberry, ray, th co., d engineers rodman sutter, l. r., co. f, th engineers chainman tilley, walker b., co. k, th railway engineers instrumentman welborn, forrest, sergeant, th machine gun company clerk wilson, otis e. inspector withycombe, earl, th engineers resident engineer vester, albert chainman summary the classification of employes lost to the department through enlistment in the army is as follows: district engineers locating engineers resident engineers transitmen draftsmen levelmen computers topographers timekeepers inspectors office clerks blue printer rodmen chainmen -- total number [illustration: reinforced concrete half viaduct on the columbia river highway between goble and rainier in columbia county, constructed in ] financial report fund allotments and expenditures during the fiscal period december , , to november , grand total of funds allotted $ , , . grand total of expenditures , , . ------------- balance on hand december st, $ , . the details of fund allotments and expenditures are set forth in tables as follows: table i. fund allotments from all sources. table ii. summary of fund allotments and fund expenditures. table iii. expenditures segregated by counties. table iv. expenditures segregated under the headings of general administrative, surveys, construction engineering, construction, equipment and unclassified. table v. expenditures for construction detailed by jobs. table vi. expenditures for surveys detailed by jobs. table vii. expenditures for equipment, bond interest and overhead. table viii. summary of county funds expended by department. table i fund allotments from all sources--december st, , to november th, _one-quarter mill tax fund_-- balance on hand dec. , $ , . turnover january , , . turnover january , , . ----------- total $ , . _automobile license fund_-- turnover october , $ , . turnover april , , . turnover october , , . ----------- total $ , . _six million dollar bond fund_-- bond sale, august , $ , . accrued interest , . bond sale, september , , . accrued interest , . bond sale, march , , . accrued interest . bond sale, july , , . accrued interest , . ----------- total $ , , . _state and federal co-operative bond fund_-- bond sale, august , $ , . accrued interest , . less expenditures by board of control . ----------- total $ , . _county funds_-- payments on vouchers drawn by department , . ----------- grand total funds allotted to highway department, december , to november , , , . (for description of the several funds provided for the work of the highway department see pages and .) table ii summary of fund allotments and fund expenditures--december st, , to november th, ==============================+=============+=============+=========== | | | balance funds | allotments | expenditures| december, | | | , ------------------------------+-------------+-------------+----------- one quarter mill tax fund | $ , . | $ , . |$ , . automobile license fund | , . | , . | , . six million dollar bond fund | , , . | , , . | , . state and federal co-operative| | | bond fund | , . | , . | , . ------------------------------+-------------+-------------+----------- total state funds |$ , , . |$ , , . |$ , . | | | county funds | , . | , . | ... ------------------------------+-------------+-------------+----------- grand total |$ , , . |$ , , . |$ , . ------------------------------+-------------+-------------+----------- table iii expenditures segregated by counties (including county funds expended under state supervision)--december st, , to november th, ===========+===============+===============+=============== county | state funds | county funds | total -----------+---------------+---------------+--------------- baker | $ , . | ... | $ , . benton | . | $ . | . clackamas | , . | , . | , . clatsop | , . | ... | , . columbia | , . | ... | , . coos | , . | , . | , . crook | , . | ... | , . curry | , . | ... | , . deschutes | , . | ... | , . douglas | , . | , . | , . gilliam | , . | ... | , . grant | , . | . | , . harney | , . | ... | , . hood river | , . | , . | , . jackson | , . | ... | , . josephine | , . | ... | , . klamath | . | ... | . lake | , . | ... | , . lane | , . | ... | , . lincoln | , . | ... | , . linn | . | . | . malheur | . | ... | . marion | , . | , . | , . morrow | , . | , . | , . polk | . | , . | , . sherman | , . | ... | , . tillamook | , . | , . | , . umatilla | , . | , . | , . union | , . | . | , . wallowa | . | ... | . wasco | , . | . | , . washington | , . | , . | , . wheeler | , . | , . | , . yamhill | , . | , . | , . +---------------+---------------+--------------- total | $ , , . | $ , . | $ , , . -----------+---------------+---------------+--------------- table iv expenditures segregated under the headings of general administration, surveys, construction engineering, construction, equipment and unclassified. =========================+===============+===============+============ classification | total | state | county | | funds | funds -------------------------+---------------+---------------+------------ general administration | | | and supervision | $ , . | $ , . | ... surveys and engineering | | | county work | , . | , . | $ , . construction engineering | , . | , . | . construction | , , . | , , . | , . equipment | , . | , . | ... unclassified (interest | | | on bonds, etc.) | , . | , . | ... +---------------+---------------+------------ grand total expenditures | $ , , . | $ , , . | $ , . -------------------------+---------------+---------------+------------ table v expenditures for construction work detailed by jobs--december st, , to november th, ==================================+=============================+ | totals | +--------------+--------------+ | estimated | expended | jobs | total | to date | | cost of job | | ----------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ clackamas county: | | | paving--oregon city to canby | $ , . | $ , . | grading--canemah hill section | , . | , . | grading and rock crushing--new | , . | , . | era | | | grading--multnomah co. line to | , . | , . | oswego | | | clatsop county: | | | grading and paving--astoria to | , . | , . | svensen | | | macadamizing--svensen to | , . | , . | columbia co. line | | | john day river bridge east of | , . | , . | astoria | | | plympton creek bridge at | , . | , . | westport | | | big creek bridge near knappa | , . | , . | little creek culvert near knappa| . | . | miscellaneous charges on work | . | . | prior to | | | columbia county: | | | paving--multnomah co. line to | , . | , . | scappoose | | | macadam--clatsop co. line to | , . | , . | clatskanie | | | macadam--clatskanie to delena | , . | , . | macadam--delena to goble | , . | , . | macadam--goble section | , . | , . | grading--goble section | , . | , . | grading--rainier hill section | , . | , . | grading--beaver valley section | , . | , . | grading--deer island section | , . | , . | concrete viaduct, cribbing and | , . | , . | masonry wall, near prescott | | | beaver valley bridges | , . | , . | scappoose culvert | , . | , . | goble creek bridge near goble | , . | , . | graham creek culvert near | . | . | clatskanie | | | coos county: | | | coast highway and myrtle point- | , . | , . | coquille road | | | crook county: | | | ochoco canyon forest road | , . | , . | project (federal government | | | cooperates on this project to | | | the amount of $ , . ) | | | deschutes county: | | | cinder macadam--bend to lapine | , . | , . | douglas county: | | | grading--divide to comstock | , . | , . | grading and macadam--comstock | , . | , . | to leona | | | grading--oakland to yoncalla | , . | , . | grading--myrtle creek to dillard| , . | , . | macadamizing--divide to comstock| , . | , . | maintenance--glendale to stage | . | . | road pass | | | umpqua river bridges near | , . | , . | dillard | | | gilliam county: | | | macadam--condon to thirty mile | , . | , . | creek | | | hood river county: | | | grading--cascade locks section | , . | , . | grading--viento section | , . | , . | grading--ruthton hill section | , . | , . | macadam--cascade locks to hood | , . | , . | river | | | hood river bridge | , . | , . | jackson county: | | | macadam--siskiyou to california | , . | , . | line | | | ashland under-crossing | , . | , . | paving--ashland hill section | , . | , . | maintenance--siskiyou section | . | . | josephine county: | | | grading--wolf creek to grave | , . | , . | creek | | | grading--locust hill section | , . | , . | miscellaneous charges on | . | . | construction in | | | lake county: | | | grading and macadam--lakeview | , . | , . | to paisley | | | lane county: | | | macadam--divide to cottage grove| , . | , . | construction prior to | . | . | lincoln county: | | | grading--pioneer mountain | , . | , . | section | | | marion county: | | | salem bridge over willamette | , . | , . | river | | | polk county: | | | approach to salem bridge | , . | , . | reinforced concrete bridge at | , . | , . | dallas | | | reinforced concrete bridge | , . | , . | between monmouth and dallas | | | charges on work prior to | . | . | tillamook county: | | | grading and paving--tillamook | , . | , . | to hebo | | | grading--three rivers forest | , . | , . | road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | umatilla county: | | | paving--wild horse creek section| , . | , . | union county: | | | grading--la grande to hot lake | , . | , . | grading--elgin-minam post road | , . | , . | project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . ) | | | grading--union-telocaset post | , . | , . | road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | washington county: | | | grading and paving--multnomah | , . | , . | co. line to newberg | | | onion flat trestle near sherwood| , . | , . | tualatin river bridge near | , . | , . | tigardville | | | fanno creek bridge near tigard | , . | , . | wheeler county: | | | grading--cummins hill section | , . | , . | macadam--cummins hill section | , . | , | grading--bridge creek section | , . | , . | resurfacing between fossil and | , . | . | condon | | | yamhill county: | | | grading rex to newberg | , . | , . | sheridan paving, | , . | , . | sheridan paving, | , . | , . | completion of sour grass cut-off| , . | , . | +--------------+--------------+ |$ , , . |$ , , . | ----------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ ==================================+=============================+ | state funds | +--------------+--------------+ | state's | expended | jobs | share of | from | | estimated | state funds | | cost | to date | ----------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ clackamas county: | | | paving--oregon city to canby | $ , . | $ , . | grading--canemah hill section | , . | , . | grading and rock crushing--new | , . | , . | era | | | grading--multnomah co. line to | . | . | oswego | | | clatsop county: | | | grading and paving--astoria to | , . | , . | svensen | | | macadamizing--svensen to | , . | , . | columbia co. line | | | john day river bridge east of | , . | , . | astoria | | | plympton creek bridge at | , . | , . | westport | | | big creek bridge near knappa | , . | , . | little creek culvert near knappa| . | . | miscellaneous charges on work | . | . | prior to | | | columbia county: | | | paving--multnomah co. line to | , . | , . | scappoose | | | macadam--clatsop co. line to | , . | , . | clatskanie | | | macadam--clatskanie to delena | , . | , . | macadam--delena to goble | , . | , . | macadam--goble section | , . | , . | grading--goble section | , . | , . | grading--rainier hill section | , . | , . | grading--beaver valley section | , . | , . | grading--deer island section | , . | , . | concrete viaduct, cribbing and | , . | , . | masonry wall, near prescott | | | beaver valley bridges | , . | , . | scappoose culvert | , . | , . | goble creek bridge near goble | , . | , . | graham creek culvert near | . | . | clatskanie | | | coos county: | | | coast highway and myrtle point- | , . | , . | coquille road | | | crook county: | | | ochoco canyon forest road | , . | , . | project (federal government | | | cooperates on this project to | | | the amount of $ , . ) | | | deschutes county: | | | cinder macadam--bend to lapine | , . | , . | douglas county: | | | grading--divide to comstock | , . | , . | grading and macadam--comstock | , . | , . | to leona | | | grading--oakland to yoncalla | , . | , . | grading--myrtle creek to dillard| , . | , . | macadamizing--divide to comstock| , . | , . | maintenance--glendale to stage | . | . | road pass | | | umpqua river bridges near | , . | , . | dillard | | | gilliam county: | | | macadam--condon to thirty mile | , . | , . | creek | | | hood river county: | | | grading--cascade locks section | , . | , . | grading--viento section | , . | , . | grading--ruthton hill section | , . | , . | macadam--cascade locks to hood | , . | , . | river | | | hood river bridge | , . | , . | jackson county: | | | macadam--siskiyou to california | , . | , . | line | | | ashland under-crossing | , . | , . | paving--ashland hill section | , . | , . | maintenance--siskiyou section | . | . | josephine county: | | | grading--wolf creek to grave | , . | , . | creek | | | grading--locust hill section | , . | , . | miscellaneous charges on | . | . | construction in | | | lake county: | | | grading and macadam--lakeview | , . | , . | to paisley | | | lane county: | | | macadam--divide to cottage grove| , . | , . | construction prior to | . | . | lincoln county: | | | grading--pioneer mountain | , . | , . | section | | | marion county: | | | salem bridge over willamette | . | . | river | | | polk county: | | | approach to salem bridge | ... | ... | reinforced concrete bridge at | . | . | dallas | | | reinforced concrete bridge | ... | ... | between monmouth and dallas | | | charges on work prior to | . | . | tillamook county: | | | grading and paving--tillamook | , . | , . | to hebo | | | grading--three rivers forest | , . | , . | road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | umatilla county: | | | paving--wild horse creek section| , . | , . | union county: | | | grading--la grande to hot lake | , . | , . | grading--elgin-minam post road | , . | , . | project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . ) | | | grading--union-telocaset post | , . | , . | road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | washington county: | | | grading and paving--multnomah | , . | , . | co. line to newberg | | | onion flat trestle near sherwood| , . | , . | tualatin river bridge near | , . | , . | tigardville | | | fanno creek bridge near tigard | , . | , . | wheeler county: | | | grading--cummins hill section | , . | , . | macadam--cummins hill section | , . | , . | grading--bridge creek section | , . | , . | resurfacing between fossil and | , . | . | condon | | | yamhill county: | | | grading rex to newberg | ... | ... | sheridan paving, | , . | , . | sheridan paving, | , . | , . | completion of sour grass cut-off| , . | , . | +--------------+--------------+ |$ , , . |$ , , . | ----------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ ==================================+=========================+============ | county funds |construction +------------+------------+ engineering | county's | expended | cost jobs | share of | from | included in | estimated |county funds| preceding | cost | to date | columns ----------------------------------+------------+------------+----------- clackamas county: | | | paving--oregon city to canby |$ ... |$ ... |$ , . grading--canemah hill section | , . | , . | , . grading and rock crushing--new | , . | , . | , . era | | | grading--multnomah co. line to | , . | , . | . oswego | | | clatsop county: | | | grading and paving--astoria to | ... | ... | , . svensen | | | macadamizing--svensen to | ... | ... | , . columbia co. line | | | john day river bridge east of | ... | ... | . astoria | | | plympton creek bridge at | ... | ... | . westport | | | big creek bridge near knappa | ... | ... | . little creek culvert near knappa| ... | ... | . miscellaneous charges on work | ... | ... | . prior to | | | columbia county: | | | paving--multnomah co. line to | ... | ... | , . scappoose | | | macadam--clatsop co. line to | ... | ... | . clatskanie | | | macadam--clatskanie to delena | ... | ... | , . macadam--delena to goble | ... | ... | , . macadam--goble section | ... | ... | . grading--goble section | ... | ... | , . grading--rainier hill section | ... | ... | . grading--beaver valley section | ... | ... | ... grading--deer island section | ... | ... | . concrete viaduct, cribbing and | ... | ... | . masonry wall, near prescott | | | beaver valley bridges | ... | ... | . scappoose culvert | ... | ... | ... goble creek bridge near goble | ... | ... | . graham creek culvert near | ... | ... | . clatskanie | | | coos county: | | | coast highway and myrtle point- | , . | , . | , . coquille road | | | crook county: | | | ochoco canyon forest road | , . | ... | ... project (federal government | | | cooperates on this project to | | | the amount of $ , . ) | | | deschutes county: | | | cinder macadam--bend to lapine | ... | ... | ... douglas county: | | | grading--divide to comstock | , . | , . | , . grading and macadam--comstock | , . | , . | , . to leona | | | grading--oakland to yoncalla | , . | , . | , . grading--myrtle creek to dillard| ... | ... | , . macadamizing--divide to comstock| ... | ... | . maintenance--glendale to stage | ... | ... | ... road pass | | | umpqua river bridges near | ... | ... | . dillard | | | gilliam county: | | | macadam--condon to thirty mile | ... | ... | , . creek | | | hood river county: | | | grading--cascade locks section | ... | ... | , . grading--viento section | ... | ... | , . grading--ruthton hill section | ... | ... | , . macadam--cascade locks to hood | ... | ... | . river | | | hood river bridge | , . | , . | , . jackson county: | | | macadam--siskiyou to california | ... | ... | . line | | | ashland under-crossing | ... | ... | . paving--ashland hill section | ... | ... | . maintenance--siskiyou section | ... | ... | josephine county: | | | grading--wolf creek to grave | ... | ... | , . creek | | | grading--locust hill section | ... | ... | . miscellaneous charges on | ... | ... | . construction in | | | lake county: | | | grading and macadam--lakeview | ... | ... | ... to paisley | | | lane county: | | | macadam--divide to cottage grove| ... | ... | . construction prior to | ... | ... | . lincoln county: | | | grading--pioneer mountain | ... | ... | ... section | | | marion county: | | | salem bridge over willamette | , . | , . | . river | | | polk county: | | | approach to salem bridge | , . | , . | ... reinforced concrete bridge at | , . | , . | . dallas | | | reinforced concrete bridge | , . | , . | ... between monmouth and dallas | | | charges on work prior to | ... | ... | . tillamook county: | | | grading and paving--tillamook | , . | , . | , . to hebo | | | grading--three rivers forest | , . | ... | ... road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | umatilla county: | | | paving--wild horse creek section| ... | ... | , . union county: | | | grading--la grande to hot lake | ... | ... | . grading--elgin-minam post road | ... | ... | . project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . ) | | | grading--union-telocaset post | ... | ... | , . road project (the federal | | | government cooperates on this | | | project to the amount of | | | $ , . .) | | | washington county: | | | grading and paving--multnomah | , . | , . | , . co. line to newberg | | | onion flat trestle near sherwood| ... | ... | . tualatin river bridge near | ... | ... | ... tigardville | | | fanno creek bridge near tigard | ... | ... | ... wheeler county: | | | grading--cummins hill section | , . | , . | , . macadam--cummins hill section | ... | ... | , . grading--bridge creek section | , . | , . | . resurfacing between fossil and | ... | ... | ... condon | | | yamhill county: | | | grading rex to newberg | , . | , . | ... sheridan paving, | , . | , . | , . sheridan paving, | , . | , . | , . completion of sour grass cut-off| ... | ... | . +------------+------------+----------- |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . ----------------------------------+------------+------------+----------- summary estimated total cost expended to date state $ , , . $ , , . county , . , . federal government , . ... ------------- ------------- totals $ , , . $ , , . table vi expenditures for surveys and engineering county construction detailed by jobs--december , , to november , ==================================+============+===========+============ | expenditures jobs +------------+-----------+------------ | by state | by county | total ----------------------------------+------------+-----------+------------ baker county | | | survey, baker-middle bridge |$ , . | ... | $ , . section | | | survey, middle bridge-black | , . | ... | , . bridge section | | | survey, canyon sec. of baker- | . | ... | . cornucopia road | | | survey, sag section of baker- | . | ... | . cornucopia road | | | survey unity to baker | . | ... | . | | | benton county | | | reconnaissance | . | ... | . survey, corvallis to polk | ... | $ . | . county line | | | | | | clackamas county | | | survey, zig zag creek forest | . | ... | . road project | | | survey, oswego to oregon city | . | ... | . survey, oregon city to new era | , . | ... | , . survey, canby to aurora | , . | ... | , . | | | clatsop county | | | reconnaissance, coast & col. | . | ... | . river highways | | | | | | columbia county | | | reconnaissance, columbia river | . | ... | . highway | | | survey, columbia city to | . | ... | . scappoose | | | | | | coos county | | | survey, coast hwy. & myrtle | , . | ... | , . point-coquille road | | | survey, myrtle point to douglas | , . | ... | , . county line | | | | | | curry county | | | survey, coast highway | , . | ... | , . | | | deschutes county | | | survey, harney county line west | . | ... | . seven miles | | | | | | douglas county | | | survey, canyon creek pass to | . | ... | . johns ranch | | | survey, johns ranch to jacques | . | ... | . ranch | | | survey, brockway to round | . | ... | . prairie | | | survey, roseburg to coos county | , . | ... | , . line | | | survey, canyonville-galesville | . | ... | . forest project | | | miscell. surveys and | . | ... | . reconnaissance | | | | | | gilliam county | | | survey, john day river to | , . | ... | , . blalock | | | survey and engineering county | . | ... | . const. john day river to | | | arlington | | | | | | grant county | | | survey, big basin section of | , . | . | , . john day highway | | | survey, & engineering county | , . | ... | , . const. fisk creek to hall hill| | | survey, hall hill to prairie | . | ... | . city | | | survey, john day to fisk creek | , . | ... | , . | | | harney county | | | survey, burns to crane | . | ... | . survey, sage hen to burns | . | ... | . survey, deschutes co. line east | . | ... | . seven miles | | | | | | hood river county | | | survey, hood river to mosier | , . | ... | , . (two routes) | | | | | | jackson county | | | survey, ashland to klamath falls| , . | ... | , . survey, medford to crater lake | , . | ... | , . | | | josephine county | | | survey, wolf creek to grave | , . | ... | , . creek | | | survey, grave creek to grants | , . | ... | , . pass | | | survey, wolf creek to stage road| . | ... | . pass | | | engineering county const. grants| , . | ... | , . pass to jackson county line | | | | | | klamath county | | | reconnaissance, klamath falls | . | ... | . to olene | | | survey, klamath falls to | . | ... | . chiloquin | | | survey, chiloquin to sand creek | . | ... | . survey, anna creek forest road | . | ... | . project | | | | | | lane county | | | survey, goshen to cottage grove | , . | ... | , . survey, eugene to florence | , . | ... | , . survey for overhead crossing at | . | ... | . divide | | | | | | lincoln county | | | surveys for bridge at toledo and| . | ... | . waldport | | | | | | linn county | | | survey, albany to jefferson | . | . | . | | | malheur county | | | reconnaissance | . | ... | . survey, cow valley-brogan | . | ... | . section | | | | | | marion county | | | survey, salem-aurora | , . | ... | , . survey, salem-jefferson | , . | ... | , . | | | morrow county | | | survey, columbia river highway | , . | , . | , . survey, oregon-washington | , . | ... | , . highway | | | engineering county const. | , . | ... | , . oregon-washington highway | | | | | | polk county | | | survey between monmouth and | . | ... | . dallas | | | survey near eola | . | ... | . survey, independence to benton | . | ... | . county line | | | | | | sherman county | | | survey, columbia river highway | , . | ... | , . | | | tillamook county | | | survey, tillamook to hebo | . | ... | . survey, neskowin to salmon river| , . | ... | , . | | | umatilla county | | | survey, pendleton to kamela | , . | , . | , . survey, pendleton to umatilla | , . | , . | , . survey, pendleton to gilliam | , . | . | , . co. line via pilot rock | | | engineering county const., | . | ... | . pendleton to poor farm | | | | | | union county | | | survey, la grande to kamela | , . | . | , . survey, la grande to minam | , . | ... | , . survey, union to telocaset | . | ... | . survey, la grande to union | . | ... | . | | | wallowa county | | | survey, flora-enterprise forest | . | ... | . road project | | | | | | wasco county | | | survey, seuferts to deschutes | , . | ... | , . river | | | design culvert over three mile | | . | . creek | | | | | | washington county | | | survey, multnomah co. line to | $ , . | ... | $ , . newberg | | | survey and engineering county | , . | ... | , . const. beaverton to gaston | | | | | | wheeler county | | | survey, john day river highway | , . | $ . | , . survey, mitchell to dayville | , . | ... | , . survey, fossil to gilliam county| . | ... | . line | | | survey, ochoco canyon forest | . | ... | . road project | | | engineering county const. | . | ... | . sarvice creek summit section | | | engineering county const. fossil| . | ... | . to gilliam county line | | | engineering county const. | . | ... | . sigfrit hill section | | | | | | yamhill county | | | survey, mcminnville to dayton | . | ... | . survey, grand ronde section | , . | ... | , . | | | miscellaneous | | | reconnaissance surveys in | , . | ... | , . various counties | | | +------------+-----------+------------ total expenditure for surveys and |$ , . | $ , . | $ , . engineering county | | | construction work | | | ----------------------------------+------------+-----------+------------ table vii general expenditures--december , , to november , administrative and general supervision: general administrative $ , . state highway commissioners , . auditing department , . purchasing department . office engineering department , . bridge department , . pendleton office , . roseburg office . state highway engineer and assistants , . ------------ total $ , . equipment and stock: equipment (this item represents all expenditures for purchase and maintenance of heavy equipment less monthly rentals charged against jobs) $ , . stock (this item represents all expenditures for supplies and materials bought and held for distribution, less deductions made as supplies and materials are shipped out and charged to jobs) , . construction of new warehouse at salem , . ------------ total $ , . unclassified: interest and other costs on bonds $ , . miscellaneous . ------------ total $ , . table viii county funds expended by state highway department--december , to november , . county amount on totals for each job each county benton county survey--independence to corvallis $ . $ . clackamas county grading--new era to canemah , . ... grading--multnomah county line to oswego , . , . coos county grading--coast highway & coquille-myrtle , . , . point rd. douglas county grading--divide to comstock , . ... grading and macadam--comstock to leona , . ... grading--oakland to yoncalla , . , . grant county survey--john day river highway . . hood river county hood river bridge , . , . linn county survey--albany to jefferson . . marion county salem bridge , . , . morrow county survey of columbia river highway , . , . polk county approach to salem bridge , . ... dallas bridge , . ... bridge between monmouth and dallas , . , . tillamook county grading & paving--tillamook to cloverdale , . , . umatilla county surveys--pendleton to echo , . ... surveys--pendleton to pilot rock . ... surveys--pendleton to kamela , . , . union county surveys--la grande to kamela . . wasco county design for three mile creek bridge . . washington county grading--multnomah co. line to newberg , . , . wheeler county grading--cummins hill section , . ... grading--bridge creek section , . ... surveys--john day river highway . , . yamhill county grading--rex to newberg , . ... sheridan paving, , . ... sheridan paving, , . , . ----------- total county funds expended by department $ , . the above tabulated amounts cover only those expenditures made on vouchers drawn by the highway department. the department has supervised a very large amount of county construction upon which payment has been made direct by the county, which payments are not included above. [illustration: reinforced concrete cribbing near prescott on the columbia river highway in columbia county. built in ] general tabulated information and highway maps tables table a--miles of highway construction completed by the highway department during and . table b--tabulation of bridge design and construction. table c--miles of location surveys made by the department during and . table d--miles of different types of roads in each county. table e--motor vehicle registration by counties. table f--county bond issues. table g--tabulation of contract prices. table h--yearly expenditure of state funds in counties. table i--mileage table of main traveled roads. table j--official designation of state highways. table k--employes of the state highway department. table l--numbers and mileages of state highways. maps map i.--main traveled roads of the state. map ii.--state highway system. table a miles of highway constructed by highway department - ========================+========+========+========+========+======== | | bitu- | broken | | jobs |concrete| minous | stone | gravel | grading |pavement|pavement| macadam|macadam | ------------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- clackamas county-- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... oregon city to canby | ... | . | ... | ... | ... new era to oregon city| ... | ... | ... | ... | . multnomah county line | ... | ... | ... | ... | . to oswego | | | | | | | | | | clatsop county-- | | | | | astoria to svensen | ... | . | . | ... | . svensen to westport | ... | ... | . | . | ... | | | | | columbia county-- | | | | | multnomah county line-| ... | . | ... | ... | ... scappoose | | | | | westport to clatskanie| ... | ... | . | ... | ... clatskanie to delena | ... | ... | . | ... | ... delena to goble | ... | ... | . | ... | ... goble section | ... | ... | . | ... | . beaver valley section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . rainier hill section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | | | | | coos county-- | | | | | marshfield to curry | ... | ... | ... | ... | . county line | | | | | coquille to myrtle | ... | ... | ... | ... | . point | | | | | | | | | | deschutes county-- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... bend to lapine | ... | ... | ... | . | ... (cinder macadam) | | | | | | | | | | douglas county-- | | | | | myrtle creek to | ... | ... | ... | ... | . dillard | | | | | oakland to yoncalla | ... | ... | ... | ... | . divide to comstock | ... | ... | . | ... | . comstock to leona | ... | ... | . | ... | . | | | | | gilliam county-- | | | | | mayville to wheeler | ... | ... | . | ... | ... county line | | | | | condon to thirty mile | ... | ... | . | ... | ... creek | | | | | | | | | | hood river county-- | | | | | cascade locks section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . viento section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . ruthton hill section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . cascade locks to hood | ... | ... | ... | . | ... river | | | | | | | | | | jackson county-- | | | | | siskiyou mountain | ... | ... | . | ... | ... section | | | | | ashland undercrossing | ... | ... | ... | ... | . ashland paving | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | josephine county-- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... wolf creek to grave | ... | ... | ... | ... | . creek | | | | | grants pass-jackson | ... | ... | ... | ... | . county line | | | | | | | | | | lake county-- | | | | | lakeview to paisley | ... | ... | . | ... | . | | | | | lane county-- | | | | | divide to cottage | ... | ... | . | ... | ... grove | | | | | | | | | | lincoln county-- | | | | | pioneer mountain | ... | ... | ... | ... | . section | | | | | | | | | | tillamook county-- | | | | | tillamook-cloverdale | ... | . | ... | ... | . paving | | | | | | | | | | umatilla county-- | | | | | pendleton-adams | ... | . | ... | ... | ... section | | | | | pendleton-west | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | | | | | union county-- | | | | | elgin to minam | ... | ... | ... | ... | . union to telocaset | ... | ... | ... | ... | . la grande to hot lake | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | | | | | washington county-- | | | | | multnomah county line | ... | . | ... | ... | . to newberg | | | | | | | | | | wheeler county | | | | | cummins hill section | ... | ... | . | ... | . fossil-cummins hill | ... | ... | . | ... | ... section | | | | | bridge creek section | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | | | | | yamhill county-- | | | | | sheridan paving | . | ... | ... | ... | . multnomah county line,| ... | . | ... | ... | . newberg paving | | | | | ------------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- totals | . | . | . | . | . ------------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- table b bridge and culvert design and construction december st, , to november th, ====================+===================+=============================== | |total length of bridge | |and approaches (feet) | | +-------------------------- | | |width of roadway (feet) | | | +---------------------- | | | |loading (see footnote) | | | | +--------------- |structure no. | | | | total cost | +---------------+ | | | actual cost name of structure | | type of | | | | if complete; | | structure | | | | estimated | | | | | |if uncompleted --------------------+---+---------------+----+---+------+-------------- benton: | | | | | | culvert on west | |double 'x ' | | |heavy |[ ]$ . side highway, | |r. c. culvert | | | | ½ mi. no. of | | | | | | corvallis | | | | | | culvert on west | |double 'x ' | | |heavy |[ ] , . side highway, | |r. c. culvert | | | | mi. no. of | | | | | | corvallis | | | | | | bridge over mill | |reinforced | | |heavy |[ ] , . race south of | |concrete bridge| | | | corvallis | | | | | | | | | | | | clatsop: | | | | | | drawbridge over | | - ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . john day river | |spans | | | | | | - ' lift span| | | | plympton creek | |r. c. thru span| | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge at | | | | | | westport | | | | | | big creek bridge | |r. c. bridge | | |heavy |[ ] , . near knappa | | 'x ' r. c. | | | | little creek | | culvert | | |heavy |[ ] . culvert near | | | | | | knappa | | | | | | bridge over | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . mcdonald's log | |bridge | | | | chute on colum- | | | | | | bia river hwy. | | | | | | | | | | | | columbia: | | | | | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge no. | |bridge | | | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge no. | |bridge | | | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} |heavy |[ ] , . beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. "a" | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | |} | | bridge no. "b" | |bridge | |} | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge no. | |bridge | | | | beaver creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge no. | | | | | | culvert near | | 'x ' | | |heavy |[ ] , . scappoose on | |r. c. culvert | | | | columbia river | | | | | | highway | | | | | | graham creek | |double 'x ' | | |heavy |[ ] . culvert near | |r. c. box | | | | clatskanie | | | | | | goble creek bridge| | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . at goble | |bridge | | | | half viaduct near | |r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . little jack | |half viaduct | | | | falls | | | | | | | | | | | | coos: | | | | | | overhead railway | |r. c. viaduct | | |heavy |[ ] , . crossing at | | | | | | overland | | | | | | ' wooden truss | |wooden truss | | |medium|[ ] . haynes slough | | ' lift (wood)| | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | | | | | | north slough | | ' lift (wood)| | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | | | | | | isthmus slough | | ' draw span | | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | | | | | | larson slough | | ' wood lift | | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | |and trestle | | | | powers bridge | | - ' wood | | |medium|[ ] , . | |spans | | | | bridge at gravel | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . ford--no. fork | | | | | | of coquille | | | | | | river | | | | | | | | | | | | douglas: | | | | | | pheasant creek | | 'x ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . culvert near | |culvert | | | | curtin | | | | | | pass creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . culvert, mi. | |bridge | | | | north of | | | | | | comstock | | | | | | umpqua river | | - ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge south of | |spans | | | | dillard | | | | | | rock creek bridge | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . near anlauf | |bridge | | | | umpqua river | | - ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge north of | |spans | | | | dillard | | | | | | ' r. c. bridge | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . | |bridge | | | | van tyne creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge between | |bridge | | | | myrtle creek | | | | | | and dillard | | | | | | viaduct mile | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . north of myrtle | |viaduct | | | | creek | | | | | | viaduct mile | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . north of myrtle | |viaduct | | | | creek | | | | | | pass creek culvert| |double 'x ' | | |heavy |[ ] , . ½ miles north | |r. c. culvert | | | | of comstock | | | | | | | | | | | | grant: | | | | | | john day river | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . bridge at | | | | | | monument | | | | | | gulch | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] . gulch | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] . gulch | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] . rock creek | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . john day river at | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . goose rock | | | | | | north fork john | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . day river | | | | | | holmes creek | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . rattlesnake creek | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . dixie creek bridge| | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , , at prairie city | | | | | | | | | | | | hood river: | | | | | | east fork of hood | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . river | |viaduct | | | | neal creek bridge | | ' bridge, | | |heavy |[ ] , . | |r. c. | | | | bridge over hood | | ' wooden | | |medium|[ ] , . river at dee | |span | | | | odell creek bridge| | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . | |bridge | | | | herman creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge | |bridge | | | | culvert for flume | |r. c. culvert | ...| |heavy |[ ] . line at mitchell| | | | | | point | | | | | | culvert for pipe | | 'x ½' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . line at cascade | |culvert | | | | locks | | | | | | viento creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge at viento| |bridge | | | | gorton creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge | |bridge | | | | parham creek | | 'x ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . culvert near | |culvert | | | | viento | | | | | | indian creek | |culvert | |...|... |[ ] , . hood river bridge | | ' r. c. arch| | |heavy |[ ] , . at hood river | |and viaduct | | | | half viaduct on | | ' half | |...|heavy |[ ] , . ruthton hill | |viaduct | | | | | | | | | | jackson: | | | | | | big applegate near| | ' wood span,| | |medium|[ ] , . jacksonville | | ' approach | | | | | | | | | | josephine: | | | | | | trestle over dry | | ' wood | | |medium|[ ] , . gulch east of | |trestle | | | | wolf creek | | | | | | coyote creek | | ' wood | | |medium|[ ] . bridge east of | |trestle | | | | wolf creek | | | | | | | | | | | | lane: | | | | | | overhead railway | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . crossing at | |viaduct | | | | divide | | | | | | | | | | | | lincoln: | | | | | | alsea river, | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . miles above | | | | | | waldport | | | | | | | | | | | | linn: | | | | | | bridge over mill | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . race in lebanon | |bridge | | | | | | | | | | marion: | | | | | | willamette river | |steel bridge | | | (¶) |[ ] , . bridge at salem | | | | | | slough | | 'x ' r. c. | ...|...|heavy |[ ] , . | |culvert | | | | slough | |double ½'x ' | ...|...|heavy |[ ] . | |r. c. culvert | | | | | | | | | | multnomah: | | | | | | overhead crossing | | ' wooden | | |heavy |[ ] . --ore. elec. ry.| |overcrossing | | | | at capital hill | | | | | | slough | | ' wooden span| | |medium|[ ] , . | | | | | | polk: | | | | | | mulkey cut-off | | ' wood | | |medium|[ ] . near monmouth | |trestle | | | | lacreole creek in | | ' r. c. arch | | |heavy |[ ] , . dallas (not | | | | | | designed by | | | | | | state) | | | | | | r. c. bridge | | ' wood bridge| | |heavy |[ ] , . between dallas | | | | | | and monmouth | | | | | | little luckiamute | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . big luckiamute, | | ' suspension| | | ... |[ ] . at montgomery | |foot bridge | | | | school (see also| | | | | | marion county | | | | | | for salem | | | | | | bridge) | | | | | | | | | | | | sherman: | | | | | | john day river | | - ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge on | |deck spans | | | | columbia river | | | | | | highway | | | | | | | | | | | | tillamook: | | | | | | bridge over north | | ' lift and | | |medium|[ ] , . fork of nehalem | | ' span | | | | river | | | | | | bridge over beaver| | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . creek, north of | |bridge | | | | beaver | | | | | | bridge over beaver| | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . creek in beaver | |bridge | | | | munson creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . bridge | |bridge | | | | | | | | | | umatilla: | | | | | | bridge over wash- | | ' wood span | | |medium|[ ] , . out gulch near | | | | | | reith | | | | | | | | | | | | union: | | | | | | grand ronde river | | - ' wooden | | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | |spans | | | | grand ronde river | | - ' wooden | | |medium|[ ] , . bridge | |spans | | | | bridge between la | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . grande and hot | |bridge | | | | lake | | | | | | bridge between la | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . grande and hot | |bridge | | | | lake | | | | | | bridge between la | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . grande and hot | |bridge | | | | lake | | | | | | bridge between la | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . grande and hot | |bridge | | | | lake | | | | | | bridge between la | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . grande and hot | |bridge | | | | lake | | | | | | box culvert near | | 'x ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] . hot lake | |box culvert | | | | | | | | | | wasco: | | | | | | eight mile creek | | ' r. c. box | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge east of | |culvert | | | | the dalles | | | | | | three mile creek | | 'x ' r. c. | ...| |heavy |[ ] . bridge--east of | |culvert | | | | the dalles | | | | | | mosier creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge at mosier| |viaduct | | | | butler creek | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge | |bridge | | | | tygh creek bridge | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . near tygh valley| |bridge | | | | rock creek bridge | | ' r. c. | | |heavy |[ ] , . | |bridge | | | | | | | | | | washington: | | | | | | onion flat trestle| | ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . between rex and | |trestle | | | | tigardville | | | | | | tualatin river | | ' wood span | | |heavy |[ ] , . bridge, mi. | | | | | | so. of | | | | | | tigardville | | | | | | fanno creek bridge| | ' wood | | |heavy |[ ] , . at tigard | |trestle | | | | | | | | | | wheeler: | | | | | | bridge over bridge| | ' wooden | | |medium|[ ] , . creek, near | |span | | | | mitchell | | | | | | bridge over bridge| | ' wooden span| | |medium|[ ] , . creek, mi. | | | | | | west of mitchell| | | | | | bridge over west | | ' wooden span| | |medium|[ ] . branch creek, | | | | | | near mitchell | | | | | | bridge at mitchell| | ' wooden | | |medium|[ ] , . | |span | | | | | | | | | | yamhill: | | | | | | bridge over | | ' wooden span| | |medium|[ ] , . yamhill river-- | | | | | | mi. west of | | | | | | grande ronde | | | | | | bridge over cedar | | ' wooden span| | |medium|[ ] . creek-- mi. | | | | | | west of grande | | | | | | ronde | | | | | | --------------------+---+---------------+----+---+------+-------------- total | $ , . --------------------------------------------------------+-------------- [ ] designed by highway department but not yet constructed. [ ] designed by highway department and construction supervised by counties. [ ] designed and construction supervised by highway department. where loading is referred to as "heavy," the structure is designed for a twenty-ton roller and for lbs. per sq. ft. where loading is referred to as "medium," the structure is designed for a fifteen-ton roller and for lbs. per sq. ft. summary of bridge and culvert design and construction designed and construction supervised by highway department $ , . designed by highway department and construction supervised by counties , . designed by highway department but not yet constructed , . ----------- total $ , . table c miles of location surveys made by highway department - jobs miles baker county-- baker to middle bridge . canyon section of baker-cornucopia road . sag section of baker-cornucopia road . middle bridge to black bridge . clackamas county-- canby to oregon city . oregon city to multnomah county line . aurora to canby . columbia county-- columbia city to scappoose . coos county-- myrtle point to douglas county line . marshfield to curry county line . coquille to myrtle point . curry county-- coast highway . douglas county-- johns ranch to jacques ranch . canyon creek pass to johns place . coos county line to roseburg . gilliam county-- columbia river highway . grant county-- big basin section of john day river highway . john day to fisk creek . fisk creek to hall hill . hall hill to prairie city . harney county-- burns to crane . hood river county-- hood river to mosier . jackson county-- ashland to klamath falls . josephine county-- wolf creek to grave creek . grants pass to grave creek . wolf creek to stage road pass . klamath county-- klamath falls-chiloquin . lane county-- goshen to cottage grove . eugene to florence . divide to overhead . linn county-- albany to jefferson . marion county-- salem to aurora . salem to jefferson . morrow county-- columbia river highway . heppner to willows . heppner to umatilla county line . polk county-- between monmouth and dallas . between salem and dallas . sherman county-- columbia river highway . tillamook county-- tillamook to cloverdale . neskowin to salmon river . umatilla county-- pendleton to umatilla . pendleton to pilot rock . pilot rock to morrow county line . pendleton to kamela . union county-- elgin to minam . union to telocaset . la grande to elgin . la grande to union . la grande to kamela . wasco county-- seuffert to deschutes river . washington county-- multnomah county line to newberg . beaverton to hillsboro . forest grove to gaston . wheeler county-- sarvice creek to grant county line . ochoco forest to grant county line . fossil to gilliam county line . fossil to mouth of sarvice creek . yamhill county-- mcminnville to dayton . grande ronde section . ----- total miles of surveys . table d miles of different types of road in each county (these mileages are only roughly approximate as accurate data is obtainable in very few counties) ==========+========================================================== | public roads | |concrete pavements | | |asphaltic concrete counties | | | |plank roads | | | | |broken stone | | | | | |gravel roads | | | | | | | earth roads | | | | | | |improved | | | | | | | |un- | | | | | | | |improved ----------+--------+----+-----+-----+-------+-------+-------+-------- baker | , . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | , . benton | . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . clackamas | , . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . clatsop | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | ... columbia | . | ...| . | . | . | . | . | . coos | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . crook | , . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | , . curry | . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . deschutes | , . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | , . douglas | , . | . | . | . | . | . | . | , . gilliam | . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . grant | . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | . harney | , . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | . hood river| . | ...| . | ...| . | . | . | . jackson | . | . | . | ...| . | . | . | . jefferson | , . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . josephine | . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . klamath | , . | ...| . | ...| . | . | . | . lake | , . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | , . lane | , . | ...| ...| . | . | . | . | . lincoln | . | ...| ...| . | . | . | . | . linn | , . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . malheur | , . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | . marion | , . | ...| . | ...| . | . | . | . morrow | . | ...| ...| ...| . | ...| . | . multnomah | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . polk | , . | ...| . | ...| . | . | . | . sherman | . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | . tillamook | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | . umatilla | , . | ...| . | ...| . | . | . | , . union | . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . wallowa | , . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| . | , . wasco | , . | ...| ...| ...| . | . | . | . washington| . | ...| . | . | . | . | . | . wheeler | . | ...| ...| ...| . | ...| . | . yamhill | , . | . | ...| ...| . | . | . | . +--------+----+-----+-----+-------+-------+-------+-------- total | , . | . | . | . | , . | , . | , . | , . ----------+--------+----+-----+-----+-------+-------+-------+-------- table e motor vehicle registration by counties ===========+===========+========= county | total | number | number of | persons | motor | per auto | vehicles | -----------+-----------+--------- baker | , | . benton | , | . clackamas | , | . clatsop | , | . columbia | | . coos | , | . crook | | . curry | | . deschutes | | . douglas | , | . gilliam | | . grant | | . harney | | . hood river | | . jackson | , | . jefferson | | . josephine | | . klamath | , | . lake | | . lane | , | . lincoln | | . linn | , | . malheur | , | . marion | , | . morrow | | . multnomah | , | . polk | , | . sherman | | . tillamook | | . umatilla | , | . union | , | . wallowa | | . wasco | , | . washington | , | . wheeler | | . yamhill | , | . -----------+-----------+-------- total | , | . -----------+-----------+-------- state registration total number of passenger vehicles , total number of ford trucks , total number of trucks of other makes , ----- total number of trucks, all makes , ------ total number of motor vehicles of all types and all makes , table f county bond issues as proof that the people of oregon are awake to the value of good roads, the following list is given of counties which have voted bond issues for the development of their road systems: ===========+=================+=============== county | amount of bonds | date voted -----------+-----------------+--------------- coos | $ , . | june columbia | , . | feb. clatsop | , . | nov. , crook | , . | douglas | , . | aug. grant | , . | june , hood river | , . | july , jackson | , . | sept. , multnomah | , , . | mar. wasco | , . | nov. wheeler | , . | nov. +-----------------+--------------- total | $ , , . | -----------+-----------------+--------------- table g--tabulation of contract prices giving unit prices of all unit price contracts for paving and grading work, - ========+============+====================+======+=================== contract| | | n m | no+-----+ | | u i | | job | contractor | m l | kind of work | | | b e | | | | e s | | | | r | --+------------------+--------------------+------+------------------- |cummins hill |elliot construction | . |grading | | co. | | |wild horse paving |warren construction | . |paving | | co. | | |multnomah county |oskar huber | . |grading and paving | line-newberg | | | |astoria-svenson |warren construction | . |grading and paving | | co. | | |goble section |warren construction | . |grading | | co. | | |rainier hill |a. l. clark | . |grading |cascade locks |a. d. kern | . |grading |viento section |a. d. kern | . |grading |ruthton hill |a. d. kern | . |grading |delena-goble |clark & dibble | . |macadam | | | | |tillamook paving |oskar huber | . |grading and paving |multnomah county |warren construction | . |paving | line-scappoose | co. | | |oregon city-canby |ore. hassam paving | . |paving | | co. | | |yoncalla-oakland |warren construction | . |grading | | co. | | |comstock-leona |hall & soleim | . |grading & macadam | | | | |divide-comstock |s. s. schell | . |grading |locust hill |a. anderson | . |grading |wolf creek-grave |american express | . |grading | creek | co. | | |myrtle creek- |calvert & wolke | . |grading | dillard | | | |bridge creek |united construction | . |grading | | co. | | |canemah-new era |clackamas county | . |grading | | court | | |divide-comstock |s. s. schell | . |macadam | macadam | | | |union-telocaset |state | . |grading |elgin-minam |state | . |grading |hall hill-prairie |a. d. kern | . |grading & macadam | city | | | | | | | lp|lowest unit price | | | hp|highest unit price| | | ---------------------+--------------------+------+------------------- ==+==========+=====================+======+=================+========= ct|clearing | excavation | over-| concrete |rubble no| and | cubic yards | haul,| cubic yards |masonry |grubbing +--------+------+-----+ cu. +-----+-----+-----+ cu. |lump sum | common |inter-|solid| yds. |class|class|class| yds. | | | me- |rock | per | a | b | c | | | |diate | | ' | | | | --+----------+--------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+--------- | ... |$ . |$ . |$ . | ... | ...| ...| ...|$ . | | ... | ... | ...|$. | ...| ...| ...| ... |$ , . | . | . | . | ... | ...| ...|$ . | | , . | . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | | , . | . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | . | | | | | | | | | | ... | . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | ... | free | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | free | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | free | . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | . | ... | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | ... | | | | | | | | | | ... | . | . | ...| . | ...| ...| . | ... | ... | . | . | ...| . | ...| ...| ...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ... |$ , . | . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | , . | . ½ | . | . | . ½ | . | . | ...| . | | | | | | | | | | , . | . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | ... | , . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | ... | , . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | ... | ... | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | | | | | | | | | | . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | . | ... | ... | ... | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ... | ... | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | ... | ... | . | . | . | . | . | . | ...| . | ... | . | ... | . | . | . | . | . | ... | | | | | | | | | lp| | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . hp| | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . --+----------+--------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+-------- ==+======+=================+========================================== ct| metal| plain | reinforced concrete pipe no| rein-| concrete | lineal feet |force-| pipe | | ment | lineal feet | |pounds+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------+--------+-------- | | -in. | -in. | -in. | -in. | -in. | -in. | -in. --+------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------+--------+-------- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... |$ . | $ . | $ . | ... | $ . | ... | ... | ... | . | . | . | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | ... | . | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | . | . | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | . | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... |[ ]. |[ ]. |[ ] . | ... |[ ] . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... |$ . |$ . |$ . | ... | ... | . | ... | . | . | . | . | ... | ... | . | ... | . | | | | | | | | | . | . | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . |[ ]. |[ ]. | ... | ... |[ ] . |[ ] . |[ ] . | . |[ ]. | ... | ... |[ ]. |[ ] . |[ ] . |[ ] . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | lp| . | . | . | . | . | . |[ ] . | . hp| . | . | . | . | . | . |[ ] . | . --+------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------+--------+-------- ==+=====================================+======+=====+======+========= ct| corrugated galvanized iron pipe | -inch|guard|lumber|asphaltic no| lineal feet |porous|fence| and |concrete | |drain | lin.|timber| inches | | tile | ft. | , |on rock |-------+------+--------+------+------+ lin. | | ft. | base | -in.| -in.| -in. | -in.| -in.| ft. | |b. m. |sq. yd. --+-------+------+--------+------+------+------+-----+------+--------- |[ ]$. | ...|[ ]$ . | ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| $ . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| $. | $. | . | . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | | | | | | | | | | . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | ... | . | ...| ... | | | | | | | | | | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| . | ...| ...| . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| . | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| . | . | . | . | ...| ...| . | ...| . | ... | . | . | . | ...| ...| ... | ...| . | ... | | | | | | | | | | ...| ...| . | ...| ...| . | ...| . | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| . | ...| ...| ... | [ ]. |[ ]. | [ ]. |[ ]. |[ ]. | . | . | . | ... | [ ]. |[ ]. | [ ]. |[ ]. |[ ]. | . | . | . | ... | [ ]. |[ ]. | ...| ...| ...| ... | . | ...| ... | | | | | | | | | | . | ...| ...| ...| ...| . | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ... | ...| . | . | . | ...| ... | ...| ...| ... | ...| . | . | ...| ...| ... | ...| ...| ... | | | | | | | | | lp| . | . | . |[ ]. |[ ]. | . | . | . | . hp| . | . | . |[ ]. |[ ]. | . | . | . | . --+-------+------+--------+------+------+------+-----+------+--------- ==+=====================+=======+=======+========+=======+======== ct| macadam |broken | sand |broken | clay | rip- no| cubic yards, | stone |cu. yd.|stones | fil- | rap | (loose measure) |cu. yd.|(loose |shoul- | ler | cu. +------+------+-------+(loose |meas.) | ders | cu. | yd. |broken|gravel|crushed|meas.) | | li. | yd. | |stone | |gravel | | | ft. | | --+------+------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... |$ . | ... | . |$ . | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | . |$ . | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . ½ | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | . | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | . | . | ... | ... | ... | . | ... | | | | | | | | lp| . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . hp| . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . --+------+------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------- [ ] indicates that contract price on culvert pipe is for hauling and placing only, the pipe to be furnished to the contractor. table h yearly expenditures of state funds in counties , , , , ==========+=========+=========+=========+==========+==========+========== counties | | | | | | total ----------+---------+---------+---------+----------+----------+---------- baker | | |$ . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . benton | |$ . | . | . | | . clackamas |$ . | | , . | , . | , . | , . clatsop | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . columbia | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . coos | | | . | , . | . | , . crook | | . | , . | | , . | , . curry | | | | . | , . | , . deschutes | | | | , . | , . | , . douglas | | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . gilliam | | | . | , . | , . | , . grant | | | . | , . | , . | , . harney | | | | | , . | , . hood river| , . | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . jackson | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . jefferson | | | | | | josephine | | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . klamath | | | | . | . | . lake | | | | , . | . | , . lane | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . lincoln | | . | . | , . | . | , . linn | | . | . | . | . | , . malheur | | | . | . | . | , . marion | . | . | . | . | , . | , . morrow | | | . | , . | , . | , . multnomah | , . | . | | | | , . polk | . | . | , . | . | . | , . sherman | , . | . | . | . | , . | , . tillamook | | . | , . | , . | , . | , . umatilla | | | . | , . | , . | , . union | | | . | , . | , . | , . wallowa | | | | | . | . wasco | | . | . | . | , . | , . washington| , . | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . wheeler | | | . | , . | , . | , . yamhill | . | . | , . | , . | , . | , . +---------+---------+---------+----------+----------+---------- totals $ , . | | | | | $ , . | | | | $ , . | | | $ , . | | $ , , . | $ , , . ------------------------------------------------------------------------- table i mileage table main traveled roads showing distances between some of the important towns; for convenience in obtaining mileage for long trips; to be used in connection with the official automobile road map on opposite page. all distances between points west of the cascade range and eastern oregon points are via portland and the columbia river highway, unless otherwise noted. =============+======+======+======+======+======+======+===+======+====== | p | s | a | e | r | m | p | b | b | o | a | l | u | o | e | e | a | e | r | l | b | g | s | d | n | k | n | t | e | a | e | e | f | d | e | d | l | m | n | n | b | o | l | r | | a | | y | e | u | r | e | | | n | | | | r | d | t | | | d | | | | g | | o | | | | | | | | | n | | -------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+---+------+------ portland | ...| | | | | | | | salem | | ...| | | | | | |[ ] albany | | | ...| | | | | |[ ] corvallis | | | | | | | | |[ ] eugene | | | | ...| | | |[ ] |[ ] roseburg | | | | | ...| | |[ ] |[ ] grants pass | | | | | | | |[ ] |[ ] medford | | | | | | ...| |[ ] |[ ] ashland | | | | | | | |[ ] |[ ] ore.-cal. | | | | | | | | | state line | | | | | | | | | crater lake | | | | | | | | | klamath falls| | | | | | | | | astoria | | | | | | | | | tillamook | | | | | | | | | marshfield |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | |[ ] |[ ] the dalles | | | | | | | | | pendleton | | | | | | |...| | walla walla | | | | | | | | | la grande | | | | | |[ ] | | | baker | | | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | ...| huntington | | | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | prineville | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | bend | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | ... burns | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | lakeview | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | canyon city | |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] | | | -------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+---+------+------ [ ] via eugene and mckenzie river highway. [ ] via klamath falls. [ ] via scottsburg. [illustration: automobile road map, showing the main traveled roads of oregon with mileages prepared by the oregon state highway department] =this is not a map of the system of state highways.= this map is intended as a guide to the main traveled, existing, through highways and roads connecting important centers of population. the heavier weight lines are intended to designate the most generally traveled, through routes, rather than their relative condition or importance. table j official designation of state highways =no. . pacific highway--= from portland south via oregon city, salem, albany, eugene, roseburg, grants pass, medford and ashland to the oregon-california state line. =no. . columbia river highway--= from astoria east via rainier, portland, hood river, the dalles, arlington and umatilla, to pendleton. =no. . coast highway--= from astoria south via tillamook, toledo, florence, marshfield, coquille and gold beach to oregon-california state line. =no. . the dalles-california highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near the dalles, south via shaniko, redmond, bend, lapine and klamath falls to the oregon- california state line. =no. . the john day river highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near biggs, southeasterly through wasco, condon, fossil, dayville, prairie city and vale to the oregon- idaho state line at ontario. =no. . the old oregon trail--= from a junction with highway no. , at pendleton, southeasterly through la grande, baker and huntington to a junction with highway no. at or near ontario. =no. . central oregon highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near bend, easterly through millican, riley, burns, crane and juntura to a junction with highway no. , at or near vale. =no. . oregon-washington highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near willows, through ione, heppner, pendleton and freewater to the oregon-washington state line. =no. . pendleton-john day highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near pilot rock south to a junction with highway no. , at or near john day. =no. . la grande-enterprise highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near la grande, through elgin and enterprise to joseph. =no. . enterprise-flora highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near enterprise, north to flora. =no. . baker-cornucopia highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near baker, east through middle bridge and halfway to cornucopia. =no. . baker-unity highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near baker, southwest to a junction with highway no. , at or near unity. =no. . antelope-mitchell highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near antelope to a junction with highway no. , at or near mitchell. =no. . mckenzie river highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near eugene, easterly through the mckenzie valley and through sisters, redmond, prineville and mitchell to a junction with highway no. , at or near dayville. =no. . albany-sisters highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near albany, southeasterly to a junction with highway no. near sisters. =no. . bend-sisters highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near bend, northwesterly to a junction with highway no. , at or near sisters. =no. . lakeview-burns highway--= from a point on highway no. , near lakeview, northeasterly to a junction with highway no. , at or near burns. =no. . lapine-lakeview highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near lapine southeasterly through fort rock, silver lake, paisley and lakeview to the oregon-california state line. =no. . klamath falls-lakeview highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near klamath falls, east to a junction with highway no. , at or near lakeview. =no. . ashland-klamath falls highway--= from a point on highway no. near ashland, east to a junction with highway no. , at or near klamath falls. =no. . medford-crater lake highway--= from a point on highway no. at medford, northeasterly, through trail and the rogue river valley to a junction with highway no. near crater lake. =no. . klamath-crater lake highway--= from a junction with highway no. near crater lake, southeasterly to a junction with highway no. , at or near chiloquin. =no. . the rim highway--= from a point on highway no. near crater lake, thence around crater lake to the point of beginning. =no. . grants pass-crescent city highway--= from a point on highway no. at grants pass, southwesterly through kerby and waldo to the oregon-california state line. =no. . mt. hood highway--= from portland through gresham and bull run around the south and east sides of mt. hood and to a junction with highway no. , at or near hood river. =no. . clackamas highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near oregon city, northeasterly to a junction with highway no. , at or near pleasant home. =no. . the west side highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near portland, thence south on the west side of the willamette river through newberg, mcminnville, dallas, independence and corvallis to a junction with highway no. , at or near eugene. =no. . forest grove-mcminnville highway--= from portland through hillsboro, forest grove and carlton to a junction with highway no. , at or near mcminnville. =no. . salem-independence highway--= from a point on highway no. , at salem, southwesterly to a junction with highway no. at independence. =no. . albany-corvallis highway--= from a point on highway no. , at albany to a junction with highway no. , at or near corvallis. =no. . yamhill-nestucca highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near mcminnville, through sheridan, willamina, and dolph to a junction with highway no. , at or near hebo. =no. . corvallis-newport highway--= from a point on highway no. , at corvallis westerly to a junction with highway no. , at or near toledo. =no. . eugene-florence highway--= from a point on highway no. , near eugene, westerly through goldson and deadwood to a junction with highway no. , near florence. =no. . coos bay-roseburg highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near coquille, easterly up the middle fork of the coquille river, through camas valley and brockway to a junction with highway no. , near dillard. =no. . pendleton-cold springs highway--= from a point on highway no. , at or near pendleton, northwest to cold springs. table k employes of the oregon state highway commission november , herbert nunn, state highway engineer r. a. klein, assistant engineer c. a. dunn, assistant engineer m. o. bennett, division engineer c. h. whitmore, division engineer j. c. mcleod, division engineer c. w. wanzer, district engineer p. m. hall-lewis, asst. div. eng'r s. h. probert, office engineer l. w. metzger, designing engineer e. a. skelley, chief draftsman l. c. elwell, voucher clerk c. l. turner, cost clerk m. s. farwell, bridge draftsman c. e. farnsworth, office draftsman theo. rowland, office draftsman james moberg, office draftsman w. c. crews, office draftsman r. e. raley, office computer j. c. tibbits, clerk l. n. myers, clerk h. m. mcdaniel, clerk c. f. smith, clerk helen ingrey, stenographer margaret h. hodge, stenographer grace fugate, stenographer gertie witzel, stenographer delia ferguson, stenographer r. h. baldock, locating engineer r. h. coppock, locating engineer c. a. harrington, locating engineer b. h. mcnamee, locating engineer j. h. scott, locating engineer e. b. bishop, resident engineer h. c. compton, resident engineer m. e. dewitt, resident engineer f. n. drinkhall, resident engineer h. b. fletcher, resident engineer h. n. hackett, resident engineer a. s. kennedy, resident engineer j. e. nelson, resident engineer j. e. peck, resident engineer r. a. pratt, resident engineer w. p. smith, resident engineer c. e. carter, resident bridge engineer j. m. baker, supt. of construction c. l. grutze, supt. of construction w. h. burtis, foreman of repair shop w. s. hodge, transitman tom opedal, transitman wm. t. nelson, field draftsman h. r. wessell, field draftsman chas. e. lytle, timekeeper l. n. russell, timekeeper f. a. keith, levelman h. w. lange, levelman m. m. brown, field computer l. d. coppock, field computer jack slavens, head chainman chas. collier, rodman clyde leghorn, rodman ora l. nochols, rodman m. s. parker, rodman katherine riddle, rodman orville widdows, rodman fred busch, chainman claire hopper, chainman j. f. jones, chainman j. a. matott, chainman warren pearson, chainman boyd potter, chainman a. h. rudd, chainman j. j. sturgill, chainman d. e. tompkins, chainman e. wiggins, chainman frank galdabini, rock checker pete knudson, rock checker l. parker, rock checker c. s. peck, rock checker table l state highways names, numbers, mileages. highways miles no. pacific highway no. columbia river highway no. coast highway no. the dalles-california highway no. the john day river highway no. the old oregon trail no. central oregon highway no. oregon-washington highway no. pendleton-john day highway no. la grande-enterprise highway no. enterprise-flora highway no. baker-cornucopia highway no. baker-unity highway no. antelope-mitchell highway no. mckenzie river highway no. albany-sisters highway no. bend-sisters highway no. lakeview-burns highway no. lapine-lakeview highway no. klamath falls-lakeview highway no. ashland-klamath falls highway no. medford-crater lake highway no. klamath-crater lake highway no. the rim highway no. grants pass-crescent city highway no. mt. hood highway no. clackamas highway no. the west side highway no. forest grove-mcminnville highway no. salem-independence highway no. albany-corvallis highway no. yamhill-nestucca highway no. corvallis-newport highway no. eugene-florence highway no. coos bay-roseburg highway no. pendleton-cold springs highway ----- total mileage state highways , [illustration] [illustration: the pacific highway in pass creek canyon, douglas county. graded and macadamized in and ] description of work of the state highway department in the counties of the state - baker county although baker county is generally well supplied with railroads there are sections still isolated and much in need of improved transportation facilities. some of the most fertile and productive areas of the county are not served by rail transportation and depend upon roads for communication with railway points. this situation with the character of the winter season and soil conditions found here render improved highways of extreme importance. since state and federal aid have been made available the people of baker county are fast coming to a realization of the situation and are making strenuous efforts to co-operate in highway improvement. no bond issues have been voted in this county but an example of their enthusiasm is supplied by the fact that private donations for co-operative improvement of one road amount to $ , . . state and federal aid were extended in and the co-operation has resulted in plans for improving three sections of the baker-cornucopia highway. other roads in the county will receive the consideration of the highway commission during the coming season. four sections of the baker-cornucopia highway have been surveyed, and plans for three of these are nearly complete. together the four sections make about thirty-eight miles of location survey. construction work will begin on this road early in the coming season. survey of the baker-cornucopia highway during and the state highway department surveyed a greater part of the baker-cornucopia highway. the policy of giving first attention to those portions of the road most in need of improvement resulted in the surveying of four separate sections. these sections are designated as follows: baker-middle bridge; love bridge-black bridge; canyon and sag sections. these surveys were made under the direction of j. o. kingsley and w. c. crews, locating engineers for the state highway department. the baker-middle bridge section extends from baker to a point near middle bridge on lower powder river. beginning at baker the line follows closely the present main traveled road east for about six miles, thence along the palmer road to the present crossing at ruckles creek, thence down ruckles creek to a point about two miles south of keating, thence easterly, leaving ruckles creek, and entering the lower powder river valley near middle bridge. this survey is . miles in length. the plans for this work are completed. the love bridge-black bridge section covers that portion of the route through the canyon between the keating and richland districts. at present all traffic passes through sparta and over the mountains to the north of the powder river there being no road through the canyon. this survey is about ten miles long and involves heavy and expensive construction. this project begins at a point about seven miles east of keating and ends about five miles west of richland. there is a four-mile section of the baker-cornucopia highway lying between middle and love bridges that has not been definitely located. no office work has been done for this survey. what is known as the canyon section extends through the canyon east of richland. this survey begins at a point . miles east of richland and parallels the powder river along the north bank for a distance of . miles. the project ends at the point where the proposed route leaves the powder river and leads over the mountains toward pine valley. plans are almost completed for this project. the sag section is that part of the road leading north from the divide between powder river and pine valley. this survey which is . miles long begins at the divide and ends at a point in the edge of pine valley two miles south of halfway. the location follows very near the route of the present road. the office work in connection with this survey is nearing completion. baker-cornucopia post road project the state highway commission requested government aid in the construction of the baker-cornucopia highway and this request has resulted in the approval by the federal office of public roads of three projects on this highway. these three projects, namely, baker-middle bridge, canyon section and sag section have a combined length of . miles, and the total estimated cost of these constructions is $ , . . baker county will co-operate with the state and government in defraying the cost of this construction. the following tabulation indicates the amounts and segregations of funds for each project. ================================+============+============+============ appropriated for expenditure in | state | county | government | funds | funds | funds --------------------------------+------------+------------+------------ baker-middle bridge section | $ , . | $ , . | $ , . canyon section | , . | , . | , . sag section | , . | , . | , . +------------+------------+------------ totals | $ , . | $ , . | $ , . --------------------------------+------------+------------+------------ no plans have been made for financing the love bridge-black bridge section which was surveyed in . this is an important section of the road and will probably receive early attention from the state highway commission. benton county during and , very little work was done by the highway department in benton county. at the request of the county court a short section of the west side highway north of corvallis was staked for grading to be done by the county, and designs were prepared for three concrete structures. two of these were for box culverts for the pacific highway about five miles north of corvallis. the other was for an foot reinforced concrete bridge over a mill race south of corvallis. a short reconnaissance was made of the corvallis-newport road between blodgett and eddyville. for work to be done in benton county in , the highway commission has set aside $ , . . with this amount it is planned to pave the west side highway from corvallis north to the polk county line, approximately seven miles. clackamas county the work under the supervision of the highway department in clackamas county during and has consisted of . miles of grading between new era and oregon city, . miles of paving between oregon city and canby, and . miles of grading between oswego and the multnomah county line. the first of these jobs was done by the state and county in co-operation; the second was a strictly state job; and the third was a county job supervised by the state. the total expenditure on the work done in clackamas county was $ , . , of which clackamas county paid $ , . and the state $ , . . between new era and oregon city, the pacific highway has been graded on an entirely new location, paralleling the southern pacific railway along the bank of the willamette river instead of following the location of the old road farther back from the river, where the grading is not so heavy, but where a number of heavy grades are required. in addition to eliminating these heavy grades, a considerable saving in distance is effected, and the dangerous crossing under the southern pacific tracks at oregon city is avoided. grading--vicinity of new era on august , , bids were considered by the state highway commission for the grading of two and one-half miles on the pacific highway near new era. the most satisfactory proposal received was a cost plus ten per cent proposal submitted by the warren construction company, and a contract was entered into with that firm on the cost plus ten per cent basis. this work involved the grading of new era hill, just south of new era, and some heavy rock excavation from new era north. after the work had started, it was decided to pave between oregon city and canby, and the contract for this paving let to the oregon hassam paving company. the most feasible place to secure the crushed rock necessary for this paving was from the rock being excavated under the grading contract with the warren construction company, and the highway department entered into an agreement with the paving company, whereby the state would crush the rock from a big cut at new era, and furnish the crushed rock for the paving upon certain agreed terms, the crushing to be done under the cost plus contract with the warren construction company. on this basis the work was carried on by the warren construction company until march , , at which time it was deemed advisable by the highway commission to take the work over and complete it with state forces. the total cost of the grading and rock crushing was $ , . , and the amount received for the crushed rock furnished for the paving was $ , . . clackamas county co-operated with the state on this work, the total amount paid out of county funds being $ , . . [illustration: at the top of canemah hill on the pacific highway in clackamas county. graded and paved in ] grading--canemah hill section to complete the grading of the pacific highway between oregon city and canby preparatory to the paving of this section, clackamas county agreed to appropriate $ , . toward the grading between fly creek and oregon city, known as the canemah hill section. on december , , the highway commission received bids for this grading and the lowest bid having been submitted by clackamas county, the contract was awarded to the county. this piece of work was about one and one-half miles in length and involved some very heavy rock excavation. there has been expended on this work to date the sum of $ , . , of which amount clackamas county has paid $ , . . the work complete will cost approximately $ , . . mr. m. e. dewitt was the resident engineer in charge. detailed statement of expenditures to november , grading--canemah hill (work in progress) engineering $ , . construction-- clearing and grubbing $ . common excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch porous drain tile, lin. ft. at c . class a concrete, cu. yds. at $ . . class c concrete, cu. yds. at $ . . rubble masonry, cu. yds. at $ . . overhaul per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c , . crushed rock for drain tile, cu. yds. . -inch concrete pipe in place, lin. ft. . ----------- $ , . less per cent retained pending completion , . ----------- , . ----------- total expended to november , $ , . paid by state--engineering , . paid by county--construction , . ----------- total $ , . this work is estimated to cost complete $ , . [illustration: bituminous pavement on the pacific highway south of oregon city in clackamas county. graded and paved in ] paving--oregon city to canby a contract was awarded on september , , to the oregon hassam paving company of portland, for a sixteen-foot bituminous pavement between oregon city and canby, a distance of . miles. a considerable part of the crushed rock used in this pavement was furnished by the highway department from a rock point which it was necessary to remove in connection with the grading just north of new era. the paving of this section is practically complete at this date and the contracting company is to be complimented upon the excellence of its work. the cost of the work completed will be about $ , . of which amount $ , . has been paid. mr. m. e. dewitt acted as resident engineer for the highway department on this work. detailed statement of expenditures to november , paving oregon city to canby engineering $ , . construction-- standard bitulithic pavement, , sq. yds. at $ . $ , . stone shoulders, , lin. ft. at . ½ , . hauling and placing broken stone furnished by state, , ¼ cu. yds., at $ . , . broken stone, loose measure, , ¼ cu. yds., at $ . , . installing wooden headers at railroad crossing . filling low places after rolling, clearing debris after forest fire . excavating spongy place in subgrade and refilling . loading and hauling to bring outside ft. of roadbed to grade; no material nearby . grading feet north from new era, and dismantling and loading crusher , . ----------- total due contractor for work done to november , $ , . less per cent retained pending completion , . ----------- $ , . less plant rock and miscellaneous items furnished by state , . ----------- $ , . ---------- total expended to november , $ , . this work is estimated to cost complete $ , . oswego to the multnomah county line on april , , a contract was awarded by clackamas county to the glemorrie quarry company of oswego for the regrading of a . mile section of the west side pacific highway between oswego and the multnomah county line. at the request of the clackamas county court the engineering supervision of this work was handled by the highway department, mr. m. e. dewitt, resident engineer, on work between oregon city and canby, being in charge. this piece of work eliminated some very bad curves on the old road and greatly improved the grade. the work was completed on september , , at a total cost of $ , . . of this amount $ . was expended by the state for the engineering. the construction cost of $ , . was paid by the county. detailed expenditure statement grading--multnomah county line to oswego engineering $ . construction-- clearing and grubbing $ . common excavation, , . cu. yds. at c . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . solid rock excavation, . cu. yds. at $ . , . -inch plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . class c concrete, cu. yds. at $ . . drainage structures under roadbed to protect embankment and private water supply . --------- , . --------- total cost $ , . paid by state $ . paid by county , . --------- total $ , . oregon city bridge the state highway department has been requested by the county court of clackamas county to prepare plans and estimates for a bridge over the willamette river at oregon city. this will replace the old suspension bridge at that place which is too light for the modern traffic conditions in that vicinity. surveys and studies of the site are being conducted at this time. in this case, as is customary, the state highway department will furnish plans free of cost to the county. clatsop county during the period from december , , to november , , the state highway department expended in clatsop county the sum of $ , . . the work accomplished consists of . miles of bituminous paving, . miles of broken stone macadam, . miles of gravel macadam, . miles of new grading, one covered wood draw bridge, two reinforced concrete bridges, and - x ft. reinforced concrete box culvert, all of these improvements being on the columbia river highway between astoria and the columbia county line. astoria-svensen paving on july , , the state highway department contracted with the warren construction company for nine miles of paving between astoria and svensen. this contract called for a -foot bituminous pavement on a crushed rock base and with two-foot macadam shoulders. the contract also included the grading of a section . miles in length about midway between astoria and svensen, this section being known as the john day cut-off. work was started on the grading of the cut-off on august , , and on the erection of the paving plant on august . on september , the first batch of hot stuff was placed on the road at the svensen end. the work was just nicely started, however, when the rainy season which came on unusually early, started in and the work had to be discontinued. at this time the work on the grading of the cut-off was but fifty or sixty per cent complete, and only one mile of paving had been laid. the following season, the roadbed did not become sufficiently dry to permit of resumption of work until about the th of june, but even at that late date the contractors were not able to start work on account of the shortage in materials and labor resulting from the participation of the united states in the war, and it was not until july the work was resumed. continued shortage of labor and material made progress very slow particularly on the placing of rock base, and when the rainy season came on a total of only . miles of paving had been completed. the grading of the john day cut-off had been finished, however, and considerable progress made on the removal of slides and regrading of roadbed. [illustration: bituminous paving near svenson in clatsop county on the columbia river highway. paved in ] the paving was discontinued on october but in order to provide a passable roadbed at as early a date as possible, it was decided to continue the placing of rock base during the winter months. this work is now in progress, and it is expected that a rocked surface over the remaining unpaved distance of . miles will be secured by about january , . the paving work will be continued again next season, and will undoubtedly be completed early in the season. it is estimated that the grading and paving of this section will cost completed $ , . . the total expenditures to november , , amounted to $ , . and there remained unpaid to the contractor for work done to that date the sum of $ , . . the engineering work was in charge of mr. j. e. nelson, during the season, and in charge of mr. h. n. hackett during the season. svensen-westport macadam from westport to svensen in clatsop county, . miles of -foot waterbound macadam, . miles of -foot waterbound macadam and . miles of gravel was laid. this work was handled by the warren construction company prior to december , , at which time the state highway department took the work over and proceeded with state forces. on this section the unit costs show a slight advantage in favor of doing the work with state forces. conditions were practically the same as on the clatskanie-westport section in columbia county--the state paying higher wages than the contractor, but the contractor having the disadvantage of more unfavorable weather conditions. the main advantage in the state doing this work was gained by having better control of the organization and more direct supervision of the work. the original intention was to complete all macadam -feet wide but the increased cost of labor, supplies, etc., made it necessary to reduce the width of the macadam to nine feet so as to complete the full distance with the money available. cost statement--svensen-westport macadam ===========================+==========+=========+============+======= item | unit | quan- | cost | unit | | tity | | cost ---------------------------+----------+---------+------------+------- by warren construction co.,| | | | on cost plus contract-- | | | | clearing and grubbing | acres | |$ . |$ . excavation | cu. yd. | , | , . | . -inch by -inch pipe | foot | , | , . | . waterbound macadam |[ ]cu. yd.| , | , . | . engineering | ... | ... | . | ... by state forces-- | | | | excavation | cu. yd. | , | , . | . -inch by -inch pipe, | foot | , | . | . laying only | | | | waterbound macadam | cu. yd. | , | , . | . engineering | | | , . | ... | | +------------+ total | ... | ... |$ , . | ... ---------------------------+----------+---------+------------+------- [ ] including , cubic yards of gravel purchased at a cost of $ , . and , cubic yards crushed rock purchased at a cost of $ , . . all other rock was crushed and cost of crushing is included in the cost of the macadam. [illustration: covered wood drawbridge on the columbia river highway in clatsop county, over the john day river east of astoria. built in . lift span-- feet] john day river bridge as a part of the improvement of the columbia river highway between astoria and svensen, a bridge was constructed over the john day river about four miles east of astoria. the john day river is a stream navigable to small boats, so it was necessary to provide a movable span of -foot clear opening. owing to the unusually high price of steel it was decided to construct this bridge of wood. the movable span is of the single leaf bascule type operated by a windlass. counter weights are employed to assist the movement of the span and in order to compensate for the variable pull required to lift the span at different phases of its movement, the counter weight cables operate over spiral drums in such manner that their pull is a maximum when the span is down, and is least when the span is raised, gradually changing between the two extremes. in order to guard against failure of the operator to close the gate on the side of the stream opposite the machinery, an automatic gate was constructed. it closes when the bridge starts to open and when the bridge closes it swings back out of the way automatically. the bridge rests on concrete piers carried on piling, and besides the lift span there are two -foot covered wooden spans. the operating machinery is completely housed in by means of a tower. the crossing was designed to carry -ton trucks and the covered spans have laminated wood floors with asphaltic wearing surface. one of the most serious objections raised against covered wooden bridges is the lack of light. this was overcome in this case, as in other wooden bridges on primary roads designed by this department, by whitewashing the interior and the addition of open windows at panel points. these are provided with returns, and with the asphaltic wearing surface on the floors of such bridges prevent moisture coming in contact with the structural timbers of the bridge. this bridge was built by the portland bridge company and the total cost will be about $ , . . the payments on the bridge to november , , amounted to $ , . . mr. leigh m. huggins was resident engineer in charge of construction. big creek bridge this bridge is located on the columbia river highway near knappa. it consists of two forty-five-foot reinforced concrete spans, and was built by the state highway department with state forces at a cost of $ , . . plympton creek bridge the plympton creek bridge is located on the columbia river highway in the town of westport. it is a two thirty-foot span structure and was built by the state highway department with state forces at a cost of $ , . . little creek culvert this is a by reinforced concrete structure and is located on the columbia river highway near knappa. it was built by the highway department with state forces at a cost of $ . . columbia county the state highway department expended in columbia county during and , the sum of $ , . , which is the largest amount expended in any one county in the state. with this amount the following work was completed: . miles of bituminous paving. . miles of broken stone macadam. . miles of grading. reinforced concrete bridges. reinforced concrete box culverts. all of this work is on the columbia river, and all but the . miles of paving is between the clatsop county line and a point about two miles east of goble. multnomah county line-scappoose paving a contract was awarded to the warren construction company, august , , for . miles of bitulithic pavement sixteen feet wide on crushed rock base, with two foot macadam shoulders. the old road bed on this section was in excellent condition for base for pavement being old macadam about sixteen feet in width. the grade was followed closely, scarified, and clean crushed rock spread over the entire surface and rolled. material was borrowed along each side to obtain the required twenty-four foot of roadbed. a sixteen foot span wooden bridge was replaced by an x feet reinforced concrete culvert built by lindstrom bros. on the basis of cost plus ten per cent. construction cost of culvert class a concrete, cu. yds. at $ . $ , . reinforcing steel, , lbs. at c . --------- $ , . contractors percentage . --------- total cost $ , . paving work was started november , , and completed december , with the exception of about feet of new fill made at the culvert which was completed in june, . engineering work was done by p. w. marx, under the supervision of chas. h. whitmore, assistant engineer. detailed expenditure statement--paving--multnomah county line to scappoose engineering $ , . right-of-way attorney fees . contract construction work as follows: common excavation, cu. yds. at c $ . standard bith. pavement, , . sq. yds. at $ . , . broken stone, loose measure, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . broken stone shoulders, , lin. ft. at c , . force account: feet of -inch corrugated iron pipe and feet of -inch porous drain tile . total paid to contractor $ , . ----------- total cost $ , . westport-clatskanie macadam on the clatskanie-westport section, which extended from clatskanie to the clatsop county line, the work was handled originally by the warren construction company, on a cost plus ten per cent. basis. the state highway department took this work over december , , and from that time on the work was handled by this department. this work consisted of . miles of sixteen-foot waterbound macadam. on this section the costs show that the warren construction company laid crushed rock slightly cheaper than the state. however, the state did all the finishing on this section, which is more expensive than laying the base rock and it was necessary to raise the wages twenty-five per cent. after the work was taken over by the department. c. l. grutze was resident engineer on this work. cost statement--westport-clatskanie macadam ===========================+==========+========+==============+======== item | unit | quan- | total cost | unit | | tity | | cost ---------------------------+----------+--------+--------------+-------- by warren construction co. | | | | on cost plus contract-- | | | | clearing and grubbing | acres | ½ | $ . | $ . excavation | cu. yd. | , | , . | . -ft. by -in. drain pipe | foot | , | , . | . water-bound macadam |[ ]cu. yd.| , | , . | . engineering | | | . | by state forces-- | | | | excavation | cu. yd. | , | , . | . -ft. by -in. drain pipe | foot | | . | . (laying) | | | | water-bound macadam | cu. yd. | , | , . | . engineering | | | . | | | +--------------+ total cost | | | $ , . | ---------------------------+----------+--------+--------------+-------- [ ] , cu. yds. purchased at cost of $ , . , all other rock crushed on this job. clatskanie-delena macadam the section extending from a point three miles east of clatskanie to a point two and one-half miles east of delena, known as the clatskanie-delena section, was completed by l. o. herrold on a basis of cost plus ten per cent. this work consisted of eleven miles of sixteen foot waterbound macadam, one and one-tenth miles of nine foot waterbound macadam and all necessary grading, drainage, etc. the foundation on part of this section was very poor and , cubic yards of rubble base was used in order to make satisfactory foundation for macadam. while this increased the cost of the macadam, it was the only way in which a permanent foundation could be secured on this section. p. m. hall-lewis was resident engineer on this work. cost statement--clatskanie-delena macadam (cost plus per cent) item cost engineering $ , . general construction , . clearing and grubbing . excavation and embankment , . drainage structures , . miscellaneous structures , . quarrying and crushing , . placing, rolling, sprinkling, etc. , . camp construction and operation . ----------- total $ , . this work includes , cubic yards of excavation, , cubic yards of crushed rock macadam and , cubic yards of rubble base, besides numerous small structures, drains, etc. delena-goble macadam clark & dibble of rainier contracted with the highway department to construct five and seven-tenths miles of broken stone macadam between delena and goble. the prices at which this work was taken by the contractors was very low, and the result was that almost from the first the work was handicapped by lack of proper finances. it became evident to the department that the contractor would be unable to complete all of this work before the winter rains set in, so to facilitate matters and to provide a passable road for the winter, the department took over the part of the work between rainier and goble after about $ , . worth of work had been done on this part by clark & dibble. the work of the highway department on this section is described in the article on the rainier-goble macadam. clark & dibble successfully carried to completion the two and one-tenths miles of macadam west of rainier. a complete statement of the costs of the work handled by the contractors is given below. detailed expenditure statement--macadam--delena to goble engineering $ , . construction-- common excavation, cu. yds. at c $ . intermediate excavation, cu. yds. at c . solid rock excavation, cu. yds. at $ . . broken stone macadam, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . -inch corrugated iron pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . clay filler, , cu. yds. at $ . , . force account-- lowering -inch corrugated iron culverts . lengthening existing culverts and opening ditches . -inch corrugated iron pipe, lin. ft. . clearing slides and ditching near prescott , . removal of slides , . side ditches for macadam work . preparation of subgrade for macadam . spreading, sprinkling, and rolling macadam . --------- , . less credit for days use of state roller at $ . . --------- total amount paid to contractor , . ----------- total cost $ , . rainier-goble macadam in columbia county the state highway department laid twenty-four and one-tenth miles of sixteen foot waterbound macadam and four and two-tenths miles of nine foot waterbound macadam between goble and the clatsop county line. of this the rainier-goble section was taken over from the contractors, clark & dibble, after being partly completed. this was done in order to facilitate the work and get the road open for traffic before the rainy season. while the work done by the state on this section cost more per cubic yard than the contractor was originally receiving, the actual difference in cost for the job was not sufficient to justify the department in allowing the contractor to proceed with the work which would have entailed leaving the road closed to traffic for another winter. cost statement--rainier-goble macadam (state forces) ===============================+========+========+============+===== item | unit | amount | cost | unit | | | | cost -------------------------------+--------+--------+------------+----- engineering | | | $ . | intermediate excavation |cu. yds.| | , . | . quarrying and crushing |cu. yds.| , | , . | . hauling stone |cu. yds.| , | , . | . placing and rolling |cu. yds.| , | , . | . camp construction and operation| | | . | general construction | | | . | | | | ---------- | total | | | $ , . | -------------------------------+--------+--------+------------+----- goble macadam work a contract was awarded to warren construction company september , , for macadamizing the goble cut-off on a basis of cost plus ten per cent. columbia county has a quarry on the old road about three-fourths of a mile west of goble, which was equipped with complete crushing outfit and arrangements were made by the contractor for the use of this equipment and all the rock for this job was crushed and hauled from this quarry. work was started march , , and completed june , . engineering work was done by h. c. compton as resident engineer under the supervision of chas. h. whitmore. cost statement construction engineering $ . excavation and embankment . drainage . quarrying and crushing ( , cu. yds. crushed) , . spreading and rolling ( , cu. yds.) , . hauling ( , cu. yds) , . camp construction and operation . corral construction and operation . ---------- total cost $ , . goble grading section a new location of the columbia river highway was made from a point two miles east of goble to goble creek and a new concrete bridge built over goble creek, making a saving in distance of about one-half mile and doing away with several excessive grades, sharp curves and narrow roadbed, also a dangerous bridge and trestle across goble creek. a rock cut between goble and goble creek was taken out by the s. p. & s. ry. co. with steam shovels and the material used by them for riprap, thus making a considerable saving to the state highway commission. the material for the west approach to the new bridge was obtained by blasting and barring down rock from a dangerous perpendicular cliff about , feet west of the bridge, from which large rocks had fallen onto the highway. to make the highway safe it was necessary to remove this material and by using it in the bridge approach, did away with other borrow which would have been necessary. the cliff is about feet high with the highway and s. p. & s. ry. side by side at the foot, necessitating very light shots and careful work and was completed without accident to men or interruption of traffic on the railroad. [illustration: on the columbia river highway near goble in columbia county. graded and macadamized in and ] the material for the east approach was obtained by trimming up the cut left by the railroad company. a contract for grading the cutoff was awarded to the warren construction company, august , , and work started in july, . from the east end of the section to ruben, about one mile in length, the material was handled by teams. rock work at ruben and at goble was sub-let to station men. the fill across the flat between ruben and goble was made from side borrow, by using a steam hoisting engine, with boom and clam shell bucket. this work was done in the fall and winter and the material was light loam and sand and very wet, and did not pack very solid in the fill, therefore a strip of rock sixteen feet wide and one foot in thickness, taken from the rock cuts at either end, was placed on the fill and rolled thus making a solid base for the crushed rock macadam. the engineering work was done by a. f. pratt, resident engineer and w. e. eddy, assistant state highway engineer, until october , , when it was taken over by h. c. compton, resident engineer, under the supervision of chas. h. whitmore, assistant engineer. detailed expenditure statement--grading goble section engineering $ , . guarding s. p. & s. ry. tracks . right-of-way damages . rental on state industrial ry. track furnished contractor . payments to contractor for work as follows: clearing and grubbing $ , . common excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . overhaul per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c . force account-- replacing trestle for warren packing co.'s plant, goble . borrowing approximately cu. yds. rock to cover dirt fill . removal of overhanging rock near goble creek bridge , . widening grade and building fill from goble postoffice to goble creek bridge , . cutting off rock point to give safe sight distance around curve . removal of slide west of goble creek . placing feet drain tile in quicksand . placing timber foundation for culvert . -------- total paid to contractor $ , . ----------- grand total cost $ , . rainier hill grading on july , , a contract was entered into with a. l. clark of rainier for the widening of the rainier hill section, a section two and two-tenths miles in length, located just west of rainier. this work was let under a unit price contract, but the nature of the work was such that a considerable part of it could not be fairly measured and paid for on a unit, and on this part the contractor was allowed cost plus ten per cent. the total cost of this improvement was $ , . . a detailed cost statement follows: detailed expenditure statement--grading--rainier hill section engineering $ . construction-- common excavation, , cu. yds. at c $ . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul per lin. ft., cu. yds. at c . -inch corrugated iron pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . force account-- excavation for cribbing and placing rip-rap . -foot extension to -inch culvert . widening old roadbed, removal of slides and general improvement work not subject to measurement , . culvert pipe furnished by state . --------- , . ---------- total cost $ , . beaver valley grading before the columbia river highway through beaver creek canyon between delena and inglis was opened for traffic in july, , in order to reach clatskanie from delena, it was necessary to travel over a narrow, dangerous, earth and corduroy road, either by way of maygar and quincy or through the hills about eight miles into clatskanie. both of these roads were passable for autos only about three months during the dry season. the grading of this section was partly completed by the county under supervision of mr. bowlby, state highway engineer in . this section being a very important link in the columbia river highway and no funds being available from county or state funds during or , s. benson decided to advance the necessary funds to make this section passable. about four miles of grading was completed between inglis and delena, leaving only the building of bridges to open this section. this work was later macadamized by the state. the engineering work was done by a. k. grondahl. a bill was passed by the legislature refunding to mr. benson $ , . which is a large portion of the amount expended by him. cost statement clearing and grubbing $ , . grading--labor and teams , . explosives , . pipe culverts . ---------- total $ , . prescott hill section this section of the highway was built along the steep hillside, several slides having occurred narrowing the roadbed in some places to about eight feet and making it very dangerous, it was necessary to build several retaining walls, half viaducts and guard fences. this was done by oscar lindstrom on a basis of cost plus ten per cent. a half-viaduct seventy-five feet in length was built containing fifty-three cubic yards of concrete and , pounds reinforcing steel, with standard bridge railing for guard fence. two hundred and fourteen linear feet of rubble masonry walls were built on a slope of three-fourths to one, and standard bridge railing placed on top for guard fence. these walls contain cubic yards of rock. a reinforced concrete crib forty-one feet long, fifteen feet high and seven feet wide was built and filled with large rock. the members were cast on the dock in rainier and hauled to the location. a reinforced concrete slab on solid earth foundation was used for footing, on the required angle to give the crib a batter of one-fourth to one. the total cost of the prescott hill improvement was $ , . . goble creek bridge a ninety-foot reinforced concrete bridge was built over goble creek on the columbia river highway about one-half mile east of goble. this bridge has a pile foundation which was put in by the warren construction company on a cost plus basis for $ , . . the superstructure was built by lindstrom and fiegeson on a unit price basis. the cost of the structure complete was $ , . . the engineering work in connection with this work was handled by h. c. compton, resident engineer, on the goble section, and the inspection of the placement of steel and pouring of concrete was in charge of l. m. huggins. cost statement--goble creek bridge engineering $ . construction-- class a concrete, cu. yds. at $ . $ , . reinforcing steel, , lbs. at ½c , . concrete hand rail, lin. ft. at $ . . construction of cement shed and unloading cement . pile foundation (force account) , . --------- total construction cost , . --------- grand total cost of bridge $ , . beaver creek bridges for a considerable distance between rainier and clatskanie the columbia river highway follows beaver creek, crossing the creek in many places. to replace a number of temporary wooden structures and to provide bridges at every crossing, the highway department in and constructed nine reinforced concrete bridges across this stream. the spans of these structures vary from thirty to feet, there being one thirty-foot, one fifty-foot, two sixty-foot, four seventy-foot and one -foot spans in all. the thirty-foot span structure was built by l. o. herrold of salem, on a cost plus ten per cent basis and cost $ , . . the other eight structures were built by l. o. herrold of salem, on a unit price basis, the cost of the eight being $ , . . graham creek culvert a double x foot reinforced concrete box culvert was built on the columbia river highway to provide passage for graham creek near marshland. this culvert was built with state forces. it contains fifty cubic yards of concrete and cost $ . . survey--columbia city to scappoose a survey was made between scappoose and mcbride a distance of eleven and two-tenths miles. this survey follows the s. p. & s. ry. on the south side the entire distance and is shorter than the present traveled road by about one mile, and also does away with six grade crossings. while most of the roadbed will be entirely new work, it will not be of heavy construction, the country being comparatively flat. between scappoose and st. helens the material is mostly earth. between st. helens and mcbride the material is mostly rock. [illustration: one of nine reinforced concrete bridges in the beaver creek valley, columbia county, on the columbia river highway between rainier and clatskanie. all built in and ] two bridges of thirty foot spans or more are needed, also several box culverts and pipe culverts. the survey from scappoose to st. helens was made by p. w. marx; from st. helens to mcbride by h. c. compton. coos county the work of the highway department in coos county consisted entirely in assistance given the county in the making of surveys and the engineering of construction work done under the county's bond issue of $ , . . for this purpose $ , . of state funds were expended, and the total amount of county expenditures audited and vouchered through the highway department was $ , . . these expenditures were made on work on the coast highway between marshfield and the curry county line, and on the coos bay-roseburg highway between coquille and myrtle point. the engineering work was in charge of r. b. murdock. crook county crook county is one of the districts of eastern oregon where the road program is an expensive one. prineville now has rail communication with outside points, and in sections of the county there is found some good natural roads, but much is wanting in the line of transportation facilities. owing to a large portion of the county being mountainous in character, much of the roads are little else than trails. formerly the boundaries of crook county encircled an area now comprising several counties. the paring process, caused by the forming of new counties left crook county in a peculiar position. the local road map indicates that the county is divided into two communities with the dividing line following the rugged country a few miles east of prineville. a single road that is a succession of heavy grades and poor alignment, is the sole medium of traffic communication between the two ends of the county. the people of crook county are fully aware of the importance of highways. although local funds will not go far, a remarkable beginning has been made. a county bond issue of $ , . has been voted for road construction. the general progressiveness and co-operative spirit existing throughout the county is shown by the fact that $ , . of the bond issue is to be expended on one road. reference is made to the proposed road up crooked river from prineville, connecting the east and west end of the county. the state highway commission has ordered a location survey made of the crooked river highway between prineville and the shorty davis ranch. the length of this line will be about thirty miles, and practically a water grade can be secured. this work will start easily in . the immediate purpose of the survey is to gather definite data for the consideration of the state highway commission. the county authorities have made application for state aid and request early consideration of the matter. the state highway commission is cooperating in the construction of the ochoco forest road in crook county. ochoco-canyon forest road the state highway commission extended aid to crook county by helping to secure federal aid and by appropriating state funds for the construction of a nine and seven-tenths mile section of the mckenzie river highway between prineville and mitchell. this section is adjacent to the wheeler county line and connects up with proposed grading work in wheeler county. construction work is in progress under the direction of the united states office of public roads. the cost of this work will be defrayed by co-operative funds from the state, county and government. the total estimated cost is $ , . . the following statement shows the appropriations made for this work: total estimated cost of work $ , . appropriated by state , . appropriated by government , . appropriated by county , . curry county the most important highway in this county is, of course, the coast highway, which affords an outlet to california on the south and coos bay on the north. between the coos county line and port orford the route of the coast highway lies along the foot of the mountains and on a comparatively level plain and, except in a few cases at river crossings, the grades of the present road are not excessive. the alignment could be improved but is satisfactory for the present. a gravel surfacing on this section makes it passable the whole year round. south of port orford the topography of the county changes. the slopes are steep; in many cases reaching forty degrees, and are badly broken up. this section is also subject to slides of which there is abundant evidence of recent activity. the drainage being at right angles to the coast must be crossed by the highway requiring considerable rise and fall in the grade line. a survey from port orford south was commenced in december of . a line was located and staked ready for construction between port orford and hubbard creek, eliminating steep grades and sharp curves on the present road. a close preliminary line was run between hubbard creek and mussel creek (arizona inn), a thorough study made of the conditions and the following route recommended, which eliminates the excessive grades and high summit of , feet of the present road. the location lies between elevation and , dropping into and crossing drainage as it is met, following close to the beach until brush creek is reached, then following up brush creek on the east side of humbug mountain until an intersection with the present road is reached, straightening out present road for about one mile, then following the coast between elevation and , dropping into mussel creek. the controlling points on this route are the slides which must be headed to secure a stable roadbed. a twelve-foot roadbed has been proposed for this project, with maximum six per cent grades and the construction even for this narrow width is heavy as it will be necessary to bench out the entire width of the roadbed on solid ground, the slopes being too steep for fill to catch. considerable bridging is required and a gravel surface provided throughout the entire length to insure an all year road, so the cost of even this narrow roadbed will be high. a beach route located about ten feet above high tide has been proposed, and, while this has the advantage of shorter distance and no rise and fall, this route is not believed to be feasible because the underlying rock is soft and disintegrates readily and is eroded by tidal action to a considerable extent. the numerous slides at this elevation would also make construction on this location inadvisable for a permanent road. a reconnaissance was made between mussel creek and gold beach. after leaving mussel creek, considerable development work is required to attain standard grade, and but a small portion of the present road could be used. passing euchre creek, there will be utilized along cedar creek a new section of road about eight miles in length which has been recently graded by the county. if widened and the alignment corrected in a few locations, this would afford a direct route to the rogue river where a ferry runs regularly. between the river crossing and gold beach there is a fair road requiring only straightening out and widening. a large portion of the total area of curry county is in the forest reserve making the taxable area relatively small. for this reason and in view of the heavy cost of construction, aid is asked by the county from state and federal sources. the most needed improvement is the section between port orford and brush creek. in view of the increasing probability of the coast military highway by the federal government, which would be a great benefit to this county as well as to the state in general, it is desired to construct such sections as are undertaken on the correct location and standard grades, so that future widening and surfacing only will be necessary to bring it to the high standards which will undoubtedly be maintained on this military highway. it has been proposed by the commission to co-operate with the forest service in a joint forest aid project in coos and curry counties, each contributing $ , . , the forest money to be spent in northern coos county and the state money, between port orford and brush creek. curry county has offered to co-operate with county tax funds. it is hoped that this project can be carried out during the season. deschutes county bend-lapine cinder macadam during the year , an appropriation was made by the highway commission for the construction of cinder macadam between bend and lapine. this work was advertised and, proposals were received on august , . as the bids submitted at that time were not considered favorable, all were rejected, and the work was undertaken under the supervision of the county court. this section, which had been graded under a previous administration, passes through a flat, pine district, with a surface formation of volcanic ash, which is a very poor road material, roads without surfacing becoming practically impassable during the summer season. as no rock or gravel was available for macadamizing, scoria or volcanic cinder was used, of which material there is an inexhaustible supply along the right-of-way. this scoria is very light, weighing about , pounds per cubic yard. it, however, has made an excellent macadam, and because of its lightness can be handled and placed cheaper than either rock or gravel. the results are as favorable as if the best pit-run gravel could have been had. a total of , cubic yards of cinder macadam was placed on this section and twelve and five-tenths miles of completed surface was secured. the total cost was $ , . , giving a unit cost of approximately $ , . per mile, which is proof of the economy of this type of construction where volcanic cinder is obtainable. survey--rolyat to one hundred mile road in september and october, , the state highway commission made a location survey on the section of the bend-burns highway between rolyat, in deschutes county and the one hundred mile road, in harney county. the object of the survey at this time is to secure a more direct route and to avoid the bad section of the present road through the glass buttes district. the length of this survey is seventeen and one-tenth miles and it materially shortens the distance, as compared with the present road between the terminal points mentioned. fifteen and six-tenths miles of this line are in deschutes county and one and five-tenths miles in harney county. the northeast corner of lake county is touched by the survey but only for a short distance. the definite limits are not shown as the county lines could not be found and it was deemed not advisable to go to the cost of reestablishing the lines for the purpose of the survey. the new location leads in an easterly direction from rolyat and continues to the north of the present road. the plans for this survey will be made up in the near future. h. b. wright was the locating engineer in charge. douglas county as a result of the liberal co-operation of douglas county, a very large amount of work has been done during and on the pacific highway across that county. from a $ , . bond issue the county set aside $ , . for the improvement of the pacific highway north of roseburg, with the understanding that the highway department would expend an equal amount on the same highway south of roseburg. in accordance with this arrangement, it was agreed that the county would grade . miles between yoncalla and oakland, grade and macadamize . miles between comstock and leona, and grade . miles between comstock and the lane county line; and that the state would grade . miles between myrtle creek and dillard and macadamize . miles between comstock and the lane county line. it was further agreed that if the county would cooperate with the state and federal government to the amount of $ , . on the canyonville-galesville forest road project, this amount would be considered a part of the $ , . to be provided by the county in connection with the general scheme of improvement outlined. all of the work contemplated in this co-operative agreement has been carried to completion, and when final payments have been made the total expenditure by the state will be approximately $ , . and by the county $ , . . the canyonville-galesville forest road project referred to above involves the grading of a . mile section over canyon creek pass, and it will eliminate one of the very worst stretches on the pacific highway between portland and the california line. this is estimated to cost $ , . , of which the county will pay $ , . , the state $ , . and the federal government $ , . . in summary, the improvement work on the pacific highway in douglas county during and , including the work now under way, consisted of . miles of grading and . miles of macadamizing. the expenditures on the individual sections by the county, state and federal government when final payments are completed, will be approximately as follows: ======================+===========+===========+==========+=========== sections | by | by | by | total | state | county | federal | | | | govt. | ----------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------- lane county line- | | | | comstock grading |$ , . |$ , . | ... | $ , . lane county line- | | | | comstock macadam | , . | ... | ... | , . comstock-leona | | | | grading and | , . | , . | ... | , . macadam | | | | oakland-yoncalla | , . | , . | ... | , . grading | | | | myrtle creek-dillard | , . | ... | ... | , . grading | | | | canyonville-galesville| , . | , . | , . | , . grading | | | | umpqua river bridges | , . | ... | ... | , . +-----------+-----------+----------+----------- total |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . ----------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------- [illustration: bridge on pass creek-- ft. span. on pacific highway near comstock in douglas county] grading--comstock to the lane county line this section runs through the northern portion of the pass creek canyon, and has been the dread of tourists heretofore. it has always been a hard road to travel under summer conditions and absolutely impassable in winter, even for horse-drawn conveyances. the contract for this improvement involved . miles of grading and was awarded to s. s. schell of oakland, oregon on september , . the bulk of the grading was done that fall and the job was completed in the spring of . the road bed was graded to a width of feet with per cent maximum grades and easy curves. in addition to the grading, the contract included two drainage structures over pass creek, one a double x reinforced concrete box culvert and the other a -foot reinforced concrete bridge. all construction charges were paid by douglas county. engineering charges were paid by the state. mr. e. b. bishop was the resident engineer in charge on this section. detailed expenditure statement--grading comstock to lane county line engineering $ , . construction-- clearing and grubbing $ , . common excavation, , cu. yds. at c. , . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at c. , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul per ft., , cu. yds. at c. . -inch plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch porous drain tile, lin. ft. at c. . class a concrete, . c. y. at $ . , . class b concrete, . c. y. at $ . . metal reinforcement, , lbs. at c. . repairing timber bridge . laying . lin. ft. of drain tile and backfilling . total paid to contractor , . ---------- total cost $ , . paid by county , . paid by state $ , . ---------- total $ , . macadam--comstock to lane county line on august , , a contract was awarded to s. s. schell for macadamizing the above newly graded section in pass creek canyon, by the state highway commission, same to be a standard three course broken stone, water bound surface. this work was carried through in a very able manner on the part of the contractor and completed november , . this surfacing makes an all year road, of one of the worst pieces of road in the state. the entire cost of this work was paid by the state. detailed expenditure statement--macadamizing--comstock to lane county line engineering $ . advertisements for bids . construction-- broken stone macadam, , cu. yds. at $ . $ , . earth filler, cu. yds. at c. . removing slides . ---------- total paid to contractor , . ---------- total cost $ , . grading and macadam--comstock to leona this section is through the south end of pass creek canyon, beginning approximately a mile and a half south of comstock and extending to a point a half mile north of leona, being . miles in length. the contract was a joint contract signed by the county court and state highway commission and was awarded to hall & soleim of eugene on september , . work covered by the contract was for grading and macadamizing, culverts and bridges. due to shortage of labor, poor shipments on macadam rock, and financial difficulties, the contractors were obliged to ask the state highway commission to take over the work. on august , , after a conference with the county court and the contractor's surety company, this was done. the work was completed november , . the construction details under the state supervision were handled by a state construction engineer, representing the contractors and surety company, and the engineering details by the resident engineer on the work--the latter rendering regular monthly estimates of work done on the unit contract prices, of the original contract. this work complete will cost approximately $ , . of which the county will pay $ , . and the state $ , . . the construction of this section was in charge of e. b. bishop, resident engineer, and f. e. lapointe, construction superintendent. grading--oakland to yoncalla this work extends from the calapooya river bridge at oakland to a point two miles south of yoncalla, a total distance of . miles. a contract for clearing, grading and culverts was awarded the warren construction company, september , , being the last of three contracts signed jointly by the county court and state highway commission. this work was completed july , , and is an excellent piece of standard construction feet in width. it eliminates the old excessive grade over rice hill, and some bad sections just north of oakland--there being now no grades over per cent. on the completion of the grading the state highway commission requested permission of the capital issues committee to sell bonds, part of which were to cover the rocking of this unit to make it passable for winter. this request was refused on the ground that it was not a necessary war measure. the road will therefore not be passable this winter, but it is expected that the section will be macadamized during the season. mr. robert a. pratt was resident engineer in charge of the construction. detailed expenditure statement--grading--oakland to yoncalla engineering $ , . construction-- clearing and grubbing $ , . common excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c , . -inch plain concrete pipe, , lin. ft. at $ . , . -inch corrugated galvanized iron pipe, lin. ft. at $ . , . -inch corrugated galvanized iron pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch porous drain tile, , lin. ft. at c . class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . class b concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . metal reinforcement, , lbs. at c . lumber, , f. b. m. at $ . . extra work on culverts, drain ditches, rock back filling . hauling and placing rip-rap for embankments, approximately cu. yds. . lowering water pipe crossing . rebuilding right of way fence . grubbing for borrow pit . extra clearing and grubbing account of line change . gasoline furnished state . -ft. by -in. corrugated iron pipe (hauling and placing) . -ft. by -in. corrugated iron pipe in place . total paid to contractor $ , . ----------- total cost $ , . paid by state $ , . paid by county , . ----------- total $ , . [illustration: along the umpqua river north of myrtle creek in douglas county. graded in and ] grading--myrtle creek to dillard on november , , a contract was awarded to calvert & wolke of grants pass (now known as the grants pass construction company, james logan, president), for the clearing, grading, culverts and concrete bridges on a section of . miles between myrtle creek and the junction of the pacific highway with the roseburg-coos bay highway, one mile and a half north of dillard. this construction eliminates the well but unfavorably known roberts mountain grade just south of roseburg, on which several lives have been lost and also, seven grade crossings of the southern pacific railway. it will be a water grade highway along the beautiful umpqua river. the road will not be open to the public until the completion of two bridges over the umpqua, which are now under construction and which are expected to be completed about january , . it is expected that this entire section will be macadamized during the season. mr. f. n. drinkhall is resident engineer in charge of the grading on this section. detailed statement of expenditures to november , --grading--myrtle creek to dillard engineering $ , . culvert pipe furnished by state , . construction-- clearing and grubbing, % completed $ , . common excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul, per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c . -inch plain concrete pipe, , lin. ft. at c . -inch corrugated galvanized iron pipe, lin. ft. at c . -inch corrugated galvanized iron pipe, lin. ft. at c . -inch corrugated galvanized iron pipe, lin. ft. at c . -inch porous drain tile, , lin. ft. at c , . class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . class c concrete, cu. yds. at $ . . metal reinforcement, , lbs. at c , . lumber and timber, , f. b. m. at $ . . rough dry walls (approx.) (force account) cu. yds. . clearing outside r. o. w. (force account) . back-filling over drain tile with gravel . --------- total amount earned by contractor to nov. , , . per cent retained until completion of contract , . --------- total paid contractor to nov. , , . ---------- total amount expended to november , $ , . umpqua river bridge one mile north of dillard this bridge consists of - foot covered wooden howe truss spans on concrete piers. the spans are continuous, thus forming a roof over feet long. open windows are constructed at panel points to light the spans and make a more artistic appearance, lack of light and unsightly appearance having been the chief objections to covered wooden bridges. this bridge being on the pacific highway, was designed for heavy traffic loading. a laminated wood floor system is used and provision is made for an asphaltic wearing surface although a three inch wooden decking is used temporarily. this type of bridge is regarded as being very durable, and under conditions of the past year or two, very economical. the structure complete will cost approximately $ , . . mr. a. s. kennedy was resident engineer for this bridge as well as the one two and one-half miles south of dillard. the construction is being handled by the portland bridge company. [illustration: van tyne creek viaduct north of myrtle creek in douglas county. built in ] bridge two and one-half miles south of dillard this bridge is similar to the one described above, except that there are two -foot spans instead of three. the cost of construction will be approximately $ , . . it is being built under a contract with the portland bridge company. van tyne creek bridge this is a -foot reinforced concrete viaduct on the pacific highway near dole, north of myrtle creek. it was constructed by the grants pass construction company, under their grading contract for the section between myrtle creek and dillard. the total cost of the structure was $ , . . half viaducts north of myrtle creek these structures, two in number, were constructed within a few hundred feet of each other on the pacific highway between myrtle creek and dillard and span crevices in the face of a rock bluff. they are of reinforced concrete construction of the through girder type and of spans of feet and feet respectively. the foot structure cost complete $ , . , and the foot structure cost $ , . . both were built by the grants pass construction company under their contract for grading between myrtle creek and dillard. myrtle creek bridge the bridge over the umpqua river at myrtle creek being inadequate for modern traffic a survey has been made for a new structure. as contemplated, the new bridge will eliminate a grade crossing that now exists at one end of the present bridge. canyonville-galesville forest road project under a co-operative agreement between douglas county, the state and the federal government, a . mile section of the pacific highway between canyonville and galesville is being constructed. this project will eliminate the heavy grades and dangerous curves through what has been erroneously called cow creek canyon. this section has heretofore been one of the very worst on the entire highway, and its improvement is of great importance. the work is under contract to john hampshire & co. of grants pass. the supervision of the work is in the hands of the federal office of public roads. it is estimated that the project complete will cost $ , . , of which the county will pay $ , . , the state $ , . and the federal government $ , . . surrey--coos county line to roseburg during april and may , a preliminary survey was made from the coos-douglas county line eastward to a connection with the new pacific highway location between roseburg and dillard. some construction on this line was contemplated in the spring of , but was postponed until the close of the war. location surveys were in charge of mr. c. c. kelley, locating engineer. the length of the survey is . miles. survey--johns ranch to jacques ranch this survey was made in july , and is on the pacific highway between glendale and canyonville. the survey was . miles in length and was made by mr. c. c. kelley, locating engineer. survey--canyon creek pass to johns ranch this survey consisted of the location of a . mile section of the pacific highway from canyon creek pass to johns ranch in cow creek valley. it was made by c. c. kelley, locating engineer, in august, , and the section is now being constructed as a part of the canyonville-galesville forest road project. gilliam county gilliam county presents an interesting situation from the viewpoint of highways. besides the columbia river highway the county is traversed by the john day highway, one of the important routes of eastern oregon. this large mileage of state highways along with the fact that there are many large agricultural communities to be served, renders important and necessary an extensive road building program. [illustration: the john day river highway south of condon in gilliam county macadamized in ] the people of gilliam county have long realized the value of good roads. although continuous effort has been put forth, expensive construction and limited funds have resulted in only a beginning. county authorities have always shown a keen interest in the plans for state co-operation, regardless of whether gilliam county was to be benefitted directly or whether improvements were to be made in the neighboring counties. the state highway commission has always recognized the urgency of building the columbia river highway, and in addition has from the beginning realized the necessity of an improved road leading inland from condon. during the state highway commission made a location survey of the columbia river highway between john day river and arlington, and a reconnaissance survey has been made from arlington east to the morrow county line. since august the state highway commission has expended $ , . for macadamizing the john day highway between condon and thirty mile creek. in addition $ , . of state funds has been set aside for maintaining and resurfacing this section during the coming winter. gilliam county court and the road district in the north end of the county through heroic efforts have raised $ , . for grading the columbia river highway between arlington and blalock, a distance of eight and sixty-eight one-hundredths miles. this work is to be started at once and rushed during the winter season. the state highway department will supply engineering supervision. condon-thirty mile creek--macadam in august a contract was let by the state highway department to warren construction company of portland for macadamizing a five and seven-tenths mile section of the john day highway between condon and thirty mile creek. the contractor was paid on the basis of cost plus ten per cent for labor and plus five per cent for materials. rock was quarried and crushed at two different points on the job and trucks and teams were used for hauling. the old road was scarified and re-dressed prior to laying the macadam. a dry macadam six inches thick was laid over the five and seven-tenths miles. the average width of the surface is about fourteen feet. the state paid the entire cost of this work amounting to $ , . and it is thought that about $ , . per mile will be required for maintenance and re-dressing during the next few months. c. a. harrington was resident engineer and inspector for the department on this work. mayville-wheeler county line--grading and macadam at the completion of the state work on the cummins hill macadam, gilliam county deemed it advisable to avail themselves of the opportunity to utilize the installed equipment and organization for macadamizing the john day highway between mayville and wheeler county line, one mile south. accordingly they graded and laid macadam for this distance thereby connecting mayville up with the wheeler county macadam. gilliam county paid the full cost of this work amounting to about $ , . for both grading and macadam. the engineering and inspection was done by the state department with george hibbet in charge. columbia river highway--survey a location survey of the columbia river highway was made by the state highway department during . beginning at the john day river near its mouth the line follows up the columbia river paralleling the o.-w. r. & n. railway and ends at arlington. the total length of the survey is twenty-three and ninety-six one-hundredths miles. the plans for the eight and sixty-eight one-hundredths miles section from arlington to blalock have been completed but there are revisions to be made in the remainder of the line owing to right-of-way encroachments upon the railroad property. this survey was made under the direction of c. a. harrington and b. h. mcnamee, locating engineers for the state department. grant county grant county lies in the mountainous section of the state and its limits on three sides, north, east and south follow water sheds. the general slope of the lands and direction of the drainage is toward the west but even here the country is of such rugged character that no natural passageways are found to relieve the isolated condition. the roads in all directions are very rough and of little economic value to the county. the narrow gauge railway leading from baker to prairie city serves the whole county for both passenger and freight traffic. it is readily seen that the call for improved roads for these settlements is an urgent one. to meet the demands for transportation facilities the county has made a very creditable showing towards financing highway improvements. in november a bond issue was voted providing $ , . . the mileage is so great however, and the construction so heavy and expensive, that county funds available for permanent work are altogether inadequate. grant county was among the first to apply for state and federal aid and its call did not go unheeded. the state highway commission drew heavily upon its first apportionments of post road funds in order to provide a connecting road between spray and dayville through the big basin and picture gorge. the co-operative plans provide also for the improvement of the john day-prairie city sections. two sections of the john day highway in this county aggregating thirty-one and thirty-one hundredths miles in length have been definitely established by location surveys, an additional location is to be made in the near future. in november the state highway commission received bids for the grading and macadamizing of that section of the john day highway between hall hill and prairie city. the cost of this work is to be defrayed by state and government funds in equal amounts. funds have been set aside by the commission for the matching of federal and county funds in the construction of the john day highway between the grant-wheeler county line and dayville. this is a portion of post road project no. extending from the mouth of sarvice creek, wheeler county to valades ranch, grant county. the project covers a total of forty-eight and ninety-five hundredths miles, twenty-three and forty-five hundredths miles of which are in grant county. the appropriations for the improvement are apportioned as follows: grant county, $ , . ; state, $ , . ; government, $ , . . total estimated cost, $ , . . the department has also appropriated funds for the grading and macadamizing of that section between the town of john day and fisk creek, seven and four-tenths miles east of the town. the total estimated cost of the work is $ , . , which amount is to be supplied in equal amounts by the state and government. the improvement from john day to prairie city is listed for early completion owing to an urgent request from the war department to keep the road in condition for hauling chrome ore. the following summary shows state and federal aid to be extended grant county during the next season. =======================+==========+==========+==========+=========== appropriated for | state | county |government| total expenditures in | funds | funds | funds | -----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------- hall hill to prairie |$ , . | ... |$ , . |$ , . city | | | | wheeler county line to | , . |$ , . | , . | , . valades ranch | | | | john day to fisk creek | , . | ... | , . | , . -----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------- hall hill section--grading and macadamizing in july of this season the grant county court turned over to the state departments funds for the improvement of certain sections between john day and prairie city. the hall hill section, three and five-tenths miles in length, received first attention as it was much in need of repair. the grading is almost completed and gravel macadam is laid on two and twenty-four hundredths miles. there has been expended on this work up to november , $ , . , and approximately $ , . will be required for completion of the same. county funds will be supplied to finish this section. state forces and local labor are being employed on this work under the direct supervision of c. a. harrington, resident engineer for the department. in addition to the grading and macadamizing this work involves the construction of a -foot span bridge over the john day river. summary of construction quantities excavation-- , cu. yds. solid rock; , cu. yds. intermediate; , cu. yds. common. pipe-- lin. ft. -inch; lin. ft. -inch; lin. ft. -inch. survey of big basin section of john day highway in a location survey was made from the grant-wheeler county lines east of spray to valades ranch, five miles west of dayville. the line crosses the north fork of the john day river at kimberly's ranch and follows up the big basin valley along the east bank of the john day river. a crossing is made near the upper end of big basin and the line follows the west bank of the river through picture gorge canyon. on leaving picture gorge the line enters the john day valley, and continues on the west side of the river to valades ranch where the project ends. valades ranch is five miles west of dayville. this is a portion of the sarvice creek-valades ranch post road project and the grant county section is twenty-three and forty-five hundredths miles in length. this survey was made under the direction of r. h. coppock, locating engineer. survey of john day highway from john day to prairie city in a location survey was made from the town of john day to prairie city. the line follows the south limit of the valley east from john day for eight and five-tenths miles and crosses the river to the north side of the valley at the bridge site on the present road. it continues thence along the north side of the valley to prairie city. the length of this survey is twelve and seventy-four hundredths miles. c. a. harrington and r. h. coppock were the locating engineers on this section. the office work for this survey is finished and plans are complete. sarvice creek-valades ranch port road project (same as for wheeler county) john day-fisk creek post road project the state highway department has submitted to the government for the purpose of securing post road aid, that section of the john day highway between john day and fisk creek. this project is five and seventy-two hundredth miles in length and the total estimated cost is $ , . . the co-operation is to be on the basis of fifty per cent of the cost from each the state and government. assurance has been received that the project will receive the support of the government and it is expected that construction work will begin in the near future. hall hill-prairie city post road project the office of public roads has approved the application for post road aid on the john day highway between hall hill and prairie city. the length of this project is two and fourteen hundredths miles. the total estimated cost is approximately $ , . . the road is to be graded and surfaced with gravel macadam. this improvement involves also the construction of a fifty foot span bridge near prairie city. the apportionment of the costs provide for the payment of $ , . by each the state and government. bids were received for this work on november and a contract for the construction was later awarded kern & co. of portland, oregon. work will begin in a short time and the bid price for this improvement was $ , . . harney county roads in harney county are few in number, but the combined mileage of these few is enormous. fortunately a large portion of the county roads are good most of the year, but during the winter season communication by the valley roads is usually extremely difficult. highways are of extreme importance in this county owing to the scarcity of railroads. the value of improved highways is fully appreciated by the people and a very creditable beginning has been made on the roads in the vicinity of burns. however, county funds are entirely inadequate for the carrying out of a road building scheme of any magnitude. the state highway commission extended aid in to the amount of $ , which appropriation calls for a like amount from the federal government. the county joins in the co-operative work to the amount of $ , . . this makes a total of $ , . for a beginning. present plans provide that work shall start early in . additional support was secured from the state in the forms of surveys. approximately nineteen miles of the central oregon highway within harney county was surveyed in . survey of central oregon highway--burns-experimental farm section during the state highway commission surveyed a six mile section of the central oregon highway leading east from burns and past the government experimental farm. this project begins one and one-half miles east of burns and ends two miles east of the experimental farm. the plans for this survey are practically completed. this survey was made under the direction of h. b. wright, locating engineer. sage hen to burns section survey this is also a section of the central oregon highway and is ten and thirty-nine hundredths miles in length. the line begins near sage hen creek and parallels the present road into burns, with a considerable saving in distance. this survey was made at the request of the county authorities in order that some improvements they have planned may be placed upon a permanent location. h. b. wright was locating engineer on this survey. glass butte section survey this is a portion of the survey between rolyat in deschutes county and one hundred mile road in harney county. fifteen and six-tenths miles are in deschutes county and fifteen in harney county. this survey was made at the request of the counties in order that local funds may be expended on a permanent location. the present road through glass butte section between rolyat and one hundred mile road is in poor material and much longer than necessary. local plans provide for the opening of the new road as soon as practicable. h. b. wright, locating engineer for the state department directed the surveying of this line. reconnaissance survey burns to vale in april, , the state highway department made a reconnaissance survey over the route from burns to vale. all possible routes were covered in the survey and reported upon fully to the state highway engineer and the commission. the investigation resulted in the establishing of the route from burns direct to crane and down the malheur river through river side, juntura, harper and vale. this survey was made by m. o. bennett, division engineer for the state highway department. hood river county grading--cascade locks to hood river that section of the columbia river highway from the multnomah county line to hood river passes through the narrowest part of the columbia river gorge through the cascade range. the steep river banks rise directly up from the water's edge for a large part of the distance, so the space for both railroad and highway is necessarily restricted. at many points, the right of way of the railroad and highway is contiguous and construction under these conditions involved extremely heavy work which added materially to the cost. [illustration: the columbia river highway west of lindsay in hood river county] previous to , there was no road through the county, but from the proceeds of a bond issue of $ , , the county built on state standards a roadway to connect the uncompleted portions. in , the state built about one mile, including the mitchell point tunnel, one of the many scenic features of the columbia river highway. one mile of pavement adjoining the multnomah county pavement was built in by mr. s. benson. there remained about fourteen miles which require improvement, and on august , , contracts were awarded to a. d. kern for grading of these remaining sections to bring to standard grade and alignment. this improvement eliminated ruthton hill, with its narrow, steep grades, three railroad crossings, a narrow, steep grade near wyeth and the improvement through the village of cascade locks to the end of the pavement. the work was divided as follows: cascade locks section, . miles; viento section, . miles; ruthton hill section, . miles. these contracts were completed in september, . due to the close proximity to the railroad tracks, the work required extreme care and watchfulness but was accomplished without accident and without delays to railroad traffic. the costs of construction for each of the three sections follows: detailed expenditure statement--grading--cascade locks section engineering $ , . construction--general-- common excavation, , cu. yds. at c $ , . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul, per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c , . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, , lin. ft. at $ . , . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe. lin. ft. at $ . . class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . class c concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . . placing reinforcing steel, , lbs. at . ½ . catch basins, at $ . . extra clearing and grubbing, . acres at $ . , . extra clearing, . acres at $ . . herman creek bridge-- class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . $ , . class c concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . . reinforcing steel (placing) , lbs at . ½ . reinforcing steel furnished by state , . removing old bridge and constructing temporary bridge . wet excavation for piers . concrete toe wall to protect fill , . railing . -------- total cost of herman creek bridge , . gorton creek bridge-- excavation for piers $ . class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . placing reinforcing steel, , lbs. at . ½ . reinforcing steel furnished by state . railing . rip-rap . -------- total cost of gorton creek bridge , . force account work as follows-- construction and removal of temporary bridge over dry creek . removing slide from o.-w. r. r. & n. tracks . gravel surfacing--end of pavement to cascade locks , . railing for viento creek bridge . excavating in water and placing corrugated iron pipe . excavation and placing drain tile in wet cuts . excavation and placing box drain for form crossing . riprap on slope to keep fill off o.-w. r. r. & n. right of way . water pipe and private road crossing . sinking test holes in gravel pit at cascade locks . road crossing for herman creek ranger station . hauling dirt to cover boulders . placing concrete pipe . flagmen guarding track (contractor's force) , . miscellaneous construction items paid direct by state-- replacing fence . reinforcing steel for concrete culverts . concrete pipe furnished by state . moving building in cascade locks , . guarding o.-w. r. r. & n. tracks (ry. co. force) , . guarding western union telegraph line . ----------- total construction cost $ , . grand total cost of job , . deduction for rental of state cars and track . ----------- total cash expenditure $ , . [illustration: the columbia river highway near viento in hood river county. graded and graveled in and ] detailed statement of expenditures to november , --grading and bridges--viento section engineering $ , . guarding o.-w. r. r. & n. tracks . guarding western union telegraph lines . diverting flume lines . reinforcing steel furnished by state . contract work as follows: common excavation, , . cu. yds. at c $ , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul, per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c , . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . class a concrete, cu. yds. at $ . , . class c concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . . placing reinforcing steel, , lbs. at . ½ . rubble masonry, cu. yds. at $ . . catch basins, one at $ . . gravel backfill in rock cut (force account) . repairing lindsay creek bridge (force account) . private road approach (force account) . clearing rock from mitchell point tunnel (force acc't) . viento creek bridge-- class a concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . $ , . placing reinforcing steel, , lbs. at . ½ . excavation for footings (force account) . material furnished by state . --------- total cost of viento creek bridge , . -------- total cost to november , $ , . per cent retained of total amt. ($ , . ) earned by contractors , . ----------- total paid amount to november , $ , . detailed statement of expenditures to november , --grading ruthton hill section engineering $ , . material furnished by state for concrete half viaduct . guarding o.-w. r. r. & n. tracks . contract construction work as follows: common excavation, , . cu. yds. at c $ , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at c . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinforced concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . class c concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . . rubble masonry, cu. yds. at $ . . force account-- connecting road with morton . covering sharp rocks with clay . reinforced concrete viaduct at ruthton hill , . ----------- $ , . less per cent retained pending completion of contract , . ----------- total payments to contractor to nov. , $ , . ----------- total expended to november , $ , . [illustration: on the columbia river highway in hood river county two miles east of cascade locks. graded and graveled in and ] macadamizing--cascade locks to hood river on july , , a contract was awarded to a. d. kern of eighteen miles of gravel surfacing between hood river and the multnomah county line on the basis of cost plus fifteen per cent on labor and supplies and twelve and one-half per cent on equipment; provided, that no percentage should be paid on any cost over $ , . this work also includes the building of shoulders on the one mile of pavement built by s. benson in adjacent to the multnomah county line. the gravel for this work was taken from pits at cascade locks, herman, sonny and hood river, was loaded by steam shovels, screened at two of the pits and hauled by auto trucks. as a result there is now a gravel surface between hood river and cascade locks. a total of , cubic yards was placed upon the road at an average cost of $ . per cubic yard which represents total cost of excavating, screening, hauling, spreading and rolling. hood river bridge the largest concrete bridge so far designed and constructed by the state highway department is that spanning hood river near the city of hood river. it consists of three arch spans feet, center to center of piers, feet of reinforced concrete approach on the hood river side and a short approach on the opposite side. as in other arch work of similar magnitude studied by the department, it was found economical to support the arch superstructures on ribs instead of using rings extending clear across the roadway, and the open spandrel idea was carried out. the concrete viaduct approach on the west side crosses three railroad tracks which govern the height of the bridge. in order to minimize this height through concrete girders were used, the girders projecting above rather than below the roadway slab. the total cost of the structure complete will be about $ , . , of which hood river county will contribute $ , . . the bridge was built under contract by parker & banfield. mr. c. e. carter was resident engineer on the work. herman creek bridge this is a ninety-foot reinforced concrete viaduct on the columbia river highway near cascade locks. this structure was built by a. d. kern in connection with the grading contract on the cascade locks section. the cost complete was $ , . . gorton creek bridge this is a -foot reinforced concrete bridge at wyeth on the columbia river highway. it was built by a. d. kern under the grading contract for the cascade locks section. the total cost was $ , . . hood river-mosier surveys contemplating construction of the columbia river highway between hood river and mosier to eliminate the high summit, narrow road bed, and excessive grades between these points the department made very thorough surveys for this important project. a survey had previously been made developing distance up the hood river valley and reaching a summit of , feet with a corresponding additional length required on the mosier end, making a total distance of . miles. because of its length and high summit a lower route was considered and a survey was made adjacent to the railroad, using a portion of the old abandoned railroad grade, but involving extremely heavy construction at certain points where the line skirts the high bluffs. the summit on this route was only feet and its length . miles. however, the railroad company was contemplating a revision in the alignment of their tracks on this section, as well as the construction of a second track, which would still further lessen the space available for a highway. also taking into consideration the difficult nature of the work and the uncertain cost due to track protection in blasting operations and the limited conditions under which the work must lie done to avoid interference with the railroad traffic, this route was revised in favor of a route further away from the tracks up on the side-hill. the summit reached is feet and the length of this line is . miles, which includes a development of per cent grade at each end and provides for a foot roadbed. this adopted route is very scenic and affords a splendid view of the washington shore, as well as a view up and down the river. the construction is very heavy, being located on steep side-hill slopes and at one point involves a tunnel feet long. this project is divided by the county line, making . miles in hood river county and . miles in wasco county. this project will be placed upon the program. jackson county [illustration: heavy grading on ruthton hill in hood river county. constructed in and ] the highway department expended in jackson county during and the sum of $ , . . the work accomplished with this amount consists of six and five-tenths miles of -foot crushed rock macadam in the siskiyou mountains, an undergrade crossing with the southern pacific railway just north of ashland, and , lineal feet of grading and paving north of ashland. a survey has also been started on the ashland-klamath falls road about fifteen miles of which was completed before weather conditions made it necessary to discontinue field work until spring. ashland hill grading and undercrossing on account of a contemplated undergrade crossing with the southern pacific railway, a stretch of , feet on the pacific highway just north of ashland was left unpaved between ashland and medford when the balance of the distance between those points was paved in . in arrangement was made between the county and railway company for the construction of this undercrossing and the state highway commission set aside funds to cover the cost of the , feet of grading in connection therewith. the installation of the undercrossing structure was handled by the southern pacific railway company. the grading was handled by the county grading forces under the supervision of the highway department. mr. f. h. walker acted as resident engineer. the grading was commenced on january , , and completed august , . the total cost of the grading was $ , . , and was paid entirely from state funds. cost statement ashland hill grading industrial insurance $ . grading, labor, teams, material, etc. , . explosives . concrete drainage structures . pipe culverts . irrigation flume diversions . --------- total $ , . engineering . --------- total cost $ , . ashland hill paving bids were called for on august , , for the paving of the ashland hill section, but as no satisfactory bids were received the work was undertaken by the highway department with state forces. this section of paving is , feet in length, and the type of pavement laid is a -foot concrete, ½ inches thick at the sides and ½ inches thick at the center. the mixture was a : : ½, and a ratio of . gallons of water per sack of cement was used. the average haul on material was . miles and hauling was done by means of trucks. the cement was shipped to the job prior to the beginning of construction and stored at convenient locations near the work. a sixteen cubic foot koehring mixer equipped with boom and bucket was used for mixing the aggregate. the pavement, after being struck off, was finished by the roller and belt method. the pavement first being rolled from two to four times depending on the condition of the concrete and later belted with eight and ten inch belts. the eight inch belt being used first. a very satisfactory surface was obtained in this manner. [illustration: concrete pavement on ashland hill in jackson county, on the pacific highway north of ashland. graded and paved in ] continuous forms were used on this work and ¼x inch elastite joints were placed at foot intervals, leaving approximately two inches of concrete above the elastite and giving the pavement the appearance of monolithic construction. it was found that a better riding pavement could be produced in this way as the inequalities at joints were eliminated and we believe that the use of this pavement will justify the adoption of this type on future work. gravel and crushed rock shoulders two feet wide were built on this section and the pavement was not covered while curing as the weather was cool and damp. however, the pavement was kept wet by sprinkling when necessary. the crusher and roller on this work were furnished by jackson county free of charge. mr. j. m. baker was superintendent of construction on this work. cost statement ashland hill pavement , feet ' concrete pavement built in unit quantity item total cost cost sq. yds.-- : : ½ concrete pavement average thickness " $ , . $ . cu. yds.--crushed gravel in shoulders , . . pounds--reinf. steel . . lin. ft.--expansion joints . . ---------- total cost of construction $ , . engineering . ---------- grand total cost $ , . siskiyou mountain macadam during the season, ½ miles of broken stone macadam was constructed on the pacific highway in the siskiyou mountains. this macadam is sixteen feet in width, and extends from the california state line to siskiyou. it was constructed with state forces under the supervision of l. l. clarke, construction superintendent. a total of , cubic yards of rock were crushed and placed on the road. the cost of the work complete was $ , . . survey--ashland to klamath falls on august , , a location survey was started between ashland and klamath falls. after a careful reconnaissance of the low passes, the route via green springs mountain was chosen, as against the dead indian summit, feet higher. surveys were continued until november , when they were discontinued for the winter months. the present road is in such poor condition, that maintaining a locating party at work during the winter would be very expensive. during the short time the party was in the field, . miles of location were staked, a six per cent grade from the summit of green springs mountain toward ashland being obtained, whereas the present road has many stretches over per cent. also, over a section between the green springs summit and jenny creek, miles to the south, a location has been obtained that will give for the greater distance, very cheap construction and the lightest of grades. this will be appreciated by all who have traveled the present rocky road with its series of bad grades. [illustration: on the pacific highway south of wolf creek in josephine county. constructed in and ] this road is a very vital one to the rogue river and klamath valleys. at present it is only passable during summer months for auto traffic, while a road built on standard line and grades would soon make it an all year highway. there will be an enormous exchange of commodities between the two valleys when the road is constructed. it will make a three hour auto trip between ashland and klamath falls, which now takes ½ hours by train via weed, california. the location will be resumed in the spring, and continued to klamath falls. surveys have been in charge of mr. j. h. scott, locating engineer. jefferson county jefferson is the only county in eastern oregon that has not applied for state aid in some form. this county has been included in the state's general post road scheme and doubtless will receive early attention from the state highway commission. the state highway commission has ordered a reconnaissance survey made from kingsley and tygh valley in wasco county south through the warm springs indian reservation into jefferson county along the west side of the deschutes river. this investigation will be made during the coming spring. the county is traversed by the dalles-california highway which will be a very important road. the antelope-mitchell highway also passes through the northeast corner of the county. josephine county during the two year period covered by this report, a very marked improvement has been made in the pacific highway across josephine county. during this time . miles, or more than one-quarter of the total mileage of this highway in the county, were completed on standard grades and alignment, eliminating some of the heaviest and most dangerous grades between portland and the california line. the work done by the state consisted of the grading of a . mile section between wolf creek and grave creek in the northern part of the county, and the grading of a one mile section, known as the locust hill section, about three miles south of grants pass. the work done by the county consisted of . miles of grading between locust hill and the jackson county line. this county work was contracted under state highway department specifications and was engineered by the department engineers. in addition to this construction work, location surveys were made over . miles of the pacific highway, completing the location across the county. these surveys were made in three sections: one from wolf creek to grave creek; one from grants pass to grave creek; and one from wolf creek to stage road pass. the total amount of money expended by the state in josephine county during the fiscal years and was $ , . , and the amount expended by josephine county under state supervision was approximately $ , . . some considerable amount of work was also done by the county in grading just south of grants pass. while this work was not under state supervision, it was on the state survey and is standard as regards grade, alignment, cross-section, etc. [illustration: on the wolf creek-grave creek section of the pacific highway in josephine county. graded in ] grading--wolf creek to grave creek to eliminate four very heavy grades on the pacific highway between wolf creek and grave creek in northern josephine county, the highway commission appropriated funds for the grading of a . mile section between those points. the contract for the work was awarded to the american exploration and construction company of grants pass on november , . this construction was practically all on steep side-hills, and as only a small part of the material to be moved was hard rock, the job was an ideal one for steam shovel operation and over fifty per cent of the total yardage was moved by this method. the work was handled by the contractors in a very creditable manner, and an excellent roadbed was secured. the grading was completed on october , . the width of roadbed is feet and the maximum grade is per cent. mr. j. e. nelson was in charge of the work as resident engineer. it is expected that this section will be macadamized during the season. detailed expenditure statement--grading--wolf creek to grave creek engineering $ , . culvert pipe furnished by state , . payments to contractor for work as follows: clearing and grubbing $ , . common excavation, , cu. yds. at . , . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at . , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul, per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at . . " concrete pipe, , lin. ft. at . . " corr. galv. iron pipe, . lin. ft. at . . " corr. galv. iron pipe, . lin. ft. at . . " corr. galv. iron pipe, . lin. ft. at . . " corr. galv. iron pipe, . lin. ft. at . . class "a" concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . class "c" concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . , . " porous drain tile, lin. ft. at . . trestle timber, , f. b. m., at $ . , . metal reinforcement, , lbs. at . . extra clearing, . acres at $ . . painting railings on coyote creek and dry gulch bridges (force account) . gravel backfilling for drain tile (force account) . culvert pipe furnished by state , . --------- total paid to contractors , . ---------- total cost of work $ , . grading--locust hill section to complete the grading of the pacific highway between grants pass and rogue river, the highway commission set aside funds for the construction of the locust hill section, a section one mile in length located about three miles south of grants pass. the contract for this work was awarded to albert anderson & co. of grants pass, and the construction was completed about june , . the necessary engineering supervision of this work was given by mr. j. e. nelson, resident engineer of the wolf creek-grave creek section. detailed expenditure statement--grading locust hill section engineering $ . construction: clearing and grubbing $ . common excavation, cu. yds. at . . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at . , . solid rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . overhaul per lin. ft., , cu. yds. at . . " plain conc. pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . -------- , . -------- total cost $ , . county construction--locust hill to jackson county line in the spring of , the county court of josephine county requested the highway department to engineer for them the construction of . miles of grading on the pacific highway between locust hill and the jackson county line. plans and specifications were prepared for this work by the highway department and it was let by the county court in two units: one to albert anderson & co., of grants pass; the other to s. s. schell of oakland, oregon. the construction engineering was handled by the state highway department under resident engineer h. c. compton. the work was completed in september, , the total cost to the county being approximately $ , . . the final estimate to albert anderson & co., was as follows: final estimate to albert anderson--grading between locust hill and jackson county line clearing, lump sum bid $ . common excavation, , . cu. yds. at . , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at . , . solid rock excavation, . cu. yds. at $ . . " plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at . . " plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . " plain concrete pipe, lin. ft. at $ . . class "c" concrete, . cu. yds. at $ . . " drain tile, lin. ft. at . . run-of-bank gravel, cu. yds. at $ . . overhaul, per lin. ft., cu. yds. at . . ---------- total $ , . survey--wolf creek to grave creek the old county road between wolf creek and grave creek on the pacific highway in northern josephine county, passed over two summits about feet above the valley levels of grave and wolf creeks, giving four long, heavy grades, in some places the grade being as high as per cent. these two summits were about one mile apart, and the nature of the ground was such that support could be had for a practically level grade between the two. with a view to locating this level grade between the summits and developing five per cent grades down the sides, a preliminary survey was made in october and november, , under the direction of mr. s. h. probert. this survey was worked up in the office during january and february, , and in july, , the projected location was staked on the ground by mr. c. c. kelley, locating engineer. the length of the survey was . miles, the terminal points being about three-quarters of a mile east of wolf creek post office and about three-quarters of a mile west of the grave creek bridge. the construction of this section, which was undertaken in the fall of , is described in another article in this report. survey--wolf creek to stage road pass [illustration: on the wolf creek-grave creek section of the pacific highway in josephine county. graded in ] this survey begins about three-quarters of a mile south of the wolf creek post office and follows, in a general way, the present county roads into the town of wolf creek and from wolf creek to a point about two miles south of stage road pass. at this point it connects with a survey made by the highway department in , and which is the location survey for a five per cent grade down from state road pass, which pass is on the line between douglas and josephine counties. the length of the survey from east of wolf creek to the connection with the previous survey is . miles. it was made in july, , under the direction of mr. c. c. kelley, locating engineer. survey--grants pass to grave creek to complete the location of the pacific highway across josephine county, a survey was made in between grants pass and grave creek. this survey follows, in a general way, the present road between those points, deviating from it only where improvements in alignment or grade can be secured. the most important feature of this location is that it is on a five per cent grade over the sexton mountain summit. the total length of the survey is . miles. mr. c. c. kelley was in charge of the work as locating engineer. klamath county in klamath county the work of the highway commission to date has been limited to surveys. a careful reconnaissance has been made from klamath falls to bend, klamath falls to olene, and klamath falls to ashland. funds were limited for more extensive surveys during , but the location from ashland to klamath falls (see jackson county report) was started and will be continued to klamath falls in . a short section between the klamath falls city limits, through pelican city to a connection with the existing road to bend was located by the highway department in august, , and stakes set for , feet of grading. this section has since been graded and covered with a cinder surface by the county. state surveys in this section were in charge of j. h. scott, locating engineer. lake county grading and macadamizing between lakeview and paisley in the state highway commission appropriated funds to assist the county with the grading and macadamizing of a section of the lakeview-paisley road through crooked creek canyon. this work was handled by the county, and the total amount of state funds expended was $ , . . the work done consisted of . miles of grading and . miles of rock surfacing. lane county macadam--latham to divide in state aid was given to lane county in the amount of $ , . . this money was used in macadamizing the pacific highway between latham and divide. the work was handled by county forces under the supervision of h. w. libby, county roadmaster. divide overcrossing for the elimination of the dangerous grade crossing of the pacific highway with the southern pacific railway at divide, the highway department made surveys and prepared plans for an overhead crossing at that point. the public service commission of oregon ordered that this overhead crossing be built, forty per cent of the cost to be paid by the railway company, thirty per cent by the state and thirty per cent by the county. bids were received for the construction of the structure and approach fills on september , , but before work was begun, the united states highways council ordered that construction be delayed until after the war on account of the shortage in steel and cement. work will, therefore, not be undertaken until the season. the structure designed for this overcrossing is a three span reinforced concrete viaduct, providing clearance for the double tracking of the railway. the cost of the structure and the approach fills is estimated to be $ , . . in connection with this, about . miles of new grade must be built to connect with the present road, no part of the cost of which will be shared by the railway company. this grading is estimated to cost $ , . . as soon as the grading is completed, it will be macadamized by the highway commission. survey--goshen to cottage grove in june, , a survey was made from goshen to a connection with the pacific highway south of cottage grove. this survey is on the east side of the southern pacific railway from goshen to creswell, crosses the railway at grade at that point, and continues on the west side all the way to cottage grove, closely following the southern pacific alignment the entire distance. the total length of the survey was . miles. mr. c. c. kelley was the locating engineer in charge. lincoln county pioneer mountain grading in , the state highway commission extended state aid to lincoln county in the grading of a one mile section of the corvallis-newport road. this section is in the vicinity of pioneer mountain, and is known as the pioneer mountain section. the grading was handled by county forces and the total amount of state funds expended was $ , . . bridge surveys in may, , surveys were made by the department for two large bridges in lincoln county. one of these was for a bridge over alsea river near waldport and the other was for a bridge across the yaquina river at toledo. at the present time the only means of crossing the streams at these points is by ferry. for the alsea river crossing a foot bridge has been designed and is now under construction by curtis gardner, bridge contractor. this bridge consists of one foot medium traffic wood span and feet of wood trestle. the total cost of the structure will be approximately $ , . . the construction is under the supervision of the highway department, but is being paid for by lincoln county. the design has not yet been prepared for the bridge at toledo, but the total length of the bridge will be about , feet. neskowin-salmon river survey in june, , a survey was made between neskowin in tillamook county and salmon river in lincoln county. this survey was of a preliminary nature and was made to determine the feasibility of a road between these points. it was found that a five per cent grade could be obtained, but that owing to the extremely rugged nature of the country, a road of standard width and on a standard alignment would be so expensive as to be impracticable at this time. the total length of the survey was eight miles. mr. j. h. scott was in charge of the work as locating engineer. linn county albany-jefferson survey a survey of the pacific highway between the marion county line (santiam river) and albany, was made in december, , and a definite route between these two points adopted. in a general way the located route follows the present road. near the jefferson end, however, the new location cuts across the property of e. m. miller, paralleling the southern pacific tracks with a net saving of , feet in distance over that of the present road. near miller station the line again leaves the old road, eliminating four dangerous right angle turns by cutting diagonally across. the new location also provides for the elimination of the present grade crossing on the w. e. fisher property by means of an overhead crossing just north of the grade crossing. for the first one-half mile south of the santiam river bridge it will be necessary to materially raise the grade of the present road as it is considerably below high water, and therefore subject to overflow. it will also be necessary to construct a few low bridges on this section to provide waterways for flood waters. it is expected that the albany-jefferson section will be graded and paved during the season. malheur county malheur county is an important highway center. it is most favorably situated with respects to highways in eastern oregon, in that it serves as a common junction point for the old oregon trail, john day highway and central oregon highway. a fourth highway will enter the county from nevada leading from winnemucca north through jordan valley. malheur county is fairly well equipped for road work and has already made a most creditable showing. all the people are good roads boosters, having learned the value and necessity of improved roads. this was proven by their voting a $ , . bond issue at the recent election. the purpose of this fund is to meet the state and federal appropriation of $ , . . in area, malheur county is an empire in itself. the natural result is an extra large mileage of roads, and many of them run through mountainous districts. to improve only the main highways in malheur county is a huge undertaking. the state highway commission fully realizes the inability of most of the counties in eastern oregon to cope with the situation and has determined to extend aid in every manner possible. that state aid may be substantial and a benefit to all the counties, the commission is making an urgent call for more state funds. in malheur county near brogan a . mile section of the john day highway has been surveyed by the state highway department. the commission has set aside $ , . for the construction of this road and an equal amount is requested from the government. the county has appropriated $ , . for the purpose of co-operating in this construction. state funds to the amount of $ , . have been set aside for the improvement of a . mile section of the central oregon highway. this section extends from vale . miles west to burrell's ranch. the government is requested to share in the cost in amount equal to the sum given by the state. the county's share in this project will be $ , . . the following statement shows the amounts appropriated for expenditure in : state county government section funds funds funds totals cow valley-brogan $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . section burrell-vale section , . , . , . , . both of the above mentioned sections are post road projects. negotiations with the u. s. public roads office are under way for the grading of the cow valley-brogan road, and the burrell-vale project will be submitted within a short time. it is hoped construction will begin early in . survey of john day highway--cow valley-brogan section during october and november, , the state highway commission made a location survey of a . mile section of the john day highway between cow valley and brogan. the line follows in the direction of the present road, but marked departures from the location were made in several places. plans for this work are about fifty per cent complete. r. h. coppock, locating engineer for the state department, was in charge of this work. survey of the central oregon highway--burrell ranch-vale section a survey is in progress on the section of the central oregon highway between burrell's ranch and vale. this line will follow along near what is called the post hill road, and will be about seven miles in length. immediately upon completion of the field work, the plans will be rushed in order that early action may be taken by the u. s. office of public roads. the state commission's construction program includes this section. the survey is in charge of r. h. coppock, locating engineer. reconnaissance survey of central oregon highway and jordan valley road during april, , a reconnaissance survey was made by m. o. bennett, division engineer, for the department, over the routes between burns and vale for the purpose of establishing a definite route for the central oregon highway. this investigation resulted in the choice of the river route by the state highway commission. the route as selected goes direct from burns to crane, thence down the malheur river through riverside, juntura and harper to vale. in november, , a reconnaissance survey was made by the state department for the purpose of establishing the most feasible route between jordan valley and vale and ontario. this report has not yet been submitted to the commission, but the findings seem to favor the sucker creek route. this survey was made by manche o. bennett, division engineer. marion county salem-aurora paving one of the first paving projects to come up for consideration by the state highway commission was that of the pacific highway between salem and aurora in marion county. upon investigating this project, it was found that rural mail was carried over practically the entire distance between salem and aurora. this fact made the improvement of this road subject to federal aid, and as very few sections of state roads west of the cascade mountains will qualify for federal aid, it was considered advisable to use some of the federal money available to the state in the improvement of this section. with a view to securing the approval of this project by the federal office of public roads, and to undertaking the construction during the season, the necessary surveys were made in january and february, , and the plans submitted to the office of public roads in march, . the final approvement by the government was received june , , and on june proposals for the construction were received and opened. the lowest bid received was from warren construction company, portland, oregon, but as it was in excess of the state highway engineer's estimate, and in excess of the available funds, all bids were rejected. [illustration: intercounty bridge over the willamette at salem. built by marion and polk counties in and . cost $ , . . total length , feet.] the work would have then been started by the highway department with state forces, but it was just at this time that the shortage of labor, materials, transportation facilities, etc., became serious, and the federal government called for curtailment of road construction, and the highway commission was forced to order the discontinuance of preparation for this paving, as well as for all other proposed work in the state. now, that peace is in sight, there is every reason to believe that the highway commission will order that construction begin on the salem-aurora paving at the very earliest date, and its completion may be looked for during the season. this paving is to be sixteen feet wide with a two-foot rock shoulder on each side. the type will depend upon the bids received. the paving will start about four miles north of the city limits of salem and extend to the marion-clackamas county line, just north of aurora, the total length being eighteen miles. it is estimated that this work will cost $ , . . the salem bridge the new bridge over the willamette river at salem, designed and built under the supervision of the state highway department, is one of the largest strictly highway bridges erected in the united states in . this structure has a total length of , feet, and consists of feet of reinforced concrete approach on the marion county end, six steel spans over the river aggregating lineal feet, and feet of high class pile trestle approach on the polk county end. to provide for the river navigation, the u. s. engineers required a minimum horizontal clearance normal to the channel of feet and a vertical clearance of at least sixty-six feet above low water, in case a high level type of bridge were adopted. after careful study it was decided to construct a high level bridge of the deck type, and to carry the pony channel span on cantilevers projecting from the adjoining spans, giving an arch effect over the channel. by this type of construction, a clear distance of about feet between channel piers was obtained. to minimize the cost of fabrication and erection of steel, four spans were made practically the same. the east span was necessarily shorter than the typical ones, since otherwise it would place the channel opening too far across the river. this span is not so deep as the adjoining one, and the difference in height is made up by means of a rocker under the small span, which, of course, also serves the purpose of movable shoes. the channel span rests on cast steel rockers on one end, which are carried by a shelf on the cantilever panel. the opposite end of the span was pin connected. previous to the design of the bridge, wash borings were made, which indicated in a general way that the bed of the stream was composed of a few feet of gravel, underlaid with sand for a considerable depth. it was accordingly decided to carry the foundations down below the probable point of future scour, and carry the loads entirely upon piling. the two channel piers were sunk about thirty-five feet below low water. the west approach is carried on fir piling treated in an open vat with carbolineum to a temperature of about degrees f. lumber being comparatively cheap, the entire roadway deck of the bridge and wooden approach is composed of fir, three by seven inches and twenty-six feet long on edge, spiked together, thus projecting a foot outside the curb on either side, the roadway being twenty-four feet between curbs. an asphaltic wearing surface three and one-half inches thick effectively waterproofs the wood, and the small interstices between the pieces will allow sufficient circulation of air to preclude any possibility of attack of dry rot. the ends of the floor members were painted with hot carbolineum, as were also the wooden members contiguous to openings in the floor occasioned by expansion joints between spans. the two five-foot concrete sidewalks are carried on brackets beyond the trusses. the curbs serve as reinforced concrete beams to carry half the sidewalk load to the trusses, there being small concrete struts extending up from the top of the top chords at panel and midpanel points. between the bottom of the curb and the top of the wooden floor is a three-quarter-inch cushion of "sarco." since the bridge is on a grade, it was necessary to precast this in sheets the width of the curb. when the material hardened, it was rolled up in convenient lengths and placed. it will thus be possible in the future to renew the wooden floor with comparatively little difficulty, although it is believed that the wood floor base, protected as it is now, should last at least fifty years. on account of the rather extreme length for pony trusses of the channel span, feet between end pins, it was decided to tie the trusses together, and this was accomplished by means of two arched lattice struts placed each twenty feet and six inches from the center of the span. a final coat of battleship gray paint was applied to the steel work, and has evoked considerable favorable comment, being an innovation from the black paint commonly used in this part of the country. the bridge was built by the coast bridge company and robert wakefield of portland. the cost of the structure complete was $ , . , of which marion county paid approximately $ , . and polk county $ , . . the engineering cost for the work is remarkably low. it includes surveys, borings, inspection of cement and steel fabrications, resident engineer's salary, cost of design, blue prints and supplies and stenographic work, and amounts to $ , . , or about one and eight-tenths per cent of the total cost. surrey--salem to jefferson a reconnaissance between the city limits of salem and the linn county line (santiam river) just south of jefferson, was made in the spring of , and the following facts developed, as regards the comparison of three possible routes between these points: via turner and marion: length, . miles. railroad grade crossings, with main line of southern pacific. bridges, . overflow, long stretches. light grades--very little rise and fall. via liberty and ankeny hill: length, . miles. no railroad crossings. bridges, small. undulating steep grades--heavy work to cut to per cent or extensive alignment changes involving added distance. new right of way required through valuable orchard property. present road macadamized or graveled entire length. jackson hill route: length, miles. no railroad crossings. bridges, small. five per cent grades. good alignment. low summit obtained by alignment change going to the east of jackson hill, involving two miles of new construction. right of way required--unimproved except in one instance. direct route. present road macadamized or graveled except for five miles. a detailed survey was made over this so-called jackson hill route, and its advantages caused the highway commission to adopt it as the route of the pacific highway between these points. it is estimated the cost will be $ , . to complete the subgrade, and it is expected this project will be commenced in . morrow county in morrow county there are found all classes of conditions affecting roads and highway improvement. in some parts of the county there are good natural roads, while in other sections they are extremely poor. as in most other eastern oregon counties, morrow county has to wrestle with the problem of maintaining a large road mileage with a constant shortage of road funds. highways are of extreme importance, as there are large agricultural communities that have no railway connections. during the past two years the highway movement in morrow county has experienced a wonderful growth. county authorities have broken the bonds of established custom, and have made a most creditable beginning in highway improvement. although they have been supported by special road taxes, in most of the districts the available funds are far from adequate. the state highway commission early realized the importance of good roads in this county, and took steps to extend the state aid through the post road fund. the plans failed when the u. s. office of public roads found it impossible to co-operate on the projects in question. this failure was due to nonfulfillment of post road requirements. additional state aid was extended through the provisions of the $ , , . fund, but the execution of these plans were delayed by war conditions. this fund is still available, and the state highway commission will begin work as soon as conditions will permit. morrow county has received favorable consideration from the highway commission in the matter of surveys, it being the only county in eastern oregon in which the total mileage of state roads has been surveyed. those surveys cover the columbia river highway in the north end of the county, and the oregon-washington highway via heppner, ione and lexington. the columbia river highway was first surveyed under the direction of m. o. bennett, and later additional work was done by oscar cutler. this survey was . miles in length. r. h. baldock was locating engineer on the oregon-washington highway survey, which has a total length of . miles. heppner grading--oregon-washington highway during morrow county graded . miles of standard road adjacent to the town of heppner. a . -mile section begins at the west city limits of heppner and extends down willow creek on the state survey. another section extends from the east city limits up hinton creek for a distance of . miles. the county paid the total cost of this improvement which required $ , . . the state department supplied the engineering supervision for this work through r. h. baldock, resident engineer. following is a statement of construction quantities: heppner east common excavation, , cu. yds. at. $ . culverts . ------- total $ . heppner west common excavation, cu. yds. at . $ . intermediate excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . , . culverts , . --------- total $ , . jones hill grading the . -mile section of the oregon-washington highway known as the jones hill grade, lies about ten miles east of heppner, and extends over the divide between hinton and butler creeks. the state location involved the construction of an entirely new road. this improvement was paid for in full by the county, the total cost being $ , . . r. h. baldock, resident engineer for the state highway department, was the engineer in charge. construction quantities are shown in the following statement: rock excavation, , cu. yds. at $ . $ , . common excavation, , cu. yds. at . , . culverts , . ---------- total cost $ , . heppner macadam after grading the . -mile section of the oregon-washington highway west of heppner, and . miles east, morrow county proceeded to surface with a standard waterbound macadam. this work was done on a force account basis by the united contracting co. and warren construction co. the work was completed and opened to traffic in july, . the . miles of macadam cost the county a total of $ , . . a total of , cubic yards of rock was placed, making the unit cost $ . per cubic yard. crushed trap rock was secured from a quarry near the city limits, and suitable binder material was found near at hand. the engineer in charge was r. h. baldock of the state department. multnomah county although the assessed valuation of multnomah county is more than thirty-five per cent of the total assessed valuation of the entire state, this county has renounced all claim to any share of the state funds available for road purposes, and will construct and maintain in a high state of improvement, at its own expense, all state roads within its boundaries. this liberal attitude of the people of multnomah county is to be commended, and it makes available for expenditure in counties outside of multnomah county, a much greater amount of money than would otherwise be the case. the roads of multnomah county represent some of the heaviest grading construction, some of the best improved and some of the most scenic highways to be found anywhere in the world. the upper columbia river highway is by many considered the most scenic highway in the united states, and attracts a multitude of tourists annually. an interesting tabulation of the amounts expended by multnomah county in the construction of the columbia river highway, both above and below portland, is appended: columbia river highway, east d street via sandy road to hood river county line ==============+=====+===========+===========+===========+============= section |miles| pavement | grading | bridges | total --------------+-----+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------- sandy road to | . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . troutdale | | | | | sandy cut-off | . | , . | , . | ... | , . to auto club| | | | | bridge | | | | | columbia river| . | , . | , . | , . | , , . highway to | | | | | county line | | | | | +-----+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------- totals | . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , , . --------------+-----+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------- total construction cost $ , , . engineering , . ------------- grand total $ , , . vista house at crown point building $ , . retaining walls and pavement , . ---------- total $ , . st. helens road, portland to columbia county line length, miles ===============+==========+==========+===========+==========+=========== | | | | | totals ---------------+----------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- regrade and | ... |$ , . | $ , . | ... | $ , . macadam | | | | | hard surface |$ , . | , . | , . | , . | , . shoulders | ... | , . | ... | ... | , . drainage | ... | ... | , . | ... | , . bridges | ... | , . | , . | ... | , . right of way | ... | ... | , . | ... | , . and miscel- | | | | | laneous | | | | | engineering, | , . | , . | , . | , . | , . superinten- | | | | | dence and | | | | | overhead | | | | | +----------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- total |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . ---------------+----------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- summary pavement $ , . bridges , . grading , . engineering and overhead , . ----------- grand total $ , . polk county the work of the state highway department in polk county during and has been confined chiefly to the design and the supervision of construction of bridges. in addition to the design and supervision of the salem bridge which is partly within polk county, and which is described in detail in an article in the chapter devoted to marion county, the department has handled, at the request of the polk county court, the following bridge work, all of which has been paid for by the county. between monmouth and dallas a foot reinforced concrete bridge was built over a slough on the mulkey cut-off. this bridge complete cost $ , . . the hollingshead bridge over the little luckiamute river south of dallas is a foot covered wooden span on concrete piers. this bridge was built at a cost of $ , . . a foot suspension foot-bridge was built over the big luckiamute river at a cost of $ . , to accommodate school children attending the montgomery school. the lacreole creek bridge in dallas is a reinforced concrete arch structure seventy feet long. this bridge was not designed by the highway department, but the department supervised its construction. it is a very pretty structure with sidewalks and lighting fixtures. it was built at a cost of $ , . . sherman county sherman county is so situated with respect to the state highway system, that its boundaries include a comparatively small mileage of state roads. this however, is no indication of the value improved roads will be in the county. the situation is of both state wide and local importance. this county is found with many miles of good natural road. in addition they have graded a large mileage and in some localities unusual attention is given to road maintenance. the county is fairly well equipped for road work and have plans for quite an extensive program. state aid in sherman county thus far has been confined to highway surveying, but the state highway commission has definite plans for extending aid in the construction of the deschutes and john day river bridges and the grading of the columbia river highway. it is expected this work will start early the coming season. the deschutes river bridge. various attempts have been made by sherman, wasco county and the state to raise funds for the construction of the deschutes river bridge on the columbia river highway. success crowned these efforts recently when a final agreement was reached between the three. the total estimated cost of this bridge is between $ , . and $ , . . the state department plans call for a reinforced concrete structure about feet in length. sherman county has pledged $ , towards defraying the cost of the bridge providing funds are raised for completing same. this condition has been met by the state highway commission and negotiations are already underway for securing right-of-way. in this connection it is pertinent to state that wasco county also has appropriated $ , . for co-operation in this work. the state's share of the cost will be approximately $ , . , according to the present estimate. columbia river highway survey during the state department made a location survey of the columbia river highway between the deschutes and john day rivers. the line follows the river canyon through sherman, biggs and rufus. the length of this survey is . miles. the field work only has been completed on this survey and construction plans will be made up soon. c. s. noble was the locating engineer for the department. john day bridge this inter-county bridge will be located on the columbia river highway across the john day river, below mcdonald, and will obviate the necessity for the toll ferry at mcdonald. as designed, the crossing calls for - foot wooden deck spans on concrete piers and about feet of high class wooden approach and feet of fill. the cost, which is estimated to be $ , . , will be borne by sherman and gilliam counties, and the state, and it is probable that construction work will start next spring. tillamook county paving--tillamook south a contract was awarded on august , , to oskar huber of portland for the grading and paving of a five mile section extending south from the end of the paving then in place about three miles south of tillamook city. the old road which this paving was to follow in a general way contained many sharp curves and had a roadbed not eighteen feet wide on the average. on this was a light surfacing of gravel and rock macadam about twelve feet in width. the roadbed was widened to a twenty-four foot width, all excessively sharp curves were eliminated, and all wooden culverts, trestles, and bridges were replaced with modern concrete structures, and the decking on two steel bridges renewed and paved. as there is available in this vicinity no ledge rock, it was found necessary to haul and crush large boulders from the creek bed to provide the necessary rock for the base and mixture. some sand was obtained locally, but most of it had to be shipped in from portland and hauled to the work from tillamook. the job was completed by december th of this year, and on account of the unusually bad conditions faced by the contractor as regards labor and materials, mr. huber is to be commended for the prompt completion of the work as well as for the excellence of construction. by an arrangement between the county and the highway commission the county pays for all grading in connection with this improvement and also for twenty-five per cent of the cost of the paving. the total cost of the grading and paving complete is $ , . of which the county will pay $ , . and the state $ , . . mr. c. w. wanzer was in charge of this work as resident engineer. detailed statement of expenditures to november , --grading and paving--tillamook section engineering $ , . contract construction work as follows-- common excavation, , . cu. yds. at c $ , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. at c , . overhaul, per lin. ft., , . cu. yds. at c . -inch reinf. conc. pipe (placing only) lin. ft. at c . -inch reinf. conc. pipe (placing only) lin. ft. at c . -inch reinf. conc. pipe (placing only) lin. ft. at $ . . -inch reinf. conc. pipe (placing only) lin. ft. at $ . . clearing and grubbing (force account) . moving fences (force account) . standard bitulithic pavement, , . sq. yds. at $ . , . broken stone loose measure, , cu. yds. at $ . , . crushed stone shoulders, , lin. ft. at c . ---------- total amount earned by contractors to nov. , , . less % retained pending completion , . ---------- total payments to contractor to november , , . ---------- total expenditure to november , , . paid by state , . paid by county , . ---------- total $ , . three rivers forest project a federal aid forest road project is now under construction between hebo and dolph in tillamook county. this project is . miles in length, includes grading and nine foot rock surfacing, and is estimated to cost $ , . of which $ , . will be paid by the county, $ , . by the state, and $ , . by the federal government. this work is handled under the supervision of federal office of public roads. the contract was awarded to the tillamook county court, but the state's attorney general ruled that the court had no authority which would allow them to contract to do work of this nature. to facilitate matters the highway commission took the contract over from the county, and the work is now in progress, the highway department acting as contractors and being paid for the work at the unit prices originally bid by tillamook county. it was so late in the year when this work was taken over by the state that little work can be done until the season. work is in progress, however, on camp construction, clearing, and such other portions of the work as can be done during the winter months. mr. j. m. baker is superintendent of construction on this work. tillamook-cloverdale survey on the tillamook-cloverdale road a preliminary survey has been completed from tillamook to hebo, a distance of miles, and of this about nine miles have been located. this is a very important section as it is the most direct route from the willamette valley to the beaches of tillamook county, and is not served with a railroad. the engineer in charge of this work was mr. c. a. dunn. umatilla county the highway problem of umatilla county is of greater magnitude than it would seem to be at first consideration. the fact that the county is well supplied with rail transportation only renders the demand for highways more urgent. soil conditions are generally unfavorable for good natural roads although gravel deposits suitable for highway construction are found in most localities. the county has made constant efforts towards an improved system of roads, but with , miles of county roads to care for and with considerable bridge work in the program, the available funds are found to be entirely inadequate. the main roads or trunk highways through the county have had the benefit of a large percentage of local funds but owing to a large mileage and character of improvement necessary, there remains a great deal yet to be done. when the state of oregon voted to expend $ , , . in surfacing roads constructed by the counties, umatilla county was among the first to take advantage of the state aid. the state highway commission extended additional aid through the post road fund, but these plans were later cancelled owing to requirements of the u. s. office of public roads. the state highway department has surveyed the old oregon trail for the entire distance across the county and . miles of the oregon-washington highway have been surveyed. in addition a considerable mileage of reconnaissance surveys have been made preliminary to definite location. in and the state highway department expended $ , . in constructing eleven miles of pavement near pendleton. the cost of maintenance on this road has been divided equally between the state and county. funds were set aside by the state highway commission in to macadamize the mile section of old oregon trail from pendleton west to the morrow county line. war conditions caused a postponement of this improvement. the funds are still intact and work will proceed as soon as conditions will permit. following are statements showing amounts of state funds expended in umatilla county and funds appropriated to be expended in . expended in and for paving on wild horse road and pendleton-reith section $ , . appropriated to be expended in on macadamizing old oregon trail from pendleton to morrow county line near umatilla , . wild horse paving the state highway commission on june , , let a contract to the warren construction company for paving a ten mile section of the wild horse road northeast of pendleton and one mile of the old oregon trail leading west from pendleton. the pavement laid was bitulithic and the subgrade was an old macadam road built by the county. the macadam road was of insufficient width for supporting a foot pavement, which condition required widening of the grade, re-ditching and the placing of extra crushed rock for base. the widening of the road bed was done with county funds expended under the direction of the state highway department. the work of widening the grade cost the county, $ , . for the miles. [illustration: on the paved road between pendleton and adams in umatilla county. paved in ] paving work begun in july, , and an excellent pavement of the standard two-inch bitulithic type was secured, with a six inch crushed rock base. the total cost of this work was $ , . or $ , . per mile. m. o. bennett was the engineer in charge and chas. noble was the inspector on this work. following is a detailed cost statement: detailed cost statement--wild horse paving standard bitulithic pavement, , . sq. yds. at $ . $ , . broken stone loose measure. , . cu. yds. at $ . , . crushed stone. , lin. ft. at c , . extra work on road approaches . ------------ $ , . engineering and inspection , . ------------ total $ , . wild horse grading when plans were made in for the wild horse paving. feet was the width decided upon. upon investigation it was found this would require widening of the old road bed from one foot to five feet, re-ditching for a large part of the miles and the replacing of several culverts. this work was done under the direction of the state highway department and the entire cost was defrayed from county funds. the total cost to the county was $ , . . oscar cutler of the state highway department was resident engineer in charge. pendleton-pilot rock section--grading and macadamizing upon the completion of the survey by the state highway department of the section of the oregon-washington highway between pendleton and pilot rock, the umatilla county court started grading. where the construction is light the road grader was used to great advantage. through the aid of the division office of the state department new right-of-way was secured in some places and the alignment of the road naturally improved. during september and october, , the section between pendleton and the county poor farm was graded and macadamized on a six per cent development over grave yard hill. this work, both grading and macadamizing is of excellent character and will soon be opened to traffic. w. c. crews, engineer for the state department made the relocation on this section and was resident engineer during construction. the following is a statement showing quantities and total and unit costs: item and quantity total cost unit cost excavation, , cu. yds $ , . $ . gravel, , cu. yds , . . concrete bridge , . ---------- total cost $ , . an additional four miles from the county poor farm south was graveled by the county with an expenditure of $ , . . survey of columbia river highway and old oregon trail during and the state highway department made a location survey over the entire east and west route across umatilla county, excepting the six mile section between pendleton and the indian agency. on this six miles a base line survey only was made. the section of this road between the morrow county line and pendleton is a part of the columbia river highway and has a total length of . miles. it passes through umatilla, hermiston, stanfield, echo and reith. from pendleton east the road is known as the old oregon trail. the survey in the east end of the county begins at the umatilla indian agency, follows the general direction of the present road up cabbage hill, passes through meacham and ends at the union county line near kamela. a five per cent grade was secured on the cabbage hill climb. the total length of this section is . miles. r. h. baldock and oscar cutler were the locating engineers on this work. the plans for this survey are practically complete. survey of oregon-washington highway the state survey of the oregon and washington highway extends from the end of the pavement ten miles northeast of pendleton, through pendleton, and pilot rock to the morrow county line west of butter creek. this survey was made in and a section south of pendleton was relocated in . the total length of this line is . miles. r. h. baldock and oscar cutler were the locating engineers on this work and the revision was made under the direction of w. c. crews. union county in the matter of highway improvement union county has shown considerable progress. substantial road building machinery is owned by the county in units sufficient to allow work to proceed simultaneously in various sections of the county. it is noticeable however that most of their work has been done (and justifiably so) on local and feeder roads rather than on trunk highways. local funds and equipment are inadequate to make all the improvements needed when the mountainous sections of the main roads are considered. as in other counties the state highway commission easily recognized the necessity and importance of co-operation and accordingly in plans were laid and steps taken to extend state and federal aid. during and a total of . miles of survey was made on the two principal roads of the county. . miles on the old oregon trail and . miles on the la grande-joseph highway. agreements were signed by the secretary of agriculture providing for co-operation with the state on equal basis, for the grading of a six mile section between union and telocaset and a . mile section between elgin and minam. the respective amounts expended on each of these projects to the date of this report, november , , are: $ , . and $ , . . state funds amounting to $ , . have been expended for grading in cooperation with the county on the la grande-hot lake section. this road is . miles in length and involves the opening of a new road for the entire distance. the state highway commission has set aside funds for graveling this section preparatory to surfacing. the completion of these three projects will require approximately $ , . from the state, $ , . from the federal government, and $ , from the county. the following summary shows for each project amounts expended to date and funds set aside to be expended during : expended in and ===================+==========+=========+==========+========== | state | county |government| total | funds | funds | funds | -------------------+----------+---------+----------+---------- union telocaset |$ , . | ... | ... |$ , . elgin-minam | , . | ... | ... | , . la grande-hot lake | , . | , . | ... | , . -------------------+----------+---------+----------+---------- total |$ , . |$ , . | ... |$ , . -------------------+----------+---------+----------+---------- appropriated for expenditure in ===================+==========+=========+==========+========== | state | county |government| total | funds | funds | funds | -------------------+----------+---------+----------+----------- union telocaset | ... | ... |$ , . | $ , . elgin-minam |$ , . | ... | , . | , . la grande-hot lake | , . |$ , . | ... | , . -------------------+----------+---------+----------+----------- total |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . |$ , . -------------------+----------+---------+----------+----------- the absence of figures in the column headed "county funds" in the above tabulation is explained by the fact that union county, in the matter of co-operation, has agreed to expend certain sums on other roads than those mentioned in the table. the county's appropriation for the improvement of the la grande-kamela section of the old oregon trail is $ , . and $ , . additional has been stipulated for use in improving the elgin-willow creek section of the la grande-joseph highway. the county has also provided funds for the completion of the grading between la grande and hot lake. union-telocaset section grading in august, , the state highway commission called for bids on the grading of a six mile section between union and telocaset. the union county court was the successful bidder and the commission awarded the contract but it later developed that the county could not legally hold the position of contractor in doing state work. as the other bids were unsatisfactory the situation resulted in the state taking over the work and doing it with the state forces, and by november , the project was about % complete. the total estimated cost of this work is $ , . and $ , . has been expended to date. mr. r. a. pratt is resident engineer in charge. elgin-minam section the state highway commission opened bids on the grading of a . mile section between elgin and minam hill. in the letting of this work they experienced the same difficulty as with the union-telocaset work. (see report on the union-telocaset grading). the subsequent action of the state highway commission in taking the contract over to be done by state forces resulted in work starting in august, . owing to weather and soil conditions work on this section has closed down for the winter. the amount expended is $ , . and the total estimated cost is $ , . . mr. r. a. pratt, resident engineer for the state highway department was in charge of this work and mr. c. a. dunn was superintendent. la grande-hot lake grading in november, , the state highway department appropriated $ , . to co-operate on the grading of that section of the old oregon trail between hot lake and la grande. grading work started within the month and two miles were graded when work was closed for the winter. this work was continued during the present season and up to november , about five miles of grade had been completed. in addition to the $ , . of state money the county has expended about $ , . . it will require about $ , . to complete the grading and an additional $ , . for bridges. the bridge plans call for concrete structures. survey of the old oregon trail, union county the state highway department has made a location survey of . miles of the old oregon trail in union county. the survey begins at the union-umatilla county line near kamela and continues through la grande, hot lake and union and ends at telocaset. office plans are complete for most of this work. locating engineer d. d. glass made the survey from la grande to telocaset and r. h. baldock, locating engineer, was in charge of the work between kamela and la grande. survey of la grande-joseph highway, union county in a final location survey was made from la grande to minam, a distance of . miles. d. g. glass, locating engineer for the state department, was in charge of the crews. beginning at la grande the line runs through island city, and elgin and ends at minam at the confluence of the minam and wallowa rivers. plans for this work are practically complete. the location from island city to elgin is to be reconsidered with the view of making some changes in the route. [illustration: a survey camp in eastern oregon] union-telocaset post road project a co-operative agreement between the state and government provides for the construction of a portion of the old oregon trail between union and telocaset. this section, six miles in length, begins at union and follows up pyles canyon near the location of the present road to a point . miles north of telocaset. the total estimated cost of this project is $ , . making $ , . to be paid by each the state and government. union county joins in the co-operation of the work, in case the total cost exceeds the amount stipulated in the federal agreement. if the total cost should exceed the estimate given in the project agreement, the county agrees to pay the full amount of such cost. work was started on this section august, , and $ , . had been expended to november . r. a. pratt is resident engineer for the department. the work is being done by the state forces under the supervision of c. a. dunn, assistant engineer. elgin-minam post road project the state highway commission secured an agreement with the u. s. office of public roads providing for the construction of a . mile section of the la grande-joseph highway. the survey for this improvement begins at elgin and follows east in the direction of the present road to the top of minam hill. it is estimated that this work will cost $ , . or $ , . for each the state and government. in case the cost of this work exceeds the estimate shown in the project agreement, the county agrees to pay such cost. in this manner union county is co-operating in this improvement. work opened up here in august under the supervision of c. a. dunn, assistant engineer, for the department. state forces are employed on force account basis. the expenditures to november amount to $ , . , and the project is about % completed. r. a. pratt is resident engineer for the state department. wallowa county wallowa county's road problem is entirely local in character as this district is not touched by a trunk road of the state system. some very good natural roads are found in this district, while others are very bad. the latter designation applies more especially to some of the mountain roads, which are extremely narrow and very dangerous. the la grande-joseph highway is very important locally, since it is the only road connecting the valley with outside points. the people in general are very much interested in highway possibilities, but the county funds have proven inadequate to make much of a showing towards permanent work. most of the available county funds are required for maintenance of the existing roads, many of which extend through mountainous areas. additional state aid is much needed if any substantial improvements are hoped for. a general reconnaissance survey was made in october, , by the state highway department from elgin to joseph. the purpose was to gather general information for the use of the state highway commission. this survey was made by m. o. bennett, division engineer for eastern oregon. during this visit the matter of post road aid was taken up with the county authorities. it was understood that the county would make application at once, but it appears that no further action was taken. the state highway commission has extended aid to wallowa county by co-operating on the flora-enterprise forest road and also helped to secure government aid on the same project. the county made an appropriation to help in the construction of this road. work is in progress on this road under the direction of the u. s. office of public roads. the following statement shows the estimate cost and segregation of funds: state appropriation $ , . federal appropriation , . county appropriation , . ---------- total estimated cost $ , . wasco county the dalles-three mile post road project an appropriation has been made, by the state highway department, from the post road fund for co-operation in the paving of a two mile section of the dalles-california highway between the east city limits of the dalles and three mile creek. a project statement has been prepared, requesting $ , . from the u. s. office of public roads. the state will supply a like amount and wasco county $ , . . this makes a total of $ , . which is the estimated cost of the project. the present gravel road will serve as a base for the pavement which is to be feet wide. the improvement will include re-ditching of the road bed and the installation of culvert pipe in several places. it is planned that work will start early in . the pine hollow-kingsley post road project the section of the dalles-california highway in wasco county between pine hollow, near dufur, and kingsley is designated by the state highway commission as a post road. this section is . miles long and follows near the line of the present road. the project begins at the road forks ¼ miles south of dufur and ends at a point on the present road ½ miles north of kingsley. the plans provide for the grading of the road bed, the estimated cost of which is $ , . the state and government are each requested to appropriate $ , . and the county will expend $ , . . it is expected this work will be done in . antelope grade post road project the state highway commission has designated as a post road a three mile section of the dalles-california highway immediately north of antelope. this is known as the antelope grade section. the new road will be a % grade along near the present road. the total estimated cost of grading to standard width and properly draining is $ , . ; and the funds are to be provided as follows: state $ , . ; government, $ , . ; and wasco county, $ , . . it is hoped this work will start early in . survey--seufert to the deschutes river a survey was made in april, , for the columbia river highway between seufert and the deschutes river, along the river for the purpose of comparison with a previous survey over the hill, conforming closely to the present road. this route, which was subsequently adopted, has a summit of feet against feet on the hill route, and a length of . miles, a saving of . miles in distance. between the dalles and seufert about two miles was graded to standard width and grade in . the proposed route follows close to the railroad, which is crossed near big eddy on a proposed overhead bridge and utilizes the old state portage railroad roadbed, as well as the already graded bank of the government canal. near celilo, another overhead crossing of the o.-w. r. r. & n. co. tracks is proposed, and from this point to the deschutes river the highway is located between the oregon trunk railroad and the o.-w. r. r. & n. co., using about two miles of abandoned railroad roadbed. this improvement requires only very light construction, except for short distances, and it is believed it can be kept free from drifting blow sand by the use of sand fences, as the portage railroad is used where the sand is the worst, and this was kept open with very little maintenance. with a smooth roadbed, and with nothing to cause drifting, it is thought that the maintenance on this account will be negligible. the route is attractive, as it makes available at close range the locks at big eddy, the celilo canal, and the magnificent celilo falls. the estimated cost of this project is $ , . . it is proposed to include this project in the program. deschutes river bridge. among the bridges expected to be built in the near future is the proposed reinforced concrete arch bridge over the deschutes river at miller, about a mile above the river's mouth. this will be a state and inter-county structure, and will connect sherman and gilliam counties on the columbia river highway, and will be located a few hundred feet below the present old wooden toll bridge which it will replace. the design, which is practically completed, contemplates seven arch spans aggregating feet in length with a filled approach at either end. the estimated cost of the bridge is $ , . . washington county during and , the state highway department in co-operation with washington county has completed the grading, bridging and paving of the west side highway across that county. this work has involved the grading and paving of . miles and the construction of three bridges and one undergrade railway crossing. on this work, when final payments are complete, the state will have expended $ , . and the county will have expended $ , . . in addition to this construction, the department has made surveys between beaverton and hillsboro and between forest grove and gaston, and has furnished the county engineering services in connection with the grading of these two sections. paving--multnomah county line to newberg the pavement on the west side state highway between the multnomah county line and newberg is . miles in length, of which . miles is in washington county and . miles in yamhill county. this pavement is a two-inch standard bitulithic surface on a crushed rock base. it is sixteen feet wide with a two-foot macadam shoulder on each side. the grading in washington county and the paving in both washington and yamhill counties was done by oskar huber of portland under a contract awarded him on july , . the work was started in august, , and was completed in october, . [illustration: covered wood bridge over the tualatin river on the west side highway in washington county. built in ] the grading in washington county will cost complete approximately $ , . of which washington county has paid $ , . . the part of the paving within washington county will cost complete $ , . all of which is paid for from state funds. detailed statement of expenditures to november , grading and paving multnomah county line to newberg engineering $ , . right-of-way costs . construction: crushed stone shoulders, , . lin. ft. @ . $ , . standard bitulithic pavement, , . sq. yds. @ $ . , . broken stone, loose measure, , . cu. yds. at $ . , . clearing and grubbing , . common excavation, , . cu. yds. @ . , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. @ . , . solid rock excavation, cu. yds. @ $ . . overhaul per lin. ft., , . cu. yds. @ . , . -inch reinf. conc. pipe, , lin. ft. @ $ . , . -inch reinf. conc. pipe, lin. ft. @ $ . . -inch reinf. conc. pipe, lin. ft. @ $ . . -inch porous drain tile, , lin. ft. @ . , . rip-rap, cu. yds @ $ . . force account: lowering and lengthening existing culverts , . replacing bridge approach at tualatin river . special wide ditches alongside road near four corners . back-fill and planking at onion flat trestle . tearing down old trestles at onion flat . replacing private water supply crossing . rebuilding right of way fences . grading at middleton r. r. crossing , . blind drains . new -foot culvert . new -foot culvert and special fill over it . drain tiling, back-filled with rock . ----------- total amount earned by contractor to nov. , $ , . less amount retained pending completion of contract , . ----------- total paid contractor to november , , . ----------- total expended to november , $ , . onion flat bridge this crossing consists of a laminated wood deck on heavy stringers supported by a series of creosoted pile bents. it is on the west side highway about four miles southwest of tigard and is designed for heavy traffic loading. an asphaltic wearing surface prevents moisture coming in contact with the wooden floor and with the treated piling tends to give the maximum length of life to the main members of the structure. this bridge is feet long and cost complete $ , . . fanno creek bridge the fanno creek bridge at tigard on the west side highway consists of a superstructure similar to the onion flat bridge, carried on wood bents on concrete foundations. a sidewalk was built on one side to accommodate pedestrians. the bridge is feet long and cost $ , . . tualatin river bridge the bridge consists of a covered howe truss wooden bridge of foot span and lineal feet of pile trestle approach. like the others constructed by the state on main highways, this bridge is of heavy traffic design, and the bridge and approaches have laminated wood floors with asphaltic wearing surfaces. windows are provided at panel points to provide light and to add to the appearance of the structure. cost $ , . . votaw undercrossing a grade separation was made on the west side highway near votaw, wherein a wooden trestle was constructed to carry the southern pacific line above the roadway. the structure was designed and built under the supervision of the railroad's engineering department. final settlement has not yet been made with the railway company, but it is estimated that the state's share of the cost of this structure will be $ , . . the balance of the cost will be paid by the railway company, no share of the cost being borne by the county. survey--beaverton to hillsboro a location survey was started january , , from the west city limits of beaverton and completed to the city limits of hillsboro, a distance of . miles. the alignment parallels the southern pacific railway on the north side of the tracks and eliminates four grade crossings. the entire section was graded by washington county during the season. survey--forest grove to gaston a survey was made from forest grove to gaston, a distance of approximately miles. the alignment follows the existing road with the exception of a change at dilley to eliminate two railroad crossings. considerable grading was done between dilley and gaston, reducing the grade to five per cent. mr. c. g. reiter, county surveyor of washington county, was employed as locating engineer for the state, and also supervised the grading in both of the above sections. wheeler county wheeler county, being without either rail or water transportation facilities, is entirely dependent upon its roads for communication with outside points, as well as between points within the county. all of the large amount of agricultural products of the county must be transported for long distances over roads and highways, and likewise, all manufactured articles and other supplies from points without the county must be brought in over them. for that reason, good roads are of the utmost importance to all of wheeler county, which fact is fully recognized by the wheeler county people. every effort is being made by the county to build up and improve its road system, but the funds available within the county are entirely inadequate. in november, , bonds were voted to the amount of $ , . , the maximum allowed the county under the state laws, but this amount is hardly enough to make a beginning on the necessary road construction in the county, as wheeler county is rough and mountainous, and road construction is therefore heavy and expensive. the state highway commission realizing the importance of the construction of roads in this county, and the impossibility of the financing of their construction by the county alone, early determined to assist to the greatest possible extent. surveys have been made by the department over all but two miles of the two most important cross-county roads, the john day river highway and the mckenzie river highway. during and the state highway department expended the sum of $ , . , cooperating with the county in the construction of . miles of grading and macadamizing between fossil and the gilliam county line. state aid was also granted the county to the amount of $ , . for the construction of nine-tenths of a mile, known as the bridge creek section, on the mckenzie river highway just west of mitchell, the total cost of which was $ , . . for the construction of . miles on the john day river highway between the mouth of sarvice creek and the grant county line, the highway department has set aside the sum of $ , . to be added to , . of federal post road funds and $ , . of county funds to provide the total amount of $ , . which the project is estimated to cost. the department has further been instrumental in securing federal aid for the construction of a forest road project . miles in length between mitchell and the crook county line, known as the ochoco canyon project. on this project the state will expend $ , . , the federal government, $ , . and the county, $ , . , $ , . in all. in summary, state aid and federal government aid extended to wheeler county during and and set aside to be expended in and , are as follows: =========================+==========+===========+==========+=========== | | | federal | | state | county | govt. | total | funds | funds | funds | -------------------------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- expended in and | | | | -- | | | | on grading cummings hill |$ , . |$ , . | ... |$ , . sec. | | | | on macadamizing cummings | , . | ... | ... | , . hill section | | | | on grading bridge creek | , . | , . | ... | , . sec. | | | | -------------------------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- total |$ , . | $ , . | ... |$ , . | | | | appropriated for expen- | | | | diture in and | | | | -- | | | | on sarvis creek-grant |$ , . | $ , . |$ , . |$ , . county line section | | | | on ochoco canyon section | , . | , . | , . | , . -------------------------+----------+-----------+----------+----------- total |$ , . | $ , . |$ , . |$ , . -------------------------+----------+-----------+----------+---------- cummings hill grading on june th , a contract was let to the elliott contracting co. of portland, oregon, for the construction of . miles of grade between the foot of cummings hill, north of fossil, and the gilliam county line. this construction was a five per cent development to eliminate the heavy grades and narrow roadbed of the former road. work was commenced on july th, , and completed on october th, . the work of the contracting firm was very satisfactory, and an excellent piece of grading was secured. the engineer in charge for the highway department was mr. b. h. mcnamee. the total cost of the work was $ , . , of which the state paid $ , . and wheeler county $ , . . the detailed cost statement follows: detailed expenditure statement--grading cummings hill, section engineering $ , . construction: common excavation, , cu. yds. @ . $ , . intermediate excavation, , . cu. yds. @ . , . solid rock excavation, , . cu. yds. @ . , . -inch corr. iron pipe, lin. ft. @ . . -inch corr. iron pipe, lin. ft. @ . . rubble masonry, . cu. yds @ . . ---------- , . ---------- $ , . bridge creek grading the grading of a nine-tenth mile section in bridge creek canyon was contracted to the united contracting co. of portland, oregon, on november th, . this section is on the mckenzie river highway about four miles west of mitchell. in addition to the grading, the contract involved the construction of a ninety foot bridge over bridge creek. the work was started on february th, and completed on june th, . the engineering was in charge of mr. r. h. coppock. the total cost of the work was $ , . of which the state paid $ , . and wheeler county $ , . the detailed cost statement follows: detailed expenditure statement--grading bridge creek section engineering $ . construction: common excavation, . cu. yds. @ . $ , . intermediate excavation, . cu. yds. @ . . solid rock excavation, . cu. yds. @ . , . overhaul per lin. ft., cu. yds. @ . . -inch corr. iron pipe, lin. ft. @ . . -inch corr. iron pipe, lin. ft. @ . . -inch corr. iron pipe, lin. ft. @ . . rubble masonry, . cu. yd. @ . . guard fence, lin. ft. @ . . -foot bridge & approaches: superstructure and trestle (lump sum) $ , . class "a" concrete in piers, . cu. yds. @ $ . , . ---------- $ , . ---------- $ , . ----------- $ , . macadamizing on cummins hill section on august th, , no satisfactory unit price bid having been received, the state highway department entered into a "cost plus" contract with the warren construction company of portland, oregon, to macadamize with broken stone the cummins hill section between fossil and the gilliam county line, on the john day river highway. the rock for this work was crushed on the job, and the macadam surface was constructed sixteen feet wide with a compacted thickness of six inches. payment to contractor was made on the basis of actual cost plus a percentage of per cent on labor and five per cent on materials. to november th, , the state had expended $ , . on this work, and it is estimated that there are bills outstanding against it to the amount of $ , . . in addition to the . miles of grading done by the state on cummins hill the county continued the grading at the foot of the hill for a distance of . miles, making a total of . miles. the full section has been macadamized, giving wheeler county . miles of standard macadam road. butte creek summit grading during the season, the county has graded under state supervision, a one and seven tenths mile section about nine miles southeast of fossil on the john day river highway. this section is known as the butte creek summit section. the construction was paid for entirely by the county. engineering supervision was furnished by the state highway department, the engineer in charge of the work being mr. b. h. mcnamee. the total amount expended by the county, prior to november th, on this work was approximately $ , . , and the quantities of construction completed to this date were as follows: common excavation , cu. yds rock excavation , cu. yds. pipe, -inch lin. ft. pipe, -inch lin. ft. pipe, -inch lin. ft. clearing acres grading between cummins hill and fossil during april and may, , wheeler county graded, under the direction of the state highway department, a section of the john day highway between cummins hill and fossil. this grade was . of a mile in length and joined up with the cummins hill grading. this improvement cost the county approximately $ , . . geo. hibbert was inspector and transitman in charge for the state department. survey of the john day river highway with the exception of a two mile section immediately west of fossil, the entire john day river highway through wheeler county is covered by location survey made during the past two years. the total length of survey on this highway is . miles. for all but about twelve miles, of this total, the detailed plans are practically complete. the survey of this highway has been in charge of b. h. mcnamee. survey of the mckenzie river highway the state highway department has completed a survey of the mckenzie river highway in wheeler county from the boundary of the ochoco national forest west of mitchell to the grant county line near dayville, a total distance of miles. this survey was made by locating engineer r. h. coppock. the plans are complete except for the eight miles west from the grant county line. from the west end of this survey at ochoco forest boundary, the federal office of public roads has made a survey to the crook county line, so the survey of the mckenzie river highway is complete all of the way through wheeler county. survey of highway no. in , pursuant to a request from the county court, a section of highway no. between mitchell and antelope was surveyed. this survey begins at the point on the mitchell-prineville survey about four miles west of mitchell and extends . miles down bridge creek to where connection is made with the present road. this survey was made by r. h. coppock, locating engineer. sarvice creek-valades ranch post road project application has been made to, and approved, by the federal office of public roads for post road co-operation on a . miles section of the john day river highway in wheeler and grant counties. . miles of this project are in wheeler county and miles in grant county. the total estimated cost of the project is $ , . , and the funds are to be provided as follows: state $ , . , government $ , . ; wheeler county $ , . and grant county $ , . . the survey for this project parallels the john day river on the north bank, through wheeler county and extends from the mouth of sarvice creek in wheeler county to valades ranch about four miles west of dayville in grant county. in grant county a crossing is made to the west bank near the upper end of the big basin. it is expected that construction will be commenced on the sarvice creek-valades ranch project early in . ochoco canyon forest project a federal aid co-operative agreement has been entered into between the state, the federal government, and wheeler county for the grading of a . mile section on the mckenzie river highway. this section is known as the ochoco canyon section and extends from the crook county line to a point about miles west of mitchell. this work is estimated to cost $ , . of which the state will pay $ , . , wheeler county $ , . , and the federal government $ , . . it is expected that this section will be built during the season. yamhill county in yamhill county the state highway department has co-operated with the county in the grading and paving of . miles between rex and newberg and of miles between sheridan and mcminnville. the total expenditure on this work amounts to $ , . of which the county has paid $ , . . an effort has been made to secure federal aid in the construction of a section of the portland-tillamook highway from grande ronde west. with this in view, the necessary surveys have been made, and it is expected that federal aid will be secured so that the construction may be undertaken during the season. sheridan paving-- in the highway department constructed with its own forces and equipment . miles of concrete pavement from sheridan east on the sheridan-mcminnville road. this pavement was feet wide, ½ inches thick at the center and ½ inches thick at the edges. the mix used was a : ½: . in connection with the paving there was a considerable amount of grading, the total expenditure for grading, culverts, etc., being $ , . . the cost of the . miles of paving was $ , . , the unit cost being $ . per cubic yard. yamhill county co-operated in the payment for this work to the amount of $ , . . a complete statement of the costs on this work is given below. cost statement--sheridan paving-- quantity item cost unit cost cu. yds. common excavation } cu. yds. intermediate excavation } $ , . $ . cu. yds. solid rock excavation } lin. ft. -inch culvert pipe . . lin. ft. -inch culvert pipe . . lin. ft. -inch culvert pipe . . lin. ft. -inch porous drain tile . . cu. yds. class "c" concrete . . , sq. yds. concrete pavement , . . lin. ft. expansion joints . . ----------- total construction cost $ , . engineering , . ----------- grand total cost $ , . paid by state $ , . paid by county , . ----------- total $ , . sheridan paving-- early in , yamhill county requested that the concrete pavement laid in be continued to a total length of four miles, and offered to pay for all grading necessary in connection therewith. this request was granted by the highway commission and in the early spring, construction was started on the additional . miles. the type of pavement laid on this section was the same as that laid in , except that crushed rock aggregate was used instead of gravel, and the mix was reduced to : : ½. [illustration: state owned paving plant in operation near sheridan in yamhill county. on the yamhill nestucca highway] the coarse aggregate consisted of crushed stone ranging from ¼ inch to ½ inches. for the fine aggregate, both columbia river and willamette river sand was used. the stone was crushed from a quarry operated by the state on deer creek which was near the center of the job and consisted of an altered basalt of rather coarse texture. the quality of this stone is not equal to the true basalt; but tests made by the oregon agricultural college showed that it was of good quality. the average haul on this material was . of a mile. crushing was begun early in march and cubic yards of material stored in a stock pile which was rehandled later by means of an automatic loader purchased by the state highway department for this class of work. the output of the crusher was insufficient to keep the mixer running and by means of this stock pile it was possible to keep the material coming on to the road steadily and finish the job in a minimum length of time and with the least inconvenience to traffic. in this connection the experience on this job shows the advisability of using a stock pile of material to draw from in case of emergencies. when this is done the work is allowed to go ahead steadily, although a breakdown at the crusher may occur. the saving made by a steady run more than offsets the cost of rehandling the material, which is done very reasonably by the use of machinery. the sand was shipped to ballston and sheridan by railroad, approximately equal amounts being shipped to both places and was so divided as to get a minimum length of haul on this material. the average haul was . miles. at ballston the sand was unloaded from the cars into bunkers, which dumped directly into trucks, while at sheridan no bunkers were available and the material was unloaded on the ground and rehandled by means of an automatic loader. no delay was caused by car shortage as we used our stock pile at sheridan in emergencies. all the material was hauled and handled by means of trucks, two of which belonged to the state highway department, others working on a yardage basis. the pavement, after being struck off, was finished by the roller and belt method; being rolled from two to four times, according to the condition of the concrete and later belted with eight and ten inch belts. the eight inch belt being used first. by using this method of finishing, we were able to eliminate the use of skilled labor, which showed a material saving in the finishing item, and at the same time secured a very satisfactory surface. as soon as sufficiently hardened, the pavement was covered with earth from the roadside and kept moist for at least one week while curing. the earth covering was later removed by means of an ordinary road grader, when ready to be opened for traffic, the elastite joints being trimmed at the same operation. a short stretch of pavement was left out at deer creek to allow a fill to settle during the winter rains. in conformity with our general practice, sufficient crushed rock was left on the job to complete this stretch and make repairs. elastite joints were placed every thirty feet and extended the entire width and depth of the pavement. continuous forms were used on a portion of this pavement and were found to be much superior to the ordinary type, and the department has adopted the continuous form for future work. these forms are made by using two pieces of form lumber ½ inches by ½ inches nailed together. the joints are lapped one-half the length of the stick. the finished form is x ½ inches and is easily placed on either tangents or sharp curves. the concrete was mixed with a sixteen cubic foot koehring mixer equipped with bucket and boom. the plant is owned by the department. the grading was paid for by yamhill county and the crusher, roller, grader, and scarifier were also furnished by them free of charge. earth shoulders were built along the pavement by means of road grader. mr. j. m. baker was superintendent of construction on this work. cost statement-- . miles, -foot concrete pavement, east of sheridan--built in quantity and item total cost unit cost grading $ , . , sq. yds., : : ½ concrete pavement average thickness inches , . $ . , lin. ft., expansion joints . . cu. yds., broken stone macadam . . ---------- total cost of construction $ , . engineering , . ---------- grand total cost $ , . bbls. cement used on this work at a cost of $ , . f. o. b. work. yds. of sand and yds. broken stone left stored on job. paving--multnomah county line to newberg a complete description of the paving of the . mile section of the west side highway between the multnomah county line and newberg is given in the chapter devoted to washington county. it should be mentioned here, however, that . miles of this pavement is within yamhill county, and was built by the state at a cost of $ , . . the construction of the subgrade was paid for by yamhill county, part of it having been done by county forces and the balance of it by the paving contractor under a cost plus per cent agreement with the county. for the work done under this agreement, the contractor was paid $ , . . survey--grande ronde section a survey was made in the spring of between grande ronde and the bee ranch at the east end of the sour grass road improved in . this is an important link about ½ miles in length on the yamhill-nestucca highway, connecting as it does the cities of mcminnville, willamina, sheridan and tillamook. in addition it will afford a short and direct route between the hay and grain fields of the willamette valley and the dairy ranches of the coast. further, this highway is used by hundreds of autoists in summer enroute to the tillamook beaches. from the fact that only ½ miles of this section are in service as a postal route, federal aid could be applied for only on that section and cooperation has been requested as follows: united states government $ , ; state of oregon $ , ; yamhill county $ , . for the remaining four miles, yamhill county has appropriated $ , from the funds. it is estimated that the total cost of the remaining section will be $ , and it is expected that the work will be done in . the entire project as proposed will be graded feet wide, conforming to the state standards as to alignment and grade and surfaced with macadam feet in width, thus closing the gap and affording a road between portland and tillamook which will be open the entire year. [illustration: o. jacobs] _memoirs of orange jacobs_ written by himself _containing many interesting, amusing and instructive incidents of a life of eighty years or more, fifty-six years of which were spent in oregon and washington._ seattle, wash. lowman & hanford co. dedication. to the pioneers of the state of washington, whose privations nobly borne, whose heroic labors timely performed, and whose patriotic devotion to the republic, gave washington as a star of constantly increasing brilliancy to the union--this book is gratefully dedicated. contents. i. my autobiography. ii. incidents in crossing the plains in . iii. pen sketches of events, amusing, interesting and instructive of a pioneer's life on the pacific coast, extending over fifty-six years. iv. indian civilization, its true methods, its difficulties. v. indian customs, legends, logic and philosophy of life. vi. religion and reasons for some fundamental doctrines. vii. official life and some incidents connected therewith. viii. game animals and birds of the state of washington. ix. a few public addresses delivered by me. x. the result of pioneer patriotism and energy. introduction i have often been requested by my friends to write a sketch book, containing, first, my autobiography, with some of the incidents of a life already numbering eighty years and more; secondly, some of the addresses and papers made by me as a private citizen or public official; and, thirdly, some of the impressions, solemn, ludicrous and otherwise, made upon me in my contact with all the forms of the _genus homo_, principally on the pacific coast, where i have resided since --in oregon for seventeen years; in seattle, washington, thirty-eight years, plus the dimming future. i have finally concluded to undertake the delicate task. if it is ever completed and printed, i fondly hope its readers, if any, may be interested, if not instructed, by these extracts from a long experience of contact and conflict with the world. i say "conflict," because every true life is a battle for financial independence, social position and the general approval of one's fellow-men. if an autobiography could be completed by an accurate and simple statement of facts, such as one's birth, education and the prominent and distinguishing events or acts of one's career, it would be a comparatively easy task. but, even then, too great modesty might incline to dim the lustre of the paramount facts, or to narrow their beneficence; while a dominating egotism might overstate their merits and extent, and exaggerate their beneficial results. both of these are to be avoided. but where is the man so calm, so dispassionate and discriminating as to avoid the engulfing breakers on either hand? if there could be an impartial statement of the facts i have suggested, still they would be but a veil encompassing the real man. the true man would but dimly appear by implication. character, that invisible entity, like the soul, constitutes the true man. any biography that does not develop the traits, the qualities, of this invisible entity is of no value. character is complex and compound. it consists of those tendencies, inclinations, bents and impulses which come down through the line of descent and become an integral part of the man, and are therefore constitutional. these are enlarged and strengthened, or curbed and diminished or modified, by education, environment and religious belief. education possesses no creative power. it acts only on the faculties god has given. it draws them out, enlarges and strengthens them--increases their scope and power--and gives them greater breadth and deeper penetration. by education i do not mean the knowledge derived from books alone, for nature is a great teacher and educator. the continuous woods, the sunless canyon, the ascending ridges and mountain peaks, as well as the sunlit and flower-bestrewn dells and valleys--in fact all of the beautiful and variegated scenes in nature--possess an educational force and power very much, in my judgment, underestimated. man's emotional nature is enlarged--his taste for the beautiful quickened--and his love for the grand and sublime broadened and deepened by frequent intercourse with nature. byron felt this when he wrote "there is a pleasure in the pathless woods, there is a rapture on the lonely shore, there is society, where none intrudes, by the deep sea, and music in its roar: i love not man the less, but nature more, from these, our interviews, in which i steal from all i may be, or have been before, to mingle with the universe, and feel what i can ne'er express, yet cannot all conceal." i have mentioned environment above. it is not only a restraining and quasi-licensing, but also an educational force. there are, i fear, in every community, especially on the pacific coast, many young persons, who, lacking in fixed moral principles and habits of life like the sensitive and impressionable chameleon, assuming the color of the bark on the tree which for a time is its home--take on the moral coloring of the society in which they move, and become for a time, at least, an embodiment of its moral tone. but let the conditions change--let such persons migrate and become residents of a society of darker moral hue and of lower moral tone--and, like the chameleon, they almost immediately take on the darkened coloring and echo the lower tone. if it is their nature to command, they become leaders in a career of associated viciousness or infamously distinguished in the line of individual criminality. the general result is, however, that having broken loose from their moral moorings, they drift as hopeless, purposeless wrecks on the sea of life. during my residence on the pacific coast i have known many sad instances of this degeneration, and our own beautiful and prosperous city has not been free from such sad examples. it is a true, if not an inspired saying that "evil communications corrupt good manners." it is more emphatically true that evil associations corrupt good morals, which was probably the meaning intended by the translators. i have mentioned religious belief as an element in the formation of character. the doctrine of no religious teacher has ever exercised such a dominating and controlling force in the formation of character in the civilized world, as have the doctrines of christ. before his advent the learned world received the philosophy of aristotle, as a sufficient basis of moral doctrine and civic virtue. but that philosophy, great as it was, and impinging as it often did on the domain of absolute truth, has as a system of moral conduct, given way or been subordinated to the clear, direct yet simple enunciation of christ, summed up in that grand and universally applicable rule of individual and civil conduct: "do unto others as you would have others do unto you." a character in which this doctrine forms the basis will always respond to the demands of honor and right. these observations must answer as a preface, or, as horace greely once styled such performances, as "preliminary egotism." autobiography i was born in the genesee valley, livingstone county, state of new york, on the second day of may, a. d. . i was number two of a family of eight children,--six boys and two girls. my mother, while not in the popular sense an educated woman, having but a common-school education, had, as the philosopher hobbes termed it, a large amount of "round-about common-sense." while she gave, as a religious mother, her assent to solomon's declaration that he who spares the rod spoils the child, it was only in the most flagrant instances of disobedience that she put the doctrine in practice. she was firm, consistent, and truthful, indulging in no unfulfilled threats or promises of punishment in case of non-compliance with her orders. in fact, she acted upon the principle that certainty and not severity of punishment was the preventative of disobedience. her all-prevailing governing power was affection--love,--thus exemplifying the teaching of the master that "he who loveth me keeps my commandments." i say it now, after eighty years of memory, that we obeyed her because we loved her. she has gone to her reward. my observation and experience is that the mother's influence over her sons, if she be a true and affectionate mother, is far stronger than that of the father. her love is ever present in the conflict of life; it remains as an enduring and restraining force against evil, and a powerful impulse in favor of honor and right. someone has said that there are but three words of beauty in the english language: "mother, home, heaven." my father owned a farm of forty acres in the genesee valley, and i first saw the light of day in a plain but comfortable frame house. back of it, and between two and three rods from it, quietly ran in a narrow channel a flower-strewn and almost grass-covered spring brook, whose clear and pure waters, about a foot in depth, were used for domestic and farm purposes. i mention this brook because connected with it is my first memory. i fell into that brook one day when i was about three years old, and would have drowned had it not been for the timely arrival of my mother. as the years advanced, observation extended, experience increased and enlarged, and i became a parent myself, i have often considered how many children would have reached manhood or womanhood's estate wanting the almost divine affection and ceaseless vigilance of a mother's love. the next circumstance in my life distinctly remembered occurred some two or three months after the water-incident stated above. running and romping through the kitchen one day, i tripped and fell, striking my forehead on the sharp edge of a skillet, making a wound over an inch in length and cutting to the bone. the profuse flow of blood alarmed me; but my mother, who was not at all a nervous woman but calm, thoughtful and resourceful in the presence of difficulties, soon staunched the flow of blood and drew the bleeding lips of the gaping wound together. the doctor soon after added his skill; then nature intervened; and, to use the stately language of court, the incident, as well as the wound, was closed. i have stated these two events not as very important factors in the history of a life, but because they illustrate the teaching of mental philosophy, that memory's power of retention and in individual's ability to recall any particular fact depends upon the intensity of emotion attending that fact or event. especially is this true of our youth and early manhood, when our emotional nature is active, vigorous and strong. in after years our emotional nature is not so active and not so readily aroused; still it exists, a latent but potent factor in memory's domain. given the requisite intensity, it will still write in indelible characters the history of events on the tablets of memory. memory is of two kinds--local and philosophical. local memory is the ability to retain and recall isolated and non-associated facts. the vast mass of early facts accumulated in memory's store-house rests upon this emotional principle. as the years increase and the mind matures, other principles become purveyors for that store-house. the laws of classification and association become in after years the efficient agencies of the cultivated mind to furnish the data for reflection and generalization. the operation of these laws constitutes philosophic memory. but such facts have no pathos,--no coloring. the recalled facts of our youthful days have a thrill in them; not always of joy, sometimes of sorrow. i must, however, dismiss these imperfect thoughts on mental philosophy, and return to autobiography. my father, not being satisfied with his forty-acre farm, in the genesee valley, but being desirous of more extended land dominion, and inflamed with the glowing description of the fertile prairie and wooded plains in southern michigan, made a trip to that territory in the summer of and purchased in st. joseph county two tracts of land of acres each--one being on what was afterwards called sturgis prairie; the other, in what was known as the burr oak openings. st. joseph county, now one of the most populous in that great state, then had less than two hundred people within its large domain. near the center of the prairie, which contained five or six sections of land, there were four or five log houses--the nucleus of a thriving town now existing there. there was also quite a pretentious block-house, manifesting the existence of the fear that the perfidious savage,--like the felon wolf,--might at any time commence the dire work of conflagration and massacre. there were many indians in that section of the country. they belonged to the then numerous and powerful tribe called the pottawattomies. southern michigan is a level and low country, abounding in small and deep lakes and sluggish streams. these lakes and streams were literally filled with edible fish. deer and wild turkeys, also the prairie chicken, pheasant and quail, were abundant. strawberries, cherries, grapes, plums, pawpaws and crabapples--as well as hazelnuts, hickory nuts, black walnuts and butternuts--were everywhere in the greatest profusion in the woodlands. it was a paradise for indian habitation. i cannot omit from this a slight digression--the statement that, having lived on the frontier most of my life and having become acquainted with many indian tribes, their habits and customs, they do not, like the tiger, or many white men, slaughter just for the love of slaughtering, but for food and clothing, alone; hence, game was always plentiful in an indian country. the buffalo, those noble roamers over the plains, and which a century or less ago, existed in almost countless numbers, have nearly disappeared. the destructive fury and remorseless cupidity of the white man have done their work. the indian and the buffalo could and would, judging by the past, have co-existed forever. now the doom of annihilation awaits them both. in the spring of we started for our new home in the wilds of michigan. our outfit consisted of a wagon loaded with household goods and provisions--two yoke of oxen and a brood mare of good stock. we reached our destination in a little over a month. i say "we" and "our" because i wish it to be understood that i took my father and mother and elder brother along with me to our western home, for i thought that they might be useful there. i distinctly remember but two incidents of that journey; of not much importance, however, in the veracious history of a life. i became bankrupt in the loss of a jack-knife that a confiding friend had given me on the eve of our departure, with which i might successfully whittle my way through to the land of promise. i was inconsolable for a time. i had lost my all. my father, to alleviate my grief, promised me another. so true is it that faith in a promise, whether human or divine, assuages grief, lifts the darkening cloud, and often opens up a fountain of joy. we had to cross lake erie on our journey. the not over-palatial floating palace in which we embarked was struck by a storm. she pitched and rolled and lurched in the tumbling and foaming waters. the passengers, save myself and some of the crew, as i was informed, lurched and foamed at the mouth in unison with the turbulent waves. i was confined, for fear i might be pitched over-board; but i felt no inclination to join in the general upheaval. since that time i have journeyed much on the lakes and on the ocean, in calm and in storm, but have ever been immune from that distressing torture. we arrived at our destination on the first of june. there was no house or building of any kind on the land purchased by my father. by the kindly invitation and permission of a mr. parker, a pioneer in that country, we were permitted for the time being, to transform his wood-shed into a living abode. my father immediately commenced the cutting and the hauling of logs for a habitation of our own; but before he had completed the work he was summoned to join forces then moving westward for the subjugation of blackhawk and the hostile tribes confederated under him, who were then waging a ruthless war on the settlers of illinois. any signal success by this wily chieftain, and his confederate forces might, and probably would, have vastly increased the area of conflict and conflagration. indian fidelity as a general rule, is a very uncertain quantity. there are, i am glad to say, many noble individual exceptions, but perfidy is the general trait. vigorous action was taken by the government for the subjugation of the hostile tribes and for the capture of blackhawk. this was accomplished in the early summer of . on the morning after my father's departure i accompanied my mother to a spring about a quarter of a mile from mr. parker's house, where we obtained water for domestic purposes. mr. parker's house was on the southern edge of the prairie which was fringed by a thick growth of hazel, sumach, plums, crabapples, wild cherries and fox grapes. this fringe was narrow and only extended back from two to four rods--beyond which was the open timber. the trail to the spring was in the open timber, but close to the inner circle of the copse. nearing the spring, we saw, skulking near the outer edge of this thicket fringe, five pottawattomie warriors. they seemed to be somewhat agitated and were intently observing the movements of the white soldiers and listening to the roll of the drum and the call of the bugle. my mother hesitated at first, but went on to the spring, and, having filled her pails with water, we went back with quickened steps to the house. shortly after, these warriors came to the house. mr. parker, who imperfectly understood their language, succeeded, however, in explaining to them the meaning of this martial array, and they left, seemingly well satisfied. we saw them frequently afterwards and often purchased from them choice venison, turkey and other game birds, as well as fish, for a mere trifle. but those were troublous days and full of dire apprehension to the lone settler. every night a few, principally old men, would gather at mr. parker's house, and when the door was closed and securely fastened, the light extinguished, the few men would lay down with their loaded rifles by their side. the door was not opened in the morning until a careful reconnoissance had been made through the port-holes, of the surrounding country. apprehension has in it as much of terror as actual danger. the one is continuing--the other but momentary, and the one usually increases in its fervor, while the other disappears with its cause. my father returned after an absence of about two months. he won no military glory--he saw no hostile indians--blackhawk and his confederates having surrendered before the hostile country was reached by the command to which my father belonged. peace having been secured and confidence restored, father proceeded diligently in the erection and completion of a double log house on his own domain. i love to think of that old log house with its hewed puncheon floors and thick oaken doors, where my youth was spent. it was a home of peace, of comfort, of plenty and prosperity. its site was a beautiful one on a knoll near the great military road leading from detroit to chicago, and about midway between those cities. the next spring my father, my older brother and myself accompanying him, went to the nearby timber land and got two hundred young sugar maples, black walnuts and butternut trees that were presently planted in concentric circles around that home castle. my father did not believe in drilling ornamental trees into rank and file, like a column of soldiers. he had faith in nature's beauty and did not think it could be improved by man. nature should be subordinated to man's will only when cultivation becomes an essential element to the growth, which as a general rule holds only when the tree or plant or shrub is not indigenous to the soil. in the fall of that year i was prostrated by a large abscess in the right groin. i could neither stand on my feet, nor sit in an upright position. a pallet on the floor, or in some shady nook outdoors when the weather was propitious, was my favorite, and for most of the time my lonely, resting place. on the morning of which i am about to write, my mother was urging my father, as the abscess by its color indicated that it was ripe for the surgeon's lance, to go for a doctor to examine it and my condition, and if proper, to open it and let out the long accumulated poison. the nearest doctor lived some thirty miles away, but my father, yielding to my mother's persuasions, concluded to go. before he had arisen from his seat at the table he requested my brother to bring in some stove wood. boy-like, brother piled up such a quantity on his left arm that he could not see over it, and, bending backward, he came into the house seemingly oblivious to my location, tripped against me and fell, striking the end of the wood upon the abscess. effectually, but not in a very scientific manner, this opened it. i swooned away, and it was sometime before consciousness returned to me. as proof of my brother's surgical skill, a star-shaped scar over an inch in length, remains today. there were some mitigating circumstances, however, in this surgical work:--it saved a lonely journey and a large doctor bill. he received no compensation--but otherwise--for his effective treatment, and the resultant benefit. on account of sickness and the want of opportunity, i did not attend school until i was nine years of age. i had a large number of picture books containing stories of bears, panthers, lions and tigers. i had to hire other boys to read them to me, and this kept me in a bankrupt condition. i was frantic to be able to read them myself, and when opportunity offered i soon accomplished this purpose. when i was fourteen years of age the district school was taught by one dowling--an irishman--full six feet in height, a fine specimen of physical manhood, and an excellent teacher. he was employed by the directors not only to teach, but also, if necessary, to subjugate the rebelious spirit theretofore existing among the larger boys attending the school. his presence and firm and courteous manner dispelled all fear of insubordination. an incident occurred at that school which has remained fresh in my memory. there was a boy attending by the name of joe johnson. in age joe was between fifteen and sixteen. he was quiet, meditative, awkward--the victim of many tricks, the butt of many jokes. one day dowling ordered all who could write to turn to their desks and within half an hour to produce a verse of original poetry, or as near an approach to it as they were able to go. we had learned that for dowling to command was for us to obey. i was sitting next to joe. after meditating a few moments he rapidly wrote the following:-- "i saw the devil flying to the south, with mr. dowling in his mouth; he paused awhile and dropped the fool, and left him here to teach a common school." i looked over joe's shoulder and read as he wrote, and when he had completed the verse--oblivious to the conditions--i laughed outright. mr. dowling, with vigorous application of his hazel regulator, soon restored my reckoning, and indicated my true latitude and longitude. mr. dowling read joe's poetry to the school, to show the ingratitude of the pupil to his preceptor; but the matter was otherwise received by the older pupils, and it was dropped. this incident no doubt revealed to joe that he possessed poetic ability of the highest order. joe, after he had arrived at manhood's estate, published a small volume of poems full of wit, beauty of description, and pleasing satire. i attended the district school in the winter and worked on the farm in the spring, summer and fall, until i was eighteen years of age, when i left the farm and enrolled myself as a student at the albion college, a methodist institution strict in its discipline, thorough in its teachings, and of good repute for its excellent educational work. i was there over four years, but did not graduate because of failing health. in measuring up intellectually with a host of other young men in debate and composition, i was inspired with the faint hope that i might at least win a few victories in the actual conflict of life. i gave much attention to the languages, and was especially proficient in greek and latin. i had an inclination and love for that line of study. i did not, however, neglect the exact sciences, but i had no intuition assisting in that direction. what i know of mathematics, and my studies in that line were quite extensive, is the result of pure reasoning. if proper here, let me observe that the best teacher of the exact sciences is he who obtains a knowledge of them as i did, because he will more fully appreciate all the difficulties met with by the ordinary student. he who intuitively sees the relation of numbers, form and quantity, needs but little, if any, assistance from a teacher. it is he who, by slow and laborious process of correct reasoning, discovers or unfolds these relations, that needs the sympathetic assistance of a teacher. i left school because my physician thought i needed more ozone than greek--more oxygen and sunshine than latin, and more and better physical development for any success in life's arduous work and its strenuous conflicts. while under the care of nature's physician, i spent most of my time in hunting and fishing, with occasional work on the farm. this continued for nearly a year. the treatment was beneficial, and i enjoyed it. during this time i received an invitation from a literary society in the town to deliver before them a lecture, on such subject as i might choose and on such evening as i might designate. i accepted the invitation, and chose as my subject "the eclectic scholar." i named a day one month ahead. as this was my first appearance before a public audience, and that, too, composed of the companions and acquaintances of my youth--the most unpropitious of all audiences for a young man to face--i spent nearly the entire month in the preparation of that address. i will not attempt to give its substance or a skeleton of the topics discussed. it was published in the local paper with flattering comments, but i have neither the manuscript nor a copy. my first intention was to read it, but i finally concluded to commit it to memory, and to deliver it without the aid of the manuscript. an incident occurred in this connection that, annoying as it was to me at the time, i cannot omit. after the address had been memorized, i went to a dense copse on the land of mr. parker, selected a small opening and delivered the address with proper gesticulations to the surrounding saplings, thinking no human ear or eye heard or saw me; but i was mistaken. old man parker was out pheasant hunting. he was near me when i commenced to speak, and, quickly concealing himself, saw and heard from his ambush the whole performance. when i picked up my hat to go, he arose, came into full view, clapped his hands and said, as he approached me, "well done, orange." as i was not in a conversational mood i did not tarry. at the appointed time i had a full audience. a vote of thanks was tendered me and a request for a copy for publication. since that time i have learned that many of the great addresses of the world by orators, and statesmen, are first carefully written, then memorized, then repeated in front of mirrors, before delivery to the audiences for whom they were intended. late in the fall of this year i concluded to study law, and to make its exposition and practice my life work. with this end in view i entered the office of hon. john c. howe, of lima, la grange county, indiana. here let me say by way of parenthesis, that our esteemed brother lawyer, james b. howe of seattle, is a near relative of his. a brief description of my preceptor may be admissible. he was a quiet, somewhat reserved man, and a great student. though inclined to be taciturn, yet, when in the mood, his conversation was charming. i have often thought his mind was a little sluggish in its ordinary movement; but, let it be stimulated by an important case or a large fee, and he seemed to be, like massena, almost inspired. it is said of napoleon's great marshal that in the ordinary affairs of life he was a dull and even a stupid man; but that when he saw the smoke of battle, and heard the roar of cannon, the rattling of musketry, and saw the gleam of bayonets in the hands of the charging legions, he was seemingly inspired, and never, amid the roar and tumult of battle, made a mistake. in a sense this was true of my preceptor. he was of strong physique and could work with an intensified industry that approached genius. he possessed great power of generalization and could readily reduce complicated and voluminous facts to their proper classes, and thus completely master them. few men in american history have possessed this ability in a pre-eminent degree. i might, among the few, mention john c. calhoun and oliver p. morton of indiana. another characteristic of my preceptor was his preferential love of english reports and english authors; hence, in addition to blackstone's commentaries, i read starkey on evidence; chitty and stephen on pleadings; chitty on contracts, on notes, and bills of exchange; coke on littleton; hale's pleas to the crown; archibald on criminal law; lord redesdale's equity pleadings and jurisprudence; and seldon on practice. i read dr. lushington's admiralty reports. seemingly, i had no use for admiralty, living as i did in the inland empire; but i found such knowledge of great use after i was appointed to a judgeship in washington territory. a little brushing-up and some additional reading enabled me to try the admiralty causes brought before me to the satisfaction of the bar. i cannot close this brief reference to my law preceptor without the narration of an incident in which he was one of the principal actors. the sheriff of st. joseph county, michigan, had been elected for four consecutive terms, and it was alleged and conceded that he was a defaulter in a large amount. he had given a different set of bondsmen for each term, and the question arose which of these sets was responsible. my preceptor was employed by the county; the bondsmen, of which my father was one, employed columbus lancaster, afterwards a delegate to congress from washington territory, and one of the judges in the provisional government of oregon. lancaster was a witty and eloquent speaker and a successful trial lawyer. as the case was an important one, and the counsel distinguished, many lawyers attended the trial. at that time the laws of michigan gave three justices of the peace, sitting in bank, all of the powers, by the consent of the parties, of the superior court. this was a trial before such tribunal. but little evidence was taken, just enough to raise the legal questions involved. the argument of howe was clear, compact and to my mind conclusive. it had for its basis english authorities and cases. lancaster answered in an eloquent and witty speech, and after a brief reply from howe the case was submitted. the justices retired, but in a short time returned. their judgment was for the defendants. howe was manifestly disappointed and he said to lancaster: "i will offer this: you may choose any three from the lawyers present, and we will re-argue the question and i will agree to abide by their decision." the answer of lancaster was characteristic; he said: "i never run all day to catch a rabbit, and then let him go just to see whether i can catch him again." both of these men have long since been gathered to their fathers. they were just men and true, and in ability far above the average. i was admitted to the bar in the fall of . under the laws of michigan at that time, admission to the bar was not necessary to practice law in that state, but it was the usual and dignified course. the class seeking admission was quite a large one; most of them, in fact all of them save myself, were old lawyers seeking admission in the regular and time-sanctified order. an afternoon was given by judge wing, who presided, for the hearing of the petition of the applicants. the judge and the bar were the examiners. they all took a free hand. i thought i could discover a disposition on the part of the judge and the bar to put the old practitioners, whose knowledge of elementary principles had been somewhat dimmed by the lapse of years, at a disadvantage as compared with the accuracy of a young man fresh from the books. hence, many questions were rushed to me for a full and accurate statement of the text-books, which in most cases i was able to give, to the manifest pleasure of the examiners. we were all admitted. in anticipation of so propitious a result, we had provided a banquet for bench and bar. at its conclusion the judge said, "a motion for a new trial would be in order, and if such motion was made he would take it under advisement till the next term of the court, when he had but little doubt that it would be granted." after my admission to the bar i diligently continued my legal studies, confining myself, however, almost exclusively to american reports and authors, such as kent's commentaries; story on the constitution, on equity jurisprudence and pleadings; greenlief on evidence; gould on the form and the logic of pleadings; bishop on criminal law; and many others. i have continued this extensive reading during all of my professional career when books were at hand. looking back from a standpoint of eighty years' time, i am satisfied that i have read too much, and reflected, reasoned, analyzed, generalized and thoroughly digested too little. i often think of the saying of locke, the philosopher, that if he had read as much as other men he would have known as little as they. there is much truth in this statement. to read without thought, without reflection, without analysis and a thorough digest of what one reads, is a waste of time. more, it weakens the memory, does not accumulate knowledge, and incapacitates the mind for serious work. while i have no admiration for a correctly-styled "case lawyer," yet, were i to live my professional career over again, i would get my legal principles from a small but well-selected library of authors of established repute; and then i would consult leading cases on each topic or subject, as a help for their proper and logical application. the practice of law consists in the application of a well-defined legal principle to a certain combination of facts. whether the principle applies is a question for the courts; whether the facts that enter into the definition exist is a question for the jury. but, as i am not writing a legal treatise, i leave the topic here. my father caught the gold fever, and early in the spring of started with an ox-team across the plains to the gold-fields of california. he returned in the winter of - , having been moderately successful. for many years i had been a sufferer from neuralgia. its painful development was in the forehead. i was a pale and emaciated specimen of the genus homo, weighing less than pounds. my father was of the opinion that the air of the pacific coast was rich in ozone, and his physical appearance indicated that his judgment was sound. "go west, my son," he said; "go to oregon--not to california--for you would amount to nothing as a miner. you will be subject to a continual alkaline bath on the plains, and this will prepare you for the renovating effects of the salubrious air of the pacific coast." my father was not a physician, but i readily consented to take his prescription, provided he would pay the doctor's bill. this he willingly consented to do. i soon found three other young men who had the oregon fever in its incipient stages. it soon became fixed and constitutional, and they determined to go. a wagon was soon constructed under my father's direction--light but strong, with a bed water-tight and removable, so that it could be used as a boat for ferrying purposes; a strong cover for the wagon, and a tent which in case of storm could be fastened to the wagon to supplement the effectiveness of the cover. each furnished a span of light, tough and dark-colored horses. white was not allowed on account of their alleged want of toughness and durability. each was allowed two full suits of clothes and no more, and two pair of double blankets and no more. the object was to prevent overloading. each was to have a rifle or shotgun, or both, and a pistol and sheath-knife. i am thus particular, because in this day of railroads and pullman cars, these things are fast passing from memory. on the first of march, , we left sturgis, michigan. our first point of destination was cainesville on the missouri river. we did our own cooking and slept in our wagon when the weather was clement; at hotels and farm houses when it was inclement. none of us had ever tried our hand at cooking before, and our development along that line had a good deal of solid fact, and but little poetry in it. we could put more specific gravity into a given bulk of bread than any scientific cook on earth. taken in quantity, it would test the digestive energies of an ostrich; but we took it in homeopathic doses. we lived in the open air and survived, as our knowledge of the culinary art rapidly increased. the moral of this mournful tale is:--mothers, teach your sons to do at least ordinary cooking; they may many times bless you in the ever-shifting, and strenuous conflict of life. i was born and reared in a cold climate; but when the mercury fell, the atmosphere lost its moisture; and while the wind was fierce and biting, it was dry. you can protect yourself against such cold; but when you come to face the cold, damp, fierce and penetrating winds that sweep over the prairies of illinois and iowa when winter is departing, they find you, and chill you through any kind or reasonable quantity of clothing. on account of snow-storms we stopped for a week, in the latter part of march, at a farm-house in the outer settlements of iowa. the people were intelligent and refined. our hostess had two lovely daughters, and we young men were at home. prairie chickens were very abundant in the vicinity, and with my shotgun i more than kept the family supplied while there. our hostess was a good cook and we lived high. a short distance away was a log school-house also used for a church, and we accompanied the family to church on sunday. the minister was a methodist circuit-rider; and while he was not an eloquent man and did not, like wirt's blind preacher, in the wilds of virginia, tell us with streaming eyes that "socrates died like a philosopher, but jesus christ like a god," yet with force and emphasis he preached christ and him crucified for a sinful world. this was the first church service we had attended since leaving home, and it gave us all a touch of homesickness. as soon as the storm abated and the weather gave indications of more sunshine and less downpour, we bade adieu to our hostess and her fair daughters, and journeyed slowly onward over horrid roads towards cainesville. we arrived at this bustling outfitting town on the rd of april. we found there a large number of persons and prairie schooners, but most of them were on a voyage to the gold-fields of california. by diligent inquiry i found seventeen wagons, with an average of four persons to the wagon, whose destination was oregon. we agreed to cross the missouri river on the nd day of may, and on the afternoon of that day we were all safely landed on the western shore. we were now beyond the realm of social constraint, conventional usage, and the reign of the law. it was interesting to me to note the effect of this condition upon a few men in our party. they seemed to exult in their so-called freedom. they spoke of the restraining influence of organized society as tyranny, and of the government of law as government by force. a meeting for organization was called for that evening. i was elected chairman, and in response to a request for my views, i said, that we on the morrow were to start on a journey of over two thousand miles through an indian country; and while it was reported that the tribes through whose country we were to pass were at peace with the whites, yet it was a sound maxim, in the time of peace to be prepared for war; and that our safety, and that of our property, depended upon our strictness, watchfulness and unity of action, and these beneficial results could only be secured by organization; hence i proposed that, without being myself a candidate for any position and not desiring any, we organize ourselves into a semi-military company by the election of a captain and a first and second lieutenant. a motion was made in accordance with the views expressed by me, and seconded; i declared it open for discussion. one of the persons mentioned above, who thought he had just enhaled the air of perfect freedom, arose and said that he was opposed to the motion; he did not propose to be lorded over by any one; he would be governed by his own judgment and wishes. i replied that we did not propose to lord it over any one, but to govern in all ordinary matters by common consent, and in all matters by the laws of safety and decent morals. the motion was put and it was carried with only five dissenting votes. a vote was taken by ballot for captain, and to my astonishment i received all the votes but two--one of which was cast by myself for a gentleman who had crossed the plains and who had returned to the states to get married, and, having accomplished that purpose, was returning with his wife and an unmarried sister of hers to his home in oregon city; the other vote, presumptively, was cast by a gentleman that, on account of his military appearance and the arsenal of weapons which he carried on his person, and his alleged thirst for indian blood, we styled colonel. as the colonel was an open candidate for the office, the opinion prevailed that he had voted for himself. the first and second lieutenants were soon elected and a quasi-military organization was soon formed. the first lieutenant was unpopular with the men. he was a good man, but possessed no fitness for the position; he had much of the _fortiter in re_, but none of the _suaviter in modo_. the second lieutenant was a doctor by profession and was eminently fitted for the position; he was calm, cool in danger, discreet in words and action, and courageous in conduct. thus equipped, the next morning at eight o'clock we rolled out and made about twenty miles; we camped on a plateau covered with grass and by a brooklet of pure, cold spring water. the second and third days were but repetitions of the first. the fourth day we reached the loup fork, a large tributary of the platte. we ferried over it successfully and resumed our journey across the valley of rather low but rich land, still covered in places with a mass of tall dry grass, the fading glory of last year's beneficence. we were in the pawnee country. when we were about two and one-half or three miles from the river, from seventy-five to a hundred indians arose suddenly out of the grass, stopped our teams, and by their unearthly yelling came near stampeding our horses. we were caught unprepared. we did not expect to meet hostiles, or even troublesome indians within an hundred miles of the missouri river. many of the guns were not loaded. a lame chief, pretty well dressed in buck-skin, with a sword by his side, a pistol in his belt, a fine rifle in his hand, and a photograph of ex-president fillmore, in a metallic frame, on his breast, was in command of the indians. he, and three subordinate chiefs were standing near the head of the train, and i sent the doctor--the second lieutenant--and another discreet person to confer with them and ascertain what this meant. the other indians in open order extended the full length of the train, and were about five rods away. all had bows and arrows or firearms. they used the weapons in their movements, with incessant yelling, in a menacing manner. all things being in readiness, i went to where the doctor and his companions and the chiefs were, near the head of the train. i asked the doctor what they wanted. he answered that they wanted one cow brute, a large quantity of sugar, tobacco and corn, for the privilege of crossing their country. they were in a squatting position, marking on the ground the boundaries of the country claimed by them. i told the doctor that we had no cow brute and could not give one; that we had but little sugar and tobacco, and could spare none; that if they wanted corn to plant, we would give them a sack of shelled corn, and no more. they understood what i said, and quickly sprang to their feet and covered the doctor and myself with their guns. i had a double-barreled shotgun by my side. i seized it; but before i could get it into position, the muzzles of the guns were lowered, the yelling ceased, and the sack of corn was accepted as toll. this was to me a new and rather startling application of the doctrine of _posse comitatus_ for the enforcement of an unadjudicated demand; but i have since learned that civilized nations use battleships and cannon for that purpose. the great carlyle declares that if a person possess a quality in a high degree, whether that quality be mental or physical, he is unconscious of the fact; but if he be deficient in any quality, either moral or physical, he is always conscious of the deficiency; and, seeming to act on the supposition that what he feels so distinctly, he fears others might perceive, he is constantly hedging: therefore, a dishonest man is always talking about his honesty, and a coward about his bravery. all the men of our company behaved well but one, and that one was "the colonel." i cannot refrain from recalling an incident connected with him. i have mentioned the unmarried lady who was accompanying her sister to her western home. she was sitting in the wagon with the reins in her hand and a pistol in her lap, during all the excitement and uproar. as i passed up and down the train, i saw the colonel, either at the rear or on the side of the wagons, away from the yelling indians. the last time i passed the wagon, the colonel stuck his head out from the opposite side and asked, "what are you going to do, captain?" i said, "fight, sir, if necessary." the young lady, looking at him, exclaimed: "yes, sir; fight if necessary. get on the other side of the wagon; be a man!" although the colonel subsequently, by his conduct at shell creek, partially redeemed his reputation, yet the insinuating jeers of the men, as to which was the safer side of the wagon, kept him in hot water, and, taking my advice, he left the train after the passage of shell creek, at the first opportunity. it was a good riddance, for a coward driven to bay, and constantly wounded by the shafts of ridicule, is dangerous. our toll having been paid and the excitement having abated, we resumed our journey across the loup fork valley and over the slightly elevated high land that separate its waters from the platte. we descended from this high land by an easy grade, and made an early camp. wood, water and grass were abundant. we knew that a large ox-train, consisting of forty wagons or more and known as the hopkins train, would cross the loup fork the next morning. there were quite a number of women and children in the train; hence our gallantry, as well as our bravery, prompted assistance. further, we had concluded that it was wise to travel in larger bodies through the country of the pawnees. according to our estimate, this train would arrive at the danger point, or toll gate, between ten and eleven o'clock a. m. thirty of us volunteered to go back, to assist in case of difficulty. we were mostly mounted and ready for the start, when we saw a horseman rapidly approaching us, and we rode out to meet him. he told us that the hopkins train had been attacked by the indians, that two of his company had been seriously, if not mortally, wounded; and he asked for a doctor. the doctor was with us and readily consented to go, after returning to the wagon for instruments and medicine he might need. the rest of dashed up the gentle slope--hurry-scurry, pell-mell. at the top we slackened our speed for observation. we saw that the indians had abandoned the conflict and were hurrying to the river, on the further side of which was their village. the occasional puff and report of a white man's rifle, at long and ineffective range, no doubt quickened their speed. we struck out on an acute angle to cut them off from the river, but failed. those in boats had either reached or were near the other shore, some three or four hundred yards away; those in the water swam with the current and were practically out of danger: the boys, however, took some shots at the retreating heads. i think no indian was killed or wounded by the shooting, but some of the boys were of a different opinion. we were at the river bank but a short time; but before we left it, the lame chief and his two subalterns, mentioned above, came down to the opposite shore, raised their hands to show that they had no weapons, then jumped into a canoe and rapidly crossed the river to us. they asked permission to go up with us to see their dead and to care for their wounded. the chief said five indians were dead and many wounded. we saw but three dead and two slightly wounded. two white men were wounded--one with a flint-headed arrow in the chest, the other shot with a large ball through the fleshy part of the thigh close to the bone. although the arrow-head had entered the chest cavity, it had not pierced any vital organ, and recovery was rapid; the other wound was of a complex character, which i cannot mention, and was dangerous if not mortal. this man was slowly recovering, however, while he remained with us and under the doctor's assiduous care. what the final result was i never knew. the wounded having been attended to, the train was soon on the move for our camp. after a consultation held that evening, it was agreed that we should travel together through the pawnee country, and that i should have general control of our united forces. shell creek, which was full five days' travel ahead, was said to be one of the boundary lines separating the country of the pawnees from that of the sioux. notices stuck up along the road warned us to look out for the pawnees at shell creek. it was their last toll-collecting station. this fact and their difficulty with the hopkins train put us on our guard. from what we saw of the action of the indians, there were manifest indications, that they were collecting at shell creek. we saw every day on the opposite side of the river, long lines of them journeying towards that point. in the afternoon of the fifth day after our union, we arrived on the plain, through which the creek had cut its way to the platte river. we made a corral with our wagons, some seventy-five or eighty rods from the creek. a few small flags of different colors were floating from the top of the bank descending to the creek, indicating that the indians were there. i called for seventy-five volunteers to go with me to the crossing. i am glad to say that the colonel promptly stepped forward; and more than the requisite number offered to go. where the road crosses shell creek valley, if it is proper so to call it, it is from fifteen to twenty feet below the general face of the country, the valley not being over four or five rods in width. it is a small stream, but its shallow waters flow over a bed of treacherous quick sand. the earlier immigrants had cut down the nearly perpendicular bank so as to make the descent and ascent practicable, to and from, the narrow valley. they had also, from the nearby timber in the valley of the platte river, obtained stringers, placed them across the creek, and covered them with heavy split or hewn cottonwood puncheons. i formed my volunteers in a line, open order, and facing the crossing. in this order we marched quite rapidly towards the creek until we were eight or ten rods away, when an order of double quick was given,--we dashed down to the bank, and found from seventy-five to a hundred indians, all armed, at different points along the bank and near the crossing. we covered them with our rifles and shotguns. there was an ominous silence for a short time. they soon arose, however, and all but two crossed the creek and went to a bald knoll a short distance below the crossing. one or two started to come up to us, but we waved them off. the puncheons had been removed from the stringers and thrown into an irregular pile on the further side of the creek. two indians stood upon the pile. i asked for two young men to go down to replace the puncheons. quite a number volunteered. i selected one standing near me, and another called brad. both were stalwart and muscular. brad was a great boaster, but a noted exception to carlyle's rule. he was as courageous as a lion. the puncheons were thick, water-soaked and heavy. one of the two indians standing upon them departed as brad and his companion approached; the other, silent and sullen, maintained his position on the pile, and when brad took hold of the end of a puncheon he walked down to that end, thus compelling brad to lift him as well as the puncheon. someone said "hit him, brad." i thought the order a proper one; so i said nothing. brad, who was great in a power emanating from the shoulder and culminating in the knuckles of the hand, struck, with all his force, the indian on the point of the jaw; the indian fell to the ground a limpid heap, and did not recover until nearly all of the puncheons had been replaced. when he arose his face was covered with blood from either the effect of the blow or his fall. he walked slowly towards the knoll where the other indians were, and his appearance among them created quite a sensation and uproar. it was manifest that there was no unity of purpose, or action among them. as soon as the bridge was repaired we crossed over with four-fifths of the men; the other one-fifth went back to help bring up the train, and to assist in the crossing if necessary. i left the command with the doctor, and as the evening was fast approaching i selected a camp about one-half of a mile beyond the crossing, where grass, water and wood were plentiful. the first lieutenant superintended the camping. when i returned i found that the doctor had "the lame chief" and two other younger chiefs as prisoners. they had crossed the line marked out by him, and he retained them as hostages. the lame chief was somewhat reconciled to his lot, but the young men were taciturn and sullen. the lame chief knew english and talked it sufficiently well for us to understand him. i told him that we would give them plenty to eat, with blankets upon which they could sleep, and that we would part as friends in the morning. i told him further that if the indians attacked us that night he and the two young chiefs would be killed. i told him that he could control the indians, and that we required him to do it. all of this was said to him in a most positive and emphatic manner, and he communicated it to the younger chiefs. i asked him what so many indians, all armed, had come away from their villages and to the boundary of their country for? he said the indians had no bad feelings towards the horse-train, but they had come to make the cow-train pay for the killed and wounded in the fight at loup fork. he said that they did not expect to find us with the cowtrain. certain it is, that every circumstance pointed to the conclusion that had not our train been present, the hopkins train would have been compelled to contribute largely, or would have had another fight more disastrous, perhaps, than the first. the night was made hideous by the almost constant yelling of the indians. i remained up until eleven, when i retired, worn out and with an acute attack of neuralgic head-ache. after a time i slept or dozed, notwithstanding the uproar. the doctor also had gone to his wagon. the first lieutenant was in command. about three o'clock he came to my wagon, and requested me to get up; he feared, he said, an attack. the indians, he informed me, were already approaching us. i found that the warriors had left the strip of timber on the river and were within one hundred yards of our picket-line. i went around the camp and found nearly everyone awake and up. i then went with the lame chief and his guard to the picket-line. i told him to tell the indians, that they must not come any nearer. the chief began to speak immediately and continued to talk for two minutes or more; and while we did not understand what he said, the tumult ceased, and from thence on, comparative quiet prevailed. in the morning we gave our hostages a good breakfast and presented them with a cow brute so lame that it could not travel farther. i saw it killed. an indian with a strong, and to me almost inflexible bow, threw himself on his back, holding the steel or iron-pointed arrow with both hands against the string of the bow, and with his feet springing it sent the arrow deep into the heart of the animal, which fell at his feet. this was the first exhibition i had ever seen of the power of the bow as a weapon and life-extinguisher. at short range, with a cool nerve, with a full quiver, a person thus armed would be a dangerous foe. we got an early start the next morning. we bade our hostages good-bye without regret, and entered onto the land of the sioux with hopeful satisfaction. we journeyed full twenty miles that day, and camped on a treeless plain with good water and plenty of grass, but no wood save buffalo chips. this want of wood was to continue for hundreds of miles. it was amusing at first, to see the ladies handle the buffalo chips. they literaly cooked with their gloves on. but the principle announced by the poet soon asserted itself: "vice is a monster of so frightful mien, as to be hated, needs but to be seen; yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, we first endure, then pity, then embrace." i do not mean to say that they embraced this fuel; only that they used it as they would other fuel--simply obeying a law of necessity and enduring it. this morning we parted from the hopkins train, got an early start and made a late camp over twenty miles away. early in the commencement of our jurney to the sunset land, i organized a hunting party of four good shots, two of whom i was personally acquainted with and knew that they were well qualified for their position; the other two were chosen on the recommendation of their acquaintances and friends. this selection turned out to be not only harmonious, but a fit and proper one. they organized by the election of the doctor and myself as alternate captains, expecting that one of us would accompany them on each day's hunt. the work was exciting, with a dash of danger in it, and was arduous. heretofore there had been no opportunity for the proof of their skill. this day, having determined from our guide-book where to camp, i accompanied them to the hills. shortly after noon the hunters came across a small herd of buffalo in a gully where there was a little pool of seepage water, and succeeded in killing two--one a yearling, the other a barren cow. i was not in at the killing, but i succeeded soon after in ending the swift-bounding career of a fine antelope. we cut the meat from the carcass of the two buffalo and placed it in sacks or rather strong saddle-bags made for that purpose. the bones, neck and horns, save tongue, as well as the hide, were left to be more thoroughly cleaned and devoured by wolves, the ever-ready scavengers of the plains. my trophy of this day's hunt, minus the head and neck, was strapped to the saddle of my horse, and thus by her, grudgingly, borne into camp; but she became accustomed to such work, and protested only at the stinging tightness of the cinch. this was our first ration of fresh meat since crossing the missouri river. the meat was a treat, fat, juicy and tender. two days after this the hunters, accompanied by the doctor, at an early hour started for the hills. they returned in the early evening, each with an antelope on his saddle. they saw plenty of buffalo, but could not approach them sufficiently near to get an effective shot. the meat of the antelope, while not as rich and juicy as that of the buffalo, is in the spring of the year, when the grass is green, sweet and tender. it is of much finer grain than that of the buffalo; and the animal is more select in his appetite, eating only the finer grass, with a delicate flavoring of the finest sage, which in many cases was quite distinguishable. i remember that not many years ago the choicest beeves were steers fattened on the rich and luxuriant bunch-grass of the hills, which a week or ten days before marketing were driven to and herded in the valleys where the small sage abounds. they ate it not as a matter of first choice, but of necessity. such beef, to the epicures, was the realization of a long-felt want. the work of the hunters was strenuous, and as a partial compensation for their longer hours, and the beneficent results of the successful work by them, they were excused from guard-duty in the night. to this all agreed. on the second day after the doctor's debut as a hunter, i accompanied the hunters to the hills. we did not find game plentiful, but we occasionally caught the glimpse of an antelope bounding away out of range. the day was excessively hot. late in the afternoon, however, the hunters started a large buffalo bull from the channel of a dry creek, he ran up the channel towards me; and as he attempted to pass me a few rods away, i fired and struck him in the heart, and he staggered, lunged and fell. this was my first buffalo, and i was, of course, elated with my luck. the hunters would probably have killed him had it not been for my fortunate intervention, for they were in close pursuit on the higher plateau on either side, and were fast converging towards him. he could have scarcely run in safety, the gauntlet of four such expert riflemen. as it was, however, the honor was mine. the pelt or robe was large and very fine, but we were compelled to leave it and the stripped bones to be devoured by the waiting wolves. from thence on until we crossed the rocky mountains, we had a liberal supply of fresh meat, consisting of antelope, buffalo, a few deer, three elk, one brown bear, and one bighorn rocky mountain sheep, or goat. so far as travel was concerned, each day was but the tiresome repetition of the preceding one, with very slight variations. when we arrived at fort laramie we stopped for some three or four hours. we crossed the river and made a friendly visit to the officers of the fort. we found them to be true american soldiers and gentlemen. the commandant told us that he had heard of the pawnee difficulty, and had sent an officer and a squad of soldiers to enquire into the affair. he was very anxious to hear from us a statement of the whole matter. i gave him as full a statement as i was able to, and both of us were of the opinion that it was precipitated by the want of proper discipline and control of the men in the train. this may not be very flattering to the white men, but it is the truth, notwithstanding. i am not a military man, but i was not impressed with the idea that laramie, surrounded as it is by an amphitheatre of commanding hills, was a fit site for a fort. as against an enemy with modern artillery, i thought it to be hopelessly defenceless. as against indians it possibly might do. but then, i knew nothing of plevna, similarly situated, and so heroically defended by the turks against a superior and well-equipped russian army. leaving fort laramie, we now entered the black hills country. after a two-days' journey in the hills, finding grass, water and wood in great abundance, we concluded to rest for two days for laundry and recuperative purposes. our horses began to show the effects of the journey, and the want of their accustomed food. no animal has the power of endurance of man, unless it may be the wolf, "whose long gallop," says the poet, "can tire the hounds' deep hate and hunter's fire." on the first day of our rest i accompanied the hunters into the hills for game. about three miles from camp, on a wooded side-hill, they came across a band of fifteen or more of elk and succeeded in killing three of them. i was not in at the killing, but caught a distant view of the noble antlered monarchs of the forest, as they sped away to deeper and safer retreats in the depths of the woods. as we did not kill for the love of slaughter, but for food, we declared the day's hunt a success, and prepared our meat for transportation to the camp, in the usual manner. i have killed quite a number of elk since that time in the mountains of oregon, but i have never seen one larger than one of those, although i have seen much larger and finer antlers than adorned the heads of any of them. the purpose of the antlers, in my judgment, is not to furnish the animal a weapon in fight, but as a protection to his shoulders as he dashes through the brush in flight from an enemy or in pursuit of his mate. when he moves swiftly he elevates his nose until his face is nearly in a line with his back; the antlers, extending back on each side of the shoulders, thus affording them protection. the bucks always lead in such flights, and to a certain extent open the way; hence the females have no need, or not so much need, of such protection. somewhat disappointed with my failure to get a shot at an elk on the preceding day, i again accompanied the hunters. we made a wide circuit through the hills, some of which were covered with timber, while others were bald. that it was a country abounding in game was manifest in the signs appearing everywhere. we saw a few antelope in full flight and out of range; we also startled from his sylvan couch a black-tailed buck, being the first of the deer kind seen in our journey. one of the hunters sent a ball after him as he bounded through the brush and timber, but, unscathed, he dashed on. as the day was fast waning we turned our horses' heads campward, and commenced the ascent of quite a high hill to take an observation of our latitude and longitude, and also to determine the exact location of our camp and the best route to it. the western side of this hill was covered with brush and fallen and dead timber. while we were standing on the top viewing the topography of the surrounding country, a large cinnamon bear, affrighted by our presence, started from his lair, and in all probability his patrimonial jungle, and dashed at a furious speed down through the brush and over the logs and rocks of this steep side-hill. we emptied our rifles at him as he plunged downward at such headlong speed. but one ball struck him and that broke his right shoulder, much diminishing his speed and almost entirely destroying his climbing powers. we soon came upon him at the foot of the hill in a bad humor, but we quickly ended his career. he was in fine condition; his estimated weight was from to pounds. we removed the pelt, with his feet, and took them into camp as a matter of curiosity; we also took the meat into camp, but it was not much relished. the hide as well as most of the meat was given to begging indians. at laramie a man and his wife and one child--a little girl between seven and eight years of age--asked permission to travel with us. the man had started the year before, got as far as laramie and had remained there during the winter. his team consisted of four yoke of young oxen, well conditioned for the trip. he had a hired man to drive them. he had a band of forty heifers and cows. many of the cows were giving milk; thinking a little milk in our coffee would give it a home flavor, we readily acceded to the request. we helped him to drive his loose stock and do the milking. when we asked her, by politeness called his better half, for a small quantity of milk, we found that we were dealing with a shylock. she had milk for sale, but not to give away. we were about to strike when the husband intimated that our canteens were useful. we took the hint, and after that, somehow, our coffee changed its color. to cut this narration short, let me say that while he was six feet tall and well proportioned, he stood still higher in the class of antivertebrates--henpecked nincompoops--than any specimen of the genus homo i have ever known; and she stood higher in her class of imperious virago. how a child, sweet in her disposition, and lovable in all her ways, could be the issue of such a union, was a mystery to us all. afterwards i had the pleasure of saving the little girl from drowning in the crossing of port neuf near fort hall. a majority of the company voted to go by way of fort hall and to cross the port neuf near its junction with the snake, instead of crossing it higher up, thus keeping continuously on the highlands. i protested, but finally yielded to this almost unanimous desire. i think the agreeable companionship of some of the factors of the company with whom we had become acquainted, at soda or steamboat springs on bear river, had much to do with this determination. from the fort, where we were hospitably entertained, to the bluff and road beyond the port neuf was about five miles. the water of the snake and the port neuf had but recently overflowed the valley between the two, and left it a miry quicksand morass, almost impossible of passing. it took us three days of hard labor and strenuous efforts to reach the bluffs. the heavily-loaded wagon of the nincompoop and the virago was almost constantly mired. we had little to do with him, but with her it was a constant conflict. at last we got her wagon to the river. he was on the highlands with the loose stock. the river for twenty feet or more was from seven to ten feet in depth. with a true team and a proper wagon this space could be safely passed. her team, however, consisting of a horse and a mule, when they reached deep water made a lunge, then balked. the wagon filled with water and the current turned it over. she had insisted on driving and on having the little girl with her in the wagon. when it went over quite a number of us young men, who had been working nearly all day in our drawers and undershirts, plunged into the stream, and as we passed over the cover of the sinking wagon seized it and stripped it from its bows. close beside me the little girl popped up; i seized her, and with a few strokes took her to shore, with no damage done her save a good wetting. it was a question, for a short time, whether the virago would drown the young men who were trying to save her, or they would succeed in their efforts. i went to their assistance and we brought her to the shore, but she needed the doctor's assistance. she had in ballast more water than was necessary, and by a rolling process was forced to give it up. their team having been safely extricated--the wagon and its contents on shore, and soon transported to highlands, we found among their contents a large demijohn of first class brandy, to all appearances never opened, probably because the snake country had not been reached; and as the dominant owner of said brandy was suffering from the too free use of water, we all drank to the toast, with a delicate courtesy, for her speedy delivery. oblivious of the fearful danger of microbes, each tipped the demijohn at an angle and for a duration of time suited to the occasion. this spiritual passage having become historic, we hitched up our teams and journeyed onward to a creek about two miles distant, where we camped for the night. next morning we bade a sorrowful adieu to the sweet, and much-loved and sprightly daughter of our train and our whilom companions, and resumed our journey down the left bank of the snake river. this road led us over a desolate and treeless plain of sage-brush and grease-wood. the sun, at times, sent down its rays with scorching power. the alkaline dust, betimes rolled up in suffocating volumes. the pleasures of the chase were at an end. this dreary and waterless plain was not the abode of animal life, save the lizard, the horn toad and the rattlesnake. game was said to be plentiful in the foothills and mountains, but they were too far away. the few indians scattered along the river and the far-separated and uncertain tributaries had, i am informed, no organized tribal relation, but were the vagabonds driven off by contiguous tribes. their subsistance was precarious, consisting of fish, grasshoppers, crickets or black locusts, and an occasional rabbit. but two incidents worthy of narration occurred in our journey down the river. one was a stampede of our horses by the indians about two o'clock a. m. one of the four men detailed to guard them on that night informed me that he was unwell, and i took his place. the horses were on excellent grass a little over a mile from camp. a short time before sundown we rolled up our blankets and with our arms, departed for our night's work. we all took a careful survey of the surroundings and the horses, and then two of us rolled ourselves up in our blankets to be awakened at one o'clock a. m. promptly at that time we were called. the watchmen reported that all was well; but the horses seemed a little restless and uneasy, and the watchmen thought that wolves were prowling around in the sage-brush, and although unseen by them, the presence of the wolves was detected by the keener scent and clearer vision of the horses. the night was star light and clear. the moon, when our watch commenced, was just lifting its pale head above the eastern hills. we made a circuit of the herd and passed among and through them, for some were spanselled and others had long trail ropes about their necks. finding all things in a satisfactory condition, my companion took his position on the left of the center of the herd, and i a similar position on the right. scarcely had we got to our position when a small band, or party, of indians suddenly arose from the sage-brush about midway between us, and, with a wild whoop and flourish of blankets, startled the horses and sent them, with all the speed they were capable of making, towards the distant western hills. i fired a shot at long range in the direction of the perfidious savages, but i am quite certain that it did them no harm. they immediately disappeared, however, in the thick sage-brush, and i saw no more of them until i had succeeded in stopping the horses. i got hold of several trail-ropes, one of which belonged to my favorite riding mare; i quickly mounted her, and with a dash i was soon in front of the affrighted animals. i talked to them; they knew my voice and stopped. the horse looks to his master as his protector. i have seen many proofs of this fact in my lonely wanderings in the hills and mountains, with no companion but my faithful horse. such a horse always knows where you are; if he does not, he will take your trail and come to you. if in a strange wood, and you get separated from him, he will often whinny; but i am digressing. after having succeeded in stopping the affrighted animals, i took a careful survey of my desolate surroundings. i saw to my left three indians standing on a slightly elevated ground, and i raised my rifle to fire. they saw my movement and they quickly dropped to the ground. i sent a bullet as near as i could to the spot; and while i think it did them no injury, yet it was a notice that i was armed, and an admonition not to come within range. i was satisfied that they were unarmed, save with bows and arrows, which, to be effective, required both ambush and a short range; so, although five or six miles from camp, i was fearful of neither. i saw that the horses, hobbled or spanselled, were very much impeded in their ability to travel, only being able to go by short jumps. dismounting, i unbuckled some and cut the hobbles of others. about three miles from camp i met a rescuing party, among whom was my guard companion. i was inclined to blame him for not accompanying me in my wild race, but i have long since forgiven him. such an incident was not uncommon in the early migrations to this coast. the attempts were numerous, but generally not as successful as this one. the next day, early in the morning, as we were moving slowly along at the foot of a high and bald ridge, whose top was enveloped in fog, we heard coming from the top a shrill voice saying in prolonged accents, "steal hoss--god dam!" some thought it to be the voice of an angel; others said that if the voice was that of an angel, it must have come from a fallen angel, because the language was very improper for one retaining his first estate; while others suggested that it was nothing, but an extract, or echo from my soliloquy, as i dodged through the sage-brush and grease-wood on that awful night in hot pursuit, of our affrighted and fleeing horses. despite the plausibility of this last suggestion, i adhere to lord byron's contention that the anatheme was the nucleus of england's native eloquence; and if so, why not of indian oratory? after passing around the point of this angelic ridge, the road diverges to the westward from snake river and passes over some high, bald ridges separating it from burnt river. on the afternoon of the th of july, an oppressively hot and sultry day, our train descended from a high and volcanic table land to the narrow valley of burnt river in southeastern oregon. the way down was through a long, narrow and treeless canyon into which the sun poured with focal power. this canyon, and, in fact, burnt river valley, is the home of the festive rattlesnake. he is of the large yellow bellied species, fierce in his war moods, and deadly when, from his spiral coil battery, "he pours at once his venom and his length." impatient with the slow progress we were making, myself and three other young men that night, resolved that in the morning we would dissolve our connection with the train, and hasten, with longer marches and quickened pace, to our journey's end. accordingly, early the next morning we packed our provisions, blankets and other personal effects on our horses, and, bidding adieu to our companions, shouldered our rifles and, with reliant faith in our ability to protect ourselves, started on. our course was up the narrow, silent and gloomy valley of burnt river. the banks of the river were fringed with a stunted growth of cottonwood and poplar. on either side were high and treeless hills of red earth and rocks, the still remaining evidence of the presence of tremendous igneous agencies in the far-distant past, and which, no doubt, gave the river its name. we camped at noon on a small brooklet which came rollicking down from its canyon home until it reached the valley, and then, embosomed in willows and tall rye grass, flowed silently on to the more noisy and pretentious river. a short distance from camp in a sunny glen we discovered an abundance of service berries and black currants, large, luscious and fully ripe. having tasted no fruit of any kind for over three months, that noonday repast was not only greatly relished by us, but it awakened associations of home and home life. as we feasted we talked of sister, mother and the bright-eyed girl far away. all things enjoyable must have an end. it was time to move on. on our return to camp we came across a monster rattlesnake, coiled up and defiant in his lonely home. having heard it said that tobacco was a deadly poison to this species of snake, we concluded to stop long enough to verify or disprove this saying. we cut some long willow switches and split the smaller end, into which we fastened a quantity of strong, fine-cut chewing tobacco, moistened so that the juice would flow freely, and then presented it to his worthy snakeship with our compliments. he struck it three times viciously. we could not induce him to strike it any more. he had got a quantity of the juice and some of the tobacco in his mouth. it manifestly had taken all the viciousness out of him. he was evidently subjugated. he began slowly to uncoil, and as he lay at full length a tremor passed over him and he was seemingly dead; but for fear he might recover we bruised his head, not with our heels, but with stones. in stating this little incident i have wandered somewhat from the thread of my narrative. i do this for two reasons: first, to show that i am a lover of experimental science; and, secondly, to show that the filthy weed may be put to a good purpose. late that afternoon we made our last camp in the dismal valley of burnt river. the next morning we made an early start, and found ourselves on a high sage-brush plateau just as old sol was lifting his fiery rim above the eastern horizon. to me an alkaline plain covered with unsightly sage-brush, burnt with fervent heat, destitute of water and animate with no carol of bird, or hum of insect, is the very symbol of desolation; a silent, monotonous and dreary waste, fit only for the habitation of lizards, horned toads, and other reptiles. such, to a great extent was the prospect before us. we consulted our guide-book and learned that the only water for over forty miles was a well or spring near the road, some twenty miles distant. we pushed on. the day was intensely hot. two o'clock came, and three, and four, but no spring. we had, evidently in our headlong eagerness to make distance, overlooked it. the sun went down in a bank of clouds, whose storm-heads loomed above the blue mountains, to our left. darkness came on. the gleam of lightning and the sullen roar of distant thunder warned us that a storm was coming. the fast-ascending clouds soon covered the sky, and the darkness became intense. we called a halt, and decided to stop for the night. we unpacked our horses and turned them loose with trail-ropes fastened to their necks. by the friendly aid of the lightning we were able to spread our blankets amid the sage-brush. i must confess that as i lay that night wrapped in my blankets, with a saddle for my pillow, startled ever and anon by the lightning's fearful glare, and listened to the rolling thunder as it reverberated with many voices through the canyons of the blue mountains, a spirit of absolute loneliness came over me. i was homesick. i thought of my father's home, where there was comfort and abundance. i was also troubled with the thought that our horses might hopelessly wander away in that night of storm. but balmy sleep--tired nature's sweet restorer--soon put an end to these melancholy reflections. i slept soundly despite the storm, and did not awake until the gray streaks of morning streamed up the eastern sky. when fairly awake, i leaped from my blankets, uncovered and examined my rifle, and after buckling on my belt in which were a colt's navy revolver and hunting knife, without disturbing my companions, i started on a hunt for our horses. i soon found their trail and followed it with quickened speed. i found them about three miles from camp in a beautiful little valley covered with grass, and through which flowed a small streamlet of pure cold water. after quenching my thirst and filling my canteen, i mounted my favorite animal, and rode back to camp, the others following. i arrived at camp before my companions had awakened. i aroused them with a wild whoop, and treated them all from the contents of my canteen. we speedily packed up and hastened onward in search of green fields, and especially running brooks. about eight o'clock we came to a tributary of powder river. here we cooked our breakfast, not having eaten anything but hard tack for over twenty-four hours. we made a late camp in the afternoon of that day on grand rounde river. the evening of the next day found us on the west bank of the umatilla river. these long and forced marches had begun to tell unfavorably on our horses. i was reminded of the declaration that man had better bottom and finer staying qualities than any animal, except the wolf. enured as we were to hardship and in perfect health, with no surplus flesh, and with muscles hardened by over three thousand miles of travel, mostly on foot, the wolf even, could ill afford to give us percentage in a race that involved staying qualities. our camp being an excellent one, and grass, wood and water, as well as fish and game, being abundant, we decided to remain for three days to recruit our jaded horses. while out hunting the next day, i came upon the camp of a white man, about a mile up the valley from our camp. i made bold to appear at the door of his tent, and found a middle-aged and jolly-looking man who received me with open-handed cordiality. with a smile he told me that his name was kane, that he was the indian agent for that portion of oregon. in answer to his inquiries i told him all i remembered about myself, and he, as a compensation, gave me a brief synopsis of his personal history. the conversation soon turned on indian habits and customs; the numerical strength of the tribes in the great columbia basin, their war tendencies and their desire of, and capability for a higher civilization, at least so far as the tribes under his supervision were concerned. he argued that they had already passed from the purely savage state to the pastorial; that they were owners of large bands of horses, had made a commendable start in the acquisition of horned cattle, and were very desirious of increasing their stock. he said that quite a number of individual indians owned from one hundred to five thousand head of horses, "and to convince you," he said, "that these indians desire to advance in the line of higher civilization, i may mention the fact that a cayuse chief, the fortunate owner of over , head of horses, and has an only and lovely daughter, offers to give head of valuable horses to any respectable white american who will marry his daughter, settle down among them, and teach them agriculture." he gave a glowing description of this maidenly flower, born to blush unseen, and waste her sweetness on the bunch-grass plain. touched by the inspiration of his eloquence, i inadvertently expressed my desire to see this incomparable princess. the agent responded that he had business with the chief and that he would accompany me on the morrow to his camp, situated about six miles up the valley. nine o'clock in the morning was fixed for starting. i returned to our camp, rehearsed to my companions the incidents of the day, and took an inventory of my rather limited wardrobe. be not alarmed, gentle reader; i am not about to tell you what my attire was on that interesting occasion; suffice it to say that it was becoming to an american sovereign. at the appointed time i was at the agent's camp. two horses saddled, with ropes around their lower jaw for bridles, were in readiness. i approached the one allotted to me, but as i neared it, it snorted and shied. i inquired if it was gentle. "perfectly so," was the emphatic answer. an indian held him, however, as i volted into the saddle. he let go, and we bounded away at a furious speed. at the distance of two miles or more i found him willing to yield to the pressure on his jaw and to slacken his headlong pace. we arrived at the indian village about a. m. it was stationed on the margin of the river in a beautiful grove of timber. it consisted of a dozen or more conical shaped tents. we rode up to the front of the principal one, dismounted, and hitched our horses by dropping the trail rope to the ground. the chief came to meet us, and his reception of the agent seemed to be very cordial. i was introduced as his friend, and we shook hands and said "klahowa" to each other. we entered the tent. there was no furniture, so we were seated on a roll of bed-clothing next to the wall. an animated conversation was kept up between the chief and the agent. i did not understand the indian dialect, nor could i then speak the classic jargon; hence i had plenty of time and opportunity for observation. my eyes rolled around the somewhat contracted royal mansion. i saw there a dumpy female of middle age, with a heavy but knotted and uncombed head of hair silently engaged in ornamenting a new pair of moccasins with steel and glass beads. this could not be the princess? the agent told me that the chief desired to talk with me about the incoming emigration; i assented, the agent acting as interpreter. this conversation ending, i went out to take a more accurate survey of the village. while standing in front of the chieftain's tent, a young indian woman, riding astride of a very fine horse, approached the tent. she reined up her steed a few feet in front of me, showed a little astonishment at my presence, and lightly dismounted without any assistance from me. she tarried for a moment to pet her horse, thus giving me an excellent chance for observation. while i can not say that her form was sylph-like and elegant, yet her features were not irregular, nor was her form misshapen. she was of medium height and stood erect. her head was covered with a luxuriant growth of dark coarse hair, flowing over her shoulders and extending down to her waist. her hair was neatly combed; around her neck she had several strings of different-colored beads, large and of bogus pearls; she had on a short gown closely fitting her neck and body, and extending to her knees; it was made out of soft buckskin and was tastefully ornamented with beads, and fringed around the bottom; her lower limbs were wrapped in buckskin leggings with fringed stripes at the sides; her feet were covered with a neat pair of moccasins, ornamented with beads. such was the chieftain's daughter as i then saw her. she dashed by me and entered the tent. i soon after followed. i judged from the long and inquiring stare of the mother, and the quick and abashed look of the daughter, that the agent and chief were talking about me; and i subsequently learned that such was the fact. by invitation of the chief we stayed for dinner. i will not detain you by a description of that repast. after dinner we smoked the pipe of peace and friendship, then bade adieu to the chieftain and rode back to our camp. the next day i went up to the agent's camp and wrote for the "detroit free press" a description of the umatilla valley and the surrounding country, stated the number of indians residing there, their mode of life, their habits and customs, together with their desire for civilization. i stated the generous offer of the cayuse chief, and closed with a glowing description of the dusky princess. i mailed the letter at the dalles. in due time we arrived in the willamette valley. over three months elapsed before i received a copy of the free press containing my letter. by a strange perversion the printer had changed the word "cayuse" into "hans." this explained a mystery. quite a number of letters directed to the chief of the "hans" indians, care of the superintendent of indian affairs for oregon, had been received by him. no one knowing anything about the hans indians. these letters were afterwards published in the oregon papers. i will give from memory a synopsis of two of them. the first was written by a michigan man, and he was endorsed by lewis cass, henry ward beecher and many other noted persons. it was a plain, straight-forward letter and unconditionally accepted the chieftain's offer. he desired to be speedily notified, in order that he might come on to accept his patrimony and open his agricultural school. the other letter was written by a virginian. he was endorsed by the senators of that state and by most of its representatives in congress. a daguerreotype accompanied the letter. this gallant gentleman stated to the chief that he would scorn to accept the hand of the daughter unless he could first win her heart. he flattered himself, however, that he would have no difficulty in that matter. the whole tone of the letter was that of a regular masher. i do not know whether these letters ever reached the chief and his fair dusky daughter or not, nor do i know whether he was blessed or cursed with a white son-in-law. my belief is that the perverseness of that detroit printer obstructed the civilization of a tribe. in conclusion, the jolly indian agent was gathered to his fathers years ago. the bow has fallen from the nerveless grasp of the generous chieftain. the princess may still be alive; if so, and if her eyes by chance should fall upon these lines, she will, no doubt, remember the bashful and ungallant young man who met her in front of her royal father's mansion in the beautiful umatilla valley in . on the morning of the fifth day after our arrival in the beautiful and fertile valley of the umatilla we resumed our journey. our first point of destination was the dalles. there we replenished our nearly exhausted stock of provisions. from thence, our first camp was at the eastern base of the cascade mountains. we passed over this rugged and densely-timbered range by the barlow route. in addition to the stillness of the solemn and continuous woods, and the majestic splendor of the amphitheatre of surrounding mountains, there is the steep descent at once of laurel hill from a summit plateau to the valley of the sandy river below. while it involves some sacrifice of truth to call this the descent of a hill, it requires a greater poetic imagination, from the few stunted madronas, not laurels, standing on the western rim, of this summit table-land, to call the place laurel hill. i saw wagons with their household goods and gods descend this so-called hill. none but pioneers on whose brow and face sunshine and storm had stamped their heraldic honors, who had swam cold and turbulent mountain streams, had passed down steep, rocky and dangerous canyons, and had crossed treacherous streams of quicksand, would ever have attempted this descent. to such seasoned veterans, impossibilities had a constantly diminishing radius. with a steady yoke of oxen--or a true and biddable span of horses--with a long and strong rope fastened to the hind axle-tree of the wagon and wound around some contiguous tree and gradually loosened, the wagons were safely let down these rough and almost perpendicular descents. my information is that no wagons pass over this road now. it answers for a bridle-path and pack-trail, and no more. old mount hood, along whose southern base we passed, stood forth in her imperial grandeur. the waters of the columbia wash her northern base and the southern base of mount adams, her sister peak. a huge rock-ribbed canyon, at the bottom of which rolls the oregon, separates the two. an interesting indian tradition connected with these mountains has a narrow yet substantial footing in fact, but a broader, more airy and more poetic foundation in myth. it runs thus: prior to the tremendous conflict and convulsions mentioned herein, the waters of the columbia and of its many tributaries were confined in the great basin east of the cascade mountains. they had no outlet to the ocean. mount hood and mount adams had for ages been friends; but in process of time they became estranged. that estrangement deepened in intensity until it culminated in a tremendous conflict. they hurled giant boulders at each other. from their tops they sent against one another huge and flaming volumes of fire and molten lava. in their herculean and supreme efforts for victory they tore asunder the mountains and let the long-accumulated waters of the upper basin rush downward to the ocean. thus, was their separation made final and irrevocable. it is not in the line of this narrative to marshal the reasons for, or against the probability, or improbability, of indian legends. if i should depart from this rule in this instance, i would say that the similarity of the rocks on both sides of the great columbia river gorge; the presence of submarine shells embedded in the great eastern basin, as well as the formation of its converging ridges, and the character of its soil, lend a certain tinge of verification to a portion of this legend. the other portion may be taken as a poetic description of volcanic action, with an attendant earthquake or seismic convulsion of great intensity, and of tremendous force. from this speculation, let us return to more solid ground. there are two rivers heading near the same point, in the marshes and the highest tableland of the cascade mountains. the waters of the one, flow eastward and find the columbia by a tortuous course east of the mountains; the waters of the other, flow westward and empty in the columbia above the mouth of the willamette. the barlow road is located on the northern side of this depression, or break in the mountains. let this brief, and imperfect geographic statement serve as an introduction to the following incident: late in the fall of a large ox-train, with many loose cattle, attempted the ascent of the mountains by the eastern river, but were finally blockaded by the constantly-increasing depth of snow. there were many women and children, as well as stalwart men, in the train. the situation was perilous, threatening great suffering, and the possibility of starvation; hence, two men were deputed to cross the intervening snow-fields to the willamette valley for assistance. r. and b. were the men chosen for the difficult task; and with both of them i subsequently became well acquainted. equipped with snow-shoes, they successfully passed over the summit's ridges to the desolate base of old mt. hood. here they were enveloped in a dense fog--that most fearful of all calamities to a man in unknown woods, or mountains. even to the experienced hunter or trapper, familiar with the topography of a mountain range, or a dense forest, the coming-in or settling-down of a fog envelopment, is viewed with apprehension, and alarm. a fog obliterates all the landmarks. darkness has different shades of blackness;--the depth before you has an intensified blackness; the shadow of a mountain peak makes its huge column, or wooded side still darker. r. and b. became bewildered in the continuous fog. their provisions were exhausted, and they were subsisting on snails. r. was six feet and well proportioned--brawny and enured to toil; b. was smaller and of a more delicate constitution. r. was a pronounced skeptic; b. was a man of faith and inclined to look for safety to a higher power when immediate danger was impending: hence, while r. was eagerly hunting for food, b. was engaged in prayer. one day, deep down under the snow, r. found the slimy trail of a snail; it led directly under b.'s knee. r. pushed b. aside, saying: "get out of my way--i am nearly frantic for that snail." the game was soon captured, and r. generously divided it with his starving companion. at the conclusion of their scanty feast, b. said to r.: "you are much stronger than i am, and you will probably survive me: now, if i die, what will you do with me?" "eat you, sir: eat you!" was the emphatic reply. b., in his subsequent narration of the incident, said that the idea was so abhorrent to him that it nerved him up until their escape was made. the families were rescued, and they came down the columbia river to the willamette valley, while most of the stock was left on good pasturage east of the mountains. r. and b. have long since been gathered to their fathers. their trials, difficulties and dangers are over. may they rest in peace! crossing the sandy we arrived at foster's, situated at the west end of the barlow road and at the western base of the cascade mountains. we were now in the great willamette valley. what a change presented itself! here were green fields, meadows and pasturage lands. the breezes were moist and balmy. for over three months we had been crossing over scorched and desolate plains, encountering quite a number of sunburnt, treeless and waterless deserts. in this valley vegetation of all kinds was luxuriant and the smaller fruits abundant. for over three months we had eaten no vegetable food, and we never before so warmly appreciated the beauty and poetry of beets, onions, cabbages, potatoes and carrots. i remained in the vicinity of foster's for four days. on the evening of the fourth day a rancher by the name of baker, who lived on the clearwater offered me employment. he had let in the sunlight on about ten acres of very fertile soil in the dense forest. this he cultivated in vegetables. he took a canoe-load every day to oregon city, distant about five miles by his water route. my business was to prepare these vegetables for transportation, for which i received five dollars per day; but one morning he set me to rail making and after working a day at it i struck. he was much amused at my rail making performance. he asked me if i could shoot well; i answered that that was just to my hand. so the next day we took our rifles and went up the creek-bottom and found deer very plentiful. i shot two fine bucks while they were bounding away, and baker was much pleased by my ability in this line; so he offered me six dollars a day for every day that i would furnish him, on the bank of the creek, two deer. i successfully did this for ten days, when, the game becoming somewhat scarce in that vicinity, he wanted me to go out some six or seven miles into the foothills of the mountains. this proposition carried with it so much loneliness and isolation, that it was declined. while wandering through the valley of the clearwater and the adjacent hills, i was much struck with the wonders of petrification. i saw huge fir-logs, petrified. i can never think of what i then saw without recalling a story which i heard while delegate to congress, and at washington city. congress always makes liberal appropriations for the investigation of the flora and fauna, and the mineral indications, as well as the water supply or rainfall, in the territories, and in the desert portions of the united states. rugged old ben wade, while a senator from ohio, always opposed these appropriations as a waste of the people's money in what he styled, bug-hunting expeditions. two scientists, eminent for their learning, and known as major hayden and captain powell, were usually employed in these explorations. the major was said to be something of a martinet, while the captain was an excellent judge of human nature, and had plenty of what the philosopher locke called "round-about common-sense." while on one of these scientific exploring expeditions these two gentlemen were in the mountains near pike's peak. that country abounds in fine specimens of petrification. one day the major met a company of miners, and related to them the wonderful specimens of petrification seen by him that day. the miners listened with eloquent, but i fear insincere, attention to the major's statement. when he had concluded, one of them said: "if you will go with me, major, to the other side of the ridge, i will show you a specimen of petrification that discounts anything you have seen today." the major listened while the miner said, that at the base of a nearly perpendicular wall of rock, extending upward several hundred feet, there was an indian with a rifle in his hand pointing at an angle upward towards the rock; that both indian and rifle were petrified; that the smoke around the muzzle of the gun was petrified; and, what was more wonderful, that a short distance from the muzzle of the gun a cougar was petrified right in the air. the major showed some uneasiness as the story proceeded, and said at its conclusion: "i was inclined to believe you when you began, but now i know you are lying." the miner softly put his hand to his pistol, but, relenting, said: "you are a tenderfoot and i forgive you; but why did you say i was lying?" "because," said the major, "i know that the laws of gravitation would bring that cougar down." "the laws of gravitation be damned," said the miner, "they were petrified too." i visited oregon city with my friend, and observed the beautiful falls of the willamette and the waste of electrical and mechanical power. returning to his humble home, i bade him the next day a regretful good-bye, and with my horses started for a point in mill creek valley, six or seven miles south of salem, to the home of a friend with whom i became acquainted on the plains. this friend had taken up a claim, and i found him busily engaged in the erection of a building which might be styled in architecture as a midway between a dwelling house and a cabin. he had determined, as soon as this structure was completed, to go to the mines in southern oregon. i also concluded to try my luck in digging for gold. in the latter part of october, , in company with two other gentlemen, we started for the mines in rogue river valley, southern oregon. the habitations in the willamette valley at that time were few and far between. large bands of spanish cattle roamed over, and found ample food in the upper portion of the valley. it was dangerous for a footman to pass through that country. on horseback he was safe. but little of interest occured on this trip. my friend claimed to be and he was an expert rider. he had a large and powerful spanish horse as his riding animal. while in the umpqua valley he mounted this horse one morning without saddle or bridle on a steep hill. the horse viciously resented this breach of etiquette and plunged with stiff-legged vaults downward and sideways on the steep incline, throwing his rider over his head. the rider struck with his full weight and the momentum of the horse's motion, on his right hand, throwing the small bones, to which some of the muscles of the inner arm are attached, out of their sockets at the base of the palm of the hand. the tendency was for these muscles still further to contract--thus aggravating his injury. the nearest doctor was fifty miles away. upon examination, i concluded that these small bones ought to be forced into their proper place, if possible, before inflammation intervened. we accordingly placed the injured man upon his back on the ground, and as the operation would be very painful, the others held him securely while i forced these bones back into their sockets. then we bound the wrist tightly, so as to keep them in place. when we arrived at the doctor's he, after an examination, complimented me highly for my surgical skill, and gave me credit for saving the wrist of the injured man. on our way to the mines we passed through what is known as the canyon in the mountain-spur that separates the umpqua country from the rogue river county. people now passing through this canyon scarcely appreciate the difficulties attending the passage which then existed. the canyon is formed by two streams, both heading in a small pond or lake at the summit of the mountain; the one that flows northward is called canyon creek. it was then crossed eighty-four times by the road. the other stream flowed southward and was crossed by way of the road over sixty times. in the rainy season, and especially when the mountains were covered, or blockaded with snow, the passage was almost impossible. the passage was strewn with the wrecks of wagons and the bones of horses and mules. subsequently, congress made an appropriation of $ , for a military road through this mountain gorge. this money was faithfully expended by general hooker. the distance through the canyon is about nine miles. general hooker built the military road on the side of the mountain. in quite a number of places you can sit in the stage and look down into a nearly perpendicular and sunless abyss hundreds of feet in depth. large sums of money have since been expended by toll corporations, to keep this military road passable and in repair. we arrived at jacksonville, in southern oregon, in the first part of november. to a person who prior to that time had always been accustomed to a different order of society, and who had never visited the mines in the palmy days of california, a new social order was manifest. i state the facts and the impression they made upon me as a tenderfoot; but i ought to add that since that time, having become somewhat familiar with such scenes, my moral sense has toughened, so that my ability to "endure" is far greater now, than then, though my judgment as to the ultimate moral result of such a social order has never changed. there were in jacksonville and its immediate vicinity from seven to eight thousand men, possibly more. the coat as an article of dress had fallen into "innocuous desuetude." soft slouch hats were universally worn. there were but a few women, and most of them not angelic. the mines were rich, money was abundant, and gambling rampant. i ought not to omit the dance-halls that pointed the lurid way to perdition. i said that money was abundant; i do not mean by this that much united states gold coin was in circulation. there was a five-dollar gold piece that had its origin in oregon. it was stamped on one side with the words "united states of america," and on the reverse side with the impress of a beaver; hence, it was called "beaver money." it was of the same size of the minted half-eagle, but contained more of gold. the other piece of money in circulation was octahedron in shape or form. it was stamped on one side the same as the beaver money, and on the reverse side were the words "fifty dollars." it contained more gold than the same weight of minted coin; but the money used in nearly all transactions was gold dust; hence, every merchant, saloonkeeper or gambler had his gold scales at command. gold dust had a standard value of sixteen dollars per ounce, and purchases were paid for in gold dust. there was some silver in circulation, but the lowest denomination was twenty-five cents. a drink of milk, glass of beer or any other liquor, was twenty-five cents. sunday was partly a laundry day, but mostly a gala day. mining ceased on that day. all came to town to see the sights, to hear the news, to try their luck at the gambling tables, or to purchase supplies for the coming week. this day was a harvest day for the gambler, the saloonkeeper, and the merchant. while there was a large quantity of alcoholic beverages consumed, drunkennes was at a minimum. nearly everyone carried a pistol in his belt, and a sheath-knife in his boot. homicides were not frequent; this was due to the character possessed by the great body of miners, who acted on the great law of honor, and to the fact that to call a man a liar or to impeach the honor of his origin, or to use towards him any epithet imputing dishonor, was to invite the contents of a pistol into the accuser's physical economy. the laws of chivalry and honor were the only laws obeyed in such matters. this kind of society, rough and uncouth in its exterior, had a strong basis in the nobler principles of a chivalric manhood. it had also a poetic side, being composed principally of young men; it did not suppress the finer impulses and feelings of their better nature. as an illustration: there was located in the valley a family, consisting of husband and wife and two children. they had quite a number of cows and kept milk for sale. a large number of young men used to visit this family every sunday for the ostensible purpose of buying milk, when the real purpose was to see someone who had the form, the purity and the affection of a mother. when they left the humble abode of this mother, they talked of their own mothers, of home and its sweet recollections. the strong ligaments of a mother's love serves as a moral anchor to them in the billowy storms of life, even far away from that mother. personal property of great value, such as gold in sluice boxes, though unguarded, was perfectly secure. the sneak thief, the burglar and the robber were conspicuous by their absence. probably the certainty, promptness and severity of the punishment deterred their visitation. there were no churches in that mining town, and religious services were infrequent. i remember one incident in this line: a methodist minister, by the name of stratton, came over from california and notices were posted that he would preach the next sunday. there was a large building in process of erection for a gambling-house on the opposite side of the street from the principal gambling saloon. the roof was on this new building and a large party of us, desiring to hear the gospel again preached, fitted up this hall with seats from the unused lumber. the minister had a large audience, the seats were all filled and hundreds stood on the outside of the building. he was an able and eloquent man and presented the simple story of the gospel in a very forcible and earnest manner. when he had concluded his sermon, the contribution-box was passed around and carried across the street to the gambling saloon, and they all contributed liberally, some of them dropping into the box a fifty-dollar gold piece. as soon as he had pronounced the benediction, two mounted auctioneers, one desiring to sell a horse, the other a mule, requested the audience to remain while they offered them bargains and cried the virtues of these animals. most of the audience did remain and the bidding was quite spirited and animated; so you see that that congregation had an opportunity to hear the gospel, to buy a horse or a mule, as each man's wants might demand. civil government had not been extended over that section of the country. the only system they had was the alcalde system. this was borrowed from california, and by the californians was borrowed from the mining jurisprudence of spain. every mining community of any considerable size had its alcalde. he held his office by election, and his jurisdiction swept over the entire field of jurisprudence. there was no appeal from his judgments or decrees. jacksonville and its mining community had such an officer; his name was rogers. i think he was a lawyer, but had long since ceased to practice. he was a grey-headed and venerable-looking man. he administered the unwritten and the unclassified law of justice and equity as it appeared to him from the facts of each case heard by him. his judgments and decrees were promptly enforced; but there came a change. in the fall of ' four men in the willamette valley formed themselves into a co-partnership for mining purposes, and with their horses and provisions went to jackson creek to try their fortune at mining. at first they were not successful. provisions running low, they dispatched one of their number to the willamette valley with their horses to bring in an ample supply of provisions for the fast-approaching winter. this partner, sent on such a mission, became acquainted on his trip with a blooming damsel who had just crossed the plains. he made love to her; she reciprocated, and they were married. the season had far advanced when the honeymoon was over. he brought, however, on his delayed return an abundant supply of provisions. his partners during his absence, had located some claims, opened them and found them very rich. but on his return, while they accepted the provisions, they denied to him all accounting, and refused to acknowledge his interest in the new-found claims. he brought an action before the alcalde for an accounting and for the affirmation of his interest in the claims. the alcalde, after hearing and fully considering the facts of the case, granted both of the petitions. up to this time i had had no employment in the case and had taken but a general interest in it. the defeated parties called a miners' convention, whose declared object was the election of a judge of appeals for that and other cases. my connection with the case commenced at this point. i was employed by the successful party before the alcalde, and by others, to oppose this movement. at the appointed time nearly all of the miners of jackson creek and its vicinity assembled in convention at the appointed place. the feeling for and against the proposition was quite intensified. after the convention was organized i arose and with some trepidation addressed the large crowd. i was listened to throughout with silent and respectful attention. i took the position, first, that inasmuch as the machinery of civil government had not as yet been extended over that district of the country, the alcalde system prevailed, and thousands upon thousands of valuable properties had changed hands by virtue of the alcalde judgments and decrees and their enforcement, and the property rights of many were dependent upon the validity and stability of such judgments and decrees, all would be endangered by the proposed change; that his ministerial officers might be subject to prosecution; that under such circumstances we had better stand upon the records of the past,--records as old as the institution of mining in the united states. i further argued that if we attempted to complicate affairs by the election of a judge of appeals, and possibly by the institution of other tribunals for the correction of error, we turn a system simple in itself, and beneficent in its operations in the past, into a complicated farce. i argued in favor of the probability of the legislature, when it extended its machinery of civil government over that section of country, passing an act validating the judgments and decrees or providing for a liberal mode and time for an appeal from them. my last point, omitting others, was that this movement had its origin in, and promotion by, the parties defeated in the alcalde's court. if they had the power to secure a determination in favor of a court of appeals they certainly had power to elect the judge of appeals; that as this would be the first case to be heard by him, they certainly would not elect a judge who was not favorable to their interests; and that it had the appearance to me of a court organized to convict or to reverse. i pushed this point with every reason and every illustration and consideration that i could command. i appealed in conclusion to their native sense of justice and equity, and closed after speaking a little over an hour. i was roundly applauded. my opponent was what was known in the states as a pettifogger. i use this term not opprobriously. he was an old miner and possessed the power of rough-edged ridicule and philippics. he thought that the best way to answer my argument was to annihilate me. his description of a beardless tenderfoot coming all the way from michigan to teach veteran miners what they ought to do, or ought not to do was certainly amusing, if not overdrawn by its exaggeration. he was frequently applauded by his side. when he was through the voting commenced. the contending forces arrayed themselves on each side of a line, with a space of four or five feet between them. the pulling and hauling across the space was continuous. after several efforts to make an accurate count, it was reported to the president that there was a majority of from three to ten in favor of the proposition. the next move was to select a judge of the court of appeals. this was soon accomplished. the judge so elected notified the parties of the time and place where the appeal was to be heard. at the appointed time i appeared and filed a written protest and demurrer to his jurisdiction. when i had finished reading them he promptly, and without hearing the other party, overruled both protest and demurrer. he heard the case anew and promptly reversed the judgment of the alcalde. i think this was the only case the judge of appeals ever heard. nothing but the dignity of the office remained. in after years i became well acquainted with said judge, but i never mentioned the subject to him. a more extended account of this affair is given in one of bancroft's histories of the coast. the record or papers filed by me in this case, i have been informed, are in the archives of jackson county. two incidents occurred late in the fall of ' which as they are somewhat historical in their character and results, may bear narration. rogue river valley was unoccupied and afforded abundant pasturage for horses and mules and horned cattle. some enterprising fellow had just pre-empted all of that portion of the valley west of bear creek, and received stock for pasturage on that pre-empted domain, at so much per head. late in the fall, four fine american horses had been stolen from this pasture. the theft was immediately attributed by the owners, and by the keepers of the stock, to the indians. a party of hot-headed fellows, headed by the owners of the lost horses, went to the indian ranceree on rogue river and took four of its younger men as prisoners, or rather as hostages--threatening to kill them if the stock was not delivered within a week. the hostages were brought to jacksonville and strictly confined until the time should elapse. this action created great excitement among the indians, and to save the lives of their companions they hunted for the lost animals in every direction, but could find no trace of them. the rogue river indians gave it as their opinion that a band of klamath indians but recently in rogue river valley, on a trading expedition, had stolen the horses and driven them across the mountains to the klamath lake country. the fatal day arrived and the horses were unfound; and the determination was expressed by a large party of miners, reinforced by the gambling element, to carry the threat into execution. one of the indians asked that he might talk to the whites before he was led out to execution. his request, after some considerable opposition, was finally granted. his speech was interpreted into english and ran, as far as i remember it, about as follows: he said that neither himself nor his companions had stolen the horses, and that they knew nothing about their loss; that the white man did not claim that they stole the horses, but they were to be killed because others had stolen the white man's horses, and neither they nor their friends were able to deliver them up to the white man; that the indians had always treated the white man kindly--when he was hungry they gave him something to eat--but the white man had taken possession of their country, had driven the game far away into the mountains, had decreased the number of fish in the rivers and streams by muddying their waters, and had by the tramping of their horses and cattle destroyed the kamas and kouse upon which they largely subsisted and had entirely destroyed the grass and other seeds which they gathered in large quantities for food; that he felt like one wandering alone in the deep fog and dark timber on a mountain side, and he heard the voice of the spirits of his fathers calling to him "be quiet and brave; the great spirit will avenge you." he closed. someone moved that the punishment be mitigated to whipping. i protested against any punishment at all, but voted for the mitigation. the motion carried; the poor innocent indians were led away to receive the punishment; but i must say that the executioner of the sentence did not lay on the lash in a severe and brutal manner. the indians were told to go; and they stayed not on the order of their going, but left with good speed. such unjustified acts are pregnant with trouble, and the indian war followed soon after. there lies east of the southern portion of rogue river valley a wide slope of land free from timber and ending at the rim of the mountain, and beyond and easterly from which--there is a high mountain table land--covered with fine green timber, among which sleep verdant valleys whose arms extend like the radius of a star, in every direction. some of these valleys are wet and marshy, while others are dry and produce a rich and abundant growth of bunch grass. there was a large number of stock pastured in this section of country. occasionally a small band of the fattest and largest steers would mysteriously disappear from this range. the number disappearing increased each successive year. the cattle men became alarmed, and organized an armed and mounted patrol to keep guard and watch over their stock. in the fall of ' it was reported that some five or six fine steers were missing from their accustomed range. a search was immediately made and the trail of the missing cattle discovered. it led over the rim into the mountain basin or plateau, above referred to and across a marsh, now, and from this circumstance, called dead indian prairie, and up a narrow arm of the prairie to a mountain culmination in a lonely spot, surrounded on nearly all sides by a dense growth of tall chapparal brush. here the carcasses of the cattle, also the bodies of three indians were found, with all the indications that they had been recently killed. these patrol men said that they also found the meat of the slaughtered cattle on platforms, with a slow fire of hardwood still burning beneath them. thus the process of jerking preparatory to packing was in full operation. they gave it as their opinion that the cattle had been stolen by klamath indians, and that a party of predatory modocs came upon them a short time before the patrol men appeared, and, finding a good opportunity to supply themselves with food, shot down the klamaths; but that before they could appropriate to themselves the booty, the whites made their appearance and the modocs hid away in the chapparal brush. this theory was received by their employers as rational and satisfactory. in ' i visited this country for the first time--having heard the story, i sought the spot where the tragedy occurred. there were still the bleached bones of the cattle and the whitened skeletons of three indians. the platform was still standing, and the extinguished brands of charcoal and the ashes, of the vine-maple fire still existed. it was late in the afternoon. the sun was fast disappearing behind the western hills. i hesitated for a moment whether to take a long route by way of the narrow prairie to our camp, or to go down the brush-covered mountain sides and thus cut off at least a mile of the distance. the side of the mountain down which i determined to go, was said to be infested with grizzly. i examined my rifle and pistol, to see if they were in order and then with rapid strides commenced the descent. when about half way down i heard a rustling in the brush to my left; i turned and looked in that direction, and saw two large grizzlies on their haunches attentively surveying me. my first thought was to shoot; but as my rifle was a muzzle loader, i concluded that discretion was the better part of valor, inasmuch as there were two of them--hence i stood quiet till they dropped out of sight in the brush. i did not allow the grass to grow much under my feet, as i dodged through the chapparal brush to reach the prairie beyond. i am convinced that i could have killed one of them, but what to do with his enraged mate, was the question. i remember the answer of a young man, who, while hunting, came across a grizzly probably in her own jungle, in about the same way. he was asked why he did not shoot; his answer was, that it would be some honor for a man to kill a full grown grizzly, but a far greater honor for a grizzly to kill a man. this great basin--circular in form and some eight miles in diameter--has been visited by me in connection with hunting parties many times since. it is, or was in former years the hunter's paradise; but i am informed that the cattle men--the pre-emptor, and the homesteaders, and timber monopolizers--have extended their dominion over the luxuriant grass-producing prairies and the magnificent forests of pine, fir, hemlock and larch, and have driven the game far back into the fastnesses of the mountains. the indian kills only to satisfy his wants and with only imperfect instruments of destruction; he did not menace the entire extinction of the beasts of the field and forest, hence game of every kind existed and multiplied all around him; but to the white man, armed with a repeating rifle, and fired with a devouring avarice their doom is fixed. nothing but the intervention of the strong arm of the law can avert the decree of annihilation. having alluded to this matter once before in these sketches i will not pursue it further here. black-tail deer were abundant on this mountain plateau, and it did not take long for a party of good shots to obtain all the venison desired. we did not kill for the mere love of slaughter, but for food and for the attendant excitement and recreation of hunting. there roamed through these forests numerous small bands of elk; i say small bands, for i have never seen them here in such large herds as i have seen in the coast and olympic ranges of mountains. they seemed to exist here in family groups, ranging in number from three to seven or eight. i counted one group, however, numbering fifteen, in an exploring expedition in the dark woods near the base of snow-crowned mount mclaughlin. i had a fine opportunity to shoot a good sized buck whose head was crowned with large and fine antlers; but was so distant from camp and the ground was so rough and difficult of access, that i forebore, and seated myself on a rock to study their habits and to watch their movements. these small bands were quite difficult to find, for the elk is a great roamer, but with pluck and perseverance, and the discomforts of sleeping on their trail perhaps for one night, we were usually successful, unless the trail led into the impassable breaks in the mountains. the bear family was well represented in this mountain plateau. the black, the brown, the cinnamon, the grizzly and what is known among hunters as the mealy-nosed brown bear, were plentiful. this last species of bear, if it be proper to call them a species, i have always thought was a cross between the grizzly and the brown bear. his nose or muzzle up to his eyes is nearly white. like many crosses, he inherits all the bad qualities of his progenitors, and seemingly, none of their good qualities. in size he is between the grizzly and the brown bear. while most of the species of the bear family will run on the approach of man, unless one comes upon them suddenly in their patrimonial jungle, or a female with her cubs, the mealy-nosed bear is inclined to stand his ground, and to resent any crowding upon him. doctor livingston says, in his book of travels in africa, that if you come upon the lion in the day time, he will face you and quietly look at you; and if you stand still he will in a short time turn and look at you over his shoulder, and then commence easily to move away, and when he thinks he is out of sight he will bound off with accelerated speed. the mealy-nosed brown bear acts very much in the same manner. hunting parties sometimes have with them a leash of trained bear-dogs, and they always close the hunt in a chase for bruin. there is in this kind of sport a dash of danger, that makes it all the more exciting. hunters, like poets, are born. keenness of vision, presence of mind in case of conflict or danger, together with steadiness of nerve, are the essential characteristics of a true hunter. no practice or exercise can fully supply these qualities. i could narrate many exciting and dangerous conditions, or situations, arising from the want of some of these qualities; but as the actors may be living, i omit them. i am at liberty to narrate only my own acts and mistakes. i cannot omit from these sketches the first grizzly killed by me. myself and companion were camping on dead indian prairie, when we were informed that there were some fresh elk-tracks near a large wet prairie some three miles from our camp. we started out to hunt for these elks. we went up a narrow prairie through which flowed a small brook to a larger prairie through which this brook also flowed. the brook was fringed on each side with a thick growth of willows from three to five rods in width. we hitched our horses near the larger prairie, and my companion was to go carefully through the timber on the right hand, while i was to cross the brook and carefully scout the timber on the left hand. shortly after i had crossed the brook and got a good view of the prairie beyond, i saw a large grizzly feeding near the outer line of the willows. he was some sixty or seventy rods away. i considered for a moment, my plan of action. i had left my pistol at the camp and had only my rifle and hunting-knife. i kept in the timber out of sight until i got opposite to him and probably about forty rods away. grass on the prairie was tall, and i concluded that as i only had one shot, i would get closer to him; so i crawled through the grass towards him until i was possibly twenty rods away. he commenced to act as though all was not right, and he stood listening, reared upon his haunches, and snuffing the air. i began to get a little nervous. i desired to get a shot at or near the butt of his ear. while he was listening, however, he kept turning his head from me and towards the willows. i concluded that i could strike his heart, and quickly brought my rifle in position, and fired. he fell to the ground; i arose to my feet and commenced to reload. my rifle was muzzle-tight, and i had to carry in my pouch a bullet-starter. having got the powder in the gun and started the ball, just as i pulled the ramrod he arose to his feet. as i was in plain view, he started directly for me. casting my eye around, i saw a hemlock tree, with pendent limbs, some thirty or more rods away. i started for it with all the speed i possessed. as he was running on a kind of circle hypothenuse, i could see that he was rapidly closing the space between us. he was probably fifteen or twenty feet from me when i dropped my rifle and leaped for the branches of the tree. my aspirations were lofty just then. had he come on, he might possibly have gotten me, but i was soon out of his reach. he stopped to grasp my rifle and shook it violently. it was a half-stocked rifle, and he bit off a portion of the stock. he stayed around the tree some three or four minutes licking his wound, which i subsequently found was less than half an inch too high. it was a mortal shot, but did not produce immediate death. he suddenly leaped to his feet and dashed off to a thicket of chapparal some twelve or thirteen rods away. i descended from the tree, found my rifle to be in an effective condition, rammed down the ball, put on a cap and ran for a tree standing outside of the chapparal brush--listened and looked; and i quickly saw him. he had run into the forks of a felled tree and had all the appearance of life. i fired at the butt of his ear, but he did not move. i reloaded and carefully approached him and found him to be dead. he was poor, but was estimated to weigh some two hundred and fifty or three hundred pounds. we took his pelt, and after a good deal of persuasion and blindfolding my riding-horse took it into camp. moral: no man has the right to hunt grizzly bear with a muzzle-loading rifle and muzzle-tight at that. i have several times since then, either alone or with a hunting companion, met them, and with a remington repeater found no difficulty in commanding the situation. the winter of -' was distinguished for--so far as the memory of the oldest inhabitants recalled--its unprecedented deep fall of snow. rogue river valley is rimmed around on all sides by high ranges of mountains. these mountain ranges were rendered impassable for pack trains or other modes of transportation. the supply of provisions in the mines grew less and less, until it was nearly exhausted. flour and beef, the staples of the miners' diet, went up to a dollar a pound and more; salt was worth nearly its weight in gold. this was the result of a corner, however. in these circumstances myself and three partners, who had purchased some mining claims a considerable distance down rogue river, took our blankets, rifles and a scanty supply of provisions on our backs and started for our claims. it was with some difficulty that we were able to reach them. they were gulch claims, and if intelligently worked under fair conditions of the weather would yield about an ounce a day to each laborer. we commenced work on them, but the weather was so inclement and the snow fall so continuous that we suspended. i ought to have stated that there was quite a good log cabin on the claims. my partners all claimed to be good hunters, but showed no disposition to try or show their skill in that regard. i did all the hunting and succeeded in keeping the camp quite well supplied with venison. i finally tired of their masterly inactivity, and my strenuous work in wallowing about in the snow. i also ceased hunting. the provisions were soon exhausted. nothing was left but coffee and sugar, of which we had a fair supply. with a drink of strong coffee well saturated with sugar, and jolly in spirit, we treated the situation as a huge joke. we all started out for venison. i saw nothing during the day, but frequently heard the report of the rifles of my partners. each shot was full of hope. we all returned quite late in the evening, and the report of nothing killed was somewhat dismaying. we made, however, a cup of strong coffee--told our best stories, then rolled ourselves in our blankets to dream of home, and of our father's house, where there was bread enough and to spare. we rose early the next morning, taciturn and sad; not much conversation was indulged in. each, after his breakfast of coffee and sugar, took his own course into the woods, while i had my accustomed ill luck of seeing no game. i heard reports of my companions' rifles, but their echoes did not carry with them much of faith, or hope. i returned quite late that evening and found my companions all in the cabin. things began to look serious. we took our accustomed coffee and sugar, and soon retired to our bunks to dream of tables loaded with provisions; but some fatality always prevented us from reaching them. i was hungry, and while slowly working my way through the snow to the cabin i looked anxiously for some bird or squirrel that i might kill and eat. the next morning we held a short consultation to determine whether it was better to leave, or to make still further efforts to obtain provisions. in the afternoon of that day i saw a large buck and three does in a clump of brush above me on the mountain side. they were too far away for an effective shot--so i slowly approached them. they saw me and were somewhat disturbed by my presence. they could not go higher on account of the increasing depth of snow. i was lying on the snow with my rifle in position, watching an opportunity for a successful shot. all at once the buck left the clump of brush and came plunging down the mountain side, attempting to pass me some eight rods to my right. if i ever looked through the sights of a rifle with a desperate determination, it was then. i fired when he was nearly opposite me and he plunged headlong into the snow. i had struck him fairly in the heart, and life was immediately extinct. i got to him as soon as i could, after reloading my rifle, and cut out of his ham a piece, which i ate while it was still warm. it had the same effect upon me for a short time as a drink of strong brandy has upon an empty stomach. i cut off the saddle, threw it over my shoulder, and started for camp. it was in the dusk of the evening when i arrived. my partners were there, and when they saw me coming said nothing, but with a fixed gaze, as though to be certain of relief, fairly grabbed the saddle from my shoulders, rushed into the cabin and began to roast and eat. the roasting was not overdone. about midnight, for fear that wolf or cougar might find the portion left on the mountain side, they took my trail to where it was, and brought it in. we stayed about a week longer, but i had no difficulty in killing an abundance of venison. i did the hunting; my partners did the packing. on the last day of our stay i killed three deer, and with the echo of my last shot, the ghost of starvation, which i had imagined was standing on the clouds and pointing willametteward, disappeared in thin air. resting for two days, and in the meantime having received an offer for our claims from a company mining on the bars of rogue river, my partners were anxious to accept the offer. i first opposed it, but finally consented. my partners were not only tenderfeet, but they were subject to periodic attacks of cold feet. i drew the bill of sale, and each partner took his $ in gold dust. it was an unwise transaction, for the claims were worth much more. we all determined to go to the willamette valley. when we arrived at the road we found that many miners, especially of those living in the umpqua, or willamette valley, were returning home. the second night we stopped at what was called a hotel, about four miles south of the mouth of the canyon. it rained hard and continuously all of the second day of our journey, and we wallowed through the slush, snow and water until about o'clock p. m. before we reached our stopping-place. the next morning early, twenty-five or thirty of us were at the southern mouth of the canyon and on the creek that flows south. we found it a dashing, foaming and roaring torrent, but it had to be crossed; so eight of us, with strong poles in our hands, standing in a line, elbow to elbow, moved slowly and in unison through the tumbling waters. the worst, so far as that creek was concerned, was over. the other crossings were made without so much difficulty, or danger. it rained continuously all day. we arrived at the little lake on the summit about noon. there we commenced the descent of canyon creek proper. this has a larger, deeper and more furious current. the first crossings were accomplished without much trouble or peril; but as we descended the mountain its volume increased and its current became so swift and strong, that we were compelled to make our way, the best we could, on the steep mountain side. we crawled under logs and over logs, and in dangerous places hung onto brush to steady us. i was among the first to reach the hotel near midnight of that awful day, tired, wet and hungry. we were now in a land of plenty, and although we paid a dollar each for one meal of good, plain, solid food, we did not begrudge it. the next day we made a camp in an old deserted shack in the valley and remained there for about a week. the flood had swept away all the ferry-boats on the south umpqua, and there were no means to cross that swollen and rapid river. the ropes, or cables still remained, however. the owner of the ferry offered eight of us board, and a place to sleep in his barn, if we would assist him in the construction or rather digging out, of a canoe from a huge log which he had selected for that purpose. we accepted his proposition, and experience soon showed that most of those who had accepted his offer were quite good mechanics. one of them, who was a wagon maker by trade, was elected as boss, and every day, by the continuous stroke of ax, adz and other tools, that canoe began to assume the shape and form of the real thing. it was full thirty feet in length, and of several tons capacity. it might be classed a giant in the canoe family. it was placed upon an extemporized sleigh, and two yoke of oxen drew it to the river bank. the wire or rope extending across the river being intact, the next day the builders of this ark, or most of them, and the ferryman with his two sons, launched it; and we having deposited our blankets in it, the owner, seated in the stern, acted as captain, while two of the strongest men in the party took hold of the rope and by a hand over hand motion, to keep it straight in the current, thus attempted to work it across the river. but when the stronger current was encountered, it became impossible to hold it without filling it with water, and the command was given to let go. it rapidly shot down stream, but the captain succeeded in steering it into the willows on the side where we desired to land, though a considerable distance below, and we all seized hold of the willows and succeeded in making a landing. had we gone down stream much further, we might have been compelled to take an ocean voyage; but all is well that ends well. the captain and his two sons thought that they could reach the further shore by running diagonally across the current. we stood upon the bank and watched the operation, and saw that it was successful. i have stated probably with too much particularity this incident in order to show something of the hardships, as well as joy, of pioneering. the trip across the umpqua valley and down the willamette was a continuous wade through slush, and mud, and the steady downpour of the garnered fatness of the clouds. i had for my companion a, seemingly, intelligent man, but a pronounced pessimist, bordering on the anarchistic type. his gloomy philosophy of life added a moral chill to the prevailing dampness. i gladly bade him adieu in the hills south of salem, where i departed to the home of a friend. safely arriving there, i rested and recuperated for ten days. i had adopted the maxim, never to pay board when i had the ability or capacity to earn it. i therefore considered what it was best to do, and i determined to teach school for a time, and then to return to michigan. i drew up a simple article of agreement and went up into the waldo hills--that country being settled with families--to offer my services as a school-teacher. the prospect proved to be not very encouraging, although i offered to teach a three-months' school for five dollars a scholar, and board. three-days' effort secured but seven-and-a-half scholars. the afternoon of the third day was an alternation of rain and snow. i stopped quite late in the afternoon at the house of mr. waldo, the father of the late hon. john b. waldo. i freely stated to him the object of my visit, and he promptly told me that he did not care to subscribe. i stood for a time waiting for the storm to abate somewhat, when he suddenly asked me what state i came from; i answered "from michigan." he said laughingly that they wanted no more michigan men, or men from the north to come to this country, for they had already, by their presence, changed the climate. after a moment i asked him from what state he came; he proudly answered, "from virginia, sir." i laughingly replied "that if we had any more virginians in this country i feared we would have neither schools, nor churches, nor any other agency of civilization." he said to me: "walk into the house, and we will talk this matter over." we walked into the house; and as cervantes' work, containing the exploits of don quixote, lay on the table, the conversation turned upon that. i was quite familiar with the work, and its absurdity and wisdom, and we discussed chivalry and its social aspect, as well as its system of land tenures, together with sancho's judgment after he became governor of the island, and don quixote's profound maxims of government. by his invitation i stayed all night. he said to me the next morning that as a matter of courtesy, i should see certain friends whom he named, and that as there would be a meeting held in the school-house, which was also used as a church, he would have it publicly announced at that meeting, that school would be opened by me at that place, one week from the following monday. i followed his advice, and at the appointed time there was quite a full attendance of pupils. mr. waldo was somewhat eccentric, but in him was embodied that principle of the roman maxim, that true friendship is everlasting. i ought possibly to have stated that the first person that i called upon in my educational venture was a baldheaded and sharp-visaged man, with a family of five boys, the youngest of whom was over ten years of age. he told me that his oldest son had been almost through arithmetic, and that it would require some ability in a teacher to instruct him. i modestly informed him that i thought i could do it; but my assurances did not seem to satisfy him, and he only signed one-half of a scholar. during our conversation he told me that he was a poet, that he had crossed the plains in ' and had written an account of the trip in poetry. he said he would like to repeat a portion of that poem; but before he did so he exacted from me a promise that i would give him an honest opinion of the merits of his poem. he was a weird and skeleton-like man, and rising to his feet, and with sundry gestures, repeated his poem to me. it was a hard matter for me to keep a solemn aspect on my countenance during this recitation. i only remember two lines: "the soda springs lay on our way-- it makes good beer, i do say." when he took his seat, i stated to him briefly some of the laws of poetic composition, and then showed him how his lines failed to comply with these laws; i added, however, by way of salving his feelings, that genius knows no law, and was not to be judged by ordinary mortals. he seemed a little nettled, and replied that he had repeated his poem to a great many people, who were scholars and good judges of poetry, and that they had pronounced it a fine performance. this ended the incident. had my judgment been given before he signed one-half a scholar, it would probably have been one-tenth, or a still smaller proportion of a scholar. his boys all attended school, however, and he personally urged me to teach another quarter. on the last day of school, many of the parents came in and paid me for my services, three hundred dollars, and hired me for six-months' more teaching at the same price. i taught in all about three years in that neighborhood. my teaching career was in every way pleasant, and i have every reason to feel proud of the positions of honor and trust attained by at least three of my pupils, and by the general financial success and high moral standing of all. judge bellinger, late of the united states district court of oregon, was a pupil of mine for about a year. he was the son of poor parents, and by sheer force of intellect and study pushed his way to the front, and to the honorable position which he attained, and which he held at the time of his death. john b. waldo, recently demised, was also a pupil of mine for about two years. he was a sober, clear-headed, studious and somewhat taciturn boy, quick to perceive and prompt to act. he became judge of the supreme court of the state of oregon for one term. his decisions are models of clearness, and directness. in addition to his store of legal learning, he probably knew more of the flora and fauna, of the mountains of oregon than any other man. he was not a man of robust constitution, and his health was precarious. his death, in the prime of manhood, was deeply mourned by all who knew him. our own honored oregon dunbar, was also a pupil of mine. he was a frank, open-hearted boy, of determined will and intense application. he had what the great law-writer bishop calls a legal mind--a natural perception of the relation of legal truths--and superior powers of classification and generalization. he is eminently a fit man for the position he holds on the supreme bench of washington. long may he continue as a distinguished member of that bench--and late may be his return to heaven! with such a triumvirate of integrity, high legal attainments, and judicial honor, a teacher may well feel proud. while it is the duty of the teacher to aid and assist his pupils and to impart instruction in the various branches taught, yet this is not his whole, or principal mission. his higher and nobler mission is to arouse into action all the latent forces and qualities of his pupil's nature and to inspire him with a noble ambition to conquer in the arduous conflicts of life. if he succeeds in the accomplishment of this, he has fully performed his mission. after i ceased to teach public school in marion county, i became the private tutor of the children of r., who was at the time superintendent of indian affairs for oregon and washington. i also became to some extent his literary secretary. r., though not a learned man, had business capacity of a high order. in religious matters he was an agnostic, and he read more of shakespeare than he did of the bible. he was a man of inflexible integrity, and a capable and faithful administrative officer. he was much interested in indian civilization, and talked much of it. he was of the opinion that the system of most of the churches was wrong in principle, and not fruitful in good results. he maintained that the first move in this work of civilization was to improve the physical condition of the indian, and that the moral improvement would come as a slow, but necessary consequence. being full of the subject, he concluded to call a council of the chiefs and the principal head men of the various tribes under his jurisdiction, and to impart to them his ideas in this behalf. the time was fixed, the place named was the general council hall in the city of salem, and notices were sent out requesting their attendance. r., while he had a good residence in town, usually spent most of his time upon his fine farm in the country. at the appointed time he invited me to go with him to the council and take notes of the proceedings. when we arrived at the council chamber we found from fifty to seventy-five indians seated on the floor with their backs to the wall. after a general salutation, r. took a seat on the rostrum and requested an indian whom he knew to act as interpreter. as the interpreter could not speak in the language of the various tribes represented, the jargon was adopted as the mode of communication--all the indians understanding that. r. briefly stated to them the object of the council, and then asked the question, "did they desire fine houses, fine horses and cattle, and plenty to eat and wear": r. was a very emphatic man and spoke in short and positive sentences. the indian is a stoic, and if any emotion ever agitates him it is not betrayed in his countenance. i was much interested in the interpreter. he seemed to be full of his mission, and he imitated the tone of voice and gestures of r. having asked the question, r. himself emphatically answered that all these things that he had mentioned, and which they desired, were obtained by "work." he reminded them that many of them had visited his fine house in the city, and had seen his fine furniture and other things, and he asked: "how did i get these things?" he again answered, "by work." having concluded his short, emphatic and impulsive speech, silence prevailed for a short time. finally a chief arose and with great deliberation adjusted his blanket about him; this being accomplished, he spoke as follows: "we are very thankful for the good talk of our father; we will consider it; we cannot answer now." he suggested that one week from that time they would meet the good father at that place and tell him their conclusions. we afterwards learned that they appointed what we would call a committee. that committee, in their investigations, when they found a man engaged in some menial employment and roughly clad, followed him to his house, found that it was a very humble abode, and was not filled with fine things; then they followed up the merchant, who had many fine things and wore good clothes, to his home, and they found a fine house filled with fine furniture; they also applied the same test to the saloon keeper. neither the merchant nor the saloon keeper, according to their views, worked at all. on our way home from the council chamber i ventured to suggest to r. that most of the wealth of this world was in the hands of men who organized, or directed labor or work, and but a small pittance in the possession of those who actually performed the labor. i gave as my judgment that the indian had no conception of this work of directing and organizing labor, and that he would not consider it as work at all. at the appointed time for the answer, the spokesman for the indians narrated what i have briefly stated above, and announced very plainly and flatly as their conclusion, that what the good father had said was not true. r. was much disappointed at his failure to start a general movement upward in the line of indian civilization. i am of the opinion that his feelings went farther and impinged on the domain of actual disgust. the subject of indian civilization fell, henceforward, into innocuous desuetude. looking at the surface manifestations only, and not having the ability to look deeper into that complex machine called society, we cannot be astonished at the conclusion reached by the indian committee. while i had the honor to represent washington territory in congress, and by request of several members of the committee on indian affairs with whom i was acquainted, and while the bill reported by them was under consideration and general debate was in order, i made a speech on indian civilization. i shall not reproduce that speech here, nor give an extended synopsis of it. i commenced with the declaration that the philosophy of an indian's life was to put forth an act and to reap immediately, the result of that act; that he threw a baited hook into the water, and expected to obtain fish; that he sent an arrow or a bullet on its fatal mission, and he expected game; that he did not plant nor sow, because the time between planting or sowing, and reaping--the gathering and enjoyment of the result of his work, was too distant; that it requires the highest degree of civilization to do an act, or to make an investment, the profits of which are not to be realized until the lapse of considerable time: that this primary law inherent in an indian's philosophy of life is fundamental, and no system for his civilization can disregard it. my next cardinal proposition was that indian tribes, if civilized at all, must be civilized along the lines of their past history, habits and modes of life; that some tribes of indians subsist, and have subsisted for ages, on the products of ocean, lake and river: that these are sometimes called fish indians: that to make appropriations to teach these indians agriculture, or the successful operation of the farm, is a wasteful expenditure of public money; they are naturally sailors, and have carried the art of canoe making and sailing to a high degree of perfection; their larger canoes are models of symmetry, safety and strength; that in them they fearlessly go out on the ocean a distance of or miles to obtain halibut, codfish and fur seals. let the government, i said, if it desires to civilize these indians, build them a sailing-vessel of a hundred tons or more capacity, and they will almost intuitively learn to sail and manage it; it would act as a consort for their larger canoes and as a storehouse for the profits of the sea taken or captured by them; that with such a boat, the neah bay indians, for instance, would soon become self-supporting. my views had a respectful hearing, and influenced to some extent the policy of the government in that regard. a large number of copies of this speech were sent by me to the people of the territory, and to all our territorial papers; but none of these, so far as i know, noticed it further than to say that i had made such a speech. copious extracts from it, containing its points, were published in many of the eastern papers, while two published it in full. there was some discussion as to the soundness of my views, but generally they were approved. so far as the neah bay indians were concerned, the government did build a sailing-vessel of smaller dimensions, however, and many of the neah bay indians have like vessels of their own, and have become, to a great extent, self-supporting and prosperous. the same policy in a modified form, but in fact the development of the same idea, was adopted by rev. wilbur, agent of the yakima indians; and these indians, to a great extent, have given up their nomadic mode of life; they have small farms, and neat and comfortable houses; they have gardens, chickens and a large accumulation of domestic animals about them. they are prosperous, and slowly moving along the line to a higher civilization. civilization is a slow process. it takes all the forces, moral, intellectual, educational and religious, now in successful operation, to hold the world from falling back and to move it slowly, but surely onward and upward, to a higher plane of civilization. while it is a tedious and arduous, if not an impossible task, to make a white man, in his habits and modes of life, out of an indian, yet the descent of the white man to the modes, habits of life and appearance of an indian, is a sadly speedy process. in a trip i made to colville, washington, in there came into our camp one day a person whom i supposed at first to be an indian. he was dressed in buckskin, ornamented with fringes and beads, with a blanket over his shoulders; his hair was long and unkept, with no hat on his head and his face bronzed like that of an indian; and he was besmeared across the forehead with red ochre, or some other kind of paint. i should judge that he was years of age. at first he refused to talk, except in jargon; but after a while, when we were alone, he became more communicative, and gave me something of his history. he spoke good english. he claimed to be a graduate of one of the eastern colleges, and i have no doubt his claim was true. he had gotten into some difficulty in the states and had been living as an indian for some eight years, or more. to all appearances he was an indian; he looked like an indian and acted like one. i was in his company for some three days, and when alone he talked to me in good english; he said he loved this wild and nomadic life, with its perfect freedom from the shams and hypocrisy of so-called civilization. he said that the hills, the mountains with their snow-crowned culminations, the dark woods, the silver thread of the stream viewed from an elevated point and fringed with green as it went leaping and rollicking to its ocean home, were to him an unwritten poem, the rythm of which he enjoyed, and the lines of which he was trying to interpret. he quoted to me from byron the passage concerning the pleasures of the pathless woods, and from bryant: "where rolls the oregon, and hears no sound, save his own dashings." on the evening of the third day he rode away in the continuous woods to enjoy, i suppose, their poetry and solitude. this case illustrates the facility of the descent, by even an educated white man, to the level of an indian; retaining, however, in his soul, still glowing, some of the lights of civilization. while i was stopping at r.'s i wrote a series of eight articles for the oregonian, showing the necessity of manufacturing crevices in the country to hold the gold taken out of the gold mines, and also that which was being brought in great abundance by its citizens from california. these articles were used by the oregonian, by my implied assent, as editorials. the oregonian was the leading opposition paper in the territory, with silver-gray whig tendencies. the leading democratic paper was the statesman, published at salem, and owned and edited by asa bush, who was a sharp, pungent, and effective editorial writer. "tom drier," as the editor of the oregonian was familiarly called, was an editorial writer of considerable ability. drier usually added some introductory matter to my articles, and also some matter of amplification, or illustration. it was to me a matter of interest, and amusement, to note that the editor of the statesman was always able to point out to its readers the matter written by the oregonian's "hired man," and what was added by the editor. bush did not know who wrote these articles, nor did anybody else know except myself, r. and the editor of the oregonian. bush spoke highly of these articles and enforced, in editorials of his own, the logic and necessity of the policy recommended by them. these articles had much to do with the establishment of the first woolen mills in the state of oregon. these mills were built at salem. as the state of washington is woefully lacking, so far as manufacturing is concerned, i am tempted to recall, with a seattle application, one of the many facts embodied in the logic of those articles. seattle has a population of , , we will say. it costs at least $ . each for the feet clothing of such people for one year. this would give the sum of $ , , for boots and shoes alone. when we come to add to this the value of the leather for harness-making, for belting and the other purposes for which leather is used, we have over $ , , taken annually from the people of this city for leather, and its fabrics. the absurdity of this thing appears when we consider that we have a great abundance of hides, which are sold for a mere song, and are received back in manufactured articles. our forests are rich in tanning; in fact, the raw materials of all kinds required are abundant. any person by giving serious consideration to the subject will soon be convinced of its great importance, and the imperious necessity of action. as well might we ship the logs cut in our forests to foreign countries, or the eastern states, to be manufactured into furniture, or finished lumber, as to ship other raw materials away and receive their finished products back, paying for them the increased price, resulting from the labor performed upon them, and for the freight both ways. no country can stand such a drainage, and prosper. it was in the summer of , if i remember correctly, that i was nominated by an opposition convention to run as a candidate for the lower house of the territorial legislature in oregon. i did not attend the convention at which i was nominated, nor was i a delegate thereto. at first i hesitated about the acceptance of the nomination; but urged by my friends, i finally consented to run. the territory as well as the county, was largely democratic. the platform announced three cardinal principles: first, the most stringent regulation of the liquor traffic; second, america for americans; and thirdly, the curtailment of public expenses and the cutting-down of salaries. the first and last of these principles i heartily endorsed; the second, in the know-nothing sense, and application, i was not in favor of; furthermore, i was opposed to secret political societies. i favored an open field and a fair fight. having concluded to run, i went into the fight vigorously, and made speeches in nearly all of the precincts in the county. my canvass alarmed the democrats, and they sent some of their best speakers after me. i met them in joint debate at times, and at other times i, alone, spoke. as the time approached for election, the excitement increased, and public interest in the campaign was very much aroused. i won, during the campaign, quite a reputation for a raconteur. a point illustrated and enforced by an anecdote or story becomes an integral part of a man's mental and moral constitution. about the big bills, i told the story of the farmer who had a large flock of chickens and an equally numerous flock of ducks. he fed them with grain. he noticed that the ducks, on account of their larger and broader bills, were able to get more than their share of the food, and he came to the conclusion that in order to equalize matters, he must cut down their bills. this was just what i told the people that we proposed to do. one of the speakers sent out by the democracy found fault with every proposition announced by me, and i answered him by the narration of the story of a friend who had not seen his quondam neighbor for many months. he was so pleased at his return that he provided a feast for him. mine host had roast beef, roast mutton, roast pork and chickens. he says to john doe: "shant i help your plate with some of this roast beef, which is very juicy and fine?" "no," said john doe. "i have come to the conclusion that a man who eats beef becomes sluggish and stupid." "then shall i help you to some of the mutton?" "no," says doe, "a man who eats mutton becomes timid and cowardly." "well," says mine host, "you will certainly take some roast pork?" "no," says doe, "a man who eats pork becomes coarse and swinish." "then you will take some of the roast chicken?" "no," says doe, "of all the creatures used by man for food, the chicken is the most filthy in his diet of them all." mine host, being somewhat disgusted, called to his son sam to go out to the barn and get some eggs--"possibly this old fool would like to suck an egg or two." just before election, tickets were scattered all over the county with my name printed in every shape and form, and quite a number of these tickets had printed on them "for representative, o. jaques." the canvassers refused to count for me the last named ticket, and this defeated me. there was no other man running whose name in orthography, or sound, resembled mine. had these tickets been counted for me, they would have elected me by a small majority. i was urged to contest the election, but i refused to do it. my own opinion, as a lawyer, was that probably the judgment of the canvassing board was right; at least there was enough plausibility in its support to furnish an excuse to sustain the position of the canvassing board. not being entirely satisfied with the climate and country, and being desirous of visiting california and mexico, before my return to michigan, i quite suddenly, in the fall of , concluded to make a start. what means i had were loaned out on demand notes. to my regret i found my debtors unable to respond promptly. i concluded, however, to go to jackson county and there to await collections. i made the trip on horseback and most of the time alone. approaching canonville late in the afternoon one day i saw a lone horseman ahead of me, whose appearance indicated that he was a traveler. i increased my speed and was soon along side of him,--i said "how do you do, sir?" he turned a frowning countenance towards me and snarlingly answered, "none of your business, sir." i was not long in coming to the conclusion that possibly company was not desired by him and especially my company; so i touched the spurs to my horse and left him to his melancholy meditations. i might have been wrong in my conclusion, and i must confess that i felt a good deal as i suppose the fellow felt who was kicked out of the fourth-story window: after gathering himself up and finding that his physical economy, though somewhat bruised, was intact, he came, after deliberate reflection, to the conclusion that possibly he was not wanted up there. i stopped at a town in jackson county, bearing the euphonious name of gasberg. i rested there for a couple of weeks. the people of that settlement were contemplating the erection of a building for a high school or seminary; and they offered me $ a month to teach a six-months' school. mr. culver, quite a wealthy gentleman, offered me an additional $ a month to keep his books posted, a work i could attend to at night without interfering with the school. i concluded as i probably would have to wait until spring for my collections, to accept the offer. the district already had quite a good school-house. my scholars were mostly young men and women, and i taught everything from reading and spelling, up to and including algebra, and surveying. i never had to do with a finer lot of pupils, and my position was in every way agreeable to me. i ought possibly to state that my wife, then miss lucinda davenport, the only daughter of dr. davenport, attended that school. this added to my other employments the delightsome one of courting, and we were married on the first of january, . although we have lived together for fifty years, we never have been reconciled yet, because there never has been any occasion for a reconciliation. at the close of the first term i contracted to teach for another term of six months, as my roving disposition had dissolved into thin air. when the second term was closed, i was appointed a justice of the peace of that precinct, and i returned to the practice of law--occasionally writing for the newspapers. when the civil war commenced, the editor of the principal paper in the southern part of the state--the sentinel--was a secession sympathizer, and he and the proprietor and publisher had a fight in which the editor was seriously wounded. i was solicited by the publisher and a committee of leading union men to assume charge of the editorial department of the paper. i did so, and wrote all the editorials in the paper for over three years. the paper was a weekly, but at times, when the news was stirring, it was published semi-weekly. the paper under my control rapidly increased in circulation. the editorial work that i did while on the paper secured me an offer, when i announced my intention to resume the practice of law, from the sacramento union, then the leading paper on the pacific coast, to become one of its editorial staff at a good salary. i considered the proposition for quite a time; then concluded to decline it. had i accepted this offer, it would have changed the whole course and direction of my life, and i probably would have continued in that line of work to this day. it was while i was editor of the sentinel that a rumor was telegraphed to me that president lincoln had been assassinated. it came first merely as a rumor and i communicated it only to a few persons, anxiously waiting to hear whether it was true or not. many of the good and patriotic citizens of all parties feared a riot. i issued an extra, on the confirmation of the news, briefly stating the facts of the assassination: and every store, business house and saloon was immediately closed, and their doors draped in mourning. a meeting was shortly called, and i was invited to deliver an oration on the character and service of the lamented president. i was given three days to prepare that address. the methodist minister was also invited to deliver an address on that occasion. the crowd was immense; no church in town being large enough to hold it. my oration was published in the sentinel and other papers in the state and in some of the california papers. i have a copy of that oration; but, as i give in full the oration delivered by me in the city of seattle on the death of president garfield a more recent occurrence, i have concluded to give only the later address. i ran for the lower house of the legislature in jackson county and i was fairly elected, but was counted out; not unjustly, i do not mean to say, for on the face of the returns i was defeated by six votes. the county was largely democratic, and i ran as a republican. i said that i was fairly elected, because there was a contest in one of the precincts for the office of justice of the peace; i was the contestant's attorney, and he succeeded in his contest because he conclusively showed that thirteen illegal votes were cast against him. to have thrown them out on a contest would have elected me by seven majority. i refused to contest the election, and the matter dropped. subsequently i ran in that county for the office of county judge. after i took the field, the democrats became alarmed, and they withdrew the candidate nominated by them, in convention, and placed in his stead a mr. duncan, one of the strongest and most popular democrats in the county. he beat me by sixteen votes. the other democratic candidates were elected by majorities ranging from three hundred to four hundred. at the time mr. harding was elected united states senator for oregon i was without consultation, or being present, put in nomination for the position, and i lacked only two votes of an election. thus, while i was a hard man to beat, i was always beaten, fairly, or unfairly. i was appointed associate justice of the supreme court of washington territory in . less than a year afterwards, by unanimous recommendation of the members of the territorial legislature, i was appointed chief justice of that court, and at the expiration of that term was re-appointed chief justice. during this last term i was nominated by the republican party and elected delegate to congress. at the expiration of that term i was renominated and re-elected. to make an account of my official career complete, i ought to state that i was a member of the territorial council (the equivalent of a state senate) of washington for one term; also mayor of the city of seattle for one term; and regent of the territorial university of washington for ten years, and treasurer of the board of regents all of that time. as a member of the territorial "council" i was appointed chairman of the judiciary committee, and also chairman of the committee on education. the work on these committees was almost continuous. it absorbed all of my time for nearly every evening of the session. the iniquitous gross earning tax law, as applied to railroads, was repealed at this session. the vote on its repeal in the "council" was close--and if i were not a modest man--i would say, that i contributed largely to its repeal. i made the only elaborate argument in the "council" against its unequal, unjust, inequitable and partial provisions, discriminating in favor of centralized wealth and organized power. it was a close and hard fight in the "council" but repeal won. the school system theretofore existing in the territory, was radically remodeled at this session of the legislature. the bill as presented to the committee was the work of a selected body of teachers. in a legislative sense it was crude and in some of its provisions, intensely radical. i, in fact, re-wrote the whole bill making its retained provisions full and accurate--omitting surplus statements, and embodying many new provisions. the bill thus remodeled passed the "council" and the "house," and its essential provisions remain the law of the state today. a few general observations may be allowable: rare are the men who possess in a high degree, constructive legislative ability. every act of legislation ought by clear and accurate provisions cover every element of the subject matter stated in the title. as the act approaches this it approaches perfection. any act of legislation laying the foundation of a system--such as the school system and providing for its administration is a difficult task. the human judgment is imperfect--and prescience is limited--hence any approach to perfection in the system itself, or in its administrative provisions, is a matter of evolution of slow growth--and of the survival of the fittest. as time advances and light and knowledge increase, the dead and useless branches are pruned off and the fit and vigorous remain to blossom and bear fruit. the effective and beneficial work of delegate to congress is in the various departments of the government, and in the various committees of both houses of congress. in a new country, rapidly filling up with people, post-routes and post-offices must be provided. on the established lines there is a constant and pushing demand for an increase of service. when i was elected, the daily mail stopped at tacoma, and seattle had only a weekly mail. one of my first efforts was to increase this seattle service to a daily mail. i had some difficulty in accomplishing this object, because the postal authorities claimed that the revenues of the seattle office were not large enough to warrant such increased service. i got it increased, however, to a daily service. i had not so much difficulty in getting a daily service from seattle to victoria and way-ports. everybody on puget sound knows that port discovery is about six miles west of port townsend. port discovery was a milling town visited largely by foreign vessels and many american ships, and a large volume of business was done there. there was a stage running daily, from port townsend to port discovery and back, and it had only a weekly service. i asked for a daily service, but it at first was refused, and i notified the people interested of the result. a mr. young, the manager of the port discovery mills, stated to me in a letter that, inasmuch as the government was very poor and the people of port discovery were rich, they, out of the abundance of their wealth, would pay the additional cost, if i would secure the assent of the government to allow the contractor for the weekly service, to carry the mail daily. i showed this letter to the postmaster-general, and he, after reading it, said: "judge, i think the government can stand the increased expense, and those people shall have a daily mail;" and he ordered it. a delegate, in order to wisely and intelligently, as well as promptly, discharge his duties, ought to be a lawyer, and well acquainted especially with the land-laws of the united states and other laws pertaining to territories. he is constantly called upon to push land-claims to patent, and in this respect he becomes the attorney, without fee, of the people of the territory. there is a large volume of such business, and he must examine the papers in order to understand the status of the case and to advance it for patent. representatives from the older states have but very little of such business to demand their attention, and to consume their time. when i was elected, i do not think there was a single lighthouse, or fog signal, or foghorn, on the waters of puget sound, and i secured the establishment of quite a number of them. i forced the loosening of the grasp of the northern pacific railroad company on large quantities of the public land, and i did much to secure the passage of the law returning to purchasers one-half of the double-minimum price ($ . per acre) paid by them, which was exacted on the ground that the land so purchased was double in value by virtue of its proximity to a railroad line. this is a brief and imperfect synopsis of some of the results of my efforts as delegate. a delegate has not even the unit of political power--a vote on any measure; he can therefore form no combination to further friendly legislation in the interest of his territory. the delegates from the different territories, however, were regarded as quite an influential body of men, and were usually able, by scattering through the house, by use of personal persuasion, by attendance before committees and receiving favorable reports, to get a part, at least, of what they desired for their territories. while a member of the house of representatives i was much interested in the study of its members and its mode of operation. the popular opinion is that it is a calm and deliberative body. this is true as a general rule; but there are times, and they are not infrequent, when the house is anything else than a sedate and deliberative body of men. general benjamin f. butler had a seat back of me, and frequently, when he desired to speak, asked me to change seats with him for a time--my seat being nearer to the speaker of the house and a fine place wherein to stand and from which to be distinctly heard. on one occasion it was announced that butler would deliver a speech on the financial question. i offered him my seat for the purpose. the house was full. butler was cross-eyed and near-sighted. he commenced the delivery of his speech by reading from a manuscript. every eye was turned towards him. he always commanded the attention of the house when he spoke. in the delivery of his speech he had to keep his manuscript close to his face and to move it to the right and to the left on account of his being cross-eyed. he did not often speak from manuscript. this was his first attempt to do so at that congress. the spectacle was so novel that many members began to laugh and to interrupt him by asking him questions. he threw the manuscript on the desk, stepped out into a space nearly in front of the speaker, and gave the points of his speech without the aid of his manuscript. he was frequently interrupted, especially by the democrats; and he suggested to me the idea of a lion at bay, shaking off and striking at his opponents with caustic wit and scathing repartee. on another occasion, a gentleman from maryland, a large and portly man, who was chairman, i think, of the committee of foreign affairs, arose to introduce and briefly to explain the provisions of a bill reported from his committee. this gentleman was quite deaf, and like all deaf persons spoke in a very low tone of voice; in fact, he could not be heard six feet away from him; but he had, no doubt adopted demosthenes' idea that gestures were the levers of eloquence; and his arms would go up and down and to the right and to the left, and his eyes sometimes rolled upward and then downward to the floor. someone cried out: "is this a pantomime performance, or a public speech?" then others gathered around him, and all kinds of remarks were made concerning the performance. the speaker finally compelled the members to take their seats; whereupon the member ceased his motions, and probably his speech, and resumed his seat. this gentleman came to congress with a great reputation as an orator. probably he had been such in former years, but his deafness had destroyed his powers in that regard. i was in the house at the time that james g. blaine, then a prominent candidate for the republican nomination for president, annihilated j. proctor knott, who was chairman of the committee on the judiciary. a report had been made by that committee on a matter referred to it; it seriously reflected on blaine's honor and integrity as a man and as a member of the house of representatives. it seems to have been the intent of the majority of the committee who joined in the report, and who were all democrats, not to bring up the report for hearing, but to let it stand as damaging evidence against mr. blaine, in order to prevent his nomination, or to defeat his election, if nominated. blaine and his friends determined to expose its animus and falsity on the floor of the house, so that the refutation would go with the charge. to make this vindication, however, it was necessary for blaine to obtain the floor; this would be opposed and was opposed. in the parliamentary conflict for the floor which ensued, blaine's superior knowledge and tact succeeded, and he was recognized by the speaker. i never saw a more forlorn look of disappointment, and of sullen resignation, than that manifested in the countenances of many of his opponents, when the speaker announced that the gentleman from maine was entitled to the floor. blaine was pale, and all aflame with indignation. his voice, although at first a little tremulous, soon became clear and ringing. his sentences were compact and parliamentary. he accused that great committee of darkening its former reputation by making a report for political purposes. he further accused them of the deliberate suppression of evidence that completely exonerated him, he drew from his pocket a certified copy of such suppressed evidence, read it to the house, and waved it in triumph amid the uproarious applause of his republican colleagues, and of many democrats. he spoke in this vein for about thirty minutes. when he closed, his friends were joyous, and his enemies dismayed. among the first, personally to congratulate him, was ben hill of georgia, a distinguished member of the then extinct confederate congress. a ludicrous scene occurred in the house, when the bill making a large appropriation for the re-building of the various edifices formerly constituting william and mary's college, in the state of virginia, came up for consideration. these buildings were alternately in the possession of the union and confederate forces during the war, and were destroyed by fire while the union forces were in possession of the ground upon which they stood. most of the members of the democratic party favored this bill. a few opposed it. the republican members generally opposed the appropriation, but there were some who favored it. it was understood that when the bill came up for final passage, but one speech would be made in its favor, and that was to be made by mr. loring, of massachusetts, a republican. mr. loring had a national reputation for finished and eloquent orations. when the time arrived the house and galleries were full. mr. loring arose and partly read from a manuscript his great oration. he stated in a clear and comprehensive manner what the laws of war formerly were, and how they had been modified by the generous principles of christianity and of civilization. he stated that now as recognized by every christian and civilized nation, churches, hospitals, institutions of learning and other eleemosynary institutions were exempt from the ravages of war. he spoke in eloquent terms of the sacred walls within which poets, philosophers, statesmen, lawyers, great divines and warriors, if not born, received their inspiration and were qualified for their grand missions. he was listened to, throughout, with breathless attention. when he closed, at the expiration of a little over an hour, he was greatly applauded. i thought it the finest oration i had ever had the pleasure of hearing. the republicans were anxious to break the magnetic spell of his oratory, and to get a little time for the sober second thought, of the members to assert itself. conger, of michigan, had the ability to crowd more sarcasm, wit and scathing repartee into the same length of time than any other member of the house, and he was chosen by the republicans to break the magnetic spell of loring's great speech. he arose, and after complimenting the honorable gentleman from massachusetts on his great effort, stated that some of the buildings constituting the college, while in the possession of the rebel forces, were used as stables for their horses, that their floors were covered with excrement of such animals, that other buildings were used as hospitals for the sick and wounded, and that their walls were besmeared with blood and filth; and he sneeringly remarked, that these were the sacred walls that so inspired the eloquence of the honorable gentleman from massachusetts. after indulging in other bitter declarations of the same character, he ceased--having spoken for about thirty minutes. the virginia members were very much excited. one of their number, by the name of good, arose to reply to conger. good possessed the ability to open his mouth and, without seeming effort or preparation, to pour forth a volume of sweetened wind or a volume of scathing philippics. he denounced the honorable gentleman from michigan for preaching a gospel of hate and vengeance, which had heretofore well-nigh wrecked this glorious government, which if persisted in, would keep open the wounds and sores that under a more liberal and generous spirit were fast healing. he indulged in more of this kind of denunciation, and finally, in a supreme effort of indignation, consigned the honorable gentleman from michigan to ruined towers and castles and crumbling walls, where he could be fanned by the damp and dismal wings of bats, and listen to the hooting of owls, forever. conger, who had not resumed his seat, but stood calmly gazing at the honorable gentleman from virginia, exclaimed, with a piercing and ringing voice, "i hear them--even now." this remark was received with roars of laughter, joined in by democrats as well as republicans. mr. good tried to proceed; but when he did so, someone would exclaim, "the owls are hooting again," and poor good resumed his seat. i have noticed that some pungent remark, or sarcastic repartee is often more effective than a set speech. all remember butler's reply to "sunset" cox, when the former was frequently interrupting him. with a motion of his hand over his bald head, he exclaimed to cox: "shoo, fly! don't bother me." it was taken from one of the popular songs of the day. it hurt cox's prestige and lessened to some extent his power. cox was physically a small man, and the application carried with it an expression of contempt. holman, of indiana, on account of his objections to all bills making appropriations of money, got the name of being "the watchdog of the treasury." towards the end of his term an amendment was offered in which a near relative was much interested. the familiar "i object" was not heard, and the amendment went through with his support; whereupon a member sitting near exclaimed: "'tis sweet to hear the watchdog's honest bark bay deep-mouth'd welcome as we draw near home." in a more recent case, a gentleman from indiana, in his indignation against a gentleman from illinois, called the illinois member "an ass." this was unparliamentary language, and the indiana gentleman had to apologize and to withdraw the remark. the gentleman from illinois arose and said he did not know what was the matter with him that he should always so excite the ire of the gentleman from indiana; the gentleman from indiana replied: "if you will inquire of some veterinary surgeon, he can probably tell what is the matter with you." this was perfectly parliamentary and a complete exterminator. many people suppose congress to be an assemblage of orators. this is a great mistake. in point of ability its members are eminently respectable, and many of them distinguished in their particular line of business, profession or thought. most of the set speeches are delivered from manuscript. the matter is well considered and in most cases clearly stated; but the delivery is often dull, listless and without animation. this is particularly true of speeches founded on a dreary array of facts and statistics. while the logic of such facts or figures may be very convincing, yet in the hands of most men their presentation is very uninteresting. few men can present statistics in an interesting and captivating manner. garfield must be considered as pre-eminent among that class of men. i have heard him make a speech of over an hour in length on financial questions in which he not only presented a formidable array of statistics, but held his auditors spell-bound to its conclusion. it may be said of the orators of the house that though they are great advocates, they are not constructive statesmen; they are orators and nothing more; they are good to show the reason for a provision and skillful in their defense of it from attack. conkling, one of the most brilliant speakers in the senate, although a member of that distinguished body for many years, is not the author of any beneficial act of legislation. the career of such a man will be brilliant, but it will be brief. it is the constructive statesman who succeeds in writing his name permanently in the legislative history of his country. most of the legislation benefiting the people, or putting their rights on deeper or broader foundations, has originated with the silent workers in either house of congress. to show the listless and inanimate manner in which some speeches, truly great in their logic and in their facts, are delivered in the house, let me state an incident. a gentleman from new york, who came to congress with an established reputation as a public man, arose to address the house on the necessity of a more liberal and reciprocal trade-treaty and tariff, with the dominion of canada. in the expectation that he would address the house on the evening that was set for general debate, the house was full when he arose, and every eye was turned towards him. he read his address from manuscript. his voice was indistinct and it lacked in volume. after reading two or three pages from the manuscript before him, he seemed to be unable readily to decipher it--it having been reduced to writing by his clerk. he halted, stumbled and misread portions of it, and then re-read it to correct his mistakes. the members commenced quietly to leave their seats and to retire to the cloak-rooms. as he was a member of the committee on commerce, and had shown me many favors, i took a vacant seat near him. when the chairman announced that his time had expired, i arose and moved the chairman for the extension of his time for twenty minutes. the chairman said he heard no objection, and he extended the time of the gentleman from new york for twenty minutes more. while on my feet i looked around and saw there were not over eight members in the house, that they were all engaged in writing at their desks, and that the chairman was reading a newspaper. the next morning the speech appeared in the congressional record, and every one spoke of it as a very fine argument in favor of the policy advocated by him. my judicial career may be briefly stated. my district was the third. it was bounded on the south by the southern boundary of pierce and kitsap counties; on the east by the dividing ridge of the cascade mountains; on the north by the northern line of the territory, which was the international boundary line; and on the west by the pacific ocean. i held two terms of court annually at seattle, port townsend, and steilacoom. there was quite a volume of admiralty business. this was attended to whenever it arose, in term-time and out of term-time, in order to meet the convenience of suitors. no appeal was ever taken from my decrees in this class of business. i made it a point to clear the docket of all accumulated cases at each term. homicides were quite frequent in the district, and i rarely held a term of court without trying some person accused of murder in the first degree. there were frequent convictions for manslaughter, and for murder in the second degree, and sentences were imposed by me in accordance therewith. there were four convictions for murder in the first degree, and three executions. the facts and circumstances attending the fourth case deserve a more extensive statement. before i make such a statement let me say, that while many appeals were taken from my judgments and rulings in criminal cases, i had but two reversals charged against me in a period of between six and seven years on the territorial bench. i hope no one will detract by implication from the honor of that record, by the insinuation that i was chief justice of the appellate tribunal for most of that time. after the furor of "fifty four, forty or fight," had somewhat subsided, the treaty of washington, entered into between the united states of america and great britain, adopted and extended the line of division between the dominion of canada and the united states along the th degree of north latitude to the waters of the pacific ocean, as the northern land boundary of the united states; thence west by the principal channel or waterway to the center of the strait of juan de fuca; thence along said center line to the pacific ocean. now, it was found that there were two principal channels or waterways from the th degree to the strait of juan de fuca. these waterways were the canal de haro and the rosario straits. the canal de haro was the most western and northern waterway; the rosario strait was the most eastern and southern waterway. san juan island and other smaller islands were situated between the two. if the rosario straits were adopted as the true line, these intervening islands belonged to great britain; if, on the other hand, the canal de haro was the true line, the islands belonged to the united states. by agreement of the high-contracting parties, the german emperor was chosen as arbitrator to determine the location of the true line mentioned in the treaty. in an informal convention was entered into between the high-contracting parties by which the laws and civil officers of both nations were excluded from the territory in dispute; the islands in the meantime were to remain in the joint military occupation of the two nations. hence, there was a british military post, and also an american military post, on san juan island, fully garrisoned. this informal understanding had not the dignity or force of a treaty, and was therefore binding on the courts only as a matter of policy and comity. it was binding only in the court of honor. such being the facts, a man by the name of charles watts, an american citizen, foully murdered another american citizen near the military post of the united states. watts was arrested by the federal military authorities and held in confinement. there was a good deal of feeling and excitement over the matter. when i went to port townsend to hold court, i issued a warrant, directed to the united states marshal, to arrest said watts and to bring him to port townsend for indictment and trial. he was readily delivered by the united states military authorities to the united states marshal, and brought to port townsend. he was indicted by the grand jury for murder in the first degree, and tried and convicted at that term. he was sentenced by me to be hanged until he was dead. an appeal was taken from the final judgment in the case to the supreme court of the territory; and, upon hearing, a majority of the supreme court, consisting of judges greene and kennedy, reversed the judgment on the ground that the federal side of the court had no jurisdiction. to the general reader, it may be well to state that the territorial court had all the jurisdiction of the district and circuit courts of the united states, and such jurisdiction constituted what was called, the federal side of the court. it also had all the jurisdiction arising under the territorial laws, and the common law suited to the conditions; and this constituted the territorial side. watts was indicted and tried on the federal side of the court, and the supreme court held that he ought to have been indicted and tried on the territorial side of the court--hence the reversal. i delivered a dissenting opinion which, as the case assumed a national importance, i give in full: opinion. "as i cannot assent to the conclusion reached by the majority of the court in this case, i will state as briefly as possible the conclusion of my own mind upon the question of jurisdiction involved in the case, with my reasons therefor. "i have come to the conclusion that the united states side of the court had jurisdiction, and for the following reasons:-- " . we all agree that the phrase 'sole and exclusive jurisdiction,' as used in the crime act of a. d. , stat. , has no reference to a claim of jurisdiction made by any foreign power, but to state and federal jurisdiction, or, as we are situated, to federal, as contra-distinguished from territorial jurisdiction. we also agree that it is the duty of the judiciary to extend the jurisdiction of the laws of the united states as far as the political department of the government extends the territorial area. " . in my judgment it is the duty of the courts to construe all such conventions as that entered into between the government of the united states and great britain, with reference to the island of san juan, so as to avert the evil apprehended, and sought to be prevented. "when the convention was entered into there was imminent danger of a conflict of arms. that danger arose from two causes--the action of the military commanders of this department and the enforcement of the laws of washington territory over the disputed domain. the first danger was removed by a change of commanders. the second, by the exclusion of the laws of the territory, and that exclusion has been enforced by the military power of the government ever since. " . was it the intention then of the high-contracting parties, to exclude all law from san juan island, and to make it a secure asylum for thieves and murderers? i think not. possibly there might be some ground for the recognition of the distinction between acts _malum in se_ and _malum prohibitum_, acts which under every law, human and divine, are criminal, and those acts which are only criminal by virtue of some positive statute making them such. i infer that two civilized nations would not directly or indirectly, concur to create any such asylum. "it was the design, then, that some laws should exist and be enforced on that island. that it was the design of the government to exclude the laws of the territory is manifest by the proceedings of the convention and the action of the government from the date of the convention down to the present time. it was so understood by the military department; acquiesced in by the other departments of the government, and recognized as a fact by the courts of the territory, and by the legislature, as is evidenced by the release of the county of whatcom, within whose limits the island was included by a prior act of the legislature, from the payment of all costs for the prosecution of persons committing crime on said island. "whatever jurisdiction might have been claimed by the territory prior to the last-cited act, was virtually abandoned by it. "the exclusion of the territorial laws since the date of the convention has been open, manifest, and palpable, and i believe rightful. then, if i am correct in my conclusions, no other laws were in force on the island for the punishment of persons guilty of murder (not connected with the military), but the laws of the united states. in fact, it would follow as a logical sequence, that if the territorial laws were excluded it would be a place 'under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the united states,' hence, the laws of the united states would be operative there. "i can see many cogent reasons why it was desirable to exclude territorial laws and territorial officials from the island. the territorial legislature represented but a small fraction of the american people and was far removed from the power which was responsible for a state of peace or war, and before measures could be disapproved by congress a conflict might be precipitated. territorial officers were not responsible, directly at least, to the supreme power. it had no control over their official conduct. all will agree that such control ought to be directly with the responsible power. that could only exist legitimately, but by the exclusion of the local jurisdiction and the operation of the national jurisdiction, modified by express convention or necessary implication. "it might be very competent and very proper in the accomplishment of the object in view, for the treaty-making power to suspend the operations of all laws for the punishment of offenders save in the cases where the acts were crimes, by the universal judgment of mankind. the power to suspend or modify must exist somewhere, or in the case of disputed jurisdiction, there could be no treaty or conventions. "all such conventions are founded on the mutual concessions of the high contracting parties. after the convention has been signed, the supreme power in our government, in order to secure its honest and faithful execution, took possession of the disputed territory, segregated from its former local jurisdiction, and administers, modifies, or suspends its own laws by its own military or judicial agents. the supreme power acts through its own functions and not through that of an inferior jurisdiction. it administers its own laws so far as such administration is not in conflict with the convention. its power is ample and it need not borrow from the inferior jurisdiction. "it can not be argued successfully that because san juan island is within the limits of washington territory, that, therefore, it can only be subject to its laws. puget sound, admiralty inlet, and one-half of the straits of fuca are within the territorial boundaries, but still many of the criminal laws of the united states extend over them. neither can the joint possession of the united states and great britain effect the question. "the high seas are in the joint possession of all the nations, and yet every nation punishes its own subjects for crimes committed there. watts is an american citizen, and the victim of his violence was also. " . i am unable to convince myself that, if one general law of the territory went to that island, but what all general laws went there. that they were not and are not permitted to go there is a fact too palpable for argument. the alternative then is presented, either that their exclusion by force has been rightful, or that the military department has been guilty of a gross usurpation. "the latter branch of the alternative ought not to be received without the clearest and most indubitable proof of its correctness. i am not contending for the doctrine that a military order is absolutely conclusive upon the courts, but it is always entitled to respectful consideration and will be presumed lawful until the contrary is shown. especially, should such be the case when the order emanates from the highest functionary of the military department, and has been long sanctioned, at least by the acquiescence of every other department of government. "to have permitted all the laws of the territorial legislature to have gone to the island would have resulted in the nullification of the convention. it would in fact have given the territorial legislature a veto on the treaty-making power of the government. could this convention have stood for a day with the extension of the taxing power of this territory over that island? every one knows that it could not. if the territorial jurisdiction extended there, it had the right to tax the property of the inhabitants thereof for territorial and other legitimate purposes. taxes are not levied upon citizens, only, but inhabitants, property-holders, residents within the jurisdiction. the rightful exercise of such a power would have been decisive of the controversy, or rather it would have been exclusive of any rightful claim to controversy. its attempted exercise would have been resisted with all the power of great britain. reverse the circumstances and let british columbia attempt to extend its taxing power over that island, and our government would resist the insult with all its military power. "on what principle could a part of the general laws of the territory go to that island, and a part not? it is of the very essence of general laws, at least, that they should be uniform and universal. if the territorial jurisdiction extended at all, it is complete and entire. it reaches all rightful subjects of legislation, and is supreme within those limits. "for the above reasons, i am of the opinion that watts was rightfully indicted under section of the crime act of , which reads as follows: 'if a person or persons, within any fort, arsenal, dockyard, magazine, or in any other place, or district or country, under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the united states, commit the crime of wilful murder, such person or persons, on being thereof convicted, shall suffer death.' "but if there is a doubt as to whether san juan island was within the third judicial district or not, then the last clause of section of the crime act of would apply, for watts was first brought into the third judicial district and delivered to the marshal of the territory by the order of the secretary of war." immediately after the reversal i called a special term of the court at port townsend, at which watts was re-indicted on the territorial side of the court, tried, and again convicted and sentenced to be hung. he again appealed to the supreme court, but the judgment was affirmed; he then sued out a writ of error to the supreme court of the united states, and it was allowed, and it came up for hearing while i was delegate from the territory. the court was informed that watts had escaped from jail and was at large, and the supreme court refused to hear his writ of error. he has never been recaptured. after all this had transpired, the german emperor decided that the canal de haro was the true boundary line under the treaty. the british troops were withdrawn from san juan island, and peace and friendship prevailed. while i have always been in favor of liberty regulated by law, and have believed that order and security were the sure resultants of law's vigorous enforcement, yet there may be times and conditions, in frontier communities, when the suspension of the general rule, like the suspension of the great writ of habeas corpus, may be justified in the forum of reason and morals. especially, is this true when the furore of the populace is not based on race, or class prejudice, or the frenzy of religion, or party madness; but has only for its ultimate, the security of person, property and habitation. hold-ups on the streets, with pistol accompaniments, were frequent in the city of seattle; burglaries were the regular order of business; no man was safe in the streets after nightfall; in fact, fear had become so intensified that in the visitation of one neighbor to another's house after dark, the visitant, after proper precautions, was received with pistol in hand. such were the conditions, i am sorry to say, existing in the embryo city of seattle in january, , and such had been the conditions for several months previous to that time. the town was full of thugs and criminals. such a situation was intolerable. during its continuance one george reynolds, a young and popular business man, was shot down in cold blood, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, while going down marion street to his place of business on front street, now first avenue. he was held up by two ruffians between what are now called third, and fourth avenues. his money and his other valuables were demanded by them, and upon his refusal to deliver up, he was assassinated. i have never been a believer in divine interposition or impulsions, but i must confess that on that fatal evening, and on a few other occasions my rationalism was somewhat shaken. my usual route from my residence on fourth avenue to my office on james street was down marion street. on that evening, arriving at marion street, under the influence of some occult force, or power, i stopped, looked down marion street, and saw the assassins of george reynolds standing near the west end of the block and leaning against the wall of the stacy premises. impelled by this mysterious force, i involuntarily went on to columbia street, and, when nearly opposite on the block to the south, heard the report of the shot that ended the life of reynolds. soon after i arrived at my office, i was informed that reynolds had been shot and that he was dying; that many citizens were assembling at the engine-house, and that my attendance was requested. i accompanied my informant to the engine-house and found there assembled from seventy to a hundred men, greatly excited and determined. we quickly formed ourselves into a committee of ways and means, and resolved to spare no expense, nor to omit any means for the apprehension and punishment of the guilty parties. i was elected chairman of that meeting. we also immediately sent out twenty-five armed men to patrol the streets leading out of town, and to guard, in boats, the water front. we soon after added to the patrol twenty-five more men; soon after, fifty more; and within an hour-and-one-half after the firing of the fatal shot, we had at least one hundred armed men, and detectives in the field, besides the active, vigilant, willing and intelligent regular police-force of the town. in addition, a select committee, headed by the honorable william h. white, was appointed to investigate the circumstances of the shooting, and to ascertain, as nearly as possible, the facts and circumstances identifying the guilty parties. i remained in the engine-house until after one o'clock, listening to the reports, made by patrolmen concerning suspicious characters, which were summarily examined and in most cases were dismissed as unfounded; but in a few cases the order was made to keep these suspects under strict surveillance, awaiting further developments. between one and two o'clock a. m. the report came in that the guilty parties had been arrested, delivered to the sheriff and by him locked up in the county jail. they had been found concealed under bales of hay on harrington's wharf. one had in his possession a pistol, but recently discharged. there were two of them. the news of their capture spread like wildfire. the patrolmen and other citizens came rushing in to the engine-house; and when the captors gave an account of their success, they were angrily asked, why they had delivered them to the sheriff, and why they had not brought them to the engine-house? the question was ominous. they were told that the captives were in the proper custody; and they were asked what they wanted the captives brought to the engine-house for? the reply was, that they wanted to look at them. this was still more ominous. i saw that so firm was the conviction that the parties arrested and in the rightful custody of the sheriff, were the guilty parties, that if the populace could get hold of them they would be strung up, without examination or trial. to this threatened act i was opposed, and i left the meeting and went down to my office. the light was still burning in the front room; i extinguished it, and, leaving the front door unlocked, went to the rear or consultation-room, locked the door and sat in a chair to meditate in the darkness on the situation, or condition of affairs. i had not been there long before two persons whom i recognized by their voices came into the front room and called me by name. i did not answer. they then came to the door of the consultation-room, rapped on the door, called me by my name and gave their own names. i finally admitted them. they told me that they had just left the crowd at the engine-house, and that the determination was fast approaching unity, and, if its culmination was not prevented, the captured men would be taken out of the jail and hung that night. they thought that i might prevent such an unnecessary and unwarranted ending of our grand and successful work. knowing that the sheriff was a man of nerve and courage, and fearless in the discharge of his official duty i dreaded the result of such an undertaking, and i finally consented to go. upon arriving at the engine-house i found it filled by an excited yet joyous crowd. i made my way through this crowd to the rear of the large assembly-room, and while working my way through, received something of an ovation. while yet standing, someone said: "judge, we thought you had thrown off on us." "never," i replied. "but to illustrate my position," i said, "let me tell a story: three negroes, passionately fond of hunting, and whose ambition in that regard was not fully satisfied by the capture of deer, turkey and quail in their native state, decided on a hunting-trip in the rocky mountains, to add the capture of larger and more dangerous game to their trophies. being fully equipped, they bought tickets for a recommended point in the mountains. arriving there, they left the train and went up into the dark woods, the sunless canyon, the silent coves and snow-crowned mountains, where the denizens of the wild were supposed to dwell. on the second day of their camping-trip, they came upon a large grizzly bear in a mountain cove. they fired at the grizzly and wounded him. then the scene changed, and the bear commenced to hunt them fiercely. two of them succeeded in climbing trees, but were unable to take their guns up with them. sam, the other, was pushed so closely that he was unable to tree. he ran in a circle, with the bear in close and hot pursuit. his companions, safely perched in their tree, halloed to him to run. 'sam, for god's sake, run.' one of the companions slipped down from the tree and, as sam and the bear approached him, made a successful shot and finished the race so far as bruin was concerned. sam, as soon as he could get his breath, says: 'what did you niggers mean by crying out to me, run sam, for god's sake, run? did you suppose i was such an enormous fool as to throw off on that race?'" i told two more of the most ludicrous and laughable stories that i could think of; the object being manifest: i wanted time for the sober second thought to assert itself. i continued somewhat thus: "are you afraid that the sheriff will send away the prisoners tonight, or that they will escape? if so, that can be prevented by sending twenty-five or fifty, or if you please, one hundred men, to keep watch and guard until nine o'clock tomorrow morning, when the justice has promised me to hold a public examination of the prisoners in the pavilion, where all may come and see them and hear the examination." the honorable william h. white, who was present, made a clear, earnest and forcible speech in favor of the proposition, and it was carried by a good majority. the pavilion was on the southeast corner of front and cherry streets. it was used as a church, as a court house, as a theater, and for all public meetings. it was over a hundred feet in length and about thirty feet in width. its entrance was from front street. at the appointed time justice samuel coombs was in his seat and the prisoners were present. they both pleaded not guilty. honorable william h. white and myself acted as prosecuting attorneys. a mr. holcomb, a lawyer of good standing and ability, appeared for the prisoners and sharply cross-examined the witnesses sworn on the part of the territory. the pavilion was full of spectators, among them was his honor roger s. greene, the then chief justice of the territory. when the evidence was all in, the territory waived its opening, but the prisoners' counsel made a brief argument in their behalf. the territory waived its right to reply. during the progress of the examination, the windows in the rear of the pavilion had been quietly removed. the justice, after a few moments of reflection, declared that the evidence of the prisoners' guilt was clear and convincing beyond a reasonable doubt, and the order of the court was, that they be held for trial without bail. when the justice had ceased speaking, someone--i have never learned who it was--slapped his hands together three or four times; and that immense audience rushed with one accord to the open windows in the rear, taking the prisoners along with them. judge greene, at first, seemed dazed by this sudden rush, but in a short time he started to follow the crowd. a man standing near seized him as he attempted to go, pulled down the theater curtain, threw it over the judge's head, and securely held him until the crowd was nearly all out of the building, whereupon james mcnaught quietly said: "let him go." the judge quickly rushed out of the building and down the alley to where the hanging was taking place. he seized one of the ropes and attempted to cut it, but he was soon hustled out of the crowd. governor elisha p. ferry then advised him, as he could do nothing, to go home. this he did. the man who had thrown the theater-curtain over the judge's head was asked why he did so; his answer was, that justice ought to be blind, on such an occasion especially. there were on the north side of james street two large-sized maple shade trees standing eight or ten feet apart. it was in these trees that a strong scantling had been placed, to which the prisoners were hung. as soon as the two men had been swung up, someone in the crowd cried out: "our work is not yet completed; let us hang the murderer of old man sires to the same scantling." the idea was immediately seconded, and about one-half of the crowd went up to the county jail, broke down its doors, took the murderer who was awaiting his trial, put a rope about his neck and quickly returned with him to the fatal scantling. the rope was thrown over it, and he was swung into eternity. i left the pavilion soon after the crowd had retired, and walked slowly down to james street. i arrived there just as the crowd was running down the hill with the murderer of sires. a gentleman rushed up to me as i was slowly walking across james street and said: "judge, how do you feel about this proceeding?" i answered: "as a member of judge greene's court, i feel terribly indignant; but as a private citizen, i think that i will recover." sires, who had been killed about a month before by a ruffian of the name of payne, was an aged pioneer. his life for many years had been a rough one, and slightly bordering on toughness; but he had reformed and joined the church; and as he was a man of good ability, he occasionally preached. confidence in his sincerity and genuine reform was general. he was poor, and, to aid in his support, he was given the office of policeman. while in the discharge of his duties as such, he was shot down by payne. there was no doubt of payne's guilt. a coronor's jury on the hanging was summoned. of this body i was a member and its foreman. we examined, i think, twelve witnesses. they all testified that john doe and richard roe and payne came to their death by hanging. who were present, aiding, or abetting, or counselling, or advising, or actually doing the said hanging, or in any manner participating in the same, they all swore that they did not know. finding that other and further investigation would be futile, we ceased taking testimony and joined in a verdict embodying what has been stated, with the addition that while we regretted the mode of their taking-off, yet we were certain in the death of the prisoners that the territory had lost no desirable citizens, and heaven had gained no subjects. court convened in a few days and judge greene gave the grand jury a well-prepared, able and elaborate charge, stating that everyone who participated in, or counselled, or advised, or actually performed the acts resulting in the death of these three men was at least guilty of manslaughter. he earnestly urged the grand jury to fearlessly investigate the matter, and if they were convinced that any person participated in the hanging of the three persons in any way spoken of by him, they ought to find indictments accordingly. everybody honored the judge for the faithful, fearless and full discharge of his duty in the matter; but his brave charge resulted in nothing. thus ended the second, most tragic event in the history of the city of seattle. whatever we may think of the mode of the taking-off of these three men, everyone admits that the result was beneficial. security in person, property and habitation was again enjoyed. the criminal classes silently left the town, and peace and order reigned. chinese riots the next tragic chapter in the history of seattle occured in the winter of , and is known as the chinese riots. it is not my purpose to give a detailed statement of either the cause or the facts attending them. they had no substantial cause. they sprang from race prejudice and political madness. there had been no actual or threatened invasion by the chinamen, of the rights of persons, or of property, or of personal security. in fact, the chinamen were a quiet and peaceable folk, engaged in the more humble occupations of life. they did not interfere in politics, or in the social or civic concerns of society. in numbers they were a small body as compared with the dominant race. in these circumstances it was resolved by quite a large but irresponsible faction that the chinese must go; and a notice was served upon them fixing the time of their required departure. they paid no attention to it, but continued in their peaceful avocations. at the appointed time, a large committee--headed, i am sorry to say, by two lawyers who were backed up by promise of support of their fellow conspirators--went to the chinese quarters, and, with threat of the use of force if they did not obey, compelled them to pack up their portable effects and to go to a designated wharf where they could go aboard of a steamer bound for san francisco. there was a strong line of assistants to speed their progress to the wharf, and to guard them after their arrival there. many thus, were deported. the courts soon interfered. writs of habeas corpus were granted to the chinamen, and, no cause for their restraint appearing, they were discharged. his excellency, governor watson c. squire, being in town, ordered out the militia, which under the command of the bold and fearless col. j. c. haines, who was ably assisted by general e. m. carr and others, did effective work. the _posse comitatus_ was also summoned, and it quickly responded. in the afternoon of that fatal day a conflict occurred between the opposing forces near the old new england hotel; shots were fired by both parties, and two of the rioters were seriously wounded. the flow of blood seemed to have a cooling effect on the rioters, and they slowly departed for their homes, disappointed, defeated in their purpose, and with smothered feelings of vengeance. the governor, wisely considering the actual and threatened danger existing, proclaimed martial law, suspended the writ of habeas corpus until further orders, and by telegraph requested the president of the united states to send a federal military force adequate to preserve order, to vindicate the supremacy of the treaties of the united states and the honor of the government. that military force soon appeared under the command of general gibbons, and for two weeks or more the town was under martial law. peace and order having been restored, and the sober second thought having asserted its dominion, the troops were withdrawn and all was well. thus ended the third chapter of tragedy in the history of the town (now city) of seattle. battle at seattle after my arrival in seattle in the summer of , i became much interested in seattle's local history. i had known and read of the indian war of - , and of the attack on the town of seattle by the indians on january th, , in which two white men were killed; but of the details of that attack, and of the ensuing battle, i knew nothing. i wrote to lieutenant phelps, who was an officer on the warship "decatur" at the time, and who had written and published an account of the battle, to send me his pamphlet containing such descriptive account, and he promptly and courteously complied with my request. in addition to that official statement, i obtained from many of the leading residents at the time further details, facts and information hereinafter stated. i ought possibly to state that at the request of hillory butler, a dear friend and pioneer, who was present and participated in the fight, i wrote his biography, from which the following is taken. further to understand the situation, it ought to be remembered that the side-hill fronting the bay from the east line of second street (now avenue) eastward was a dense copse of fern and brush, logs and tree tops, as well as standing timber to the top of the ridge and beyond, affording an excellent cover, or ambuscade for the indians. "in the fall of the indian tribes east of the mountains became hostile. a small force under major haller was sent into the yakima country to reduce the hostiles to subjection. this force was defeated and driven back to the dalles. this but aggravated the discontent of the indians and well-nigh precipitated a general uprising. a feeling of dread and insecurity among the settlers was everywhere present. as precautionary measures, block-houses were built and stockades constructed, in many cases none too soon. a block-house was built in seattle near where the boyd building now stands. hostile emisseries were known to be at work among the puget sound tribes. some of the tribes were known to be wavering in their allegiance to the whites and many individuals of all these tribes had joined the ranks of the hostiles. the people of seattle, however, felt quite secure for the 'decatur,' a thirty-gun united states war-ship, under the command of capt. gansworth, lay at anchor in the harbor. her crew consisted of men. there was aboard of her also a company of marines, under the immediate command of lieut. morris. notwithstanding all this, the evidence of an impending attack, became from day to day more convincing to those who calmly studied the situation, and had an accurate knowledge of the indian character. they were, however, the few; the large majority were unbelievers, and the block-house was tenantless. on the morning of the th day of february, , friendly indians brought the dire intelligence that the town was entirely surrounded with a force of from five to eight hundred hostile indians, under the command of leschi, and other hostile chiefs. even then, no other attention was paid to this startling information than the sending word to the commander of the 'decatur.' he, however, immediately acted on the information and sent lieut. morris, with the company of marines and one of the ship's guns, to the shore. they landed on the point a short distance south of where the new england hotel now stands. it was about seven o'clock in the morning. not an indian was to be seen. all work had ceased. silence reigned supreme. men, women and children quietly went to the block-house, or stood in the door-way, or beside their cabins, watching the movement of the soldiers. lieut. morris loaded his cannon with a shell and directed aim to be taken at an abandoned cabin, situate on the point a short distance beyond where the gas works now are. the aim was accurate. the shell struck the cabin, exploded, and demolished it. that shot of defiance was immediately answered by the indians, by a volley from, three to five hundred rifles. then followed a general stampede of men, women and children for the block-house or the friendly protection of the shore bank--and had it not been for the fact, that the rifles in the hands of the indians had been generally emptied by the first volley, many of the inhabitants would have fallen on their way to the sheltering bank or block-house. the indians were here, and skepticism was at an end. the smoke from the rifles indicated clearly that the front line held by the indians extended along where third street or avenue now is until marion street was past, where it curved towards the bay. it was a complete semi-circle, and every part of the then town was within easy rifle range, from said line. "the 'decatur' opened with solid shot and shells--alternating with canister and grape. all day long the roar of the decatur's cannon continued. the ground beyond third street was torn up by exploding shells--huge logs and trees were splintered by solid shot--and seemingly every space covered by showers of grape and canister, but still leschi's warriors held their lines. they kept up a desultory firing all day and continued the same until about midnight, when they withdrew as noiselessly as they came. three whites were killed during the day--young holgate was struck by a bullet between the eyes, while he was standing in the block-house door, and was instantly killed. the others were killed in the attempt to go, or return from their cabins. every house was struck by indian bullets. strange to say, no one was hit by the first general volley fired by the indians. how many indians, if any were killed or wounded, during the fight, has never been known. "when the first gun was fired mr. butler and his wife were just sitting down to breakfast. they both jumped from the table and went to the door. the bullets from the answering volley struck all around them. mrs. butler hastened to the block-house and safely reached it. butler gathered up a few valuables and followed in a short time. he, however, sought the friendly protection of logs and stumps, for the indian rifles were now reloaded and the closeness of the whizzing bullets indicated that the indians were watching his stealthy flight. he returned to his house in the same manner during the day for some portable valuables. while there, he went up stairs, but the bullets were rattling around in a manner a little too spiteful and plentiful, and he did not stay long. those of the men who had rifles, took positions behind some protecting log or friendly stump, and fired at the spot where the puff of a rifle indicated an indian warrior concealed. whether these shots were effective or not, is unknown--they often caused a cessation of firing from that ambuscade. as full of terror as were the events of that february day, the duration of its effect on the minds of the pioneer settlers of the embryo city was but brief. it was but a thrilling passage in the unwritten history of pioneer life. after the roar of the decatur's cannon and the sharp crack of the rifle had ceased, all returned to cabins and homes, and soundly slept and sweetly dreamed of the good time coming. such is pioneer life, and such the mental conditions, and characters it begets. still we cannot disguise the fact that had it not been for the presence of the war-ship decatur, with her complement of guns and fighting men, the town would have been plundered and burned, and its inhabitants would have perished in a terrible massacre. "during that fated morning chief seattle with many of his tribe lay under the cover of the friendly shore-banks, silent and stolid spectators of the raging battle. during a lull in the firing, he, to the astonishment of all, leaped upon the bank and with arms flying, and voice roaring defiance, commenced a bending, bounding and contortion war-dance of the most intensified order. the hostiles quickly got the range, but as soon as the bullets commenced to sing around him in dangerous proximity, seattle's feet flashed in air as he made a headlong plunge down the bank. seattle's war-dance was over, and he attempted no repetition of the performance on that gloomy day. many who witnessed this strange performance supposed that the old chieftain had received a mortal shot, but he had escaped without a scratch. "the indians, in giving an account afterwards, of the firing from the ship, said that they were not afraid of the solid shot and grape and canister, but the guns that 'poohed' (or shot) twice were a mystery and terror to them. this was their description of the firing and explosion of shells. "this was in harmony with the idea of the indians on the plains in their first intercourse with the immigrants. the first immigrants' trains had with them mountain howitzers mounted on strong gun carriages. the indians spoke of the bostons as a tribe of men who could shoot their wagons at them. "a kindred idea was entertained by the mexicans, of the spaniards when cortez first invaded mexico. the mexican had no written, but a pictorial language. the spaniard on his horse was pictured as one animal with two heads, four legs and two arms. this was the description which the correspondents of those days first sent to the halls of montezuma for the inspection of an affrighted monarch. "we have already stated that during the battle a large number of shells fell upon the benches between third street and the bluff beyond. most of them exploded when they struck the ground, or a log, or a tree. some of them, however, did not, but buried themselves in the earth or under the roots of huge trees, retaining all their latent forces. it is said that our friend dextor horton on one of his tours of inspection of the improvements going on in his loved city one chilly day, passed by the lots on which mr. colman's fine residence now stands. noticing a crater of fire burning in the center of a mammoth cedar stump, he drew near to it to enjoy the genial heat. as is always characteristic of man, he turned his back to the fire, parted his coat tails, and was comfortable. as the day, although cold, was clear and the bright waters of the sound were before him--the dark forests beyond and still beyond, the olympic range with its ragged ridges then snow-crowned--as he was drinking in this scene of beauty and grandeur, lo! a terrific explosion occurred. impelled by the impetus of the explosion he made a quick start and very fast time, for a short distance. convinced, however, that the shooting was over, he stopped and turned to see what had happened. the stump was gone, the fire extinguished, and he left with the mournful remark, that he had no idea the durn stump was loaded." my religious belief i believe in that system of religion which produces, in its practical operation, the best man and the best woman, the best husbands and the best wives, the best fathers and the best mothers, the most affectionate and obedient children, and the more honest and patriotic citizens and public functionaries. i care not what you may call it; by its fruit or practical results it should be judged. this is the bible rule, and it is eminently practical and just. i further believe in the existence of an allwise creator of all things--the supreme ruler of the universe. i do not believe in him as a supreme ruler located at some distant point in an immense universe, but as an omnipresent god. i believe in the immortality of man--not of his physical nature, but of that divine emanation breathed into the nostrils of man by his creater that made him a living soul. it was an emanation from god and cannot die. i do not intend to state more than one reason among many for my belief in the existence of god; but the immortality of man, founded on reason, outside of the scriptural declarations, i shall present more elaborately. when i take a survey of the universe and find all things running in the rhythm of order and harmony, i ask myself the question: what is it that produces this universal order and harmony? no answer can be given other than that it is the result of law. now, we can have no more conception of law outside of a lawmaker, than we can have of an agent without a principal or an agency. law and lawmaker, as well as agent and principal, are inseparably interlocked. the one cannot exist without the other. therefore since we must admit the existence of law, the existence of a lawmaker is a necessary logical sequence: that lawmaker, is god. as to the immortality of the soul, i offer the following reason, founded principally on grounds outside of the bible's declaration of the fact. ever since the poetic job uttered the profound question, "if a man die shall he live again?" the inquiry has been ringing down the pathway of time with increasing interest. man's immortality is usually proven by the declarations of the bible, which are supposed to reveal it as an ultimate truth. the immortality of the soul is susceptable not of demonstration, but of reasonable proof by reason itself. if we concede the existence of god with the attributes usually ascribable to such a being, and which he must necessarily possess in order to be god, such as infinite wisdom, goodness and almighty power, and if we concede further that he is the creator of man, man's immortality results as a logical sequence from such concessions. the desire of immortality, if not universal among all conditions of men, at least approaches universality. this universal desire may be called an innate property, or attribute of man's moral constitution implanted in him by his creator. it can not be true that a being with the attributes which we ascribe to god, could create man with such a desire, to tantalize him through life, and to disappoint him in death. consider the fact that nowhere in nature, from the highest to the lowest, was an instinct, an impulse, a desire implanted, but that ultimately were found the conditions and opportunities for its fullest realization. consider the wild fowl that, moved by some mysterious impulse, start on their prodigious migrations from the frozen fens of the pole and reach at last the shining south and summer seas; the fish that from tropic gulfs seek their spawning-grounds in the cool, bright rivers of the north; the bees that find in the garniture of fields and forests the treasure with which they store their cells; and even the wolf, the lion, and the tiger that are provided with their prey. look in this connection to the brevity of life; its incompleteness; its aimless, random, and fragmentary carreers; tragedies; its injustices; its sorrows and separations. then consider the insatiable hunger for knowledge; the efforts of the unconquerable mind to penetrate the mysteries of the future; its capacity to comprehend infinity and eternity; its desire for the companionship of the departed; its unquenchable aspirations for immortality--and let me ask: "why should god keep faith with the beast, the bee, the fish, and the fowl, and cheat only man?" but the logical sequence from the concessions mentioned above is not the argument in proof of man's immortality which i desire to present. the account of the creation of man as given in the bible is remarkable for its statement of the distinguishing difference between man and the rest of creation. when man was created, god breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and man became a living soul. he created the beasts of the field, the fowls of the air, the fishes in the sea and the creeping things on the earth, but none of these became living souls. this language, whether inspired or not, states the difference which now exists and which has ever existed between man and the other created things. what do we understand by soul? by soul is meant the power to think, to reflect, and to judge of the moral quality of actions and thoughts. let me take the sceptic's standard of what we should believe, and what we should not believe; that is, we ought not to believe that of which we have no evidence, and for which we can give no satisfactory reason. i proceed by a process of elimination, as will be readily seen. my first proposition, interrogatively stated, is this. is the power to think and reflect and to judge of the moral quality of thoughts and actions, a property of matter or not? if it is a property of matter, then the sands and rocks and the earth think and reflect and judge of the moral quality of actions and thoughts; but we have no reason to believe that sand, or rock, or earth thinks, or that either possesses the ability to judge of the moral quality of actions or thoughts; hence we ought not to believe it. thus we see that the general proposition is not true, and ought not to be believed. secondly--is thought and the power to judge of the moral qualities of thoughts and actions a property of organized matter? the grass and shrubs and trees are organized matter; but we have no reason to believe, and no evidence upon which such a belief can be founded, that the grass, or trees, or shrubs think, or possess any power to judge of the moral quality of things; therefore, according to the standard which we have adopted, we ought not to believe it; hence the more limited proposition is not true. thirdly--is the power to think, to reflect and to judge of the moral quality of actions and thoughts a property of animal organization? if it be, clams and oysters as animal organizations think; possess the power to reflect and to judge of the moral quality of thoughts and actions, but we have no evidence that they possess any of these powers, and consequently we ought not to believe it. fourthly--are the powers we have been considering essential to the existence of soul-life, possessed by the higher animal organizations, such as lions and tigers and domestic animals? here an important distinction must be noted. there is a thing, universally recognized as existing, called instinct. all of the actions of animals and many of the actions of human beings spring from instinct. instinct was given for self-preservation and defense. it is a sort of semi-intellect, and sometimes in the perfection of its action is equal to the highest development of soul-power; for instance, the action of a bee, purely the result of instinct, in the economy of space in the fitness of all its contrivances in making the comb, is wonderful; no improvement can be made upon it by the highest development of inventive genius. how does instinct act as contra distinguished from actions based upon the exercise of soul-power? instinct acts in a straight or direct line with its object. as an illustration,--a tiger is hungry, a man is hungry; the tiger sees a lamb--the man sees a loaf of bread in the baker's window; both, left to the impulse of instinct, would go directly to the object desired by each; the man, although cruelly hungry, as he approaches the object of his desires, says to himself, "this bread does not belong to me; it is the property of another, and i have no right to take it without his consent." here we see, in the case of the man, a soul-power acting at right angles with the impulse of instinct and controlling and governing the action of the man. it is only when men are controlled by soul-power, as against instinct, that they really are men in the higher sense of the term. with this principle thus briefly stated, and carefully separating the actions of men as well as animals springing from instinct from the actions of men springing from the soul-power, we are prepared to make the declaration that the tiger is incapable of acting on the considerations that influenced the action of the man; the rightfulness or wrongfulness of his act in seizing the lamb did not, nor could it enter at all into his action; he was affected by no consideration of right or wrong, and indeed could not be; hence we are prepared for the conclusion that the power to think, to reflect and to judge of the moral quality of acts and thoughts, is not possessed by the higher animal organization, or, in other words, that they have no soul such as we have defined it. having thus briefly shown by a process of elimination that man alone possesses the power that we have described as soul-power, we have established the first part of our argument. man alone being possessed of soul qualities, the question arises, what are the duration of these qualities? we argue that, being an emanation from god, they must of necessity partake of the nature of god, and are therefore indestructible, and eternal. but it is objected that when the body dies we see no more manifestation of soul-life. concede it, for the sake of argument. does it follow that the soul is extinct? the body was the instrument through which the soul manifested itself, just as the piano is the instrument through, or by which, a certain class or kind of music is manifested. is the impairment or destruction of the particular piano, a destruction or extinction of that music? who would thus reason? the music manifested through that piano had an existence in the mind, or soul of some person anterior to the existence of the signs made on paper by the use of which the music on the piano was produced, or manifested; and it is evident that the impairment or destruction of the piano did not destroy the music. what force, then, is there in the claim that, simply because the instrument through which the soul manifested itself is dead, the soul itself is dead, or extinct? there are many illustrations of this thought in actual life. the wonderful, almost inspired, conception of beauty, passion and anguish transferred by the artist's brush to canvas, as enduring monuments of the immortality of genius, existed in the mind of the artist before a single line of the grand conception was transferred to canvas. if there be any defect in the picture it is usually a defect of execution, not of conception. the canvas is but the means by which these conceptions of beauty, passion or anguish are manifested to the souls of others. who will argue that the destruction of the frail canvas is the destruction of these conceptions? they existed before they were transferred to canvas; its destruction does not extinguish them. it is said again, that soul-attributes are the results of that mysterious power called life, operating in connection with animal organization. but a tiger has life and animal organization, yet it is clear that he possesses no soul-qualities. besides, if soul-qualities are the result of such life and organization, the manifestation of soul-power would be in exact proportion to the strength of the forces operating to produce this resultant; hence the elephant, in which these forces exist in the larger degree, would give us the grander manifestation of intellectual and moral qualities. i have stated the objection and given a brief answer, but full enough to show the logical absurdity of the objection. but it is said that soul-qualities are the active manifestations of gray matter in the human brain. we have already seen that the power to think, to reflect, and to judge of the moral quality of thoughts and acts, is not a property of matter. none of it, by itself or in combination, possesses this power. wonderful have been the combinations and resultants of the operations of chemists, but life even in its simplest form is beyond their power. how much further beyond their power must be the production of the soul-power mentioned above! besides, this gray matter has been analyzed and its constituent elements ascertained; none of these elements in its simplest form show any trace of this power. how is it possible, then, by combination to produce that of which no trace even existed in the elements? then too, if this power is resultant, it is a law of chemistry that all resultants may be reduced back to its constituent elements. it would indeed be a wonderful achievement to reduce the power to think as a resultant, back to its constituent gases. again, take the case of a strong and healthy man suddenly killed by a bullet penetrating both ventricles of the heart; this gray matter exists intact in the brain immediately after the extinction of life. decay does not immediately affect its power. does the man think, reflect and judge of the moral qualities of thoughts and acts after the extinction of life? if so, then this soul-power exists after death, and the argument answers itself. this argument has proceeded far enough to show its line of thought. much might be added by way of illustration, details and further supporting propositions, but it is not deemed necessary. i conclude, then, that the soul is not only a unit with the power ascribed to it, but that it is also an invisible, immaterial and eternal entity or being. this is but the enumeration of the attributes of a spirit or spirit-existence. i will not attempt to repeat the reasons found in every text-book of mental philosophy and moral science to show its unity. we have seen that it is not matter; yea, more, that it is not a property of matter; therefore that it is immaterial. if immaterial and possessing the power to think and reflect, and endowed with moral sensations and perceptions--the highest and best evidences of life--it is a spirit-existence. as such, what evidence have we that a spirit-existence was ever destroyed? that it exists in manifest. existing with no evidence of its destruction or of its destructibility, we ought to believe in its immortality; hence, i conclude, if a man die, he will live again. i have had a controversy on religious subjects but once in my life. i have always desired to avoid such controversies. fixed religious opinions in the minds of others, especially of the old, i regard as sacred. to create a doubt, is to loosen them from their moral and religious moorings and to set them hopelessly adrift. after i had left school and was recuperating at my father's house, a gentleman of the name of wellover, who had known me all my life, and who was a plain man of the common people, came to my father's house to see me. his residence was in what was called the burr oak settlement, distant about six miles from the town of sturgis. he was a member of the methodist church and a very exemplary christian. he seemed to be much troubled. he said to me: "orange, you know i have been a believer in the bible and its doctrines for many years. a man has been delivering a course of lectures in the school-house in our settlement. he claims to be a greek and latin scholar, and he is attempting to show that the priests have so translated the bible that it is a deception and a fraud. now, orange," he said, "i want you to go down with me to listen to one of his lectures, and afterwards to tell me whether his translations are true or not." i said to him, "you go up to town and see william allman, who is a graduate of greenbury college, indiana, and is reputed to be a good greek scholar, and ask him to go with me. tell him to bring with him his large cooper's greek dictionary, and if he will go, i will also." he departed, and soon returned with allman. i took my large cooper's latin dictionary; we got into wellover's carriage and we went to his fine residence, took supper with him, and then went to hear the lecture of that evening. we found a good-sized audience in attendance at the school-house. the lecturer, who had passed the middle age in life, stated in his introductory remarks that he would pursue the same course as theretofore, and show, by reference to the greek and latin languages, how the priests had translated the scriptures; sometimes correctly, but in most cases, where their interests were involved, so as to create a dismal terror in the present, and perpetuate by fear, their power in the future. he said that if there were any present acquainted with these languages, he would be glad, if he made an incorrect statement, to be interrupted, and if the statement was incorrect he would correct it. he denied the existence of a god and the immortality of man. he further declared that religion, on account of its doctrine of hate and vengeance, made men crazy. i interrupted, and asked him what was the proof of the last statement; he said the proof was manifest, for that men babbled of religion, of god, immortality and hell, after they became crazy. i answered by saying that i had heard men babble of snakes in their boots, snakes in the bed and snakes everywhere in the room, but i never knew that snakes had anything to do with their madness; in fact, i said, such madness had a well-recognized and efficient cause. he said: "don't attempt to be smart, young man," and i took my seat. he further declared that if man were immortal, beasts were also, for the romans had used the word "animus" indiscriminately as to both, and that the priests had translated "animus" to mean intellect and what was called by them, the soul of man. i told him i thought he was mistaken. he rather uncourteously asked me what i knew about latin. i told him that i had some knowledge of it and that the romans used the word "mens" from which we derived our word mind, mental, and many other words of the same character, to signify the soul of man; and did not use the word "animus" for that purpose, or with that meaning. i read to him and to the audience from the dictionary the definitions of "animus" and of "mens." this drove him out of the latin language, and he and allman had a spirited and sharp and somewhat personal dispute, about some greek or pretended greek word. the controversy showed that he had no knowledge, or only a very limited knowledge, of what he was talking about. he said, after the wrangle with allman was ended, that he had been interrupted so much by the two young men from town, that he would not proceed with his lecture on that evening, but would close by telling his experience. he said that he had been a minister for eighteen years--nine years in the methodist church, and nine years in the christian or campbellite church. he divided all ministers into two classes--knaves and fools. i interrupted him again and asked him, inasmuch as he had been a minister for eighteen years and classed all ministers as knaves and fools, what class he belonged to. he hesitated a moment and said: "i am willing to confess that i belong to the class of fools." "then," i said, "that confession proves the bible to be true, for it says, 'the fool hath said in his heart, "there is no god."'" the meeting dissolved, and he lectured no more in that settlement. his pretended knowledge of the greek and latin languages was a deception and fraud. indians and their customs the indians are fast passing away, and their customs and mode of thought are passing with them and will only linger in dim tradition. for over fifty-five years i have been in close contact with many individuals of the different tribes of oregon, washington, british columbia and california and i have taken considerable interest in the study of their characteristics. i have already stated that the indian is an impassive stoic. if he has any human emotions, they are with the exception of anger, never displayed in his countenance. when angry, his countenance becomes fixed, sullen, morose and determined. he does not voice his anger, but silently nurses his wrath to keep it warm. he has no wit, but has a keen sense of the ludicrous, sometimes degenerating into short pungent sarcasm. this is the exception, not the general rule. he reasons from surface indications and has a keen perception of the absurd, or what he considers such. i have given one illustration in the narration of r.'s civilizing efforts. it is stated that an indian chief said to general isaac i. stevens, in one of his treaty conventions, "we and our fathers have always possessed this country. we have no objections to the whites coming and enjoying it with us. the country is ours. why do the whites always urge the indian to go upon reservations? the indian never tells the whites that they must go on reservations." on my return from colville in i met an indian with a fine mare. i asked him if he would sell her to me. "yes," he said, "you may have her for fifteen dollars." i had with me a surplus of blankets and coarse but warm clothing, and i offered to trade him three pair of blankets and a suit of coarse clothing for his mare. it was a cold morning, and the grass was stiff with hoar frost. he had nothing on him in the shape of clothing or wraps, with the exception of a thin calico shirt. i told him that he needed these blankets and clothes to keep him warm. i asked him if he was not cold. he answered in the yankee style by asking me if my face was cold. i told him "no." "well," says he, "i am face all over." the most thorough and extended system of esperanto which ever existed, so far as my knowledge goes, was spoken on this coast. it was an invention of the hudson bay company, and extended and was spoken by the indians generally from the northern portion of california through all of oregon and washington and british columbia, and north of that along the coast for a great distance. it was also spoken and understood by the pioneers, settlers and trappers through all this vast region. it was spartan in some of its laconisms. as an illustration: i was appointed by the court, in the trial of a criminal case in southern oregon, for the defense of three indians on the charge of grand larceny. they were indicted for horse-stealing. the proof against them was clear and satisfactory. i labored to reduce the offense from grand to petit larceny, and i succeeded, for the jury brought in a verdict of "guilty of petit larceny." the court sentenced them to three months' imprisonment each, in the county jail. when their time expired, the sheriff opened the doors and told them they might go; but, instead of going, they went to the further end of a long, narrow hall, and two of them squatted in the corners and the other between them against the wall. the sheriff came to my office and said to me, "jacobs, i want you to go with me over to the jail. i can't make those clients of yours understand that they may go." i went over with him and found them thus situated. i told them in the jargon, or esperanto, that they had paid the debt they owed to the whites and that they were free to go to their homes to see their fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters and friends. the center man--the oldest of the three--slowly arose and very emphatically spoke the following: "halo mammook, hiyu muck-a-muck, hyas close, wake klatawa." this being interpreted means: "we have nothing to do, we have plenty to eat, we think it very good, we will not go." we had to drive them out of the jail and into the road on their way home. i walked slowly back to my office meditating on the philosophy of such punishment for an indian. before i came to puget sound i had heard of a cultus potlatch. a potlatch is the giving-away of all of our earthly possessions without any hope or expectation of any return, either in kind or value. there was an indian on the sound known by the whites as indian jim. jim had a wonderful ability to accumulate property; he was an indian morgan, or rockefeller. he was an expert gambler and trader, and very industrious withal. he usually worked at the mills, where many other indians were employed, and he not only saved the money earned by himself, but obtained, by his expertness in gambling, much of the money earned by the other indians, and much of that earned by the white laborers. this money he invested in blankets--usually at victoria. some of his accumulation of gold he had changed into fifty and twenty-five cent pieces. he also purchased quite a quantity of calico and indian trinkets. when he had secured a large accumulation of such things, he gave a potlatch. the one i attended was held on the tide-flats south of seattle. as the time approached, many canoes were on the bay, headed by a joyous crowd going to the potlatch. jim was very anxious that i should attend the closing-day of the potlatch. i told him that i would go. he sent a large canoe with eight paddle-men to take me to the potlatch. so i went in style, i witnessed the closing ceremonies and jim had enough to give every one in attendance, a blanket, or piece of money, or some gaudy calico, beads or other trinkets. he even took off a pretty good suit of clothes that he was accustomed to wear and gave them away, substituting an old suit for them. he accompanied me to the city on my return. i said to him, "jim, you now are a vagabond; you have no clothes to wear, no provisions to eat, and no money." he said that that was all right; he would soon get some more. he said it was all the same as that of the whites, but it was much better than the white man's potlatch. he said that whenever he met his friends he could see in their countenance a pleasant light. he also gave me to understand that it made a sort of nobleman of him. but he said when the white man died his children make a potlatch of what he left behind him; and, being dead he could not see in their countenances that light arising from what they had received from him. i thought possibly that jim's philosophy had a touch of sarcasm, and a good deal of truth in it. in memoriam james a. garfield was elected president of the united states of america in november, , and was inaugurated on the th of march, ; was shot and mortally wounded on the nd day of july, ; and was removed to elberton, new jersey, where he lingered until september th, and on that day he died--to the great sorrow of a waiting, hopeful and sympathetic nation. no death in our history, save possibly that of lincoln, so generally and profoundly filled the hearts of the american people with sorrow as did the death of garfield. after its announcement a nation, inspired by a common impulse, at once hung out the dark emblems of sorrow. september th was appointed memorial day. on the th a public meeting was called in seattle at the old pavilion. honorable roger s. greene was elected chairman of that meeting, and he was to act as such on memorial day. myself, rev. george h. watson and honorable william h. white were invited to deliver at that time addresses on the character and public career of the fallen statesman. on the appointed day an audience of over four thousand people assembled in front of and on each side of the west end of the old occidental hotel. the officers of the day and the speakers occupied the first balcony of the hotel. the exercises were appropriately opened with prayer by rev. ellis. honorable roger s. greene made a brief but earnest and impressive address, and introduced me in the following complimentary language: "we shall hear from one to-day who can occupy an appreciative standpoint and speak of the departed president with more than common sympathy for his public purposes and deeds. "yet more. you yourselves have something to say. you seek one of yourselves to speak for you; one who not only, like the lamented dead, thinks as the people think and feels as the people feel, but one who belongs to this local community and who shares our own peculiar shade of sorrow. "such an one is here. he is a man skilled in the use of words, a man identified with yourselves, a man experienced and accomplished in public and national affairs, a man personally acquainted with james a. garfield. "fellow citizens, i introduce to you orange jacobs, your orator of to-day." thus eloquently introduced to the audience, i delivered the following address: "fellow citizens:--in arising to address you on this occasion i feel my own inability to do the subject justice; and the hollow impotence of human language to express the sentiment of national woe. we have assembled to honor the memory, to revere the character, and recount the living virtues of a fallen patriot and statesman. james a. garfield, the popular idol of the nation, is no more. his spirit has passed the bourne from whence there is no return. we have, in time of our greatest need, lost one of our greatest statesmen and purest patriots. in the mid-day of his manhood, in the midst of his usefulness, just as hope became steady, and faith reliant and sure, mr. garfield descended to the grave. his sun of life has set forever. it fell from its meridian splendor, as falls a star from the blazing galaxy of heaven. no twilight obscured its setting. "as the sun of the physical world--the brightest and grandest of all of the luminaries of the firmament sinks to rest, tingeing the clouds that stretch along the horizon with the golden glories of its declining rays, so garfield, the sun-intellect of this nation, has gone to his repose, reflecting the light of his noble deeds and unfaltering patriotism, tingeing the breaking clouds of dissention with the beauty and effulgence of hope and peace. "when the telegraph flashed over a hopeful nation the mournful news of james a. garfield's death, with the previous knowledge of the cowardly means by which it was effected, the great popular and patriotic heart momentarily ceased its pulsations, and the life-current of a nation, stood still for a moment, until the energies of patriotic vitality gathered new force to repel the effect of the stunning shock. unbelief and astonishment were succeeded by wordless sorrow, and this was mingled with emotions of patriotic vengeance. patriots in this mournful hour can brook no sympathy for the damning deed--can bear no manifestation of joy for the bloody work of the assassin. "james a. garfield was the popular representative of american patriotism. as president he possessed no powers but those freely delegated to him by his fellow-citizens. his highest duty under the constitution, and by the delegation of the people, was to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution and government established by the revolutionary fathers. in the faithful discharge of these duties, he was suddenly struck down by an assassin. the blow struck not the president alone; it reached in its rebound the popular heart of america. the shot meant the annihilation of delegated power, and as such reached the fountains of popular vitality. "the people, in the exercise of their inherent sovereignty, may elect, but if it does not suit he shall not live says the shot of the assassin. such assassinations are extremely dangerous to liberty and constitutional government. if the will of the majority is defeated in this manner, popular government will not long survive. anarchy, bloodshed and general civil war will succeed the rebound of the popular heart. the popular frenzy which developed itself in mobs in many sections of our country, on the reception of the tidings of lincoln's death, is but the logical sequence of the assassin's stroke at civil liberty and popular rights. then it behooves every well-wisher of his country, on such mournful occasions, to give emphasis and intensity to the nation's woe. for, mark you, fellow-citizens, there is a smothered volcano of wrath and vengeance in the great popular heart upon such occasions. a word may vent it, and fill all this fair land with the lava of blood and ashes. "one more preliminary consideration before i call your attention to the life, character and public services of our dead president. what will be the effect and consequence of this horrid murder, considered with reference to national affairs? no one present can fully tell. most of the ultimate consequences are too remote and recondite to be comprehended now. we must wait for the full development of the logic of events. this we know, that the time elapsing between the assassin's shot and the lamented death of his victim has been sufficient for the supremacy of reason and the subjugation of passion so far as to prevent any immediate dire results to free government. the american people, yea the anglo-saxon race, are believers in law and order. they put their trust in and found their hopes upon a liberty regulated by law. passion may triumph for an hour, but the sober-second-thought of the masses is sure to assert itself. passion has never but once in our history crystalized into revolution. it is this subordination to law, this reverence for its majesty, this reliant faith in its methods and results, that constitute the bulwark of our liberties, and make the american people capable of self-government. "james a. garfield was born on the th day of november, , in orange, cuyahoga county, state of ohio, and hence was in his fiftieth year when he died. he was a graduate of williams college, massachusetts. after his graduation he followed the profession of teacher, and was president of a literary institution in ohio for several years. he afterwards studied law, and so great was his proficiency, that in legal knowledge and forensic power he was a foeman worthy of the steel of such men as stanton, ewing, stanberry and others of national reputation at the ohio bar. he entered the union army as colonel of the nd ohio, in ; was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general january th, ; was appointed chief of the staff of the army of the cumberland, and was promoted to the rank of major-general, sept. th, ; was elected to the th congress while in the field, and was successively elected up to and including the th congress; and while holding this last position he was elected senator from the great state of ohio, to succeed judge thurman. he never took his seat, however, in the american senate, for he was nominated and elected president, before judge thurman's time expired. i ought to have mentioned that in -' he was a member of the state senate of ohio. such is a brief history of this remarkable man. "james a. garfield, in common with abraham lincoln, the patriotic and lamented douglas, and the eloquent clay, sprang from the loins of the american people. these all forced their way from poverty up to commanding positions and national renown. their genius for public affairs was triumphant over all opposition and victorious in their rising greatness. the success of such men is possible only in a government by the people. be it said to the everlasting honor of the people, and their fitness for government, that they not only recognized the ability of these men, but they gave them their affections without stint, and their hearty support in opposition to party. and to-day, from his sublime heights, he whom we commemorate beholds a manifestation of this affection, by a nation in mourning. "his knowledge, tact, and judgment made him equal to every position bestowed upon him by the partiality of his countrymen; yea, more, he was a leader in all. as a student, scholar, and teacher he stood high. as a soldier his coolness in the shock of battle, as well as his admirable foresight and judgment, won for him rapid promotion. as a legislator, debater, orator and statesman he had but few equals and no superiors. and it was in these capacities that i knew him well, as it is in the character of congressman that he is best known to the great mass of the american people, i pause for a brief time to consider some of his qualities as a legislator. "he was for many years, while the republicans had control of the house, chairman of the committee on appropriations. this was a position of the highest importance and of the most commanding influence. it gave him control of all the appropriations of the government and made his the actual leader of the house. a defeat of this committee by the house would be as disastrous to the party in power as the defeat of the ministry in england: a defeat by his own party would show such lack of unity of purpose, and of objects, and ideas on the part of the majority, as to render them incapable of carrying on the government. "firm, decided, full of expedients, and wonderful in debate, he not only carried his measures triumphantly through, but at each session strengthened his hold upon his party and the country. in the fierce contests that raged upon such occasions, he showed that his knowledge and intellect were stupendous. his quick perception grasped, his strong memory retained, and his ready logic commanded, immense sources of useful knowledge, gathered from science, reflection, the history of the past, and the stirring events of the present. in debate he rejected all rhetorical ornament, all ostentation and show. stating his premises concisely, his reasoning led to the conclusion aimed at, as irresistibly as the current of a deep and strong river leads to the sea. there was a logical force and point to his clear sentences that tended to his conclusions with the directness and certainty with which the successive steps in a mathematical demonstration point to the grand result. in making an attack or repelling an assault upon his position, he always had a mark, and his intellectual shots fell in and around that mark with effective proximity. "but while he was truly great in devising and successfully carrying through the great appropriation bills, made necessary by the enormous expenditures of the war, he was greater by far as the philosophic leader of his party. "after the power vanished from his party in the house, although his knowledge, of the principles and rules of parliamentary law was full and accurate, he rarely spoke on questions of order; but when the principles, policy, methods, or measures of the republican party were attacked, he was always put forward as their champion; and, although men will and do honestly differ about such matters, yet by the concessions of friend and foe alike, the proudest monuments of his intellectual greatness have for their base these masterly vindications. "he had a power of generalization and classification possessed by but few men. he was not a logician in the popular sense of the term. he addressed the intuitions, and consciences, of men quite as often as their reason. john c. calhoun, senators morton and bayard and garfield, stand unrivalled among american statesmen for their wonderful powers of generalization, classification, and analysis. this power made calhoun a dangerous antagonist to webster, with all his sledge-hammer strokes of logic and incisive reasoning. morton's fame and reputation rests upon this foundation alone. garfield possessed this power in a remarkable degree. it was this power that enabled him to hold popular audiences even in a two-hours' speech on the dreary topics of finance. "he gathered up the fundamental principles underlying the complicated topics of political economy, stated them with such clearness and simplicity, as not only to bring them within the comprehension of, but to make them attractive to the ordinary understanding. the most voluminous and complicated mass of facts, fused in the furnace of such an intellect, is quickly reduced to order; the good separated from the bad, the valuable from the worthless; and the principles underlying the good and valuable made manifest, like as the fire of the furnace releases the precious metal from the rock, dirt and sand by which it is surrounded, and utilizes it for purposes of commerce and civilization. "as a speaker he was always dignified and impressive. he had strong convictions, and he uttered them with courage and earnestness. he was one of the few members who could always command the attention of the house. i have seen him arise in a tumult of excitement, and as soon as the tones of his clear, ringing voice echoed through the vast hall, all was hushed, and every ear was open, and every eye was turned toward him. i was present when he delivered his great speech on the importance and necessity of standing by the resumption law and the currency of the constitution. many members were wavering, hard times were abroad in the land; bankruptcies were frequent, and enormous in amount. there was an appalling shrinkage of values, and a wild cry came up from the north, the south and the great inland west for more money. the advocates, of the policy of largely increasing the volume of the greenback currency, were jubilant; but that speech decided their fate. "the doubting were convinced, and the wavering fixed, in their determination to stand by the resumption law. resumption succeeded. the national honor was preserved. business rests upon a solid foundation and an era of prosperity prevails. to no man is the nation more indebted for this auspicious condition of affairs than to him whose untimely death we mourn to-day. "notwithstanding the earnestness and boldness of mr. garfield's utterances, everybody was his friend. they gave him credit for honesty, and sincerity. so sure it is that these qualities always command our respect, if they do not excite our admiration. "the sterling qualities which i have briefly mentioned, together with his known and accepted position on the great public questions of the day, secured mr. garfield's nomination to the presidency at the national convention, which met at chicago on the nd day of june, a. d. . his competitor, as all know, was a patriotic and illustrious union general. the contest was remarkable for its thoroughness and intensity in the doubtful states, but mr. garfield was clearly and fairly elected, and on the th of march last, was duly inaugurated. he entered on the discharge of his duties as president under the most auspicious circumstances. we were at peace with all the world. the wounds of the war had been healed, and the work of reconciliation had fairly been accomplished. prosperity reigned supreme; the good time had come and the people rejoiced. menaced by no external power and free from domestic dissensions, he could turn his entire attention to the internal machinery of government. he determined to distinguish his term of office by its purity of administration, and its economy of expenditures. only four months was he at the helm, but his achievements in that time will be remembered long, and bless the land for years. in that brief time he routed the army of contracting thieves from their entrenched position in the postoffice department, and established a standard of official integrity and honor that carried dismay to the spoils-hunter and dishonest official. but just as he had fully gathered the reins of government in his hands, and sent forth the uncompromising demand for honesty and integrity from all officials, and while preparing to enforce that demand, the assassin's bullet paralyzed his power and arrested the much-needed work of reform. that he made mistakes may be conceded, for all human judgments are imperfect; but the cold and passionless voice of history, though it may find fault or flaw, will more than satisfy those who loved him most, and will place his name among the highest and purest in the list of human rulers. "in contemplation of the solid and brilliant abilities of a great man, we often lose sight of those qualities that endear him to friends, and to the loved ones around the home circle. man may possess transcendant genius, and be the idol of the populace, and yet be selfish, unsocial and cruel at home. towering ambition may, and sometimes does, subordinate the love of wife, of children, and of parents, to its gratification. such was not the case with garfield. his home was his retreat from the storms and battles of life, where love reigned supreme. the telegram dictated by himself to his wife on the nd of july last, just after the fatal shot, was full of the holy felicities of domestic life. mrs. garfield was in elberton, where the president finally died. the telegram read: 'the president wishes me to say to you for him, that he has been seriously hurt, how seriously he cannot say. he is himself in hopes you will come to him soon. he sends love to you.' "the voice of ambition was hushed. the counsel and association of a statesman was subordinated to the presence and society of the loving and faithful wife; and how touching has been her devotion; how grand and noble her fortitude in that trying hour! some one has truthfully said that there are but three words of beauty in the english language, and they are: 'mother, home, heaven.' all know that the love and affection of our dead president for his aged mother, who by the cruel shot of the assassin, will be the chief mourner at the grave of her dear boy. these are the qualities, more than the brilliant display on the rostrum, in the forum or before enraptured thousands, that give the full measure of a noble manhood. this display may co-exist with selfishness and meanness; love and affection sanctify the noblest gifts and the loftiest aspirations. "no account of mr. garfield's character would be full and complete without a statement of his deep and fervent religious convictions. "no man with his breadth of knowledge, with his complete mastery of the processes of induction and analysis, and with his metephysical character of mind, could ever be a disbeliever in the existence of god and the immortality of man. hence we find him a member of a christian church and a regular attendant upon its services. the problem of human origin and human destiny early engaged his thoughts, and secured his profound consideration. he _believed_, and endeavored to regulate his conduct, habits, and life by divine laws. "in conclusion let me say, the hero statesman of this age, and the loved idol of this nation, has gone down to an honored grave. he died in the zenith of his reputation and glory, after a struggle which has held the admiration of the world for his heroism and manhood. he lived long enough after the fatal shot to feel the sympathy of the nation, and the deep indignation of the people, at the manner of his taking-off. he has gone to the still heights where crime and pain come not. a nation mourns his loss, and millions of freeman now and hereafter will revere his virtues and guard his fame. "though dead in the flesh he lives in the spirit, and in the affections and memory of his countrymen. "the principles and lessons he taught are his best legacy to his country. "his memory will never die until time shall be no more. the tears of a sorrowing people will water the sod that covers the remains of their loved magistrate; and from every blade of grass that grows, and from the leaf of every flower that blooms upon his grave, an avenging spirit shall arise to demand requital for the damnation of his taking-off. then at the grave of the great departed, let us tender anew our vows of fidelity to our country and to freedom, and consecrate every wish and aspiration of our hearts to an undivided and free republic, remembering that though presidents may die our country must and shall live forever. 'god reigns, and the government, at washington still lives.'" when i had finished speaking the chairman introduced rev. george herbert watson, whose address was very sympathetic and scholarly as well as impressive. the chairman next introduced the honorable william h. white, whose address was brief, earnest, patriotic and eloquent. political and not party convictions i have always been of the opinion, and have so declared in public speeches and newspaper articles, that the true policy of the pacific coast was the division of its area into small states. i will give but a few of the many reasons for such opinion, for i do not intend to go elaborately into a statement of them. the time for effective action has passed. i desire to state only enough to show the trend of my views on the subject. first, then, as to the lower house of congress. the area of the three states bordering on the pacific ocean--california, oregon and washington--is fully one-half covered by mountains. the sides of these mountains are to a certain extent covered with a heavy growth of timber and with practically impassable canyons; their ridges sharp, gravelly and sterile, with fertile coves and small valleys as yet unoccupied by either the hunter or the hardy woodsman. many cycles of years will roll away before these fertile spots will be occupied with the romantic homes of these last-named classes. the atlantic coast in the same number of degrees of latitude, commencing at the forty-fifth degree on the coast of maine and proceeding south for sixteen degrees, is covered to some extent with mountains; but as a general rule they are low as compared with our ranges. much of the land on their slopes is rich and accessible, and all of their fertile slopes, coves and small valleys have been long since occupied. i state these facts to show that in addition to natural causes the states bordering on the atlantic in the same number of degrees of north latitude, as will more fully appear, must continue to have the dominating power in the lower house of congress. the three states bordering on the pacific ocean extend over sixteen degrees of north latitude. commencing at the th degree in maine and going south sixteen degrees, thirteen states border on the atlantic. these thirteen states have a representation in the lower house of congress of members; while the three states bordering on the pacific have a representation of fourteen members. thus it is manifest that for many years to come, and possibly forever, with a slowly-diminishing power, the atlantic will have the control on all subjects of tariff, of finance, of currency and of immigration; subjects in which the pacific coast is deeply interested, and upon some of which there is not only an actual, but growing conflict of interests and convictions. add to this the further fact that washington and oregon extend inland for over four hundred and fifty miles, and california on an average of two hundred and fifty miles, and, applying the same rule of inland extension to the atlantic coast, pennsylvania and west virginia, with their thirty representatives, would be let in and added to the ; thus giving to the atlantic coast permanent control of all those vital subjects of legislation, so far at least, as the lower house of congress is concerned. it will thus be seen that a fatal mistake has been made in the political division of the pacific coast. i have confined myself strictly to the ocean-bordering states. the great inland empire, lying between the rocky mountains on the west and the alleghany range on the east, is more intimately and strongly connected by commercial and financial ties with the atlantic than with the pacific coast. as a partial compensation for this inevitable want of political power in the lower house of congress, it was the true policy, as i have declared, for the pacific coast to divide its immense territorial area into small states, so as to secure in the united states senate, an approach to equality of political power. we have seen that within sixteen degrees of north latitude on the atlantic coast there are thirteen states, bordering on the ocean, with twenty-six senators; while on the pacific coast in the same number of degrees of latitude there are but three states, with only six senators. california should have been divided into three states; oregon, into three states; and washington into three states. this would give only nine states in a far greater territorial area than that contained in the thirteen states bordering on the atlantic ocean. even then, this would give us only eighteen senators; but it would be a nearer approach to equality in political power than now. the question may be asked: are there no means by which this fatal mistake may now be remedied? as a lawyer, and being somewhat acquainted with the history of my country, i am compelled to answer, no. on the admission of a state into the union, there is an implied compact on the part of the federal government to defend such admitted state against all unlawful invasion of its territory. if there be a dispute about boundaries, it must be settled in the proper court, and the final decree of that court will be enforced by all the power of the federal government. again, the possession of power is always connected with the desire to perpetuate it, and also with a sensitive jealousy of all measures having a tendency to diminish its controlling effectiveness, or to lessen the value of the units constituting that power. the admission of every state has, to some extent, this effect; hence the demands are more exacting, and the admission more difficult, now, than heretofore. there has been but one instance in our history where a state has been divided, and the segregated portion been admitted into the union as a state; and that is the case of west virginia; but that admission was based on facts and conditions which every patriot hopes may never occur again. virginia not only claimed the right peaceably to secede from the union but to be the sole and exclusive judge not only of the existence, but also, of the sufficiency of the causes, to warrant such secession. she did all she could to make that secession effective. old virginia had by her act, and by her theory of the nature of the government under the constitution, estopped herself to deny that the forty-eight counties west of the alleghany range possessed the same right of secession--if any such right existed--that she possessed herself; she could therefore make no rightful objection. the people of the forty-eight counties were loyal to the federal government, and flag. they called a convention, adopted a constitution republican in form which was approved by nearly unanimous vote of its legal electors-- , for and only against--and under that constitution, with the name of west virginia they were admitted into the union on december st, . this was done partly as a war measure, and partly to show the disintegrating effect of the logic of secession. the state of texas requires a brief notice. she was admitted into the union as a state on december th, . by the prudential foresight of her statesmen, in a compact entered into between her and the federal government, she reserved the right to form four additional states out of her large area. she has not as yet exercised that right, but no doubt will in due time; thus securing ten senators, while the whole pacific coast, with almost twice her territorial area, has fixed its number irrevocably at six. the ram's horn incident esau sold his birthright, with all that it implied, for a mess of pottage. infant communities, whether territorial or municipal, feeling the pressure of present want, are always tempted by money-sharks to mortgage, sell, or surrender, for a mere song, rights and franchises of a constantly increasing income, and relinquish political power necessary for a legitimate assertion and protection of their rights in years to come. a striking exemplification of this short-sightedness appears in what is said above as to the formation of only three states to cover the whole pacific coast. the supplicant for this birthright, and all its prospective enormous income, finds his most congenial and hospitable host in a municipal legislature. he is usually, but not always, accompanied by the fascinating miss graftis. there are two cases in our municipal history that i will briefly note as illustrations of this tendency. in neither, so far as i know and believe, was there any graft. in both i was to some extent officially connected; in the rams-horn case painfully so; in the railroad avenue case simply as an officer and protestant. many years ago--the dates are not important--the columbia and puget sound railroad company asked the city council of seattle for the grant of a right-of-way for a railroad track down and over west street. this was the historic ram's-horn. i and a few others opposed the grant. the city council hesitated. its members desired the approval of the grant by the people, and especially by the lot-owners along the street, before they acted. a meeting was called at the pavilion to secure, if possible, such approval. the meeting was fairly attended. mr. james mcnaught, a shrewd and able man and lawyer, was attorney for the company. he read the proposed ordinance and explained its provisions, and then, with a glowing eulogy on the advantages of a railroad, closed amid the vociferous applause of the audience. i arose to oppose the grant; but as there was a continuous and determined cry of "vote!" "vote!" "vote!" "vote!" i resumed my seat. the proposed ordinance was approved by about a two-thirds vote of those present, and the city council speedily enacted it into law. the railroad company built its road from the south end of the town and laid its track down to columbia street; there it stopped, to await the result of certain condemnation proceedings. the wearers of the shoe, although voting for its purchase, soon felt its pinch, and they wanted compensation for its pain. the company threatened to go across columbia street. it was stopped by a judicial restraining order. having been elected corporation counsel, i came into the case a short time before the hearing on the motion made by the company for the vacation of this order. the former legal adviser of the city, and who had commenced the suit, i asked to continue in the case and to argue the pending motion. he did so, and made a technical and very ingenious argument against the validity of the grant. i must confess that i believed the ordinance valid, and that the objections urged against it were unsound, and i was fully convinced the court would so hold. in the mean time columbia street had been graded and macadamized. its surface was fully eighteen inches above the railroad track. being fully informed by a careful personal inspection, and thorough measurement by experts, of the exact fact, i proposed to compromise. i first proposed to allow the company to cross columbia street, but to cross at the existing grade. this would require a reconstruction of the tracks already finished, and subject the company to many suits for damages in case of their change of grade. secondly, i agreed to withdraw the pending suit if this proposal was accepted by the company. this all took place in open court, and the compromise was approved in open court; the ordinance, at the request of the company's attorney, was declared valid by the court. the compromise was also approved. the next morning, to my astonishment, a large force of men was put at work by the company to cut through columbia street; basing its action on the alleged ground that the compromise was null and void because of a mutual mistake of the facts by the parties. there was no mutual mistake. i fully knew and understood all of the facts. an incipient riot was in progress; but the interference of the police and the issuance of a restraining order soon put an end to operations. the newspapers emptied their vials of wrath on me as the principal sinner. an appeal was taken by the company to the supreme court, and that learned and unimpassioned tribunal affirmed every position taken by me in the case; it held the ordinance to be valid and the compromise binding. thus, ended the somewhat celebrated ram's-horn case, and with it that railroad across columbia street. on the publication of the decision of the supreme court, it was amusing to see my calumniators retreat to cover; still damning, however, with faint praise. railroad avenue there is one more topic of intensified local interest that i will briefly notice. i am now and always have been opposed, not to railroad avenue, which extends along the water-front of the city, but to the network of tracks permitted and authorized to be placed thereon. at the foot of columbia street, crossing railroad avenue to the west line thereof, you cross nine railroad tracks, or eighteen lines of slightly elevated railroad iron. such are the existing and authorized conditions. i have always been opposed to those conditions; first, because they are unusual, unnecessary and dangerous; unusual, because no city can be named permitting such a nuisance; unnecessary, because one track, or, to be liberal, two tracks, with spurs to the warehouses on the west and the wholesale or commission houses on the east, where the conditions permit it, would be ample, under the control of an intelligent company or management, for all the purposes of trade and commerce; dangerous, as experience has shown: the killed and injured on this interlocked system, intensified by supervening and dense fogs, speak only by groans and death-knells. i have opposed this network of tracks because instead of being an aid to travel and commerce, it is an actual obstruction of them. the idea of doing the commercial business of a million people, or one-half a million, with the accompanying passenger traffic, across nine railroad tracks, carries with it a strong implication of the absurd. in actual operation this implication becomes an irritating reality. the city council has recognized the fact and prohibited the closing by any railroad company of the mouth of any street for over five minutes; but this is only a partial aleviation, and not the removal of the obstruction or danger. railroad no. closes it for four-and-a-half minutes; railroad no. closes it for four-and-a-half minutes; no. , for the same length of time. the closing is really continuous. thus legally you can stand in the street, endure the slush and rain for at least twelve minutes to study the beauties of nature and of an enveloping fog, and enjoy the beneficence of the clouds in dropping their garnered fatness down. the irritation arising from these causes will intensify with the increase of population and the swelling of the volume of coastwise and ocean commerce. let the population of west seattle reach twenty thousand or more; let "the mosquito fleet" be doubled and ocean and coastwise steamers be multiplied, with the consequent enormous, increase of the volume of business--and the demand for the modification, or entire abolition, of this irritating nuisance will become imperative. some of the railroads have wisely noted the indications of the coming storm and have tunnelled under the city, deeming it cheaper to pay interest on permanent tunnel investments, than to pay damages for slaughter and injury on the avenue. railroad avenue is now used, to a great extent, as a train make-up yard, as a switching-ground and as a depot for loaded and empty cars. this will be continued with a constantly increasing exasperation, until the city is compelled to re-purchase at an enormous expense, that which was granted as a free gift. the great seattle fire june th, , will ever be a memorable day in the history of seattle--that being the day of the great fire which, like a besom of destruction swept out of existence a goodly portion of the embryo city. brilliant prospects, and glowing anticipations, evanished like the rainbow amid the storm of fire. nearly all the business houses were reduced to ashes; or, if any portion of their roughly serrated and toppling walls remained, they were a silent and menancing memento of the fierce power of the fire-fiend. the fire originated in a paint shop, on the water front near madison street, in the careless upsetting of a flaming pot of varnish. there was a stiff breeze from the northwest, constantly accelerated by the ever-increasing heat. the fire, easily overcoming the heroic efforts of the volunteer fire department, swept south and southeasterly, crossing second avenue at the rear end of the boston block, burning a large frame building immediately south of, and abutting upon that block; thence, in the same direction southeast nearly on a straight line, thus taking in the catholic church; thence onward to the bay, making a space swept by the fire a large triangle, with an area of from thirty to forty acres. the boston block was saved through strenuous efforts of its tenants; long scantling were carried by them into the hall on the second story. having raised the windows at the end of the hall, the south end of the frame building burning first, we succeeded by our united strength in forcing the unburned portion over into the consuming caldron of fire to the south. thus the boston block, though somewhat scorched, was saved. jacobs & jenner had their law offices near the north entrance, and during the progress of the fire many persons whose residences or places of business were along its actual or threatened track, presuming on our generosity and permission, brought armloads of portable valuables, snatched by them from the very teeth of the fire, and in an excited manner, placed them against one of the walls in the offices. so doing, they rushed out in the hope of reaching their residences or places of business again; but the surrounding wall of fire, with its intense heat, forbade. some of them soon returned and dropped into seats, and their countenances were the pictures of sadness, sorrow and despair. i said to one, a noble specimen of physical manhood and latent energy: "sir, your actions are unmanly; hope, even in your case, has not bidden the world farewell; cheer up, sir--just before dawn the darkness is the deepest." within a year from that time my admonished friend was worth far more than he was before the fire; and he often reminded me of my rebuke, as he called it. being satisfied that the offices, papers, library and furniture were safe, i locked the doors and went up to my residence on fourth avenue, where i had a commanding view of the progress of the fire. the view was grand but terrible--sublime but cruel. i never before was so impressed with the idea of annihilation, as i was in viewing that rolling, rushing, leaping and devouring volume or field of fire. in other days i had witnessed miles of fire, impelled by a fierce wind rushing over a prairie covered with tall and dry grass; but it only stirred within me the emotions of beauty, grandeur, and sublimity; there was nothing in it of terror or desolation, nothing of the wrecking of brilliant prospects, nothing of blighted hopes, nor of gloomy disappointment intensifying into despair. ever and anon, as the rushing waves of the seattle fire would roll over and envelope a drug or other store where powder or other explosives were kept, a volume of flame would shoot upward, with a deafening roar, towards the clouds, as though claiming the storm-king as its kinsman. to the owners of lots in the burned district the fire was a blessing in disguise. to them there was a smiling face behind a seemingly frowning providence. even if they were the owners of the frail wooden structure that had encumbered their lots, the structures added nothing to the value; and the rapid and unprecedented increase in the value of their holdings amply compensated for any losses by the fire. the real loosers were the renters of shops, stores or saloons, where goods, tools, materials and machinery were destroyed by the intense heat, or went up wholly in flames. but a few families lived in the zone of the fire. as to them, many kind hands soon removed their household goods beyond the danger-line. the district swept by the fire was the local habitation of the fallen angels, hoboes, and gamblers, and of that large class whose particular mode of subsistence is, and always has been, an unsolved mystery. the fallen angels and the upper class of gamblers could take care of themselves. the hoboes and the class of mysterious subsistence-men were afloat and hungry. besides these, there were a large number of worthy and needy persons whom it is always a pleasure for the good to help; hence, a free-lunch house was opened in the armory. there is always in a free-lunch a fascination that tends to increase the number of applicants therefor. this general law had no exception here. this led to a stringent examination of the right of all who appeared to partake of the generous bounty offered to the worthy and needy. this careful and necessary scrutiny soon led to a stoppage of the free-lunch business. the worthy in many cases needlessly took offense, and the baser order of fellows were loud in their denunciation of the alleged selfishness of the generous purveyors. the people of tacoma promptly and nobly rushed to the assistance of seattle, with provisions and personal services. the leading men of that city poured out their means lavishly and served as waiters at the tents erected for the feeding of the multitude. business soon revived with an enthusiastic rebound. the town was scorched, not killed. it had passed through an ordeal of fire and was found to be not wanting in true metal. work was furnished for all desiring it. the hoboes departed, and with them most of the mysterious-subsistence men. the burned district has been rebuilt with stately blocks of brick, or stone, or steel and cement, and its streets and sidewalks have been paved with brick, stone or asphalt. not a smell of fire nor sight of wooden structure remains in this once ash-covered and desolate district. game, animals and hunting with something of a reputation of a hunter, i have often been requested by eastern, as well as local sportsmen, to give an enumeration and description of the game and wild animals in this state and in oregon. i shall confine myself exclusively to this state. i have heretofore written a description and given an enumeration of the game and other wild animals in both states, but i have neither the manuscript, nor the newspaper which printed it. in again attempting an enumeration and description, i shall add some of my personal experiences, as well as those of others. there were no quail native to washington or to oregon, except the southern portion thereof--save the mountain quail, a lonely solitary bird, of about twice the size of the bob-white. its habitat is the dense copse or thicket. i have never seen them in flocks or groups, save when the mother was raising her large family of young birds. when no longer needing the mother's care, they pair off, and the young birds, or family separate. they are very alert; they are great runners, but do not, unless hotly pursued, often take to wing. when they do, they are swift flyers and dart through the narrow openings in the tangled thicket with remarkable celerity. the male bird is proud and rather aristocratic in his bearing, and flourishes on his head a beautiful top-knot. i have bagged quite a number of them, but have nearly always shot them on the run and not on the wing. they are not numerous. their flesh is delicate. the california quail was brought into washington at least fifty years or more ago. three of us--james montgomery, judge wingard and myself--in the fall of brought from pennsylvania sixteen pairs of bob-whites, which were turned loose on whidby island. this was, so far as i know, the first and last importation of the bob-white to washington. when turned loose on whidby island, they gave every indication of pleasure in being upon mother earth again. they ran about, jumped up in to the air, scratched the earth and wallowed in the dirt, and had to all appearances a play-spell, full of joy. they mixed readily with their california congeres; they have spread over western washington, and are quite numerous. the pheasant, or ruffed grouse, are natives of washington. they were very abundant in early days, but are fast disappearing. being a bird easily bagged, and the flesh being of delicate flavor, they are fast vanishing before the advance of the settlements. the game laws may arrest their slaughter and prevent their complete annihilation; but i doubt it. the crab-apple, on which they principally feed, abounded in all the valleys and in the moist and rich uplands. the ground where the crab-apple tree flourished has been cleared and a portion of their food supply has been cut off. the repeating shotgun is also helping to reduce their number; and unless the game-laws are rigorously enforced, these causes will soon sound their doom. right here i am tempted to state that the crab-apple of this country is entirely different in form and size from the same fruit in the east. here, it is not round but elongated, and is about as large as a good-sized bean. the woodcock is not an inhabitant of this state. the rail is rarely seen; but the jacksnipe is very plentiful in the late fall and up to mid-winter, when the great majority of them depart for warmer marshes. they do not breed here. this bird, in its quick and upward bound and its swift zigzag flights, is a recognized test of the sportsman's skill. snipes are often bagged here, but not in the romantic way. snipe on hot toast is a breakfast dish fit for a king. i had a sporting friend--a doctor--with whom i often went snipe-shooting. this doctor was the best snipe-shot i have ever known. his bag was always packed, while mine was comparatively lean. on one of these occasions our trip was to a tide-marsh and island south of seattle. early in the hunt we crossed a slough when the tide was out and found the birds very numerous on the new hunting-ground. the doctor brought them down right and left, while i was slowly increasing the fatness of my pouch. the doctor's success and consequent enthusiasm made him oblivious of the flight of time and of the movement of the tide. he had patients to visit, and when the sun was disappearing behind the western clouds and hills, he suddenly remembered his obligations to them. when on our return we came to the slough, we found it full and overflowing; the water was fully eight feet in depth and twenty feet or more in width. there was a good deal of floating debris in the slough, and the doctor, being a very agile man, leaped from log to log and safely made the passage to the other shore. he said to me, "come on, judge; you can easily make it." i told him that i had never prided myself on my agility. "well," he said, "i will make a bridge for you;" and with the use of a pole he gathered the floating logs together, so that in appearance they looked like a safe bridge. but i said to him, "doctor, i have all the confidence in the world in you as a physician; but you will excuse me,--i have no confidence whatever in you as a bridge-builder." he said with a little impatience, "o, quit your nonsense and come over; i will show you that the bridge is perfectly safe;" so saying, he leaped upon it and disappeared in the water. he soon re-appeared, however; and as he crawled up the slimy bank, the water spouting out of him in every direction, i said: "doctor, you look very undignified." he answered, "you go to ----," politely called hades. i went down the slough, thinking he might be slightly out of temper, and found a safe crossing. i rowed him home--issuing an occasional mandate that he should take a certain medicine, of which i carried in my breast-pocket, a bottle for such occasions. the good doctor has gone to his long home. he sleeps in the bosom of his fathers and his god. of the duck family the following species are abundant here: the teal, the mallard, widgeon, pintail, canvasback, spoonbill, sawbill and woodduck. the three last-named species breed in this country, but migrate early in the fall. formerly the mallard and teal bred here in large numbers on the tide flats and on the marshes along the creeks and rivers; but the advancement of the settler and the trapper, and the hunter with his repeating rifle, has driven them from their accustomed love-haunts, to the more secluded fens and marshes of the farther north. birds as well as humans are sensitive to disturbance in their love-affairs. the canvasback is a late and temporary visitant of our lakes, marshes, and tide flats, on his journey to the south. he remains for a time on that journey, and for a far shorter time on his return north. the impulse of love impels him to the secluded fens and marshes of the northland. the other species visit us in early winter, and are mostly gone by mid-winter. their stay is very brief on their return in the spring. in , and prior to that date, brants and wild geese--or honkers--were very plentiful in the puget sound basin. the tide flats were their favorite feeding-ground. they have been compelled by the advance of the settlements to abandon them, and in lieu thereof, they have chosen the wheat-fields in eastern washington. there has been no seeming diminution in number of either brant or geese--simply a change in their feeding grounds. the lonely cry of the loon, presaging storm or tempest, is heard from the forest-environed lakes and waters of the sound. the swan occasionally drops into our secluded lakes, and there alone, or with his mate, remains, if the environments suit him and food is plenty. the pigeon is not numerous in western nor, as i am informed, in eastern washington. he is slightly larger and wilder than his congere of the states. he is also of a deeper blue than his eastern kinsman. he is only semi-gregarious. i have never seen him in large flocks or in great numbers together. he is not hunted much and is not valued as a choice game-bird. the prairie-hen, or chicken, is not a native of and does not exist in western washington. this excellent game-bird is very numerous, or was in years agone, along the rivers and creeks in the valleys and on the rolling uplands of the great columbia river basin. the incoming of the white man, with his trained dogs and with his breech-loading and repeating shotgun, has greatly diminished its numbers. its unacquaintance with the white man and his terrible instruments of destruction made the bird an easy prey to the hunter. it was familiar to the indian, and presumably gauging fairly his destructive power, constantly increased in number. the felon coyote was a far more dangerous enemy, being a robber of its nest and devourer of its young. the bird is slightly smaller and of lighter color than his eastern congere. these birds are much prized by the epicure for the rich delicacy of their flesh. corresponding in number but larger in size is the blue grouse, of the fir and cedar forests of western washington. i hardly know how to describe this bird--one of the finest of game-birds. his habitat in the winter or rainy season is the dark, gloomy, and thick forests of fir and cedar trees. there he dwells, possibly with his chosen mate, silently and noiselessly, and in a state of semi-hibernation, until the genial warmth of spring arouses his love, and he and his mate descend to the sunny lowlands or ridges for the rearing of their numerous family. after they have found a suitable or familiar location, the male selects some fir or cedar tree, or clump of fir or cedar trees, in the vicinage, and during the nesting season keeps up a continual love-call to notify his presence, or by his silence or flight to warn her of threatened danger. when the bevy of beauties are fully hatched, the male descends from his eminence and spends his time in assisting care and watchfulness. perched on some tall tree in their immediate vicinity, he by calls warns his mate of approaching danger, and by the direction of his flight indicates a place of safety. his mate and the youngsters soon follow, if able to fly; if not, they remain under the care of the mother, deftly hidden under the leaves or grass; after which, she often flies away by short flights with simulated disabled indications, to invite pursuit; and thus save her young. when the young are fully grown and strong of wing they all depart for the deep woods, and no more is seen or heard of them until the coming spring. until the young are fully grown and the time of their departure has arrived, they are often found in large bevies or flocks; but when that time, late in the fall, has arrived, they silently depart for their winter home. killed in early spring, their flesh is so strongly tinctured with the flavor of the buds of the fir and cedar, their winter food, as to be unpalatable to most persons; but if killed in the fall, after a summer's diet of insects, seeds, grain and berries, their flesh is of a delicious flavor and greatly relished. this excellent game-bird, though decreasing in number from the general causes already stated, will, on account of its mode of existence, long escape the doom of annihilation. the sand-hill crane rarely visits western washington. he is more frequently seen in the eastern half of the state. there remains but one other game-bird for notice, and that is the sage-hen of the sage-covered valleys and plains of eastern washington. this bird does not exist west of the cascade mountains. it is anti-gregarious, save as in the consorting cares of a numerous family. when the young arrive at full growth they pair off and separate, and the family relations are no longer recognized. if the males are less numerous than the females, polygamy is allowed. this is a law, however, that runs through many of the bird families. the cock is a bird midway in size between the common domestic fowl and the turkey, and has long legs. he is a good runner. he rarely takes to the wing, and then only when hard pressed. his flight is low but swift, and he soon drops to the ground and speeds away on his legs to a place of safety. his food in winter consists of leaves and buds of the sagebrush; and when killed in the early spring his meat is too strongly impregnated with the rather acrid and unpalatable flavor of the sage, to be relished; but if bagged in the fall, after a summer's feeding on insects, seeds and grain, his flesh is savory and delicious. i ought possibly, to make a brief statement, as to the mongolian pheasant, and the chinese rice quail--both of which, in limited numbers have been brought to western washington and turned loose here. their increase has not been as great as anticipated. in oregon however, the increase of the mongolian pheasant has been phenominal. it abounds every where in the great willamette valley. it seems to love an alternation of grain fields and contiguous chaparral cover. it is emphatically a seed feeder or graniverous bird. the female, with the nursing assistance of the male, usually raises two large broods per year. this accounts for its great and rapid increase under favorable conditions. in size this bird is slightly larger than the prairie chicken--has long legs--is a rapid runner--and when it takes to wing is a low and rapid flyer. in western washington the limited number of grain fields and the absence of contiguous open ground--seems to be unfavorable to their rapid increase. still in the cultivated valleys where these conditions exist, they are fact increasing in numbers despite the fact that they are an easy prey to the pot hunter. of the china rice quail, i know accurately, but little. there were for a time a few flocks of these birds in the vicinity of seattle; but they have almost entirely disappeared. whether such disappearance is attributable to the lack of food or to the persistent activity of the trap hunter i am not able to say. they preserve their family or flock relations until late in the spring, and hence the bevy may be swept out of existence by one successful fall of the trap. from my observation and limited study of their habits, i would say that they were chaparral, or tulie birds, with their choice habitat near human habitations. in size they are slightly smaller than the bob-white and their flesh is delicious. washington is emphatically a game country. the hunter may here realize his fondest hopes. the elk, mountain sheep or goat, deer, bear--black, brown and cinnamon--cougar, lynx, wild-cat, in their native and congenial habitat--i would not forget the wolf--can always be found. i propose to notice each class briefly in its order. first, then of the elk. the mountains, with their barren ridges, their wooded slopes and sunlit coves of peavine, clover and nutritious grasses, as well as the dark forests of the foothills, are their congenial habitat. rarely are they found in the lowlands, and then only when they are forced from their mountain-home by the deepening snow. they have been styled the antlered monarchs of the forests, and this description is not inapt. if suddenly, within short range you startle from their secluded sylvan couch a band of forty, fifty or more of these antlered monarchs, with horns erect and every eye turned upon you as an enemy, you are deeply impressed with the majesty of their bearing. soon, in obedience to the danger-call of certain warning whistles, they speedily form into line under some veteran and well-recognized-leader, and speed away in single-file for miles, over a country impassable to the hunter, before a halt is called. the hunter who does not improve his chance effectively when the game is started from its couch has lost his opportunity, perhaps forever. this noble game seems to love the coast range of mountains, and there exists in large herds and numbers. this is especially true of the olympic range. if this kingly game-animal is to be saved from utter annihilation, stringent laws must not only be enacted for his protection and preservation, but must also be vigorously enforced. heretofore, they have been slaughtered in large numbers for their hides, their horns and their teeth; while their carcasses have been left where the life-struggle ended, to be devoured by the wolf, cougar, lynx or wild-cat. while the mountains bordering on the ocean seem to be preferred by this antlered monarch, yet he may be found in considerable numbers on the cascade range, especially on its timber-slope and in the dense forests on its foothills. i have killed quite a number of these noble animals, but never, under any circumstances, where i could not make uses of the carcass. i never had, or experienced any joy arising from the mere love of slaughter. with gun in hand, with hunter's blood in your veins, and noble game within easy range, it requires a high degree of moral courage to refuse to manipulate the trigger of your trusty rifle. with carniverous, or dangerous animals it is different; slaughter becomes a virtue and not a vice. the habitat of the mountain sheep, or goat is on and around the barren peaks and ranges of the higher formation of mountains. he is a wary animal, hard to approach and difficult of shot. he is always so located that a single bound puts him out of sight. if perchance, you could make an effective shot as he leaps from narrow bench, to narrow bench, down the rocky and steep side of the mountain, of what use would he be to you? i have succeeded in killing but one. i have hunted the mountain districts where they are plentiful, and i had determined to kill one if possible. i hunted slowly, cautiously and stealthily. i frequently caught sight of them leaping down the mountain side. at last i aroused one from his couch and shot him on his first jump. he rolled down the mountain-side a short distance, but with some difficulty i dragged him to the top of the ridge. his meat was sweet, juicy and delicious, greatly relished by all the party. i had, had glory enough, and never specially hunted them again. the black, brown and cinnamon bear are natives of washington, and their numbers are in the order given. a bear is a semi-carniverous animal; he lives on fish, berries, succulent and saccharine roots, larva, honey, and is especially found of pork. he appeases his appetite for fish by a nocturnal visitation of the rivers in which the salmon run, especially in the salmon season; he roams through the woods in the berry season and feeds on the toothsome food present in the forest. he unearths the yellow-jacket's scanty storehouse of honey, and consumes it and the larvae of the nest; he invades the farmer's domain and carries off some of his most promising porkers. the habitat of the brown, and cinnamon bear is the mountains and their foothills. they are not often seen unless you invade their solitary domain. i am not prepared to say what is their principal food, but suppose it to be the same as their kinsman the black bear. the cougar is a native of this state and can be found where dense thickets and dark forests exist. he is a sly, skulking and treacherous animal, mostly nocturnal in his destructive visitations. i have often gone on a brief hunting-trip into the foothills of the mountains when they were slightly covered with snow, and a dense fog would settle down, obscuring all landmarks; but, in obedience to a safe rule, have retraced my steps to the foot of the hills on my return home. on several of these occasions i have found that a cougar had come upon my trail shortly after i had entered the hills, and had stealthily and continuously followed me up to within seven, or eight rods of the point of my return. when i commenced my return, he, no doubt, leaped off into the covering brush, and, although sharply looked for by me, the dense fog and the thick brush hid him from my view. the cougar is strictly a carniverous animal. his principal food is the deer; and it is said that he requires two a month for his subsistence. that he is a good feeder is evident from the fact that he is always sleek and in excellent condition. he has a great love for the meat of the colt, and is consequently a terror to breeders in that line. he is not a hater of veal or pork, but does not prefer the latter. he is generally considered a dangerous animal, and numerous are the stories told of fortunate escapes from his ferocity. many of these stories have no foundation other than the surrounding darkness, the rustling of the leaves, or the twigs by the wind, and a lively imagination. while some of these narrations have an element of truth in them, they are generally greatly exaggerated. but let me be understood that when he is pressed by hunger and famished for want of food, i do consider the cougar a dangerous animal. few, however, are the reliable accounts of his attacks on the lonely traveler in the woods, even under such conditions. two instances have occurred since my residence in the puget sound basin, which, from my acquaintance with the parties, i am willing to vouch for. a friend temporarily stopping at mukilteo desired to go to snohomish city, a distance on an air-line of about six miles; there were two routes--one, by steamer or canoe, of full twice that distance; the other by trail almost directly through a dense forest. being an expert woodsman, he chose the latter route. he was unarmed, and had not even a pocket knife. he spoke of his defenseless condition on the eve of his departure, but he feared no danger. he had proceeded about a mile-and-a-half on his journey when, in a dense fir and cedar forest, he met a cougar in the trail. the animal commenced stealthily to crawl towards him after the manner of the cat approaching his prey, purring as he came. my friend made a loud outcry, but this did not interrupt the cougar's slow and stealthy approach. it would have been more than useless to run--so he braced himself for the final spring. when the animal came near he stood sideways to the brute; and when the cougar made a spring, he presented his left arm and the cougar seized it midway between the wrist and the elbow, and pushed him hard to throw him off his feet, but failed. being a strong and muscular man, and his right arm being free, he struck the cougar on the nose, a hard blow with his clenched fist. the cougar, however, kept his hold. summoning up all his energy, he struck the second blow on the nose of his enemy, and while it drew blood the cougar still held on. satisfied of the insufficiency of such a mode of defense, and casting his eyes about him, he saw a portion of a cedar limb standing upright in the brush several feet from him--the limb being about two inches in diameter and three feet in length--and he suffered the cougar to push him in the direction of the limb. having obtained it, he struck the cougar a powerful blow across his face, and, although the cougar winced some, the effect was for the animal to sink his teeth deeper into the imprisoned arm. my friend concentrated all of his energy and struck a second blow with his club. this blow was temporarily stunning and effective. the cougar released his hold on the bleeding arm and, dazed somewhat, disappeared in the surrounding forest. my friend retraced his steps to mukilteo, now a suburb of the busy and prosperous city of everett. one more instance: a gentleman of the name of cartwright was in former years an extensive logger on the snohomish river in the puget sound basin. at the time of the occurrence i am about to relate, he had a large logging camp about three miles above snohomish city. there had been a deep fall of snow, and he left his home and went to the logging-camp to see how the operation was affected by the unusual snow. on his return late in the afternoon, he met a large cougar in the snow-beaten trail. the cougar slowly approached him in the manner described in the first instance. mr. cartwright was wholly unarmed; he tried to alarm the cougar by a wild outcry, but to no purpose, so far as the cougar was concerned. some sixty rods away there was a bachelor's cabin. the bachelor had three fierce dogs and they promptly answered mr. cartwright's signal of danger; and their master, being at home, urged them to the rescue. when their welcome bay approached, the cougar ceased his purring, stood up, and soon leaped off into the dark forest and disappeared, very much to mr. cartwright's relief. he presently reached the river, unmoored his boat, and with the aid of a strong current soon reached his home. an experience of my own in the summer of , i accompanied a hunting and fishing party, high up into the cascade mountains. our route was along the santiam river, and we made our final camp, at the west end of a narrow prairie, that stretched along for over a mile at the foot of the mountain ridge, on the south side of the river--a short distance beyond, was the highest table land, or dividing plateau of the mountains. the fishing was excellent--the hunting--it being the month of august, was indifferent; because the black-tailed buck at that season was lying in some sunny spot on the mountain side near water and grass--hardening his horns. my companions in wandering or climbing along the brush covered sides of the mountains, had several times started a large buck who passed down the sides of the mountains by, to him, a well known but secret trail, and crossed the head of the narrow prairie, and then dashed through the thick brush by an accustomed trail to the river below. the space between this prairie and the river, was a succession of descending benches. these benches had before this time been covered with a very thick growth of fir. when this fir had reached the height of eight or ten feet, a fire ran through, and killed nearly all of it, and another growth of fir had sprung up, making the descent to the river an almost impassable tangled mass. as we were out of venison, it was proposed that i take two rifles and go to the head of this narrow prairie, while my companions should go up on the mountain side, and by the making of a great deal of noise, start this buck from his sylvan retreat, and when he came down the mountain and crossed the upper end of the prairie, i should improve the opportunity to kill him. the plan worked admirably. he came through the thick brush on the mountain side, and dashed across the prairie. when he was nearly opposite to me, i fired at him with my own rifle, but struck him a little too far back. before i could get the second rifle in my hands, he was in the brush and out of sight. i reloaded my own rifle, and went to the spot where he was when i fired, and i found that he was shot through the lungs, because the blood came out in sprays; and as it came out on both sides the bullet had evidently, passed through him. i followed him up slowly, by crawling through the brush--sometimes on my hands and knees, and at other times, after the manner of a serpent. he stopped frequently. when he did, he left a small pool of blood. my judgment was that the bullet struck him while he was stretched out, and that the skin closed at time over the mouth of the wound; and that he was bleeding internally--i concluded that as soon as he attempted to go down a steep incline, the blood would rush forward and smother him. i approached a gully or deep ravine, which he must cross, and i carefully kept a big ash tree, that stood on the rim of the gully, between me and the gully. when i arrived at the tree i stealthily looked down into the gully and saw the buck in a small open space, and also a large cougar, standing along his back intently looking at him in the face. i muffled the cock of my rifle, and soon sent a bullet through the cougar's head. he fell beside the dead buck. disregarding the safe rule of the hunter, without loading my rifle, i slipped down the steep incline and with the breech of my rifle i straightened out his tail, and was just in the act of pacing to ascertain his length from the tip of his tail to the end of the nose, for that is the hunter's rule for determining the size. just as i was in the act of doing this, a small quantity of fine white bark fell on me and all around me, i looked up and on a large limb of the ash tree, nearly directly over my head, i saw a female cougar. her hair was raised up, her back bowed, and her tail rolling. she was crouched for a spring. i kept my eyes upon her, raised my powder-horn to my mouth and pulled out the stopper with my teeth--then felt for the muzzle of the gun and poured until i thought i had powder enough, and soon after found that i did have plenty. i then took a bullet out of my pouch and rammed it down without a patch--dropped the ramrod to the ground and put a cap on the nipple. then i gently raised the gun towards her, and she showing a good deal of agitation, drew herself up into a menacing attitude as prepared to spring--but i quickly fired and she came from the limb seemingly leaping as though she had not been struck at all. i jumped back a few feet, but her nose brushed me as she was descending to the ground. she fell dead at my feet. i had my hunting-knife in my hand ready to plunge it into her if she moved--but the bullet had done its work effectually. i have always been of the opinion that i shot her just as she was in the act of making a leap upon me. i loaded my rifle and then crawled to the top of the gully, and my companions soon joined me. i rehearsed my adventure to them, and after so doing, one of them went for a pack-mule, while the others sought out a passable route through the brush to the prairie. the mule protested against his load, but blind-folding allayed his fears. a battle rarely seen late in the fall of , i accompanied the hon. p. p. prim, who was district judge for jackson and josephine counties, oregon, from jacksonville to kerbyville--the county seat of josephine county--to attend a term of court to be held at kerbyville in the last named county. the honorable james d. fay, and also other lawyers accompanied the judge to josephine court. there had been high water and sweeping floods which had rendered the crossing of the applegate river on the bridge, which was located about two miles above the applegate's junction with rogue river, dangerous and impassable. so as we were making the journey on horse back, we crossed applegate about twenty miles above the bridge and pursued our journey along and over the foothills on the left bank of the river, intending to stop at a hotel on slate creek on the left bank of the applegate, and on the north bank of said creek about two miles from said hotel. passing across the mouth of a cove in the hills, we heard to our left a noise, and looking in that direction, we saw a female cougar and a mealy-nosed brown bear engaged in a bloody battle. we stopped and watched the fight for about half an hour. the battle ground was on a gentley sloping grass-covered side hill. the bear persistently kept the upper side. the cougar kept in front of him. the cougar was forcing the fighting. the battle proceeded with almost regular rounds. the cougar paced back and forth in front of the bear for a few moments; the bear intently watching her movements, when she would make a spring; the contact was furious. sometimes they would seize each other with the jaw-hold, and to our astonishment the cougar was more than a match for the bear in this hold, and the bear made every effort to break it--throwing himself upon the ground, and digging furiously into the cougar with the claws of his hind legs. by these means he would speedily break the jaw-hold of the cougar. the hold having been broken, and the combatants having separated, the cougar would pace back and forth in front of the bear for a few moments and then leap upon him again. sometimes the bear would hug the cougar closely, and use the claws of his hind feet with terrific effect. thus the fight proceeded. both were covered with blood. the bear would quietly sit during the intermissions in the fight. as the day was fast waining, we left them still fighting, determining that we would go to slate creek--cross it--get some rifles from our host, and then return; but when we came to slate creek, we found it a raging torrent--overflowing its banks, and spreading out over its narrow valley. our host, anticipating our coming, had selected a place for our crossing of the creek. we had to swim our horses across the dangerous current for some twenty or twenty-five feet, and although we successfully made it, yet we were thoroughly wet. although our host having hunter's blood in his veins, was anxious to go to the scene of the conflict, yet we so dreaded the crossing and re-crossing of slate creek that we denied ourselves the pleasure. on our return about a week afterwards two of us stopped over at our friend's, and went with our host out to the battle ground; but we found no trace of either combatant. on my return to jacksonville i wrote up and published an account of the battle--it was signed by all who witnessed the fight--but i have not the manuscript nor its copy. we all had our opinions of the cause of the conflict. the prevailing opinion was that the bear had been interfering with the young of the cougar. the lynx, and wildcat may be briefly noted. they are both nocturnal marauders. they are rarely seen in the daytime. either of them located in a dense copse near the ranch or farm, with a forest-reach beyond, is a pestiferous nuisance which must be abated with a gun, dog, or trap, before either lamb, pig, or chicken is safe. i do not believe in poisoning. it is cowardly and dangerous. the wildcat is an intractable and untamable animal. his ferocity is never softened under the influence of kindly treatment. he is the concentrated embodiment of spite and viciousness. chained, it is always dangerous to get within the inner circle of the metallic tether. he is the pest of the deer-hunter. there is no mode of hanging up your game, if you leave it in the woods over night, which is safe from the thieving of this ever-hungry marauder. on two occasions, i have found him seated on the hams or saddle of my suspended venison, and i have shot him. on the last occasion, i did not kill but severely wound him. i approached him. he was fiercely on the warpath and tried to get to me. i put a bullet through his brain and ended his warlike career. two species of wolves are natives of washington--the everywhere present coyote, and the large dark-gray wolf of the mountains. the coyote does not in any considerable numbers visit the puget sound basin, or tributary country west of the cascade mountains. his choice habitat is the sage-brush plain, and the grassy undulations of the great columbia river basin. the mountains and their rough and sunless canyons are the habitat of the large dark-gray wolf. he also loves the depressions in the high mountain ranges where there exists usually an alternation of marsh and thick forest. his dismal howl may nearly always be heard amid the solemn stillness of these places. it was and still is dangerous to tether or hobble your horse in such a place, as the early immigrants learned to their sorrow. many a fine animal was hamstrung or seriously wounded. large packs of these wolves often follow the deer, their usual prey, to the foothills and outlying settlements. while the wolf in this country is not considered an animal dangerous to man, yet, when driven from his mountain home by hunger, and he assembles in packs in the foothills and low grounds, he may be and probably is dangerous. an experienced hunting friend of mine of the name of taylor lived on a ranch, in the early pioneer days, about a mile south of the now busy and prosperous town of north bend, in king county. this small but fertile valley in which his pioneer home was located, lay near the base of the foothills of the cascade mountains. it was his custom, after a light fall of snow, with his trusty rifle in hand, to mount his favorite riding horse, and, with a pack animal at his side, to go to the timber skirting a prairie adjacent to the foothills, to kill from one to three fat bucks, and to return the same day. on one of these occasions, carefully hunting three or four hours for game, he found no deer, but saw plenty of wolf tracks. he concluded that there had been an invasion of his hunting ground by mountain wolves, and a departure of the deer for safer feeding grounds. he immediately commenced his return to the trail where his horses were tied. soon, however, he heard the patter of feet and saw a slight movement in the brush on every side of him. a closer observation showed that he was encircled, by from fifteen to twenty mountain wolves. although a man of nerve, he confessed that he was somewhat alarmed. his situation was a novel one to him. he had a muzzle loading rifle, as he had always refused to adopt the repeating rifle because of its alleged want of accuracy. as the wolves were slowly contracting the circle surrounding him, he concluded to tree. he did so, taking his rifle up with him. the wolves formed a circle about the tree and, sitting or slowly moving about, looked intently at him as if in expectation of their coming feast. solemnly contemplating the situation, and its possible dire results, he concluded to try the effect of a shot upon this hungry pack. quickly suiting the action to the resolve, he sent a bullet crashing through the brain of one of the larger ones. the animal leaped into the air and fell dead. its companions rushed upon it and fiercely tore its body to pieces. finding that his first shot was ineffective for rescue and quickly deciding on a theory different from that which prompted the first shot, he sent a bullet into the abdomen, of one of the sitting and waiting animals. this always produces a stinging, writhing and painful wound. the animal struck, leaped into the air, wheeled around several times, and then, with a dismal and alarming howl, started off, his companions with him, on that "long gallop that can tire the hound's deep hate and the hunter's fire." my friend, thus fortunately relieved from his imprisonment, quickly descended from his perch and hastened with anxious steps to his horses--and then to his home. the most valuable and useful of all the game family to man, and especially to the pioneer, was and is the deer. without venison the table of the pioneer would be lacking in one of life's choicest and most sustaining food. of beef, pork and mutton, in any of their various forms, he had none. the rifle was his purveyor; a table furnished with delicious venison, the realization. deer are everywhere to be found in this state, and especially in the wooded country west of the dividing-ridge of the cascade mountains. while he likes open ridges and sunny coves as a roaming or feeding-ground, a dense thicket or sylvan bower is the deer's dormitory. i can say, without a breach of modesty, that i have been a great deer-hunter. i have found him in larger numbers on the islands of the sound, than elsewhere. on one of these islands, whidby, i found quite a number of pure white, and also spotted or, to use the popular expression, calico deer. before this i had doubted somewhat the existance of the pure white deer; but while hunting on that island i came in view of a large five-pronged white buck, a spotted doe--his seeming companion--and two calico fawns. i saw them from ambush, and my first impression was to shoot the buck; but i hesitated, and finally concluded not to do it. after observing them for some time, i alarmed them and they disappeared in the contiguous woods. after their departure, i went to the ranch of a pioneer-friend, and i found that he had in a small park a pure white buck and five does--some spotted, and others of the ordinary color. i learned from him that the progeny of the buck in a great majority of cases was of the usual color--sometimes calico, but rarely pure white. i tried to purchase the only pure white fawn--offering fifty dollars for it--but he refused. deer were so plentiful in pioneer days, especially on the islands of the sound, that the pioneer had to fence against them. these fences were from ten to twelve feet in height, and, as one expressed it, made water-tight. the deer is very fond of growing oats, of potatoes, which he readily digs with his sharp hoofs, of cabbage and lettuce, and other products of the field and garden. the cougar, the wolf and the lynx, the natural enemies and destroyers of the deer for food, do not exist on the islands; hence their large and, if left to natural causes, their constantly increasing numbers. the deer on the islands of the sound, as a general rule, are smaller than those on the mainland; and my observation is, that they increase in size as you go back from the shores of the sound, through the continuous woods, to the foothills and mountain-slopes. all of the deer in this state belong to what is familiarly known as the black-tailed family. it is not common in the great basin of puget sound, including therein all of the country west of the dividing-ridge of the olympic range, to find and kill a deer decidedly fat. in southern oregon i have killed what was called bench-bucks, as fat as any mutton i ever saw; but the ridges and foothills where they roam were covered with oak timber, which produced an abundant supply of acorns, of which they are very fond and upon which they plentifully feed. such food is rich and fattening. there are no oaks or acorns in this state; at most, they are so exceptional as not to deserve notice. lingering along the snow-line in the mountains, and ascending and descending with it, is a species of deer known as the mule-deer. he is so called for two reasons: first, many males have dark stripes across their shoulders and the same kind of stripes across the loin; the mule-deer has the same; secondly, the mule-deer has enormous ears, equalling, if not exceeding, in size those of the mule. his head is more like a calf's head than that of a deer. he frequently reaches in weight two-hundred-and-fifty and even three hundred pounds. he is king of the deer family. he is not often shot, as he is known, only, to the hunter and the adventurous pioneer. this concludes my brief account of the game and other animals of washington. well-considered laws have been passed by the legislature for the protection and preservation of the useful, and for the destruction of the non-useful and dangerous animals. it is hoped that these laws may be thoroughly enforced. during my residence on the pacific coast i have, on invitation, delivered many addresses before bar associations, county and state; before odd fellows' and masonic lodges and literary societies. i have pronounced obituary addresses on the life and character of persons of national, state, and local reputation. many of these i have in manuscript. i give here an address on reminiscences of the bench and bar in early days, delivered before the washington state bar association at its meeting in seattle in july, : address. "called upon at the eleventh hour to fill the place of one well qualified by education, by experience and by a wider and more extended observation than myself in the field of legal reminiscences, i feel some-what the embarrassment of the situation. the committee showed the highest appreciation of the fitness of things and of persons, when they made my friend, now recreating in the sunny clime of california, their first choice for the pleasing task now, unfortunately for the association, devolved upon me. it is a case of devolution, not evolution. i possess not that gravity of countenance, nor that dignity of demeanor, nor that solemnity of vocal utterance, so necessary to give full zest even to a well-told tale. my absent friend possesses these qualities in a high degree. "in every new and sparsely-settled country there is always a closer social intercourse between the bench and the bar, and a greater freedom of utterance, than in after-years. when population increases to the dimensions of a commonwealth, and costly court houses are built, there is connected with every court-room, a sort of 'holy of holies,' from which the judge emerges in the morning and, after the crier performs his duties, into which he enters at night. this may, and probably does, aid in the dispatch of business, but it operates as an effectual curtailment of that free-and-easy social intercourse which once existed. we rarely see the judge now except when he is fully clad with judicial thunder. i do not know that i desire a full return of the customs of other days, but i would, if i could, check this tendency to social isolation. "in those good old days, my absent friend was discussing a motion before his honor, judge greene, involving the question of whether certain alleged facts amounted to fraud. in support of his contention, my friend was reading copious extracts from _browne on the statute of frauds_. in doing so, he was constantly calling that author's name brown-e? 'why do you call that name brown-e?' asked the judge. 'it is spelled,' answered our friend, with charming gravity, 'b-r-o-w-n-e; if that is not brow-ne, i would like to know what it does spell?' 'i spell my name,' said the judge, 'g-r-e-e-n-e. you would not call me gree-ne, would you?' 'that depends,' replied our friend, 'on how your honor decides this motion.' the judge waived the contempt and joined in a general laugh. "it is a delicate matter to discuss the qualities, mental and otherwise of a living and honored brother, and i hope to be pardoned for the following: wit and humor, though distinct, are often confounded. the grave and solemn man is often full of humorous conceptions. he suppresses their utterance sometimes with difficulty. he consumes them in an internal feast of pleasure. it is an exhilerating, but lonely feast. in this there may be a tinge of selfishness; but we will not condemn. but when he opens the mental throttle and allows them to flow forth, they give pleasure to all and continue as a pleasant and fragrant memory. judge greene, though not a wit, is full of humor. his description of an 'inspector afloat,' in an admiralty case in this then district, in which he contrasted what an inspector afloat ought to do and see with what this inspector did not do or see, is an admirable specimen of genuine humor. i believe that it was published at the time, but i presume that only a few of my hearers have ever seen it. it ought to be republished. it is worth preserving. it was possibly this latent trait in the judge's mental constitution that led to the following scene: "there was an attorney at steilacoom, where court was then held, of the name of hoover. he was a bright, active young man, but his chirography resembled, in illegibility if not in form, the egyptian hieroglyphics. he filed for a client an answer to a complaint. the honorable frank clark, attorney for the plaintiff, demurred to it, because it did not state facts sufficient to constitute a defence; in fact, did not state anything; that if it did, it was wholly illegible and past finding out. as soon as mr. clark had finished reading his demurrer, the judge, who prided himself on his ability to read all forms of handwriting, asked mr. clark to hand the answer to him, saying that he thought he could read it. it was handed up to the judge. he read the first line in the body of the answer all right, but utterly broke down on the second line. he scaned the remainder of the answer deliberately and with care, then handed it to mr. hoover, asking him to read it; the judge meantime watching him with an intensified if not admiring gaze. when mr. hoover had finished the court said, 'mr. hoover, hold up your hand.' mr. hoover did so, and in that solemn position the court swore mr. hoover as to the correctness and truthfulness of his interpretation of that answer. mr. hoover has since left the profession of law and gone into the more lucrative business of banking. on account of the unjust criticism sometimes made on my own hand-manual, i feel inclined to treat him kindly. "there may be a dash of the _ego_ in the following reminiscences, but it will be seen that i was but the incident or subordinate actor, or more the victim, than otherwise. "while the third was my judicial district, i was ordered by the legislature of and to hold court in the second as well. the docket at vancouver, for various causes not necessary for me to mention, had become very much clogged. there were over two hundred cases, civil and criminal, awaiting trial. the legislature gave me six weeks to clear up that docket. i went to vancouver a little out of humor from the imposition of double duties, but with the determination to accomplish the task within the alloted time, if continued and sharp work would do it. i made myself something of a judicial tyrant during that term. i ran court from eight o'clock in the morning, with evening sessions often extending until twelve o'clock at night. motions and demurrers were read, and i heard only the party against whom i was inclined to rule on the reading. i took nothing under advisement. i limited the time of address to juries, adjusting the time according to the importance of the case and the character of the rights involved. the local and visiting bar showed their appreciation of the situation and wasted no needless time in the direct, or cross-examination of witnesses. we finished up our work on the last day of the alloted time, and of all that mass of cases heard and finally determined at that time, not one was taken to the supreme court. "quite a number of amusing incidents occured that tended to relieve the monotony and lighten the burden of our labors. by your permission, i will relate one. "a man had been indicted for a grievious assault and battery. the alleged place of the assault was in the woods near the northern limits of the town. the second witness for the prosecution was a school teacher from washougal. he was a tall and lank man, with high cheek bones, sunken cheek and eyes, and sandy hair. he had about him an air of conscious superiority. after he had been sworn, he advanced to the witness-stand which was directly to my right. before he took his seat, however, he courteously bowed to me and, with a dignified waive of his hand, saluted the court. the following was his description of the assault and battery: "'the prosecuting witness was sitting calmly and sedately on a log, when the prisoner approached with stealthy yet intrepid, steps, until he approximated in close proximity to his person, sir'--the court interrupted: 'if you can get along without making a stump speech, we will be very much obliged to you.' 'thank your honor,' he responded. 'proceed,' said the court. 'as i was remarking, the prosecuting witness was sitting calmly and sedately on a log, when the prisoner approached with stealthy, yet intrepid, steps, until he approximated in close proximity to his person, sir, when he reached forth his digits and fastened them in the capillary filaments of the prosecutor's head, and then, with a tremendous jerk, laid him prone and prostrate on the ground; then he lifted his heel high in air and sent it with such force and violence into the countenance of the prosecutor that it has left an impression indelible to this day, sir.' 'that will do,' said the court; 'you can go.' he arose with a courteous bow to the court and a wave of his right hand towards the bar, said: 'thank your honor for releasing me from the impertinence of these attorneys.' and he proudly walked out of that court house. the court surrendered its dignity for a time and joined in the storm of laughter. "pierce county, now a model of intellectual and moral progress, with a thrifty, energetic and law-abiding population, was, in early territorial days, a hotbed of local feuds frequently resulting in homicide. she had no tacoma, then, to control the spirit of lawlessness and to teach her citizens that life's truer conflicts are different, and nobler. this county was in the third judicial district, over whose courts i had the honor to preside for six years. at one of these terms of court a man of the name of walker was indicted for the murder of his nearest neighbor. walker and his said neighbor were both unmarried and lived in cabins not far apart. both were stock-raisers, and both were well advanced in years. no one saw the killing and it was, therefore, a case of circumstantial evidence. "the body of the neighbor, when found, lay near a gate that entered walker's pasture-field, and the right side, from the shoulder down to a point opposite to the navel, was perforated with shot. i will not attempt to state the circumstances on which the prosecution relied; suffice it to say, they pointed with a good deal of force to the guilt of the accused; but i will not say, in opposition to the verdict of the jury that they excluded every hypothesis of innocence. the prisoner was ably defended by judge wyche, james mcnaught, irving ballard and gov. wallace. the honorable c. m. bradshaw was the prosecuting attorney, and he was ably assisted by the hon. frank clark. the trial occupied the attention of the court for four days. on the second day of the trial, a lady tastefully dressed, but closely veiled, entered the court with the prisoner's counsel, and, when the prisoner came, took a seat by his side. she was evidently a stranger, and 'who is she?' was on the lips of everyone. at the noon recess it was learned that she was the daughter of the prisoner. day by day she appeared, took her accustomed seat, and remained a silent and mournful listener to the damaging testimony given against her father. at noon of the fourth day i thought the testimony was all in. at the call of the court after recess i was somewhat astonished by the announcement of judge wyche that he wished to put one more witness on the stand. i was still more surprised when he asked, this daughter, to take the witness-stand. she moved across the room in front of the large audience in a dignified and graceful manner, her face still veiled. before she was sworn, judge wyche requested her to remove her veil, and she did so, revealing a countenance beautiful, intelligent and sorrowful. judge wyche asked her to state her age. she answered, twenty-four. ques. 'what relation are you if any, to the prisoner?' 'he is my father.' ques. 'before you came here, how long had it been since you last saw your father?' ans. 'about fifteen years.' ques. 'are you married?' ans. 'i am.' ques. 'what is the object of your visit here?' this question was objected to, but i let it go in. 'i came,' she said, 'to persuade my aged father to go back and live with me in my eastern home, so that i could smooth his pathway to the tomb with a daughter's love and affection; but to my sorrow and astonishment, when i arrived i found him on trial for his life.' she was about to proceed, but the court stopped her. then judge wyche said: 'i want to ask you one more question. i presume that it will be objected to and you need not answer until the court permits you to do so. taking into consideration all that you have stated and all that you may know in the past, as well as in the present, of your father, what is your opinion of his sanity?' 'we object,' came quick and sharp from mr. clark; but, as he did not arise to argue the objection, judge wyche made a clear and cogent argument in favor of the admisability of the testimony, admitting that the authorities were in conflict, but claiming that the better reason was in favor of its admission. in conclusion, he repeated the testimony of the witness and drew a brief but pathetic picture of her melancholly condition. his emotion seemed to intensify as he proceeded, until they became too great for utterance, and he resumed his seat amid the profound silence of the court-room. "frank clark, who had watched this performance with the keen eye of an connoisseur, immediately arose to reply. he did not waste much time on the legal proposition, but addressed himself to the concluding portion of judge wyche's argument. he said the learned counsel for the defendant, had drawn a pathetic and melancholly picture; then with a voice trembling with seeming emotion, he asked: 'did the learned counsel say anything about the poor, lone man who fell on yonder plain, pierced by many cruel shots, with no daughter near to receive his last blessing or to close his eyes, fast glazing in death?' seemingly overcome with emotion, he resumed his seat, but no sooner had he done so than he put his hand to the corner of his mouth and said to the prosecuting attorney, in a stage whisper, distinctly audible in most of the room: 'i guess they did not beat us much in that game,' "all of the older members of bar in western washington were acquainted with i. m. hall. he was probate judge of king county for two terms, and for one term its auditor. he possessed what bishop called 'a legal mind.' while he was well read in the elements of the law, after his admission to the bar he had very little use for books other than statutes, blackstone's commentaries and kent's lectures. his knowledge of statutory law was comprehensive and wonderfully accurate, both in a historical and constructive sense. he often said that we were too much inclined to go far from home for our law; that we were fond of legal exotics. while reports were useful, their abuse was greater than their proper use. he claimed that their use had changed the members of the legal profession from a body of original and stalwart thinkers, to a body of sickly book-worms. their inquiry was not, what was the reason of the thing, but what had some court said? "it was a frequent saying of his that the principal difficulty that he met with in the practice of the law was to get the court to see the law as it was; a difficulty that many of us, no doubt, have thought at times obstructed our success; but which, with that modesty and discretion so characteristic of the profession, we have failed to voice. "mr. hall was the acknowledged wit of the bar of western washington. i might give many instances of his ability as a wit, but one must suffice. "it was the last day of a term of court at port townsend. my practice was to read over the docket on the last day of court in the presence of the attorneys, so that i could correct on my docket any omissions or mistakes. i was about to adjourn court when mr. hall said he desired to have a demurrer heard. i told him to proceed. he made a brief yet clear and plausable argument in favor of the demurrer. it involved a point of statutory construction. when he had concluded, the opposing counsel rose to reply. i told him that i did not desire to hear him; that the point presented so ably by mr. hall was not new to me; that my mind was against the construction contended for, and that i would have to overrule the demurrer. mr. hall, who had arisen to his feet, and who was manifestly a little disappointed at the ruling of the court, said that he would like to have an exception. i said: 'the court will grant you an exception with pleasure; but,' i said, 'this very question has been up before my brother greene and my brother lewis, and we all agree in our views; now, you know that we three constitute the supreme court, and, while i give you the exception with the greatest pleasure, i fear you will not make much by it.' he stood in a reflective attitude for a moment, then said: 'may it please your honor, i believe i will take the benefit of the exception, anyhow, for the tenure of office is very uncertain in this territory.' "i have heard the incident related with this sequel, that he took the case to the supreme court, that the judges mentioned were all off the bench, and the demurrer was sustained. i cannot vouch for the correctness of this sequel, however. "now, mr. president and brothers, i owe you an apology for detaining you so long with this unsubstantial matter, this unwritten poetry of the profession. i am inclined to believe, however that the actual intellectual and moral tone of a given period, as well as the social status, has no truer index than its current anecdotes. every new and formative community is marked with distinctive individualities. in the onward sweep of development and civilization, and in the largeness of population, individuality becomes fused in the general mass, and loses its salient characteristics." from an address before the same association at its annual meeting in ellensburg in i cull these extracts. "mr. chairman: "when i came to this city i was sent for by the president of this association and informed that mr. caton, on account of sickness in his family, could not be present on this occasion; and he asked the privilege of substituting my name for that of mr. caton. at first i objected. but you who are acquainted with the persuasive eloquence of the president of this association can readily come to the conclusion that i finally consented. in the words of one of lord byron's heroes, 'much i strove and much repented, and saying, i will ne'er consent--consented.' "the particular point to which i desire to direct your attention is the pioneer lawyer. i think i know something about his characteristics. in the first place he was a good fighter. his surroundings gave him inspiration in that direction. his environments were of the militant order. he was not only a good fighter, but he was a loyal fighter, and i must say from experience that he was a persistent fighter, for, after the judicial umpire had counted him out, and called the next bout, he wanted to fight on still. in the next place, he was a good reasoner, and i want to emphasize this point. he was so of necessity. he had no reports. he had to rely on his remembrance of general principles; and he learned to reason from those general principles to his conclusions; and his success at the bar depended upon the clearness of his statements and the cogency and force of his logic. the question with him was, what is the law? and he ascertained what the law was by reasoning from the general principles which he remembered, to the conclusion which he desired. if an attorney now-a-days is asked what is the law, i am afraid that it is too often the case, to use the eloquent language of the supreme court of this state, he seeks to find a case 'on all-fours.' he doesn't make any inquiry. he doesn't exercise his reasoning powers at all; he goes into the library and hunts after a case 'on all-fours' with the facts of the case he has presented to him. the learned and honored judge c. h. hanford, who has just so excellently addressed you, has stated that the law is not an exact science. i do not know but what i differ from the speaker in this regard. every profession has connected with it two things: a science, and an art. the science consists of the principles upon which that art rests. now i, as a lawyer, am prepared to maintain that the science of the law is just as accurate, just as complete, and just as reliable as any other science. as has been said, law in its practical operations is the application of principles to a certain condition of facts. there comes in the art. where different judges differ, it isn't in the science of the law, it is in the art connected with that science. "now i am wandering a little. however, i was trying to show that pioneer lawyers were forced to do their own reasoning, to rely upon their own intellectual powers. such, i understand, was the school in which lincoln graduated; and such, i am happy to say, was the school in which the honorable united states district judge of this state (judge hanford) graduated. (applause.) and he has shown today, in the fine address which he has read, that he had good training in that school, and that he early learned to do his own thinking and to arrive at sound conclusions. i know all about him. i knew him before he was a lawyer. i knew him while he was studying his profession. i knew also that there were very few books that he could command at that time. i think it is a good thing. i would say that a lawyer, a young man, should never be permitted to see a report until he has practiced at the bar for at least six or seven years. then he would learn to do his own thinking and reason from the principles laid down in the fundamental works upon the science of the law. i have spent too much time upon that point, however. "the pioneer lawyer as i knew him had a strong sense of humor about him. he had a strong sense of the ludicrous about him. circumstances contributed a great deal to the development of that sense in him. in early days there was no such thing as conventional usages. every fellow had his own fashion and followed his own will. i remember a little incident connected with what i have just stated. when james mcnaught, whom you all know, and who subsequently became attorney for one of the largest railroad corporations in the country, the northern pacific railroad company, first came to this territory, he was inclined to be a little 'dudish' in his dress. the first place he landed was at port townsend. he had a stove-pipe hat on his head--he was near sighted, and with his spectacles across his nose--went out to view the town, and, as is customary with people whose sight is thus affected, he always looked upward; and he was looking upward in port townsend as though he expected to gather a glimpse of the golden wings of a flock of angels hanging over that spiritual town. well, everybody noticed it. he was the observed of all observers. the next time the paper at port townsend came out it was with the heading, 'ecce homo,' 'behold the man,' and it gave a ludicrous description of that young attorney and his resplendent ability, notwithstanding his dude hat. everybody read it. it was a fine introduction. "when he came to seattle the boys ran out to him taking him to be the advance-agent of some show, and said to him, 'mr. when is your show going to be along?' 'what is it?' 'has it got animals in it or not?' after that mr. mcnaught relapsed back into the barbarous habits that existed on the sound at the time. there was more freedom between the court and the bar at that time than there is at the present time, more sociability. now the court comes in at a certain time from his back-room connected with the court house, where he has disappeared and shut himself up until the bailiff announces his coming, whereupon--i am speaking now of seattle--everybody arises and gently bows, and the judge takes his seat and is prepared with his judicial thunder." for twenty years i have served as president of the king county bar association. from january, , to january, , i served as judge of the superior court of the state for king county. although an octogenarian, i am still in the harness as an attorney and counsellor at law. i have now completed a general survey of my not uneventful life. i have written and collated it in my eighty-first year. in conclusion a brief retrospect limited to our country and nation, may be allowable. looking backward from a standpoint of review covering eighty years and more, and comparing the condition of the world with what it was on the second day of may, --the day of my birth--with what it is now--i am greatly impressed with the fact that in intellectual and moral growth, in the advance of civilization, in material progress and human amelioration, as well as in increase of population and in the volume of business and in glorified inventive triumphs--as well as in religious beliefs, as shown in the substitution of _love_ for _fear_ as the true basis of obedience to god and his laws--the world has moved and is still moving forward to a higher and nobler plane of civilization. steam, whose latent energies were then but little known, under the exploitations of science and inventive genius, became, and continues to be the chief motive power of the world. electricity alone now disputes its dominion. while the light of ages comes streaming down the pathway of history, it illumes the present and enlarges the scope of human knowledge, yet it gives no prophetic insight, hence, which will be the final victor is unseen. the potential energy and force which practically annihilates time and space by its fiery messages sent through the air or ocean westward, in advance of mechanical time and becomes the common and instant transmitter of intelligence--is fast developing into a motive force the full extent of whose tremendous power is as yet unknown. it may equal, if not excel steam power and thus become the motive force of the world. during the time covered by this brief retrospect, mexico has felt the conquering power of the soldiers of the model republic, its roll call has been heard in the halls of the montezumas--the northern boundary of mexico has been deliminated, with territorial concessions to our government--texas released from the dominion of mexico and made an integral part of the union by annexation and subsequent admission as a state. the war of the rebellion which threatened the territorial integrity and rightful authority of the union after a heroic conflict--has been suppressed--peace and harmony have been restored and slavery, the irritating cause removed, by emancipation--and the union today stands on a firmer, broader, and more enduring basis than ever before. peace has her victories no less renowned than war's. the silent influence of our institutions has secured the annexation of the hawaiian islands--the gem of the pacific and the outward bulwark of the pacific states. the war with spain, occasioned by her treachery, and inspired by the desire to release the cuban people from the rapacity and cruelty of her spanish tyrant--resulted in the heroic and somewhat romantic naval battle of manila bay--the capture of the philippine archipeligo--and the expulsion of spain from that group of islands. eighty years ago the settlements with a few exceptions scarcely impinged on the eastern shore of the mississippi river. since that time they have crossed that mighty flow of waters--spread out over the fertile plain to the eastern base of the rocky mountains, and in after years they have extended over the mountains and here, in the sunny clime and fruitful valleys and balmy and healthful breezes of the pacific coast, the hardy pioneer has found a final home. what a territorial basis for development--progress--empire! already several millions of hardy, enterprising and patriotic freemen are scattered over this vast domain, and westward millions more are taking and will take their way in addition to the millions to the manor born. with the constantly increasing and controlling power of the forces generated in the past, and, now successfully at work in the world and which will no doubt increase in number and in the grandeur of their results during the next eighty years--who can measure the coming power or comprehend the glory of the model republic? pioneers, washington, with all her grand resources--developed and yet to be developed--won by your privations, courage and patriotism, is your gift to the union, to be consecrated to liberty, regulated by law, forever. transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original. obvious typographical errors have been corrected as follows: page : "firts" changed to "first" page : "assitance" changed to "assistance" page : "attemps" changed to "attempts" page : "alcholic" changed to "alcoholic" "or" changed to "of" page : "audienc" changed to "audience" page : "opprobiously" changed to "opprobriously" page : "surrounding" changed to "surrounded" page : "reconcilation" changed to "reconciliation" page : "genral" changed to "general" page : "reyonlds" changed to "reynolds" page : "beilieve" changed to "believe" page : "fity" changed to "fifty" page : "mounth" changed to "mouth" page : "suprised" changed to "surprised" page : "to" changed to "too" punctuation has been corrected without note. produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) the oregon territory, its history and discovery; including an account of the convention of the escurial, also, the treaties and negotiations between the united states and great britain, held at various times for the settlement of a boundary line, and an examination of the whole question in respect to facts and the law of nations. by travers twiss, d.c.l., f.r.s., professor of political economy in the university of oxford, and advocate in doctors' commons. new york: d. appleton & co., broadway. philadelphia: geo. s. appleton, chesnut-street. cincinnati:--derby, bradley & co., main-street. mdcccxlvi. preface. the object which the author had in view, in instituting the accompanying inquiry into the historical facts and the negotiations connected with the oregon territory, was to contribute, as far as his individual services might avail, to the peaceful solution of the question at issue between the united states of america and great britain. he could not resist the conviction, on reading several able treatises on the subject, that the case of the united states had been overstated by her writers and negotiators; and the perusal of mr. greenhow's official memoir, and subsequent history of oregon and california, confirmed him in this impression, as they sought to establish more than was consistent with the acknowledged difficulty of a question, which has now been the subject of four fruitless negotiations. he determined, in consequence of this conviction, to investigate carefully the records of ancient discoveries and other matters of history connected with the north-west coast of america, concerning which much contradictory statement is to be met with in writers of acknowledged reputation. the result is, the present work, which has unavoidably assumed a much larger bulk than was anticipated by the author when he commenced the inquiry: it is hoped, however, that the arrangement of the chapters will enable the reader to select, without difficulty, those portions of the subject which he may deem to be most deserving of his attention. the expeditions of drake and of gali have thus necessarily come under consideration; and the views of the author will be found to differ, in respect to both these navigators, from those advanced by mr. greenhow, more especially in respect to drake. had the author noticed at an earlier period mr. greenhow's remark in the preface to the second edition of his history, that he has "never deviated from the rule of not citing authorities at second-hand," he would have thought it right to apologise for attributing the incorrectness of mr. greenhow's statements as to the respective accounts of drake's expedition, to his having been misled by the authority of the article "drake," in the biographie universelle. he would even now apologise, were not any other supposition under the circumstances less respectful to mr. greenhow himself. in regard to juan de fuca, if the author could have supposed that in the course of the last negotiations at washington, mr. buchanan would have pronounced that de fuca's voyage "no longer admits of reasonable doubt," he would have entered into a more careful analysis of michael lock's tale, to show that it is utterly irreconcileable with ascertained facts. as it is, however, the author trusts that enough has been said in the chapter on the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast, to convince the reader that both the stories of juan de fuca and maldonado[ ], to the latter of whom, mr. calhoun, at an earlier stage of the same negotiations, refers by name as the pioneer of spanish enterprise, are to be ranked with admiral fonte's account, in the class of mythical discoveries. [ ] maldonado's pretended voyage bears the date of . in the copy of mr. calhoun's letter, circulated on this side of the atlantic, it is referred to the year . in regard to vancouver, the author, it is hoped, will be pardoned for expressing an opinion, that mr. greenhow has permitted his admitted jealousy for the fame of his fellow-citizens to lead him to do injustice to vancouver's character, and to assail it with arguments founded in one or two instances upon incorrect views of vancouver's own statements. mr. gallatin expressed a very different opinion of this officer, in his counter-statement, during the negotiation of , when he observes that vancouver "had _too much probity_ to alter his statement, when, on the ensuing day, he was informed by captain gray of the existence of the river, at the mouth of which he had been for several days without being able to enter it." the chapter on the convention of the escurial is intended to give an outline of the facts and negotiations connected with the controversy between spain and great britain in respect to nootka sound, and the subsequent settlement of the points in dispute. the arguments which the author conceived them to furnish against the positions of the commissioners of the united states, have been inserted, as the opportunity offered itself, in the chapters on the several negotiations. the author, however, has introduced in this chapter, what appears to him to be a conclusive refutation of mr. buchanan's statement, "that no sufficient evidence has been adduced that either nootka sound, or any other spot on the coast, was ever actually surrendered by spain to great britain." the chapter on the columbia river attempts to adjust the respective claims of heceta, gray, and broughton, to the discovery and exploration of that river. a few chapters have been next inserted on points of international law connected with territorial title, which, it was thought, might facilitate the examination of the questions raised in the course of the negotiations by the commissioners of great britain and the united states. they do not profess to be complete, but they embrace, it is believed, nearly all that is of importance for the reader to be familiar with. the chapters on the limits of louisiana, and the treaty of washington, were required to elucidate the "derivative title" of the united states. if the author could have anticipated the publication of the correspondence between mr. pakenham and the plenipotentiaries of the united states, he would most probably have adopted a different arrangement in his review of the several negotiations, so as to avoid an appearance of needless repetition. his manuscript, however, with the exception of the two last chapters, was completed before the president's message reached this country. as the earlier sheets, however, were passing through the press, one or two remarks have been inserted which have a bearing on the recent correspondence; but it should be observed, that a separate review of each negotiation was designedly adopted, for the purpose of enabling the reader to appreciate more readily the variety of phases, which the claims of the united states have assumed in the course of them. some observations have been made in chapter xii. and other places, upon the general futility of the argument from maps in the case of disputed territory. the late negotiations at washington have furnished an apposite illustration of the truth of the author's remarks. mr. buchanan, towards the conclusion of his last letter to mr. pakenham, addressed an argument to the british minister, of the kind known to logicians as the _argumentum ad verecundiam_:--"even british geographers have not doubted our title to the territory in dispute. there is a large and splendid globe now in the department of the state, recently received from london, and published by maltby & co., manufacturers and publishers to 'the society for the diffusion of useful knowledge,' which assigns this territory to the united states." the history, however, of this globe is rather curious. it was ordered of mr. malby (not maltby) for the department of state at washington, before mr. everett quitted his post of minister of the united states in this country. it no doubt deserves the commendation bestowed upon it by mr. buchanan, for mr. malby manufactures excellent globes; but the globe sent to washington was not made from the plates used on the globes published under the sanction of "the society for the diffusion of useful knowledge," though this is not said by way of disparagement to it. the society, in its maps, has carried the boundary line west of the rocky mountains, along the th parallel to the columbia river, and thence along that river to the sea; but in its globes the line is not marked beyond the rocky mountains. mr. malby, knowing that the globe ordered of him was intended for the department of state at washington, was led to suppose that it would be more satisfactorily completed, as it was an american order, if he coloured in, for it is not engraved, the boundary line proposed by the commissioners of the united states. the author would apologise for discussing so trifling a circumstance, had not the authorities of the united states considered the fact of sufficient importance to ground a serious argument upon it. in conclusion, the author must beg pardon of the distinguished diplomatists in the late negotiations at washington, whose arguments he has subjected to criticism, if he has omitted to notice several portions of their statements, to which they may justly attribute great weight. it is not from any want of respect that he has neglected them, but the limits of his work precluded a fuller consideration of the subject. london, jan. , . contents. chapter page i. the oregon territory ii. the discovery of the north-west coast of america iii. the discovery of the north-west coast of america iv. the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast v. the convention of the escurial vi. the oregon or columbia river vii. the acquisition of territory by occupation viii. title by discovery ix. title by settlement x. derivative title xi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in xii. the limits of louisiana xiii. the treaty of washington xiv. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xv. examination of the claims of the united states xvi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xvii. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - xviii. review of the general question the oregon question. chapter i. the oregon territory. north-west america.--plateau of anahuac.--rocky mountains.--new-albion.--new caledonia.--oregon, or oregan, the river of the west.--the columbia river.--extent of the oregon territory.--the country of the columbia.--opening of the fur trade in .--vancouver.--straits of anian.--straits of juan de fuca.--barclay.--meares.--the american sloop washington.--galiano and valdés.--journey of mackenzie in .--the tacoutche-tesse, now frazer's river.--north-west company in .--the hudson's bay company in .--the first settlement of the north-west company across the rocky mountains in , at frazer's lake.--journey of mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, down the north branch of the columbia river, in .--expedition of lewis and clarke, in .--the missouri fur company, in .--their first settlement on the west of the rocky mountains.--the pacific fur company, in .--john jacob astor, the representative of it.--astoria, established in .--dissolution of the pacific fur company, in july, .--transfer of astoria to the north-west company, by purchase, in october, .--subsequent arrival of the british sloop-of-war, the racoon.--name of astoria changed to fort george. north-western america is divided from the other portions of the continent by a chain of lofty mountains, which extend throughout its entire length in a north-westerly direction, in continuation of the mexican andes, to the shores of the arctic ocean. the southern part of this chain, immediately below the parallel of ° north latitude, is known to the spaniards by the name of the sierra verde, and the central ridge, in continuation of this, as the sierra de las grullas; and by these names they are distinguished by humboldt in his account of new spain, (essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. i., c. ,) as well as in a copy of mitchell's map of north america, published in . mr. greenhow, in his history of oregon and california, states that the anahuac mountains is "the appellation most commonly applied to this part of the dividing chain extending south of the th degree of latitude to mexico," but when and on what grounds that name has come to be so applied, he does not explain. anahuac was the denomination before the spanish conquest of that portion of america which lies between the th and st degrees of north latitude, whereas the cordillera of the mexican andes takes the name of the sierra madre a little north of the parallel of °, and the sierra madre in its turn is connected with the sierra de las grullas by an intermediate range, commencing near the parallel of °, termed la sierra de los mimbres. the application, indeed, of the name anahuac to the entire portion of the chain which lies south of °, may have originated with those writers who have confounded anahuac with new spain; but as the use of the word in this sense is incorrect, it hardly seems desirable to adopt an appellation which is calculated to produce confusion, whilst it perpetuates an error, especially as there appear to be no reasonable grounds for discarding the established spanish names. the plateau of anahuac, in the proper sense of the word, comprises the entire territory from the isthmus of panama to the st parallel of north latitude, so that the name of anahuac mountains would, with more propriety, be confined to the portion of the cordillera south of °. if this view be correct, the name of the sierra verde may be continued for that portion of the central range which separates the head waters of the rio bravo del norte, which flows into the gulf of mexico, and forms the south-western boundary of texas, from those of the rio colorado, (del occidente,) which empties itself into the gulf of california. the rocky mountains, then, or, as they are frequently called, the stony mountains, will be the distinctive appellation of the portion of the great central chain which lies north of the parallel of °; and if a general term should be required for the entire chain to the south of this parallel, it may be convenient to speak of it as the mexican cordillera, since it is co-extensive with the present territory of the united states of mexico, or else as the mexican andes, since the range is, both in a geographical and a geological point of view, a continuation of the south american andes. between this great chain of mountains and the pacific ocean a most ample territory extends, which may be regarded as divided into three great districts. the most southerly of these, of which the northern boundary line was drawn along the parallel of °, by the treaty of washington in , belong to the united states of mexico. the most northerly, commencing at behring's straits, and of which the extreme southern limit was fixed at the southernmost point of prince of wales's island in the parallel of ° ' north, by treaties concluded between russia and the united states of america in , and between russia and great britain in , forms a part of the dominions of russia; whilst the intermediate country is not as yet under the acknowledged sovereignty of any power. to this intermediate territory different names have been assigned. to the portion of the coast between the parallels of ° and °, the british have applied the name of new albion, since the expedition of sir francis drake in - , and the british government, in the instructions furnished by the lords of the admiralty, in , to captain cook, directed him "to proceed to the coast of new albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of °." (introduction to captain cook's voyage to the pacific ocean, to, , vol. i., p. xxxii.) at a later period, vancouver gave the name of new georgia to the coast between ° and °, and that of new hanover to the coast between ° and °; whilst to the entire country north of new albion, between ° and ° ', from the rocky mountains to the sea, british traders have given the name of new caledonia, ever since the north-west company formed an establishment on the western side of the rocky mountains, in . (journal of d. w. harmon, quoted by mr. greenhow, p. .) the spanish government, on the other hand, in the course of the negotiations with the british government which ensued upon the seizure of the british vessels in nootka sound, and terminated in the convention of the escurial, in , designated the entire territory as "the coast of california, in the south sea." (declaration of his catholic majesty, june th, transmitted to all the european courts, in the annual register, .) of late it has been customary to speak of it as the oregon territory, or the columbia river territory, although some writers confine that term to the region watered by the oregon, or columbia river, and its tributaries. the authority for the use of the word oregon, or, more properly speaking, oregan, has not been clearly ascertained, but the majority of writers agree in referring the introduction of the name to carver's travels. jonathan carver, a native of connecticut and a british subject, set out from boston in , soon after the transfer of canada to great britain, on an expedition to the regions of the upper mississippi, with the ultimate purpose of ascertaining "the breadth of that vast continent, which extends from the atlantic to the pacific ocean, in its broadest part, between ° and ° of north latitude. had i been able," he says, "to accomplish this task, i intended to have proposed to government to establish a post in some of those parts, about the straits of anian, which having been discovered by sir francis drake, of course belong to the english." the account of his travels, from the introduction to which the above extract in his own words is quoted, was published in london in . carver did not succeed in penetrating to the pacific ocean, but he first made known, or at least established a belief in, the existence of a great river, termed apparently, by the nations in the interior, oregon, or oregan, the source of which he placed not far from the head waters of the river missouri, "on the other side of the summit of the lands that divide the waters which run into the gulf of mexico from those which fall into the pacific ocean." he was led to infer, from the account of the natives, that this "great river of the west" emptied itself near the straits of anian, (carver's travels, d edit., london, , p. ,) although it may be observed that the situation of the so-called straits of anian themselves was not at this time accurately fixed. carver, however, was misled in this latter respect, but the description of the locality where he placed the source of the oregon, seems to identify it either with the flatbow or m'gillivray's river, or else, and perhaps more probably, with the flathead or clark's river, each of which streams, after pursuing a north-western course from the base of the rocky mountains, unites with a great river coming from the north, which ultimately empties itself into the pacific ocean in latitude ° '. the name of oregon has consequently been perpetuated in this main river, as being really "the great river of the west," and by this name it is best known in europe; but in the united states of america, it is now more frequently spoken of as the columbia river, from the name of the american vessel, "the columbia," which first succeeded in passing the bar at its mouth in . the native name, however, will not totally perish in the united states, for it has been embalmed in the beautiful verse of bryant, whom the competent judgment of mr. washington irving has pronounced to be amongst the most distinguished of american poets:-- "take the wings of morning, and the barcan desert pierce, or lose thyself in the continuous woods where rolls the oregon, and hears no sound save his own dashings." if we adopt the more extensive use of the term oregon territory, as applied to the entire country intermediate between the dominions of russia and mexico respectively, its boundaries will be the rocky mountains on the east, the pacific ocean on the west, the parallel of ° ' n. l. on the north, and that of ° n. l. on the south. its length will thus comprise degrees minutes of latitude, or about geographical miles. its breadth is not so easily determined, as the rocky mountains do not run parallel with the coast, but trend from south-east to north-west. the greatest breadth, however, appears to comprise about degrees of longitude, and the least about degrees; so that we may take degrees, or geographical miles, as the average breadth. the entire superficies would thus amount to , geographical square miles, equal to , english miles. if, on the other hand, we adopt the narrower use of the term, and accept the north-western limit which mr. greenhow, in his second edition of his history of oregon and california, has marked out for "the country of the columbia," namely, the range of mountains which stretches north-eastward from the eastern extremity of the straits of fuca, about miles, to the rocky mountains, separating the waters of the columbia from those of frazer's river, it will still include, upon his authority, not less than , square miles in superficial extent, which is more than double that of france, and nearly half of all the states of the federal union. "its southernmost points" in this limited extent "are in the same latitudes with boston and with florence; whilst its northernmost correspond with the northern extremities of newfoundland, and with the southern shores of the baltic sea." such are the geographical limits of the oregon territory, in its widest and in its narrowest extent. the indian hunter roamed throughout it, undisturbed by civilised man, till near the conclusion of the last century, when captain james king, on his return from the expedition which proved so fatal to captain cook, made known the high prices which the furs of the sea otter commanded in the markets of china, and thereby attracted the attention of europeans to it. the enterprise of british merchants was, in consequence of captain king's suggestion, directed to the opening of a fur trade between the native hunters along the north-west coast of america, and the chinese, as early as . the attempt of the spaniards to suppress this trade by the seizure of the vessels engaged in it, in , led to the dispute between the crowns of spain and great britain, in respect of the claim to exclusive sovereignty asserted by the former power over the port of nootka and the adjacent latitudes, which was brought to a close by the convention of the escurial in . the european merchants, however, who engaged in this lucrative branch of commerce, confined their visits to stations on the coasts, where the natives brought from the interior the produce of their hunting expeditions; and even in respect of the coast itself, very little accurate information was possessed by europeans, before vancouver's survey. vancouver, as is well known, was despatched in by the british government to superintend, on the part of great britain, the execution of the convention of the escurial, and he was at the same time instructed to survey the coast from ° to °, with a view to ascertain in what parts civilised nations had made settlements, and likewise to determine whether or not any effective water communication, available for commercial purposes, existed in those parts between the atlantic and pacific oceans. the popular belief in the existence of a channel, termed the straits of anian, connecting the waters of the pacific with those of the atlantic ocean, in about the th or th parallel of latitude, through which gaspar de cortereal, a portuguese navigator, was reported to have sailed in , had caused many voyages to be made along the coast on either side of north america during the th and th centuries, and the exaggerated accounts of the favourable results of these voyages had promoted the progress of geographical discovery by stimulating fresh expeditions. in the th century, a narrative was published by purchas, in his "pilgrims," professing that a greek pilot, commonly called juan de fuca, in the service of the spaniards, had informed michael lock the elder, whilst he was sojourning at venice in , that he had discovered, in , the outlet of the straits of anian, in the pacific ocean, between ° and °, and had sailed through it into the north sea. the attention of subsequent navigators was for a long time directed in vain to the rediscovery of this supposed passage. the spanish expedition under heceta, in , and the british under cook, in , had both equally failed in discovering any corresponding inlet in the north-west coast, doubtless, amongst other reasons, because it had been placed by the author of the tale between the parallels of ° and °, where no strait existed. in , however, the mouth of a strait was descried a little further northward, between ° and °, by captain barclay, of the imperial eagle, and the entrance was explored in the following year by captain meares, in the felice, who perpetuated the memory of michael lock's greek pilot, by giving it the name of the straits of juan de fuca. meares, in his observations on a north-west passage, p. lvi., prefixed to his voyage, published in , states that the american merchant sloop the washington, upon the knowledge which he communicated, penetrated the straits of fuca in the autumn of , "as far as the longitude of ° east of greenwich," ( ° west,) and came out into the pacific through the passage north of queen charlotte's island. vancouver's attention was directed, in consequence of captain meares' report, to the especial examination of this strait, and it was surveyed by him, with the rest of the coast, in a most complete and effectual manner. a spanish expedition, under galiano and valdés, was engaged about the same time upon the same object, so that from this period, i. e., the concluding decade of the last century, the coast of oregon may be considered to have been sufficiently well known. the interior, however, of the country, had remained hitherto unexplored, and no white man seems ever to have crossed the rocky mountains prior to alexander mackenzie, in . having ascended the unjigah, or peace river, from the athabasca lake, on the eastern side of the rocky mountains, to one of its sources in ° ', mackenzie embarked upon a river flowing from the western base of the mountains, called, by the natives, tacoutche-tesse. this was generally supposed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia river, till it was traced, in , to the gulf of georgia, where it empties itself in ° latitude, and was thenceforth named frazer's river. mackenzie, having descended this river for about miles, struck across the country westward, and reached the sea in ° ', at an inlet which had been surveyed a short time before by vancouver, and had been named by him cascade canal. _this was the first expedition of civilised men through the country west of the rocky mountains._ it did not lead to any immediate result in the way of settlement, though it paved the way by contributing, in conjunction with vancouver's survey, to confirm the conclusion at which captain cook had arrived, that the american continent extended, in an uninterrupted line, north-westward to behring's straits. the result of mackenzie's discoveries was to open a wide field to the westward for the enterprise of british merchants engaged in the fur trade; and thus we find a settlement in this extensive district made, not long after the publication of his voyage, by the agents of the north-west company. this great association had been growing up since , upon the wreck of the french canadian fur trade, and gradually absorbed into itself all the minor companies. it did not, however, obtain its complete organisation till , when it soon became a most formidable rival to the hudson's bay company, which had been chartered as early as , and had all but succeeded in monopolising the entire fur trade of north america, after the transfer of canada to great britain. the hudson's bay company, with the characteristic security of a chartered company, had confined their posts to the shores of the ample territory which had been granted to them by the charter of charles ii., and left the task of procuring furs to the enterprise of the native hunters. the practice of the hunters was to suspend their chase during the summer months, when the fur is of inferior quality, and the animals rear their young, and to descend by the lakes and rivers of the interior to the established marts of the company, with the produce of the past winter's campaign. the north-west company adopted a totally different system. they dispatched their servants into the very recesses of the wilderness, to bargain with the native hunters at their homes. they established _wintering partners_ in the interior of the country, to superintend the intercourse with the various tribes of indians, and employed at one time not fewer than , _voyageurs_ or boatmen. the natives being thus no longer called away from their pursuit of the beaver and other animals, by the necessity of resorting as heretofore to the factories of the hudson's bay company, continued on their hunting grounds during the whole year, and were tempted to kill the cub and full-grown animal alike, and thus to anticipate the supply of future years. as the nearer hunting grounds became exhausted, the north-west company advanced their stations westwardly into regions previously unexplored, and, in , they pushed forward a post across the rocky mountains, through the passage where the peace river descends through a deep chasm in the chain, and formed a trading establishment on a lake now called frazer's lake, situated in ° n. l. "_this_," according to mr. greenhow, "_was the first settlement or post of any kind made by british subjects west of the rocky mountains._" it may be observed, likewise, that it was the first settlement made on the west of the rocky mountains, _by civilised men_. it is from this period, according to mr. harmon, who was a partner in the company, and the superintendent of its trade on the western side of the rocky mountains, that the name of new caledonia had been used to designate the northern portion of the oregon territory. other posts were soon afterwards formed amongst the flathead and kootanie tribes on the head waters or main branch of the columbia; and mr. david thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, descended with a party to the mouth of the columbia in . mr. thomson's mission, according to mr. greenhow, was expressly intended to anticipate the pacific fur company in the occupation of a post at the mouth of the columbia. such, indeed, may have been the ultimate intention, but the survey of the banks of the river, and the establishment of posts along it, was no less the object of it. mr. thomson was highly competent to conduct such an expedition, as may be inferred from the fact that he had been employed in to determine the latitude of the northernmost source of the mississippi, and had on that occasion shown the impossibility of drawing the boundary line between the united states of america and canada, due west from the lake of the woods to the mississippi, as had been stipulated in the second article of the treaty of . _mr. thomson and his followers were_, according to mr. greenhow, _the first white persons who navigated the northern branch of the columbia, or traversed any part of the country drained by it._ the united states of america had, in the mean time, not remained inattentive to their own future commercial interests in this quarter, as they had despatched from the southern side an exploring party across the rocky mountains, almost immediately after their purchase of louisiana, in . on this occasion, mr. jefferson, then president of the united states, commissioned captains lewis and clarke "to explore the river missouri and its principal branches to their sources, and then to seek and trace to its termination in the pacific some stream, whether the columbia, the oregon, the colorado, or any other, which might offer the most direct and practicable water communication across the continent for the purposes of commerce." the party succeeded in passing the rocky mountains towards the end of september, , and after following, by the advice of their native guides, the kooskooskee river, which they reached in the latitude ° ', to its junction with the principal southern tributary of the great river of the west, they gave the name of lewis to this tributary. having in seven days afterwards reached the main stream, they traced it down to the pacific ocean, where it was found to empty itself, in latitude ° '. they thus identified the oregon, or great river of the west of carver, with the river to whose outlet captain gray had given the name of his vessel, the columbia, in ; and having passed the winter amongst the clatsop indians, in an encampment on the south side of the river, not very far from its mouth, which they called fort clatsop, they commenced, with the approach of spring, the ascent of the columbia on their return homeward. after reaching the kooskooskee, they pursued a course eastward till they arrived at a stream, to which they gave the name of clarke, as considering it to be the upper part of the main river, which they had previously called clarke at its confluence with the lewis. here they separated, at about the th parallel of latitude. captain lewis then struck across the country, northwards, to the rocky mountains, and crossed them, so as to reach the head waters of the maria river, which empties itself into the missouri just below the falls. captain clarke, on the other hand, followed the clarke river towards its sources, in a southward direction, and then crossed through a gap in the rocky mountains, so as to descend the yellowstone river to the missouri. both parties united once more on the banks of the missouri, and arrived in safety at st. louis in september, . the reports of this expedition seem to have first directed the attention of traders in the united states to the hunting grounds of oregon. the missouri fur company was formed in , and mr. henry, one of its agents, established a trading post on a branch of the lewis river, the great southern arm of the columbia. _this seems to have been the earliest establishment of any kind made by citizens of the united states west of the rocky mountains._ the hostility, however, of the natives, combined with the difficulty of procuring supplies, obliged mr. henry to abandon it in . the pacific fur company was formed about this time at new-york, with the object of monopolising, if possible, the commerce in furs between china and the north-west coast of america. the head of this association was john jacob astor, a native of heidelberg, who had emigrated to the united states, and had there amassed very considerable wealth by extensive speculations in the fur trade. he had already obtained a charter from the legislature of new-york in , incorporating a company, under the name of the american fur company, to compete with the mackinaw company of canada, within the atlantic states, of which he was himself the real representative, according to his biographer, mr. washington irving, his board of directors being merely a nominal body. in a similar manner, mr. astor himself writes to mr. adams in , (letter from j. j. astor, of new-york, to the hon. j. q. adams, secretary of state of the united states, amongst the proofs and illustrations in the appendix to mr. greenhow's work,) "you will observe that the name of the pacific fur company is made use of at the commencement of the arrangements for this undertaking. i preferred to have it appear as the business of a company rather than of an individual, and several of the gentlemen engaged, mr. hunt, mr. crooks, mr. m'kay, m'dougal, stuart, &c., were in effect to be interested as partners in the undertaking, so far as respected the profit which might arise, but the means were furnished by me, and the property was solely mine, and i sustained the loss." mr. astor engaged, on this understanding, nine partners in his scheme, of whom six were scotchmen, who had all been in the service of the north-west company, and three were citizens of the united states. he himself had become naturalised in the united states, but of his scotch partners the three at least who first joined him seem to have had no intention of laying aside their national character, as, previously to signing, in , the articles of agreement with mr. astor, they obtained from mr. jackson, the british minister at washington, an assurance that "in case of a war between the two nations, they would be respected as british subjects and merchants." mr. astor, having at last arranged his plans, despatched in september, , four of his partners, with twenty-seven subordinate officers and servants, all british subjects, in the ship tonquin, commanded by jonathan thorne, a lieutenant in the united states navy, to establish a settlement at the mouth of the columbia river. they arrived at their destination in march, , and erected in a short time a factory or fort on the south side of the river, about ten miles from the mouth, to which the name of astoria was given. the tonquin proceeded in june on a trading voyage to the northward, and was destroyed with her crew by the indians in the bay of clyoquot, near the entrance of the strait of fuca. in the following month of july, mr. thomson, the agent of the north-west company, to whom allusion has already been made, descended the northern branch of the columbia, and visited the settlement at the mouth of the columbia. he was received with friendly hospitality by his old companion, mr. m'dougal, who was the superintendent, and shortly took his departure again, mr. stuart, one of the partners, accompanying him up the river as far as its junction with the okinagan, where he remained during the winter, collecting furs from the natives. the factory at astoria, in the mean time, was reinforced in january, , by a further detachment of persons in the service of the pacific fur company, who had set out overland early in , and after suffering extreme hardships, and losing several of their number, at last made their way, in separate parties, to the mouth of the columbia. a third detachment was brought by the ship beaver, in the following may. all the partners of the company, exclusive of mr. astor, had now been despatched to the scene of their future trading operations. mr. mackay, who had accompanied mackenzie in his expedition to the pacific in , was alone wanting to their number: he had unfortunately proceeded northwards with captain thorne, in order to make arrangements with the russians, and was involved in the common fate of the crew of the tonquin. the circumstances, however, of this establishment underwent a great change upon the declaration of war by the united states against great britain in june, . tidings of this event reached the factory in january, . in the mean time mr. hunt, the chief agent of the company, had sailed from astoria, in the ship beaver, in august, , to make arrangements for the trade along the northern coast; whilst mr. m'dougal, the senior partner, with mr. mackenzie and others, superintended the factory. they were soon informed of the success of the british arms, and of the blockade of the ports of the united states, by messrs. m'tavish and laroque, partners of the north-west company, who visited astoria early in , with a small detachment of persons in the employment of that company, and opened negotiations with m'dougal and mackenzie for the dissolution of the pacific fur company, and the abandonment of the establishment at astoria. the association was in consequence formally dissolved in july, ; and on the th of october following, an agreement was executed between messrs. m'tavish and john stuart, on the part of the north-west company, and messrs. m'dougal, mackenzie, david stuart, and clarke, on the part of the pacific fur company, by which all the establishments, furs, and stock in hand of the late pacific fur company were transferred to the north-west company, at a given valuation, which produced, according to mr. greenhow, a sum total of , dollars. it may be observed, that four partners only of the pacific fur company appear to have been parties to this agreement; but they constituted the entire body which remained at astoria, mr. hunt, being absent, as already stated, and messrs crooks, maclellan, and r. stuart, having returned over-land to new-york in the spring of . the bargain had hardly been concluded when the british sloop of war, the racoon, under the command of capt. black, entered the columbia river, with the express purpose of destroying the settlement at astoria; but the establishment had previously become the property of the north-west company, and was in the hands of their agents. all that remained for captain black to perform, was to hoist the british ensign over the factory, the name of which he changed to fort george. mr. m'dougal and the majority of the persons who had been employed by the pacific fur company, passed into the service of the north-west company; and the agents of the latter body, with the aid of supplies from england, which arrived in , were enabled to extend the field of their operations, and to establish themselves firmly in the country, undisturbed by any rivals. chapter ii. on the discovery of the north-west coast of america. voyage of francisco de ulloa, in .--cabrillo, in .--drake, in - .--the famous voyage.--the world encompassed.--nuño da silva.--edward cliffe.--francis pretty, not the author of the famous voyage.--fleurieu.--pretty the author of the voyage of cavendish.--purchas' pilgrims.--notes of fletcher.--world encompassed, published in .--mr. greenhow's mistake in respect to the world encompassed and the famous voyage.--agreement between the world encompassed and the narrative of da silva.--fletcher's manuscript in the sloane collection of the british museum.--furthest limit southward of drake's voyage.--northern limit ° and upwards by the famous voyage, ° by the world encompassed.--the latter confirmed by stow, the annalist, in , and by john davis, the navigator, in , and by sir w. monson in his naval tracts.--camden's life of elizabeth.--dr. johnson's life of sir f. drake.--fleurieu's introduction to marchand's voyage.--introduction to the voyage of galiano and valdés.--alexander von humboldt's new spain. the spaniards justly lay claim to the discovery of a considerable portion of the north-west coast of america. an expedition from acapulco under francisco de ulloa, in , first determined california to be a peninsula, by exploring the gulf of california from la paz to its northern extremity. the chart, which domingo del castillo, the pilot of ulloa, drew up as the result of this voyage, differs very slightly, according to alexander von humboldt, from those of the present day. ulloa subsequently explored the western coast of california. of the extent of his discoveries on this occasion there are contradictory accounts, but the extreme limit assigned to them does not reach further north than cape engaño, in ° north latitude. in the spring of the following year, , two vessels were despatched under juan rodriguez cabrillo from the port of navidad. he examined the coast of california, as far north as ° ', when he was driven back by a storm to the island of san bernardo, in °, where he died. his pilot, bartolemé ferrelo, continued his course northwards after the death of his commander. the most northern point of land mentioned in the accounts of the expedition which have been preserved, was cabo de fortunas, placed by ferrelo in °, which is supposed by mr. greenhow to have been the headland in ° ', to which the name of c. mendocino was given, in honor of the viceroy, mendoza. other authors, however, whose opinion is entitled to consideration, maintain that ferrelo discovered cape blanco in °, to which vancouver subsequently gave the name of cape orford. (humboldt, essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. iii., c. viii. introduccion al relacion del viage hecho por las goletas sutil y mexicana en el año de .) the bull of pope alexander vi., as is well known, gave to ferdinand and isabella of spain all the new world to the westward of a meridian line drawn a hundred leagues west of the azores. when england, however, shook off the yoke of the papacy, she refused to admit the validity of spanish titles when based only on such concessions. elizabeth, for instance, expressly refused to acknowledge "any title in the spaniards by donation of the bishop of rome, to places of which they were not in actual possession, and she did not understand why, therefore, either her subjects, or those of any other european prince, should be debarred from traffic in the indies." in accordance with such a policy, sir francis drake obtained, through the interest of sir christopher hatton, the vice-chamberlain of the queen, her approval of an expedition projected by him into the south sea. he set sail from plymouth in , passed through the straits of magellan in the autumn of , and ravaged the coast of mexico in the spring of . being justly apprehensive that the spaniards would intercept him if he should attempt to re-pass magellan's straits with his rich booty, and being likewise reluctant to encounter again the dangers of that channel, he determined to attempt the discovery of a north-east passage from the south sea into the atlantic, by the reported straits of anian. there are two accounts, professedly complete, of drake's voyage. the earliest of these first occurs in hakluyt's collection of voyages, published in , and is entitled "the famous voyage of sir francis drake into the south sea, and there-hence about the whole globe of the earth, begun in the yeere of our lord, ." it was re-published, by hakluyt, with some alterations, in his subsequent edition of - , and may be most readily referred to in the fourth volume of the reprint of this latter edition, published in . the other account is intitled "the world encompassed by sir francis drake, collected out of the notes of mr. francis fletcher, preacher in this employment, and compared with divers others' notes that went in the same voyage." this work was first published in , by nicholas bourne, and "sold at his shop at the royal exchange." it appears to have been compiled by francis drake, the nephew of the circumnavigator, as a dedication "to the truly noble robert earl of warwick" is prefixed, with his name attached to it. it will be found most readily in the second volume of the harleian collection of voyages. there are also to be found in hakluyt's fourth volume, two independent, but unfortunately imperfect, narratives, one by nuño da silva, the portuguese pilot, who was pressed by sir f. drake into his service at st. jago, one of the cape verde islands, and discharged at guatulco, where his account terminates; the other by edward cliffe, a mariner on board the ship elizabeth, commanded by mr. john winter, one of drake's squadron, which parted company from him on the west coast of south america, immediately after passing through the straits of magellan. the elizabeth succeeded in re-passing the straits, and arrived safe at ilfracombe on june d, ; and mr. cliffe's narrative, being confined to the voyage of his own ship, is consequently the least complete of all, in respect to drake's adventures. it is a disputed point, whether drake, in his attempt to find a passage to the atlantic, by the north of california, reached the latitude of ° or °. the famous voyage, is the account, on which the advocates for the lower latitude of ° rely. the world encompassed, supported by stow the annalist, and two independent naval authorities, cotemporaries of sir f. drake, is quoted in favour of the higher latitude of °. before examining the interval evidence of the two accounts, it may be as well to consider the authority which is due to them from external circumstances, as mr. greenhow's account of the two works is calculated to mislead the judgment of the reader in this respect. mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in referring to the famous voyage, says that it was "written by francis pretty, one of the crew of drake's vessel, at the request of hakluyt, and published by him in . it is a plain and succinct account of what the writer saw, or believed to have occurred during the voyage, and bears all the marks of truth and authenticity." this statement could not but excite some surprise, as the famous voyage has no author's name attached to it, either in the first edition of , or in any of the later editions of hakluyt, the more so because hakluyt himself, in his address to the favorable reader, prefixed to the edition of , leads us to suppose that he was himself the author of the work. "for the conclusion of all, the memorable voyage of master thomas candish into the south sea, and from thence about the globe of the earth doth satisfie me, and i doubt not but will fully content thee, which as in time it is later than that of sir f. drake, so in relation of the philippines, japan, china, and the isle of st. helena, it is more particular and exact; and therefore the want of the first made by sir francis drake will be the lesse; _wherein i must confess to have taken more than ordinary paines, meaning to have inserted it in this worke_; but being of late (contrary to my expectation,) seriously dealt withall, not to anticipate or prevent another man's paines and charge in drawing all the services of that worthie knight into one volume, i have yielded unto those my friends which pressed me in the matter, referring the further knowledge of his proceedings to those intended discourses." hakluyt, however, appears to have had the narrative privately printed, and, contrary to the intention which he entertained at the time when he wrote his preface, and compiled his table of contents, and the index of his first edition, in neither of which is there any reference to the famous voyage, he has inserted the famous voyage between pages and , evidently as an interpolation. it is nowhere stated that any copy of this edition exists, in which this interpolation does not occur. it is alluded to by lowndes in his bibliographical manual, vol. ii., p. , art. "hakluyt." it is printed apparently on the same kind of paper, with the same kind of ink, and in the same kind of type with the rest of the work, but the signatures at the bottom of the pages, by which term are meant the numbers which are placed on the sheets for the printer's guidance, do not correspond with the general order of the signatures of the work. this fact, combined with the circumstance that the pages are not numbered, furnishes a strong presumption that it was printed subsequently to the rest of the work. on the other hand there is evidence that it was printed to bind up with the rest, from the circumstance that at the bottom of the last page the word "instructions" is printed to correspond with the first word at the top of p. , being the title of the next treatise--"instructions given by the honorable the lords of the counsell to edward fenton, esq. for the order to be observed in the voyage recommended to him for the east indies, and cathay, april , ." it can hardly be doubted that this account is the narrative about which hakluyt himself "had taken more than ordinary paines." hakluyt, as is well known, was a student of christ church, oxford, who like his imitator purchas, was imbued with a strong natural bias towards geographical studies, and himself compiled many of the narratives which his collection contained. this inference as to the authorship of the famous voyage, drawn from the allusion in hakluyt's preface to the work, will probably appear to many minds more justifiable, if the claim set up in behalf of francis pretty can be shown to be utterly without foundation. it may be as well, therefore, to dispose of this at once. what may have been mr. greenhow's authority it would be difficult to say, though it may be conjectured, from another circumstance which will be stated below, that he has been misled by an incorrect article on sir francis drake in the biographie universelle. m. eyriés, the writer of this article, refers to fleurieu as his authority. fleurieu, however, who was a distinguished french hydrographer, and edited, in paris, in the year viii. ( ) a work intitled "voyage autour du monde, par etienne marchand," with which he published some observations of his own, intitled "recherches sur les terres de drake," enumerates briefly in the latter work the different accounts of drake's voyage, but he no where mentions the name of the author of the famous voyage. fleurieu's information, indeed, was not in every respect accurate, as he states that the edition of hakluyt which contained the famous voyage "ne parut à londres qu'en ." what he says, however, of the author, is comprised in a short note to this effect:--"le gentilhomme picard, (employé sur l'escadre de drake,) auteur de cette relation, en ayant remis une copie au baron de st. simon, seigneur de courtomer, celui-ci engagea françois de louvencourt, seigneur de vauchelles, à en faire un extrait en français sous le titre de 'le voyage curieux faict autour du monde par françois drach, amiral d'angleterre,' qui fut imprimé chez gesselin, paris, , en vo." it might be supposed from this statement, that the work of m. de louvencourt would disclose the name of the gentleman of picardy, who had been the companion of drake; but on referring to the edition just cited of the french translation, the only allusion to drake's companion which is to be found in the work, occurs in a few words forming part of the dedication to m. de st. simon:--"or, monsieur, je le vous dédie, parceque c'est vous que m'aviez donné, m'ayant fait entendre, que vous l'aviez eu d'un de vos sujets de courtomer, qui a fait le même voyage avec ce seigneur." nothing further can safely he inferred from this, than that m. de st. simon received the english copy, which m. de louvencourt made use of, from one of his vassals who had accompanied drake in his expedition; but whether this picard subject of the lord of courtomer was the author of the narrative, does not appear from the meagre dedication, which seems to have been the basis upon which fleurieu's statement was founded. fleurieu refers to the famous voyage as printed in duodecimo, in london, in the year . this edition, however, cannot be traced in the catalogue of the british museum or the bodleian library, nor does watt refer to it in his bibliotheca britannica: but fleurieu may have had authority for his statement, though the size of the edition is at least suspicious. even the french translation of , of which there was an earlier edition in , apparently unknown to fleurieu, is in vo, and an english edition of the famous voyage, slightly modified, which was published in london in , and may be found in the british museum, is a very mean pamphlet, though in vo. the separate editions likewise of drake's other voyages which are to be met with in public libraries are in small quarto, so that there would be no argument from analogy in favor of an edition in mo. the fact, however, of its having disappeared, might perhaps be urged as a sign of the insignificance of the edition. it is very immaterial, even if fleurieu has hazarded a hasty statement in respect to there having been a separate edition of the famous voyage as early as . thus much, at least, is certain, that fleurieu is incorrect in stating that the edition of hakluyt, in which it was inserted, did not appear before ; for a careful comparison between the french translation, and the respective english editions of and , furnishes conclusive evidence that m. de louvencourt's translation was made from the narrative in the edition of . two examples will suffice. the edition of gives - / degrees of southern latitude, and degrees of northern latitude, as the extreme limits of drake's voyage towards the two poles, which the french translation follows; whilst the edition of gives - / degrees of southern latitude, and degrees of northern latitude, as the southern and northern extremes. there can therefore be little doubt that the work, which m. de louvencourt translated, was the narrative about which hakluyt himself had taken no ordinary pains: and which he printed separately from his general collection of voyages, so that it might be circulated privately, though he incorporated it into the work after it was completed. so far, indeed, are we from finding any good authority for attributing the authorship of the famous voyage of sir francis drake to francis pretty, one of his crew, as unhesitatingly advanced by mr. greenhow, that, on the contrary there is the strongest negative evidence that it was not written by a person of that name, unless we are prepared to admit that there were two individuals of that name, the one a native of picardy, and vassal of the sieur de courtomer, the other an english gentleman, "of ey in suffolke;" the one a companion of drake, in his voyage round the world in - , the other a companion of cavendish, in his voyage round the world in - ; the one the author of the famous voyage of sir francis drake, the other the writer of the admirable and prosperous voyage of the worshipful master thomas candish. hakluyt, in his edition of , gave merely "the worthy and famous voyage of master thomas candishe, made round about the globe of the earth in the space of two yeeres, and lesse than two months, begon in the yeere ," which is subscribed at the end, "written by n. h.;" but in his edition of , he published a fuller and more complete narrative, entitled, "the admirable and prosperous voyage of the worshipfull master thomas candish, of frimley, in the countie of suffolke, esquire, into the south sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole earth; begun in the yeere of our lord , and finished . written by master francis pretty, lately of ey, in suffolke, a gentleman employed in the same action." the author, in the course of the narrative, styles himself francis pretie, and says that he was one of the crew of the "hugh gallant, a barke of tunnes," which, with the desire, of , and the content, of tons, made up cavendish's small fleet. this suffolk gentleman, for several reasons, could not be the same individual as the picard vassal of the lord of courtomer, nor is it probable that he ever formed part of the crew of drake's vessel in the famous voyage, as he no where alludes to the circumstance, when he speaks of places which drake visited, nor even when he describes the hull of a small bark, pointed out to them by a spaniard, whom they had lately taken on board, in the narrowest part of the straits of magellan, "which we judged to be a bark called the john thomas." now it is contrary to all probability that the writer of this passage should have been one of drake's crew, for the vessel, whose hull was seen on this occasion, was the marigold, a bark of tons, which had formed one of drake's fleet of five vessels, and had been commanded by captain john thomas, which fact would have been known to one of drake's companions, who could never have committed so gross a blunder as to confound the name of the ship with the name of the captain. that the circumstances of the loss of the marigold made no slight impression upon the minds of drake's companions, is shown from its being alluded to in all the narratives of nuño da silva, cliffe, and fletcher, without exception. drake had succeeded in passing the straits of magellan with three of his vessels: the golden hind, his own ship; the elizabeth, commanded by captain winter; and the marigold, by captain thomas. on the th of september, , the marigold parted from them in a gale of wind, and was wrecked in the straits. on the th of october the elizabeth likewise parted company from the admiral; she, however, succeeded in making her way back through the straits, and arrived safe at ilfracombe on the th of june, . it is singular that, in all the three accounts, which are known to be written by companions of drake, the separation of the marigold, as well as of the elizabeth, is alluded to; whereas, in the famous voyage, there is no allusion to the loss of the marigold, but only to the separation of the elizabeth, whose safe arrival in england made the fact notorious. if hakluyt wrote the famous voyage, the general notoriety of the separate return of the elizabeth would account for his not overlooking that circumstance, whilst he omitted all allusion to the marigold, about which his information would be comparatively imperfect. if one of drake's own crew was the author, it is difficult to suppose that he would have carefully alluded to "their losing sight of their consort, in which mr. winter was," who did not perish, and should omit all mention of the loss of the marigold, which is spoken of in the world encompassed "as the sorrowful separation of the marigold from us, in which was captain john thomas, with many others of our dear friends." the course of this inquiry seems to justify the following conclusions: that the "famous voyage of sir francis drake" is, strictly speaking, an anonymous work; that it is very improbable that it was compiled by one of drake's crew; on the contrary, hakluyt's own preface to his edition of , seems to warrant us in supposing that he had himself been employed in preparing the narrative, which he printed separately from the rest of his work, but subsequently inserted into it. hakluyt had most probably procured information from original sources, but he had certainly not access, in , to what he subsequently considered to be more trustworthy sources, for he made various alterations in his narrative, in his edition of . there is assuredly not the slightest ground for attributing it to francis pretty; and if m. eyriés was the originator of this mistake, he must undoubtedly have confounded the famous voyage of drake with the famous voyage of candish. all that can be inferred from m. de louvencourt's dedication of his french translation to m. de st. simon is, that the lord of courtomer had received the english original from one of his vassals, who had sailed with drake; but the most ingenious interpretation of his words will not warrant us in inferring that the donor was likewise the author of the work. it may be not unworthy of remark, that purchas, in the fifth volume of his pilgrims, (p. ,) gives a list of persons known to the world as the companions of drake, in which the name of francis pretty is not found. "men noted to have compassed the world with drake, which have come to my hands, are thomas drake, brother to sir francis, thomas hood, thomas blaccoler, john grippe, george, a musician, crane, fletcher, cary, moore, john drake, john thomas, robert winterly, oliver, the gunner, &c." it would be a reflection upon the well-known pains-taking research of purchas, to suppose that he would have omitted from his list the name of the author of the famous voyage, had he been really one of drake's crew. the other narrative, which is far more full and complete than the famous voyage, is entitled the "world encompassed." it was published under the superintendence of francis drake, a nephew of the admiral, if not compiled by him; the foundation of it, as stated in the title, seems to have been the notes of francis fletcher, the chaplain of drake's vessel, "compared with divers others' notes that went in the same voyage." fleurieu, in speaking of this work, says: "celleci est le récit d'un témoin oculaire: et la fonction qu'il remplissait à bord du vaisseau amiral pourrait faire présumer que, s'il n'était pas l'homme de la flotte le plus expérimenté dans l'art de la navigation, du moins il devait être celui que les études exigées de sa profession avaient mis le plus à portée d'acquérir quelques connaissances, et qui pouvait le mieux exprimer ce qu'il avait vu." (recherches sur les terres australes de drake, p. .) fleurieu, in further illustration of the probable fitness of fletcher for his task, refers to the excellent account of anson's voyages, written by his chaplain, r. walter, and to the valuable treatise on naval evolutions, compiled by the jesuit paul hoste, the chaplain of tourville. the earliest edition of "the world encompassed" appeared in , and a copy of this date is to be found in the bodleian library, at oxford. it was printed for nicholas bourne, as "the next voyage to that to nombre de dios, in , formerly imprinted." a second edition was printed in , and is in the king's library at the british museum. a third edition was published in , and may be found in the library of the british museum. it was therefore impossible not to feel surprise at mr. greenhow's deliberately stating, that this work was not published before , the more so as watt, in his bibliotheca britannica, refers to the first edition of . it is the coincidence of this second error, which warrants the supposition that mr. greenhow has placed too implicit a faith in the writer of the article upon drake, in the biographie universelle. m. eyriés, the author of that article, there writes, "un autre ouvrage original est celui qui fut composé sur les mémoires de francis fletcher, chapelain sur le vaisseau de drake. ces mémoires furent comparés et fondus avec ceux de plusieurs autres personnes qui avaient été employées dans la même expédition; le résultat de ce travail parut sous ce titre: the world encompassed, by sir f. drake, collected out of the notes of master f. f., preacher in this employment, and others. londres, , vo." there is another slight error in this statement, as the work is a small to, not an vo. it has been deemed the more necessary to point out carefully the errors of mr. greenhow, in regard to these two narratives, because he contrasts them expressly (p. ) as "the one proceeding entirely from a person who had accompanied drake in his expedition, and published in , during the life of the hero; the other compiled from various accounts, and not given to the world until the middle of the following century." in respect to the narrative of the world encompassed, mr. greenhow thus expresses himself:--"it is a long and diffuse account, filled with dull and generally absurd speculations, and containing moreover a number of statements, which are positive and evidently wilful falsehoods; yet it contains scarcely a single fact not related in the famous voyage, from which many sentences and paragraphs are taken verbatim, while others convey the same meaning in different terms. the journal, or supposed journal of fletcher's, remains in manuscript in the british museum: and from it were derived the false statements above mentioned, according to barrow, who consulted it." mr. greenhow's opinion of the length and diffuseness of the narrative, and of the dulness and general absurdity of the speculations, will probably be acquiesced in by those who have read the world encompassed, but the rest of his observations have been made at random. the world encompassed does not profess to be an original work, but to be a compilation from the notes of several who went the voyage. it is therefore highly probable that the compiler had before him "the famous voyage" amongst other narratives, and we should be prepared to find many statements alike in the two accounts. but it seems hard to suppose with mr. greenhow, that, where the world encompassed differs from the famous voyage, the statements are "positive and evidently wilful falsehoods." there are several statements, for instance, where the two narratives differ, and where the world encompassed agrees with nuño da silva's account, or with cliffe's narrative. for instance, on the second day after clearing the straits of magellan, on sept. th, a violent gale came on from the northeast, which drove drake's three vessels, the golden hind, the elizabeth, and the marigold to the height of ° south according to cliffe, and about leagues in longitude west of the strait, according to the famous voyage. they could make no head against the gale for three weeks, and during that interval there was an eclipse of the moon, which is alluded to in all the narratives. according to nuño da silva, they lay driving about, without venturing to hoist a sail till the last day of september, and about this time lost sight of the marigold. the elizabeth still kept company with the golden hind, but on or before october th, drake's vessel parted from her consort. we now come to a very important event in drake's voyage, which would seem to be one of the supposed "positive and evidently wilful falsehoods," to which mr. greenhow alludes. the famous voyage conducts sir f. drake in a continuous course north-westward, after losing sight of the elizabeth, to the island of mocha, in ° ' south, whereas the world encompassed says, that "drake, being driven from the bay of the parting of friends out into the open sea, was carried back again to the southward into ° south, on which height they found shelter for two days amongst the islands, but were again driven further to the southward, and at length fell in with the uttermost part of land towards the south pole," in about ° south. here fletcher himself landed, and travelled to the southernmost part of the island, beyond which there was neither continent nor island, but one wide ocean. we altered the name, says fletcher in his ms. journal, from terra incognita, to terra nunc bene cognita. now this account in the world encompassed, varying so totally from that in the famous voyage, is fully borne out by the positive evidence of nuño da silva, who says, that after losing sight of another ship of their company, the admiral's ship being now left alone, with this foul weather they ran till they were under °, where they entered into the haven of an island, and stayed there three or four days. the famous voyage would lead the reader to suppose, that after leaving the bay of severing of friends, the elizabeth and golden hind were driven in company to ° ' south; but it is altogether contrary to probability that cliffe should have omitted the fact of the elizabeth having been in company with drake when he discovered the southernmost point of land, had such been the case. the author of the famous voyage has evidently mixed up the events of the gale in the month of september with those of the storm after the th of october. this is a very striking instance of the truth of captain w. burney's remark, "that the author of the famous voyage seems purposely, on some occasions, to introduce confusion as a cloak for ignorance." again, the world encompassed mentions that drake was badly wounded in the face with an arrow by the natives in the island of mocha, about which the famous voyage is altogether silent, but nuño da silva confirms this statement. other instances might be cited to the like purport. mr. greenhow, at the end of his note already cited, says, "the journal, or supposed journal of fletcher, remains in ms. in the british museum, and from it were derived the false statements above mentioned, according to barrow, who consulted it." mr. greenhow has nowhere particularised what these false statements are, unless he means that the statements are false which are at variance with the famous voyage. it is evident, however, that such a view assumes the whole point at issue between the two narratives to be decided upon internal evidence in favour of the famous voyage, which a careful examination of the two accounts will not justify. but it is incorrect to refer to fletcher's journal, as the source of the assumed false statements in the world encompassed. the manuscript to which captain james burney refers, in his voyage of sir francis drake round the world, as "the manuscript relation of francis fletcher, minister, in the british museum," forms a part of the sloane collection, in which there is likewise a manuscript of drake's previous expedition to nombre de dios. it is not, however, properly speaking, a ms. of fletcher's, but a ms. copy of fletcher's ms. it bears upon the fly-leaf the words, "e libris joh. conyers, pharmacopolist,--memorandum, hakluyt's voyages of fletcher." its title runs thus: "the first part of the second voyage about the world, attempted, contrived, and happily accomplished, to wit, in the time of three years, by mr. francis drake, at her highness's command, and his company: written and faithfully laid down by ffrancis ffletcher, minister of christ, and presbyter of the gospel, adventurer and traveller in the same voyage." on the second page is a map of england, and above it these words: "this is a map of england, an exact copy of the original to a hair; that done by mr. ffrancis ffletcher, in queen elizabeth's time; it is copied by jo. conyers, citizen and apothecary of london, together with the rest, and by the same hand, as follows." the work appears to have been very carefully executed by conyers, and is illustrated with rude maps and drawings of plants, boats, instruments of music and warfare, strange animals, such as the vitulus marinus and others, which are referred to in the text of the ms., opposite to which they are generally depicted, and each is specially vouched to be a faithful copy of fletcher's ms. there is no date assigned to fletcher's own ms., but we might fairly be warranted in referring it to a period almost immediately subsequent to the happy accomplishment of the voyage, from the leader of the company being spoken of as "mr. francis drake." the golden hind reached england in november, , and drake was knighted by queen elizabeth in april, ; there was then an interval of four months, during which the circumstances of his voyage and his conduct were under the consideration of the queen's council, and fletcher may have completed his journal before their favourable decision led to drake's receiving the honour of knighthood. on comparing the world encompassed with this ms., it will be found that most of the speculations, discussions, and fine writing in the world encompassed have emanated from the nephew of the hero, or whoever may have been the compiler of the work, and have not been derived from this ms., which is written in rather a sober style, and is much less diffuse than might reasonably be expected. fletcher's imagination seems certainly to have been much affected by the giant stature of the patagonians, and by the terrible tempest which dispersed the fleet after it had cleared the straits of magellan. in respect to the patagonians, cliffe, it must be allowed, says, they were "of a mean stature, well limbed, and of a duskish tawnie or browne colour." on the other hand, nuño da silva says, they were "a subtle, great, and well-formed people, and strong and high of stature." whichever of the two accounts be the more correct, this circumstance is certain, that four of the natives beat back six of drake's sailors, and slew with their arrows two of them, the one an englishman, and the other a netherlander, so that they could be no mean antagonists. in respect to the tempest, the events of it must have with reason fixed themselves deep into fletcher's memory, for he writes in his journal, "about which time the storm being so outrageous and furious, the barke marigold, wherein edward bright, one of the accusers of thomas doughty, was captain, with souls, was swallowed up, which chanced in the second watch of the night, wherein myself and john brewer, our trumpeter, being watch, did hear their fearful cries continued without hope, &c." there is a greater discrepancy between the famous voyage and the world encompassed, as to the furthest limit of drake's expedition to the north of the equator, than, as already shown, in regard to the southern limit. we have here, unfortunately, no independent narrative to appeal to in support of either statement, as the portuguese pilot was dismissed by drake at guatulco, and did not accompany him further. hakluyt himself does not follow the same version of the story in the two editions of his narrative. in the famous voyage, as interpolated in the edition of , he gives - / ° south, as the furthest limit southward; but in the edition of , he gives - / °; in a similar manner we find ° north, as the highest northern limit mentioned in the edition of , whilst in that of it is extended to °. hakluyt thus seems to have found that his earlier information was not to be implicitly relied upon, but we have no clew to the fresh sources to which he had at a later period found access. the world encompassed, on the other hand, continues drake's course up to the th parallel of north latitude. the two narratives, however, do not appear to be altogether irreconcileable. in the famous voyage, as amended in the edition of , we have this statement:--"we therefore set sail, and sayled (in longitude) leagues at least for a good winde, and thus much we sayled from the of april till the of june. the day of june, being in degrees towards the pole arcticke, we found the ayre so colde that our men, being greevously pinched with the same, complained of the extremitie thereof, and _the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us_. whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek the land, and did so, finding it not mountainous, but low plaine land, till we came within degrees towards the line. in which height it pleased god to send us into a faire and good baye, with a good winde to enter the same." it will be seen from this account, that it was in the d, or, as in the earlier edition of , the d parallel of north lat., that the cold was first felt so intensely by drake's crew, and that the further they went, the more the cold increased upon them; so that from the latter passage it may be inferred that they did not discontinue their course at once as soon as they reached the d parallel. it appears, likewise, that drake, from the nature of the wind, was obliged to gain a considerable offing, before he could stand towards the northward: leagues _in longitude_, according to the first edition (the second edition omitting the words 'in longitude,') which does not differ much from the world encompassed. the latter states--"from guatulco, or aquatulco, we departed the day following, viz., april , setting our course directly into the sea, whereupon we sailed leagues in longitude to get a wind: and between that and june , leagues in all, till we came into degrees of latitude, where the night following we found such an alternation of heat into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously complain thereof." the cold seems to have increased to that extremity that, in sailing two degrees further north, the ropes and tackling of the ship were quite stiffened. the crew became much disheartened, but drake encouraged them, so that they resolved to endure the uttermost. on the th of june they were forced by contrary winds to run into an ill-sheltered bay, where they were enveloped in thick fogs, and the cold becoming still more severe, "commanded them to the southward whether they would or no." "from the height of degrees, in which now we were, to , we found the land by coasting along it to be but low and reasonable plain: every hill, (whereof we saw many, but none very high,) though it were in june, and the sun in his nearest approach to them, being covered with snow. in ° ' we fell in with a convenient and fit harbour, and june th came to anchor therein, where we continued until the d day of july following." the writer of this account, in another paragraph, confirms the above statement by saying, "add to this, that though we searched the coast diligently, even unto °, yet we found not the land to trend so much as one point in any place towards the east, but rather running on continually north-west, as if it went directly into asia." mr. greenhow is disposed to reject the statement of the world encompassed, for two reasons: first, because it is improbable that a vessel like drake's could have sailed through six degrees of latitude from the d to the th of june; secondly, because it is impossible that such intense cold could be experienced in that part of the pacific in the month of june, as is implied by the circumstances narrated, and therefore they must be "direct falsehoods." the first objection has certainly some reason in it; but in rejecting the world encompassed, mr. greenhow adopts the famous voyage as the true narrative, so that it becomes necessary to see whether hakluyt's account is not exposed to objections equally grave. hakluyt agrees with the author of the world encompassed, in dating drake's arrival at a convenient harbour on june ,--(hakluyt gives this date in vol. iii., p. ,)--so that drake would have consumed twelve days in running back three and a half degrees, according to one version of the famous voyage, and four and a half degrees according to the other, before a wind which was so violent that he could not continue to beat against it. there is no doubt about the situation of the port where drake took shelter, at least within half a degree, that it was either the port de la bodega, in ° ', as some have with good reason supposed, (maurelle's journal, p. , in barrington's miscellanies,) or the port de los reyes, situated between la bodega and port san francisco, in about °, as the spaniards assert; and there is no difference in the two stories in respect to the interval which elapsed after drake turned back, until he reached the port. there is, therefore, the improbability of drake's vessel, according to hakluyt, making so little way in so long a time _before_ a wind, to be set off against the improbability of its making, according to the world encompassed, so much way in so short a time on a wind, the wind blowing undoubtedly all this time very violently from the north-west. many persons may be disposed to think that the two improbabilities balance each other. in respect to the intense cold, it must be remembered that the famous voyage, equally with the world encompassed, refers to the great extremity of the cold as the cause of drake's drawing back again till he reached °. there can, therefore, be no doubt that drake did turn back on account of his men being unable to bear up against the cold, after having so lately come out of the extreme heat of the tropics. is it more probable that this intense cold should have been experienced in the higher or the lower latitude? for the intense cold must be admitted to be a fact. drake seems to have been exposed to one of those severe winds termed _northers_, which in the early part of the summer, bring down the atmosphere, even at new orleans and mexico, to the temperature of winter; but without seeking to account for the cold, as that would be foreign to the present inquiry, the fact, to whatever extent it be admitted, would rather support the statement that drake reached the th parallel, than that he was constrained to turn back at the lower latitude of °. it may likewise be observed that the description of the coast, "as trending continually north-westward, as if it went directly into asia," would correspond with the th parallel, but be altogether at variance with the d; and it is admitted by all, that drake's object was to discover a passage from the western to the eastern coast of north america. his therefore finding the land not to trend so much as one point to the east, but, on the contrary, to the westward, whilst it fully accounts for his changing his course, determines also where he decided to return. it should not be forgotten that the statement in the world encompassed, that the coast trended to the westward in °, was in contradiction of the popular opinion regarding the supposed straits of anian, and if it were not the fact, the author hazarded, without an adequate object, the rejection of this part of his narrative, and unavoidably detracted from his own character for veracity. we have, however, two cotemporaries of sir francis drake, who confirm the statement of the world encompassed. one of these has been strangely overlooked by mr. greenhow; namely, stow the annalist, who, under the year , gives an account of the return of master francis drake to england, from his voyage round the world. "he passed," he says, "forth northward, till he came to the latitude of forty-seven, thinking to have come that way home, but being constrained by fogs and cold winds to forsake his purpose, came backward to the line ward the tenth of june, , and stayed in the latitude of thirty-eight, to grave and trim his ship, until the five-and-twenty of july." this is evidently an account derived from sources quite distinct from those of either of the other two narratives. it occurs as early as , in an edition of the annals which is in the bodleian library at oxford, so that it was circulated two years at least before drake's death. the other authority is that of one of the most celebrated navigators of drake's age, john davis, of sandrug by dartmouth, who was the author of a work entitled "the world's hydrographical discovery." it was "imprinted at london, by thomas dawson, dwelling at the three cranes in the vine-tree, in ," and may be found most readily in the th volume of the last edition of hakluyt's voyages. after giving some account of the dangers which drake had surmounted in passing through the straits of magellan, which davis had himself sailed through three times, he proceeds to say, that "after sir francis drake was entered into the south seas, he coasted all the western shores of america, until he came into the septentrional latitude of forty-eight degrees, being on the back side of newfoundland." now davis is certainly entitled to respectful attention, from his high character as a navigator. he had made three voyages in search of a north-west passage, and had given his name to davis' straits, as the discoverer of them; he had likewise been the companion of cavendish in his last voyage into the south seas, in - , when, having separated from cavendish, he discovered the falkland islands. he was therefore highly competent to form a correct judgment of the value of the accounts which he had received respecting drake's voyage, nor was he likely, as a rival in the career of maritime discovery, to exaggerate the extent of it. we find him, on this occasion, deliberately adopting the account that drake reached that portion of the north-west coast of america, which corresponded to newfoundland on the north-east coast, or, as he distinctly says, the septentrional latitude of degrees. davis, however, is not the only naval authority of that period who adopted this view, for sir william monson, who was admiral in the reign of elizabeth and james i., and served in expeditions against the spaniards under drake, in his introduction to sir francis drake's voyage round the world, praises him because "lastly and principally that after so many miseries and extremities he endured, and almost two years spent in unpractised seas, when reason would have bid him sought home for his rest, he left his known course, and ventured upon an unknown sea in forty-eight degrees, which sea or passage we know had been often attempted by our seas, but never discovered." and in his brief review of sir f. drake's voyage round the world, he says: "from the th of april to the th of june he sailed without seeing land, and arrived in forty-eight degrees, thinking to find a passage into our seas, which land he named albion." (sir w. monson's naval tracts, in churchill's collection of voyages, vol. iii., pp. , .) mr. greenhow (p. ) says, that davis's assertion carries with it its own refutation, "as it is nowhere else pretended that drake saw any part of the west coast of america between the th degree of latitude and the th." but surely davis might use the expression, "coasted all the western shores of america," without being supposed to pretend that drake kept in sight of the coast all the way. the objection seems to be rather verbal than substantial. again, sir w. monson is charged by the same author with inconsistency, because he speaks of c. mendocino as the "furthest land discovered," and the "furthermost known land." but sir w. monson is on this occasion discussing the probable advantages of a north-west passage as a saving of distance, and he is speaking of c. mendocino, as the "furthermost known part of america," i. e., the furthermost headland from which a course might be measured to the moluccas, and he is likewise referring especially to the voyage of francisco gali, so that this objection is more specious than solid. it should likewise not be forgotten, that in the most approved maps of that day, in the last edition of ortelius, for example, and in that of hondius, which is given in purchas's pilgrims, c. mendocino is the northernmost point of land of north america. it may also not be amiss to remark, that in the map which mr. hallam (in his literature of europe, vol. ii., c. viii., § v.) justly pronounces to be the best map of the sixteenth century, and which is one of uncommon rarity, cabo mendocino is the last headland marked upon the north-west coast of america, in about ° north latitude. this map is found with a few copies of the edition of hakluyt of : in other copies, indeed, there is the usual inferior map, in which c. mendocino is placed between ° and °. the work, however, in which it has been examined for the present purpose, is hakluyt's edition of , in which it is sometimes found with sir f. drake's voyage traced out upon it: but in the copy in the bodleian library, no such voyage is observed; whilst the line of coast is continued above c. mendocino and marked, in large letters, "nova albion." thus hakluyt himself, in adopting this map as "a true hydrographical description of so much of the world as hath been hitherto discovered and is common to our knowledge," has so far admitted that nova albion extended beyond the furthest land discovered by the spaniards. on the other hand, camden, in his life of elizabeth, first published in , adopts the version of the story which hakluyt had put forth in his earliest edition of the famous voyage, making the southern limit ° south, and the northern ° north, which hakluyt has himself rejected in his later edition. there can be little doubt that camden's account bears internal evidence of having been copied in the main from hakluyt. purchas, as we may gather from his work, merely followed hakluyt. in addition to these, mr. greenhow enumerates several comparatively recent authors as adopting hakluyt's opinion. of these, perhaps dr. johnson has the greatest renown. he published a life of drake in parts, in five numbers of the gentleman's magazine for - . it was, however, amongst his earliest contributions, when he was little more than thirty years of age, and therefore is not entitled to all the weight which the opinion of dr. johnson at a later period of life might carry with it. but as it is, the passage, as it stands at present, seems to involve a clerical error. "from guatulco, which lies in ° ', they stood out to sea, and without approaching any land, sailed forward till on the night following the d of june, being then in the latitude of °, they were suddenly benumbed with such cold blasts that they were scarcely able to handle the ropes. this cold increased upon them, as they proceeded, to such a degree that the sailors were discouraged from mounting upon deck; nor were the effects of the climate to be imputed to the warmth of the regions to which they had been lately accustomed, for the ropes were stiff with frost, and the meat could scarcely be conveyed warm to the table. on june th they came to anchor in ° '." in the original paper, as published in the gentleman's magazine for january, , dr. johnson writes ° in numbers as the parallel of latitude where the cold was felt so acutely. this would be in a far lower latitude than what any of the accounts of drake's own time gives; so that it may for that reason alone be suspected to be an error of the press, more particularly as drake is made ultimately to anchor in ° ', a higher latitude than that in which his crew were benumbed with the cold. we must either suppose that dr. johnson entirely misunderstood the narrative, and intentionally represented drake as continuing his voyage northward in spite of the cold, and anchoring in a higher latitude than where his men were so much discouraged by its severity, or that there is a typographical error in the figures. the latter seems to be the more probable alternative; and if, in order to correct this error, we may reasonably have recourse to the authority from which he derived his information as to the latitude of the port where drake cast anchor, it is to the world encompassed, and not to the famous voyage, that we must refer; for it is the world encompassed which gives us ° ' as the latitude of the convenient and fit harbour, whereas the famous voyage sends drake into a fair and good bay in °. the dispute between spain and great britain respecting the fur trade on the north-west coast of america having awakened the attention of the european powers to the value of discoveries in that quarter, a french expedition was in consequence despatched in , under captain etienne marchand, who, after examining some parts of the north-west coast of america, concluded the circumnavigation of the globe in . fleurieu, the french hydrographer, published a full account of marchand's voyage, to which he prefaced an introduction, read before the french institute in july, . in this introduction he reviews briefly the course of maritime discovery in these parts, and states his opinion, without any qualification, that sir francis drake made the land on the north-west coast of america in the latitude of degrees, which no spanish navigator had yet reached. mr. greenhow (p. ) speaks highly of fleurieu's work, though he considers him to have been careless in the examination of his authorities. he observes, that "his devotion to his own country, and his contempt for the spaniards and their government, led him frequently to make assertions and observations at variance with truth and justice." it may be added, that at the time when he composed his introduction, the relations of france and great britain were not of a kind to dispose him to favour unduly the claims of british navigators. the same train of events which terminated in the nootka convention, led to a spanish expedition under galiano and valdés, of which an account was published, by order of the king of spain, at madrid, in . the introduction to it comprises a review of all the spanish voyages of discovery along the north-west coast, in the course of which it is observed, that, from want of sufficient information in spanish history, certain foreign writers had undervalued the merit of cabrillo, by assigning to drake the discovery of the coast between ° and °; whereas, thirty-six years before drake's appearance on that coast, cabrillo had discovered it between ° and °. a note appended to this passage states:--"the true glory which the english navigator may claim for himself is the having discovered the portion of coast comprehended between the parallels of ° and °; to which, consequently, the denomination of new albion ought to be limited, without interfering with the discoveries of preceding navigators." (relacion del viage hecho por las goletas sutil y mexicana en el año de . introduccion, pp. xxxv. xxxvi.) to the same purport, alexander von humboldt, in his essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, says:--"d'après des données historiques certaines, la dénomination de nouvelle albion devrait être restreinte à la partie de la côte qui s'étend depuis les ° aux °, ou du cap de martin de aguilar, à l'entrée de juan de fuca," (l. iii., c. viii.) and in another passage: "on trouve que francisco gali côtoya une partie de l'archipel du prince de galles ou celui du roi george (en .) sir francis drake, en , n'était parvenu que jusqu'aux ° de latitude au nord du cap grenville, dans la nouvelle georgie." the question of the northern limits of drake's expedition has been rather fully entered into on this occasion, because it is apprehended that drake's visit constituted a _discovery_ of that portion of the coast which was to the north of the furthest headland which ferrelo reached in , whether that headland were cape mendocino, or cape blanco; and because mr. greenhow, in the preface to the second edition of his history of oregon and california, observes, that in the accounts and views there presented of drake's visit to the north-west coast, all who had criticised his work were silent, or carefully omitted to notice the principal arguments adduced by the author. we may conclude with observing, that on reviewing the evidence it will be seen, that in favour of the higher latitude of ° we have a well authenticated account drawn up by the nephew of sir francis drake himself, from the notes of several persons who went the voyage, confirmed by independent statements in two contemporary writers, stow the annalist, and davis the navigator, and supported by the authority of sir w. monson, who served with drake in the spanish wars after his return; and on this side we find ranked the influential judgment of the ablest modern writers who have given their attention to the subject, such as the distinguished french hydrographer fleurieu, the able author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, published by the authority of the king of spain, and the learned and laborious alexander von humboldt. on the opposite side stands hakluyt, and hakluyt alone; for camden and purchas both followed hakluyt implicitly, and though they may be considered to approve, they do not in any way confirm his account; while hakluyt himself has nowhere disclosed his sources of information, and by the variation of the two editions of his work in the two most important facts of the whole voyage, namely, the extreme limits southward and northward respectively of drake's expedition, he has indirectly made evident the doubtful character of the information on which he relied, and has himself abandoned the version of the story, which camden and the author of the vie de drach, have adopted upon his authority. chapter iii. on the discovery of the north-west coast of america. the voyage of francisco de gualle, or gali, in .--of viscaino, in in .--river of martin d'aguilar.--cessation of spanish enterprises.--jesuit missions in california in the th century.--voyage of behring and tchiricoff in .--presidios in upper california.--voyage of juan perez in ; of heceta and de la bodega in .--heceta's inlet.--port bucareli.--bay of bodega.--hearne's journey to the coppermine river.--captain james cook in .--russian establishments, in , as far as prince william's sound; in , as far as mount elias.--expeditions from macao, under the portuguese flag, in and ; under that of the british east india company in .--voyage of la perouse in .--king george's sound company.--portland and dixon, in .--meares and tipping, in , under flag of east india company.--duncan and colnett in .--captain barclay discovers in the straits in ° ', to which meares gives the name of juan de fuca in .--prince of wales's archipelago.--gray and kendrick. the spaniards had long coveted a position in the east indies, but the bull of pope alexander vi. precluded them from sailing eastward round the cape of good hope; they had, in consequence, made many attempts to find their way thither across the pacific. it was not, however, till , that they succeeded in establishing themselves in the philippine islands. thenceforth spanish galleons sailed annually from acapulco to manilla, and back by macao. the trade winds wafted them directly across from new spain in about three months: on their return they occupied about double that time, and generally reached up into a northerly latitude, in order to avail themselves of the prevailing north-westers, which carried them to the shores of california. an expedition of this kind is the next historical record of voyages on this coast, after drake's visit. hakluyt has published the navigator's own account of it in his edition of , as the "true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by francisco de gualle, a spanish captain and pilot, &c., in the year of our lord ." it purports to have been translated out of the original spanish, verbatim, into low dutch, by j. h. van lindschoten; and thence into english by hakluyt. according to this version of it, gualle, on his return from macao, made the coast of new spain "under seven-and-thirty degrees and a half." the author of the "introduction to the journal of galiano and valdés" has substituted - / for - / degrees in gualle's, or rather gali's, account, without stating any reason for it. mr. greenhow, indeed, refers to a note of that author's, as intimating that he relied upon the evidence of papers found in the archives of the indies, but on examining the note in p. xlvi., it evidently refers to two letters from the archbishop of mexico, then viceroy of new spain, to the king, in reference to an expedition which he proposed to intrust to jayme juan, for the discovery of the straits of anian. it is true that the archbishop is stated to have consulted gali upon his project, but the author of the "introduction" specially alludes to lindschoten, as the person to whom the account of gali's voyage in was due, and refers to a french translation of lindschoten's work, under the title of "le grand routier de mer," published at amsterdam in . but lindschoten's original work was written in the dutch language, being intitled "reysgeschrift van de navigatien der portugaloysers in orienten," and was published towards the end of the sixteenth century; and two english translations of gali's voyage immediately appeared, one in wolf's edition of lindschoten, in ; the other in the third volume of hakluyt, - . lindschoten's own dutch version was subsequently inserted in witsen's "nord en oost tarterye," in . all these latter accounts, including the original, agree in stating seven-and-thirty degrees and a half as the latitude where gali discovered "a very high and fair land, with many trees, and wholly without snow." the passage in the original dutch may be referred to in burney's history of voyages, vol. v., p. . the french translation, however, which the author of the introduction consulted, gives - / °, the number being expressed in figures; but as this seems to be the only authority for the change, it can hardly justify it. "a high land," observes captain burney, "ornamented with trees, and entirely without snow, is not inapplicable to the latitude of - / °, but would not be credible if said of the american coast in - / ° n., though nothing were known of the extraordinary high mountains which are on the western side of america in that parallel." it may be observed, that the french translator has likewise misstated the course which gali held in reaching across from japan to the american coast, by rendering "east and east-by-north" in the original, as "east and north-east" in the french version, making a difference of three points in the compass, which would take him much farther north than his true course. m. eyriés, in the article "gali," in the biographie universelle, puts forward the same view of the cause of the variation of the latitude in the account adopted by the author of the introduction, namely, that it was derived from the french translation which he consulted. the words in the french version of the grand routier de mer are; "estans venus suivant ce mesme cours près de la coste de la nouvelle espagne à la hauteur de degrez et demi, nous approchasmes d'un haut et fort beau pays, orné de nombre d'arbres et entièrement sans neige." m. eyriés, however, has fallen into a curious mistake, as he represents gali to have made the identical voyage which is the subject of the narrative, in company with jayme juan, in execution of the project of the viceroy of mexico, which was never accomplished, instead of his having made the account of the voyage for him. that m. eyriés is in error will be evident, not merely from the account of the author of the introduction, if more carefully examined, as well as from the title and conclusion of the voyage of gali itself, as given in hakluyt's translation of the dutch version of lindschoten; but also from this circumstance, which seems to be conclusive. m. de contreras, archbishop of mexico, was viceroy of new spain for the short space of one year only, and the letters which he wrote to the king of spain, submitting his project of an expedition to explore the north-west coast of america for his majesty's approval, bore date the d january and th march, . but gali commenced his voyage from acapulco in march , and had returned by the year , most probably before the archbishop had entered upon his office of viceroy, certainly before he submitted his plans to the king, which he had matured after consultation with gali. it is difficult to account for m. eyriés' mistake, unless it originated in an imperfect acquaintance with the spanish language, as the statement by the author of the introduction is by no means obscure. gali's voyage was thus a private mercantile enterprise, and not an expedition authorised and directed by the government of new spain, which the account of m. eyriés might lead his reader to suppose. it has acquired, accidentally, rather more importance of late than it substantially deserves, from the circumstance of its having been cited in support of the spanish title to the north-west coast of america; it has consequently been thought to merit a fuller examination on the present occasion, as to its true limits northward, which clearly fall short of those attained by the spaniards under ferrelo, and very far short of those reached by the british under drake. the next authentic expeditions on these coasts were those conducted by sebastian viscaino. the growing rumours of the discovery of the passage between the atlantic and pacific by the straits of anian, and the necessity of providing accurate charts for the vessels engaged in the trade between new spain and the philippine islands, induced philip ii. to direct an expedition to be dispatched from acapulco in , to survey the coasts. nothing however of importance was accomplished on this occasion, but on the succession of philip iii. in , fresh orders were despatched to carry into execution the intentions of his predecessor. thirty-two charts, according to humboldt, prepared by henri martinez, a celebrated engineer, prove that viscaino surveyed these coasts with unprecedented care and intelligence. "the sickness, however, of his crew, the want of provisions, and the extreme severity of the season, prevented his advancing further north than a headland in the d parallel, to which he gave the name of cape sebastian." the smallest of his three vessels, however, conducted by martin d'aguilar and antonio florez, doubled cape mendocino, and reached the d parallel, where they found the mouth of a river which cabrillo has been supposed by some to have previously discovered in , and which was for some time considered to be the western extremity of the long-sought straits of anian. the subsequent report of the captain of a manilla ship, in , according to mr. greenhow, led the world to adopt a different view, and to suppose that it was the mouth of a passage into the northern extremity of the gulf of california; and accordingly, in maps of the later half of the seventeenth century, california was represented to be an island, of which cape blanco was the northernmost headland. after this error had been corrected by the researches of the jesuit kuhn, in , we find in the maps of the eighteenth century, such as that of guillaume de lisle, published in paris in , california a peninsula, cape blanco a headland in °, and near it marked "entrée découverte par d'aguilar." with gali and viscaino terminates the brilliant period of spanish discoveries along the north-west coast of america. the governors of new spain during the remainder of the seventeenth century and the greater part of the eighteenth, confined their attention to securing the shores of the peninsula of california against the armed vessels of hostile powers, which, after the discovery of the passage round cape horn in , by the dutch navigators lemaire and van schouten, carried on their depredations in the pacific with increasing frequency. the country itself of california, was in subjected, by a royal warrant, to an experimental process of civilisation at the hands of the jesuits, which their success in paraguay emboldened them to undertake. in about sixty years a chain of missions was established along the whole eastern side of california, and the followers of loyola may be considered to have ruled the country, till the decree issued by charles iii. in , for the immediate banishment of the society from the spanish dominions, led to their expulsion from the new world. during this long period, the only expedition of discovery that ventured into these seas was that which behring and tchiricoff led forth in from the shores of kamtchatka, under the russian flag. behring's own voyage southward is not supposed to have extended beyond the th parallel of north latitude, where he discovered a stupendous mountain, visible at the distance of more than eighty miles, to which he gave the name of mount st. elias, which it still bears. the account is derived from the journal of steller, the naturalist of behring's ship, which professor pallas first published in , as behring himself died on his voyage home, in one of the islands of the aleutian archipelago, between - / and - / degrees north latitude. here his vessel had been wrecked, and the island still bears the name of the russian navigator. tchiricoff, on the other hand, advanced further eastward, and the russians themselves maintain that he pushed his discoveries as far south as the th parallel of north latitude, (letter from the chevalier de poletica, russian minister, to the secretary of state at washington, february , , in british and foreign state papers, - , p. ;) but this has been disputed. mr. greenhow considers, from the description of the latitude and bearings of the land discovered by him, that it must have been one of the islands of the prince of wales's archipelago, in about °. the discoveries of the russians, of which vague rumours had found their way into europe, and of which a detailed account was given to the academy of sciences at paris, in , by j. n. de l'isle, the astronomer, on his return from st. petersburg, revived the attention of spain to the importance of securing her possessions in the new world against the encroachments of other powers. it was determined that the vacant coasts and islands adjacent to the settled provinces of new spain should be occupied, so as to protect them against casual expeditions, and that the more distant shores should be explored, so as to secure to the crown of spain a title to them, on the grounds of first discovery. with this object "the marine department of san blas" was organised, and was charged with the superintendence of all operations by sea. its activity was evinced by the establishment of eight "presidios" along the coast in upper california, in the interval of the ten years immediately preceding . of these san diego, in ° ' ", was the most southerly; san francisco, in ° ' ", the most northerly. during the same period, three expeditions of discovery were dispatched from san blas. the earliest of these sailed forth in january, , under the command of juan perez, but its results were not made known before , when the narrative of the expedition of the sutil and mexicana was published, as already stated. according to this account, perez, having touched at san diego and monterey, steered out boldly into the open sea, and made the coast of america again in ° ' north. in the latitude of ° he discovered a headland, to which he gave the name of santa margarita, at the northern extremity of queen charlotte's island. the strait which separates this island from that of the prince of wales, is henceforward marked in spanish maps as the entrada de perez. a scanty supply of water, however, soon compelled him to steer southward, and he cast anchor in the bay of san lorenzo in ° ', in the month of august, and for a short time engaged in trade with the natives. spanish writers identify the bay of san lorenzo with that to which captain cook, four years afterwards, gave the name of nootka sound. perez was prevented from landing on this coast by the stormy state of the weather, and his vessel was obliged to cut her cables, and put to sea with the loss of her anchors. he is supposed, in coasting southward, to have caught sight of mount olympus in ° '. having determined the true latitude of c. mendocino, he returned to san blas, after about eight months' absence. unfortunately for the fame of perez, the claim now maintained for him to the discovery of nootka sound, was kept secret by the spaniards till after general consent had assigned it to captain cook. the spaniards have likewise advanced a claim to the discovery of the straits of fuca, upon the authority of don esteban josé martinez, the pilot of the santiago, perez' vessel; who, according to mr. greenhow, announced many years afterwards that he remembered to have observed a wide opening in the land between ° and °: and they have consequently marked in their charts the headland at the entrance of the straits as cape martinez. no allusion, however, is made to this claim in the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, nor in humboldt's new spain. in the following year ( ) a second expedition sailed from san blas under the orders of don bruno heceta, don juan de ayala, and don juan de la bodega y quadra. the spanish government observed their usual prudent silence as to the results of this expedition, but the journal of antonio maurelle, "the second pilot of the fleet," who acted as pilot in the senora, which bodega commanded, fell into the hands of the hon. daines barrington, who published an english translation of it in his miscellanies, in . there are four other accounts in ms. amongst the archives at madrid. from one of these, the journal of heceta himself, a valuable extract is given in mr. greenhow's appendix. their first discovery north of c. mendocino, was a small port in ° ', to which they gave the name of la trinidad, and where they fixed up a cross, which vancouver found still remaining in . they then quitted the coast, and did not make the land again till they reached ° ', whence they examined the shore in vain towards the south for the supposed strait of fuca, which was placed in bellin's fanciful chart, constructed in , between ° and °. having had seven of the senora's men massacred by the natives in the latitude of ° ', where twelve years later a portion of the crew of the imperial eagle were surprised and murdered, they resumed their voyage northward, though heceta, owing to the sickness of his crew, was anxious to return. a storm soon afterwards separated the two vessels, and heceta returned southward. on his voyage homewards he first made the land on the th of august, in ° ', on the south-west side of the great island now known as vancouver's island, and passing the part which perez had visited, came upon the main land below the entrance of the straits of fuca. on the th of august, as he was sailing along the coast between ° ' and ° ', according to heceta's own report, or in ° ' according to the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, heceta discovered a great bay, the head of which he could no where recognise. so strong, however, were the currents and eddies of the water, that he believed it to be "the mouth of some great river, or passage to another sea." he was disposed, according to his own statement, to conceive it to be the same with the straits of fuca, as he was satisfied no such straits existed between ° and °, where they were laid down in the charts. he did not, however, venture to cast anchor; and the force of the currents, during the night, swept him too far to leeward to allow him to examine it any further. heceta named the northern headland of the bay, c. san roque; and the southern headland, c. frondoso; and to the bay itself he gave the name of the assumption, though, in the spanish charts, according to humboldt, it is termed "l'ensenada de ezeta," heceta's inlet. heceta likewise gave the name of c. falcon to a headland in ° ', known since as c. lookout; and continuing his course to the southward along the coast, reached monterey on august th. de la bodega, in the mean time, had stretched out to °, when he unexpectedly made the coast, leagues more to the westward than bellin's chart had led him to expect. he soon afterwards discovered the lofty conical mountain in king george iii.'s archipelago, to which he gave the name of san jacinto, and which cook subsequently called mount edgecumb, and having reached the th parallel, turned back to examine that portion of the coast, where the rio de los reyes was placed in the story of the adventures of admiral fonte. having looked for this fabulous stream in vain, they landed and took possession of the shores of an extensive bay, in ° ', in the prince of wales' archipelago, which they named port bucareli, in honour of the viceroy. proceeding southward, they observed the entrada de perez, north of queen charlotte's island; but, though coasting from ° within a mile of the shore, according to maurelle's account, they overlooked the entrance of fuca's straits. a little below ° unfavourable winds drove them off the coast, which they made once more in ° '; from which parallel they searched in vain to ° for the river of martin d'aguilar. in the latitude of ° ' they reached a spacious and sheltered bay, which they had imagined to be port san francisco; but it proved to be a distinct bay, not yet laid down in any chart, so de la bodega bestowed his own name upon it, having noted in his journal that it was here that sir francis drake careened his ship. vancouver, however, considered the bay of sir francis drake to be distinct from this bay of bodega, as well as from that of san francisco. expeditions had been, in the mean time, made by direction of the hudson's bay company, across the northern regions of north america, to determine, if possible, the existence of the supposed northern passage between hudson's bay and the pacific ocean. mr. samuel hearne, one of the company's agents, in , in the course of one of these journeys, succeeded in tracing a river, since known as the coppermine river, to a sea, where the flux and reflux of the tide was observed. hearne calculated the mouth of this river to be in about ° north latitude; and he had assured himself, by his own observations, that no channel connecting the two seas extended across the country which he had traversed. it appears that a parliamentary grant of , _l._ had been voted, in , by the house of commons, for the discovery of a north-west passage, through hudson's bay, by ships belonging to his britannic majesty's subjects; and in , this reward was further extended to the ships of his majesty, which might succeed in discovering a northern passage between the two oceans, in any direction or under any parallel north of °. the lords of the british admiralty, in pursuance of hearne's report, determined on sending out an expedition to explore the north-easternmost coast of the pacific; and captain james cook, who had just returned from an expedition in the southern hemisphere, was ordered, in , to proceed round the cape of good hope to the coast of new albion, in degrees. he was besides directed to avoid all interference with the establishments of european powers: to explore the coast northward, after reaching new albion, up to °; and there to commence a search for a river or inlet which might communicate with hudson's bay. he was further directed to take possession, in the name of his sovereign, of any countries which he might discover to be uninhabited; and if there should be inhabitants in any parts not yet discovered by other european powers, to take possession of them, with the consent of the natives. no authentic details of any discoveries had been made public by the spaniards since the expedition of viscaino, in , though rumours of certain voyages along the north-west coast of america, made by order of the viceroy of new spain, in the two preceding years, had reached england shortly before cook sailed; but the information was too vague to afford cook any safe directions. the expedition reached the shores of new albion in ° north, and thence coasted at some distance off up to °. cook arrived at the same conclusion which heceta had adopted, that between ° and ° north there were no straits of fuca, as alleged. he seems to have passed unobserved the arm of the sea a little further northward, having most probably struck across to the coast of vancouver's island, which trends north-westward. having now reached the parallel of ° ', he cast anchor in a spacious bay, to which he gave the name of king george's sound; but the name of nootka, borrowed from the natives, has since prevailed. it has been supposed, as already stated, that nootka sound was the bay in which perez cast anchor, and which he named port san lorenzo; and that the implements of european manufacture, which captain cook, to his great surprise, found in the possession of one of the natives, were obtained on that occasion from the spaniards. the first notification, however, of the existence of this important harbour, dates from this visit of captain cook, who continued his voyage northward up to the th parallel, and from that point commenced his survey of the coast, in the hope of discovering a passage into the atlantic. it is unnecessary to trace his course onward. although spanish navigators claim to have seen portions of the coast of north america between the limits of ° and ° prior to his visit, yet their discoveries had not been made public, and their observations had been too cursory and vague to lead to any practical result. captain cook is entitled, beyond dispute, to the credit of having first dispelled the popular errors respecting the extent of the continents of america and asia, and their respective proximity: and as drake, according to fletcher, changed the name of the land south of magellan's straits from terra incognita to terra nunc bene cognita, so cook was assuredly entitled to change the name of the north pacific sea from "mare incognitum" to "mare nunc bene cognitum." on the return of the vessels engaged in this expedition to england, where they arrived in october, , it was thought expedient by the board of admiralty to delay the publication of an authorised account, as great britain was engaged in hostilities with the united states in america, and with france and spain in the old world. the russians in the mean time hastened to avail themselves of the information which they had obtained when captain king, on his way homewards by china, touched at the harbor of petropawlosk, and an association was speedily formed amongst the fur merchants of siberia and kamtchatka to open a trade with the shores of the american continent. an expedition was in consequence dispatched in , for the double purpose of trading and exploring, and several trading posts were established between aliaska and prince william's sound. mr. greenhow (p. ) assigns to this period the russian establishment on the island of kodiak, near the entrance of the bay called cook's bay, but the russian authorities refer this settlement to a period as remote as . (letter from the chevalier de poletica to the secretary of state at washington, th february, . british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) the russian establishments seem to have extended themselves in , and the following year as far as admiralty bay, at the foot of mount elias. the publication, however, of the journals of cook's expedition, which took place in - , soon introduced a host of rival traders into these seas. private expeditions were dispatched from macao, under the portuguese flag, in and , and under the flag of the east india company in . in the month of june of this latter year, la perouse, in command of a french expedition of discovery, arrived off the coast, and cast anchor in a bay near the foot of mount fairweather, in about °, which he named port des français. he thence skirted the coast southward past port bucareli, the western shores of queen charlotte's island, and nootka, and reached monterey in september, where having stayed sixteen days, he bade adieu to the north-west coast of america. la perouse seems first to have suspected the separation of queen charlotte's island from the continent, but as no account of the results of this expedition was published before , other navigators forestalled him in the description of nearly all the places which he had visited. in the august of , in which year la perouse had sailed, an association in london, styled the king george's sound company, dispatched two vessels under the command of captains dixon and portlock, to trade with the natives on the american coast, under the protection of licences from the south sea company, and in correspondence with the east india company. they reached cook's river in july , where they met with russian traders, and intended to winter in nootka sound, but were driven off the coast by tempestuous weather to the sandwich isles. returning northward in the spring of , they found captain meares, with his vessel the nootka, frozen up in prince william's sound. meares had left calcutta in january , whilst his intended consort, the sea otter, commanded by captain tipping, had been dispatched to malacca, with instructions to proceed to the north-west coast of america; and there carry on a fur trade in company with the nootka. both these vessels sailed under the flag of the east india company. meares, after having with some difficulty got clear of the russian establishment at kodiak, reached cook's river soon after dixon and portlock had quitted it, and proceeded to prince william's sound, where he expected to meet the sea otter; but captain tipping and his vessel were never seen by him again after leaving calcutta, though meares was led by the natives to suppose that his consort had sailed from prince william's sound a few days before his arrival. he determined, however, to pass the winter here, in preference to sailing to the sandwich isles, lest he should be prevented returning to the coast of america. here indeed the severity of the cold, coupled with scurvy, destroyed more than half of his crew, and the survivors were found in a state of extreme distress by dixon and portlock, on their return to the coast in the following spring. we have now reached a period when many minute and detached discoveries took place. prince william's sound and nootka appear to have been the two great stations of the fur trade, and it seems to have been customary, in most of the trading expeditions of this period, that two vessels should be dispatched in company, so as to divide the labor of visiting the trading posts along the coast. thus, whilst portlock remained between prince william's sound and mount st. elias, dixon directed his course towards nootka, and being convinced on his voyage, from the reports of the natives, that the land between ° and ° was separated from the continent, as la perouse had suspected, he did not hesitate to call it queen charlotte's island, from the name of his vessel, and to give to the passage to the northward of it, which is marked on spanish maps as the entrada de perez, the name of dixon's entrance. before dixon and portlock quitted these coasts, in , other vessels had arrived to share in the profits of the fur trade. amongst these the princess royal and the prince of wales had been despatched from england, by the king george's sound company, under command of captains duncan and colnett; whilst the imperial eagle, under captain barclay, an englishman, displayed in those seas for the first time the flag of the austrian east india company. to a boat's crew belonging to this latter vessel captain meares assigns the discovery of the straits in ° ', to which he himself gave in the following year the name of juan de fuca, from the old greek pilot, whose curious story has been preserved in purchas' pilgrims. (introduction to meares' voyages, p. lv.) meares had succeeded in returning to macao with the nootka, in october, . in the next year he was once more upon the american coast, as two other vessels, named the felice and iphigenia, were despatched from macao, under meares and captain douglas respectively, the former being sent direct to nootka, the latter being ordered to make for cook's river, and thence proceeding southward to join her consort. meares, in his observations on a north-west passage, states that captain douglas anticipated captain duncan, of the princess royal, in being the first to sail through the channel which separates queen charlotte's island from the main land, and thereby confirming the suppositions of la perouse and dixon. captain duncan, however, appears at all events to have explored this part of the coast more carefully than douglas had done, and he first discovered the group of small islands, which he named the prince of wales' archipelago. the announcement of this discovery seemed to some persons to warrant them in giving credit once more to the exploded story of admiral fonte's voyage, and revived the expectation of discovering the river, which the admiral is described to have ascended near ° into a lake communicating with the atlantic ocean. it is almost needless to observe, that these expectations have never been realised. the names of several vessels have been omitted in this brief summary, which were engaged in the fur trade subsequently to the year . two vessels, however, require notice,--the washington under captain gray, and the columbia under captain kendrick, which were despatched from boston, under the american flag, in august, . captain gray reached nootka sound, on sept. , , and found meares preparing to launch a small vessel called the north-west america, which he had built there. the columbia does not appear to have joined her consort till after the departure of meares and his companions. meares himself set sail in the felice for china, on sept. , whilst the iphigenia proceeded with the north-west america to the sandwich islands, and wintered there. in the spring of , the two latter vessels returned to nootka sound, and found the columbia had joined her consort the washington, and both had wintered there. the north-west america was despatched forthwith on a trading expedition northward, whilst the iphigenia remained at anchor in nootka sound. events were now at hand which were attended with very important consequences in determining the relations of spain and great britain towards each other in respect to the trade with the natives on their coasts, and to the right of forming settlements among them. these will fitly be reserved, as introductory to the convention of the escurial, which will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. chapter iv. on the pretended discoveries of the north-west coast. memoir of lorenzo ferrer maldonado, in .--voyage of the descubierta and atrevida, in .--tale of juan de fuca, in .--voyages of meares, vancouver, and lieutenant wilkes.--letter of admiral bartolemé fonte or de fuentes, in .--memoir of j. n. de l'isle and ph. buache, in .--california discovered to be a peninsula in ; reported to be an island in ; re-explored by the jesuit kuhn and others, in - .--maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.--fonte's letter, a jeu-d'esprit of petiver, the naturalist. the general belief in the existence of a north-west passage from the atlantic to the pacific ocean in the direction of gaspar de cortereal's reported straits of anian, led to the circulation of many false accounts of the discovery of the desired channel. the most celebrated fictions of this class seem to have originated with individuals who hoped to secure, through their pretended knowledge and experience, future employment, as well as immediate emolument. a memoir of this kind is reported to have been laid before the council of the indies at seville, in , by lorenzo ferrer maldonado, who professed to have sailed in from lisbon to the coast of labrador, and thence into the south sea through a channel in ° north latitude, corresponding to the strait of anian, according to ancient tradition. he petitioned, in consequence, that he might be rewarded for his services, and be entrusted with an expedition to occupy the strait of anian, and defend the passage against other nations. his cotemporaries, according to the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana, were men of more judgment and intelligence than some of the writers of the th century. the former at once discovered, by personal examination of the author, the fictitious character of his narrative, and rejected his proposal. two copies of this memoir are supposed to exist; one of these being preserved in the library of the duke of infantado at madrid, the other in the ambrosian library at milan. the former of these is considered by the author of the introduction to be certainly a cotemporaneous, and perhaps the original, copy of the memoir: the ambrosian manuscript, on the other hand, has been pronounced, in an article in the london quarterly review for october, , to be "the clumsy and audacious forgery of some ignorant german," from the circumstance of fifteen leagues to the degree being used in some of the computations. to the same purpose capt. james burney, in the fifth volume of his voyages, published in , observes, that "it must not be omitted that the reckoning in the narrative is in german leagues. it is said, 'from the latitude of ° you will have to sail leagues to the latitude of °, which corresponds with the german league of to a degree, and not with the spanish league of - / to a degree, by which last the early spanish navigators were accustomed to reckon.' from this peculiarity in the narrative it may be conjectured, that the real author was a fleming, who probably thought he could not better advance his spurious offspring, than by laying it at the door of a man who had projected to invent a compass without variation," as maldonado professed to do to the council of the indies, according to antonio leo in his bibliotheca indica. allusions had been occasionally made to this work by spanish writers in the th century, amongst others by de luque, the author of the "establecimientos ultramarinos de las naceones europeas." it was not, however, till so late a period as that the attention of men of science was drawn to the madrid manuscript by j. n. buache, the geographer of the king of france, in a paper read before the academy of sciences at paris in that year. captain burney states, that the manuscript had been brought to notice shortly before by m. de mendoza, a captain in the spanish navy, who was employed in forming a collection of voyages for the use of that service. m. buache, who had succeeded d'anville as geographer royal in , followed the geographical system of ph. buache, his relative and predecessor, and, like him, clung fondly to questionable discoveries. he had been employed to prepare instructions for the expedition of la perouse, and thus his attention had been especially drawn to voyages of discovery on the north-west coast of america. he declared himself in his memoir so strongly in favor of the genuineness of the manuscript, and of the good faith of maldonado, that the spanish government, in order that the question might be definitively set at rest, directed its archives to be searched, and the manuscript in the library of the duke of infantado to be carefully examined, and at the same time gave orders that the corvettes descubierta and atrevida, which were fitting out at acapulco for a voyage round the world, should explore the coasts and port which maldonado pretended to have discovered in the south sea. the archives, however, furnished ample evidence of the correctness of the ancient opinion that maldonado was an impostor, and the expedition of the corvettes, which sailed in , confirmed this fact beyond dispute. a memoir to that effect, founded upon their observations, was published in , by don ciriaco cevallos, who had accompanied the expedition, to prove the utter falsity of maldonado's story. it was, however, once more revived by the discovery of the ambrosian manuscript in by carlo amoretti. this is said to give a more succinct account than the madrid document, and it has been thought by some to be an abridgment of it. the article in the quarterly review above alluded to was occasioned by its appearance, and to the curious will furnish ample information. the milan account of the voyage may be referred to in the fifth volume of burney's history of voyages. the madrid document will be found in barrow's chronological history of voyages in the arctic regions. a much more plausible narrative was published in , in the third volume of "the pilgrims," by purchas, the successor of hakluyt as the historian of maritime enterprises. it is entitled "a note made by me, michael lock the elder, touching the strait of sea, commonly called fretum anian, in the south sea, through the north-west passage of meta incognita." the writer purported to give an account of what had been communicated to him at venice, in april, , by an ancient greek pilot, commonly called juan de fuca, but properly named apostolos valerianus, who represented himself to have been taken in a spanish ship by captain candish, and to have thereby lost , ducats, and to have been at another time sent by the viceroy of mexico to discover and fortify the straits of anian. his tale was to this effect: "that shortly afterwards, having been sent again, in , by the viceroy of mexico, with a small caravel and pinnace, armed with mariners only, he followed the coast of north america until he came to the latitude of °, and there finding that the land trended east and north-east, with a broad inlet of sea between and degrees of latitude, he entered thereinto, sailing therein more than twenty days, and found that land trending still sometimes north-west and north-east and north, and also east, and south-eastward, and very much broader sea than was at the said entrance, and that he passed by divers islands in that sailing. and that at the entrance of this said strait, there is _on the north-west coast_ thereof a great headland or island, with an exceeding high pinnacle or spired rock, like a pillar, thereupon. "also, he said, he went on land in divers places, and there he saw some people on land, clad is beasts' skins; and that the land is _very fruitful, and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like new spain_. "and also, he said, that he being entered thus far into the said strait, and being _come into the north sea_ already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about _thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the straits, where he entered_, he thought that he had now well discharged his office, and that not being armed to resist the force of the savage people that might happen, he therefore set sail, and returned homewards again towards new spain, where he arrived at acapulco, anno , hoping to be rewarded by the viceroy for the service done in the said voyage. "also, he said that, after coming to mexico, he was greatly welcomed by the viceroy, and had promises of great reward; but that having sued there for two years, and obtained nothing to his content, the viceroy told him that he should be rewarded in spain of the king himself very greatly, and willed him therefore to go to spain, which voyage he did perform. "also, he said, that when he was come into spain, he was welcomed there at the king's court; but after long suit there also, he could not get any reward there to his content. and therefore at length he stole away out of spain, and came into italy, to go home again and live among his own kindred and countrymen, he being very old. "also, he said, that he thought the cause of his ill reward had of the spaniards, to be for that they did understand very well that the _english nation had now given over all their voyages for discovery of the north-west passage_, wherefore they need not fear them any more to come that way into the south sea, and therefore they needed not his service therein any more. "also, he said, that _understanding the noble mind of the queen of england_, of her wars against the spaniards, and hoping that her majesty would _do him justice for his goods lost_ by captain candish, he would be content to go into england, _and serve her majesty in that voyage for the discovery perfectly of the north-west passage into the south sea_, if she would furnish him with only one ship of forty tons burthen and a pinnace, and that he would perform it in thirty days time from one end to the other of the straits, and he wished me so to write to england." as this asserted discovery was one upon which the spanish commissioner, in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of the floridas, relied to support the claim of the spanish crown to the north-west coast of america, and as authors of late whose opinions are entitled to respect, such as fleurieu, and mr. greenhow, have inclined to admit the general truth of the account, the substantial part of it has been quoted at full length, as it appears both that fuca's narrative, if we admit it to be genuine, does not accord, in respect to any substantial fact, with the authentic reports of subsequent voyages, and that the object of the fiction is patent on the face of the story. the object of the greek pilot was evidently to obtain, upon the faith of his narrative, employment from the queen of england; and as, from his own statement, he was aware that the spirit of discovery was for the moment languid amongst the english nation, he represented the country as "very fruitful and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like new spain." this exaggeration of the probable profits of the undertaking would not perhaps alone disentitle the narrator to credit in respect to the other circumstances of his voyage, though his integrity in making the communication might thereby become open to question: but when we look to the asserted facts of his voyage, the truth or falsehood of which must be conclusive as to the character of the narrative itself, we find that they do not correspond in any respect with ascertained facts. the straits to which meares gave the name of juan de fuca in , are between the th and th parallel. mr. greenhow considers that the difference in the position is sufficiently slight as to be within the limits of supposable error on the part of the greek pilot; and certainly, if this were the only difficulty, it might not be conclusive against his veracity. but the straits which he professed to have discovered were from to leagues wide at the mouth where he entered, and according to his story he sailed through them into the north sea, and upon the faith of this he offered to perfect his discovery of the north-west passage into the south sea for the queen of england, and to perform it in thirty days time from one end to the other of the straits. now this description is so totally at variance with the real character of any straits on the west coast of america, that the happy coincidence of trifling circumstances can hardly be considered sufficient to turn the scale in its favor. amongst the latter, the existence of a pillar has been alleged, as corresponding with de fuca's account. meares, for instance, on approaching the straits from the north, speaks "of a small island, situated about two miles _from the southern land_, that formed the entrance of this strait, near which we saw a very remarkable rock, that wore the form of an obelisk, and stood at some distance from the island," (p. ,) which, in his observations on a north-west passage (p. lxi.) he seems to consider to be the pinnacle rock of de fuca; but unfortunately de fuca has placed his "island with an exceeding high pinnacle or spiral rock" _on the north-west coast_, at the entrance of the strait, instead of on the southern shore. vancouver, on entering the straits, failed himself to recognize any rock as corresponding to the pinnacle rock which mr. meares had represented, but he observes that a rock within tatooche's island, _on the southern side_ of the entrance, which is united to the main land by a ledge of rocks, over which the sea breaks violently, was noticed, and supposed to be that represented as de fuca's pinnacle rock: "this, however, was visible only for a few minutes, from its being close to the shore of the main-land, instead of lying in the entrance of the straits, nor did it correspond with that which has been so described." on the other hand, lieutenant wilkes, in his account of the united states exploring expedition, says, "in leaving de fuca's straits, i anxiously watched for de fuca's pillar, and soon obtained a sketch of it;" but he does not state whether he meant the pillar which meares observed on the southern side, and called de fuca's pillar, or one which, according to the greek pilot, should have formed a prominent object on the north-western coast of the strait. it is not unimportant to observe, that there is no spanish writer who speaks of de fuca or his discovery: that neither in any private archives in spain, nor in the public archives of the indies at seville, is there any notice of this celebrated navigator or of his important expedition, which the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana observes is the more remarkable, from the great number of other voyages and expeditions of the same period preserved in the archives, which have escaped the notice of contemporary writers; and, what is perhaps still more conclusive, that humboldt, in his account of new spain, (l. iii., ch. viii.,) states, that in spite of all his researches he had not been able to find throughout new spain a single document in which the name of the pilot de fuca occurs. the whole of these latter observations apply with equal force to the voyage of admiral bartolemé fonte or de fuentes, which purposes to have been performed in ; the narrative, however, did not make its appearance till , when it was published in london, in two parts, in "the monthly miscellany, or memoirs of the curious." the mode in which it was ushered into public notice would alone be sufficient to expose it to considerable suspicion, and the gross absurdities with which it is replete would have at once exempted it from any serious criticism, had not the spanish commissioner, in the negotiations already alluded to, and of which a full account will be given in a subsequent place, rested upon it the territorial title of spain to the north-west coast, up to ° of north latitude. fonte, according to the narrative, sailed with four vessels from callao into the north pacific, with orders from the viceroy of peru to intercept certain vessels which had sailed from boston in new england, with the object of exploring a north-west passage. on arriving at c. st. lucas, at the south point of california, he despatched one of his vessels "to discover whether california was an island or not, (for before, it was not known whether it was an island or a peninsula.") he thence coasted along california to ° of north latitude, and having a steady gale from the s.s.e., in the interval between may , and june , "he reached the river los reyes in ° of north latitude, not having occasion to lower a top-sail in sailing leagues n.n.w., leagues from port abel to c. blanco, leagues to rio de los reyes, having sailed about leagues in crooked channels, amongst islands named the archipelagus de st. lazarus, where his ships' boats always sailed a mile a-head, sounding, to see what water, rocks, and sands there was." "they had two jesuits with them, that had been on their mission at ° of n. l., and had made curious observations." fonte ascended the rio de los reyes in his ships to a large lake, which he called lake belle. here, he says, he left his vessels and proceeded down another river, passing eight falls, in all feet perpendicular, into a large lake which he named de fonte. thence he sailed out through the estrecho de ronquillo into the sea, where they found a large ship where the natives had never seen one before, from a town called boston, the master of which, captain shaply, told him that his owner was "a fine gentleman, and major-general of the largest colony in new england, called the maltechusets." having exchanged all sorts of civilities and presents with this gentleman, the admiral went back to his ships in lake belle, and returned by the rio de los reyes to the south sea. one of his officers had in the mean time ascended another river, which he named rio de haro, in the lake velasco, in °, whence he sailed in indian boats as far north as °. here he ascertained that there was no communication out of the spanish or atlantic sea by davis' straits, from one of his own seamen, who had been conducted by the natives to the head of davis' strait, which terminated in a fresh lake of about miles in circumference, in ° n. l. he himself in the meantime had sailed as far north as °, and then the land trended north, and the ice rested on the land. the result of this expedition was, that they returned home, "having found there was no passage into the south seas by what they call the north-west passage." such is the substance of this rather dull story, which may be read in full in the third volume of burney's history of voyages in the south sea, p. . mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, that "the account is very confused and badly written, and is filled with absurdities and contradictions, which should have prevented it from receiving credit at any time since its appearance: yet, as will be shown, it was seriously examined and defended, so recently as in the middle of the last century, by scientific men of great eminence, and some faith continued to be attached to it for many years afterwards." amongst its defenders the most conspicuous were j. n. de l'isle, the brother of william de l'isle, and philippe buache, the geographer of the french king, the predecessor of j. n. buache, who has already been mentioned as the author of a memoir in defence of maldonado's narrative. de l'isle presented to the academy of sciences, in , a memoir "sur les nouvelles découvertes au nord de la mer du sud," with a map prepared by ph. buache, to represent these discoveries. the communication was in other respects of great importance, as it contained the first authentic account of the discoveries lately made by behring and tchiricoff, in . it is not stated from what source de l'isle derived the copy of fonte's letter, which seems to have come into his possession accidentally at st. petersburg, during the absence of the russian expedition: it was not, however, till his return to france in , that he examined it in company with ph. buache. they were agreeably surprised to find that it accorded with buache's own conjectures, that it harmonised in many respects with the discoveries of the russians. in consequence, buache laid down in his new map a water communication between the pacific ocean and hudson's bay. voltaire, relying on the authority of de l'isle, maintained in his history of russia, published in , that the famous passage so long sought for had been at last discovered. the academy, however, received fonte's narrative with discreet reserve; and observed, that it required more certain proofs to substantiate it. the author of the introduction to the voyage of the sutil and mexicana states, that the spanish government, on the representation of the french geographers, instituted a careful search into the archives of the indies in new spain, as well as into the archives of peru, and likewise into the archives at seville, madrid, cadiz, and other places, but that not the slightest allusion to de fonte could be anywhere traced. this result was made known by robert de vaugondy, in his reply to buache, intitled "observations critiques sur les nouvelles découvertes de l'amiral fuentes, vo. ;" and the author of the noticia di california, published in madrid, in , confirmed vaugondy's announcement. it is unnecessary to observe, that the experience of subsequent navigators has failed to confirm the narrative of de fonte. there is one passage in the narrative which seems almost of itself to be sufficient to condemn the story. the admiral is made to state, "that he despatched one of his vessels to discover whether california was an island or not; for before it was not known whether california was an island or a peninsula." now the californian gulf had been completely explored by francisco de ulloa, in , who ascertained the fact of the junction of the peninsula to the main land, near the d degree of latitude; and again by fernando de alarcon, in , who ascended a great river at the head of the gulf of california, supposed to be the colorado. a series of excellent charts were drawn up by domingo del castillo, alarcon's pilot, a fac-simile of which mr. greenhow (p. ) states may be found in the edition of the letters of cortez, published at mexico in , by archbishop lorenzana. the shores of the gulf, and of the west side of california, to the th degree of latitude, were there delineated with a surprising approach of accuracy. it is not a reasonable supposition that the admiral of new spain and peru, who must have had ready access to the archives of the indies at mexico, should have expressed himself in a manner which argued a total ignorance of the previous discoveries of his countrymen; but it was very probable that a contributor to the monthly miscellany should stumble upon this ground, from a notion having been revived in europe, about the middle of the th century, that california was an island. humboldt, in his essai politique sur la nouvelle espagne, l. iii., c. viii., states, that when the jesuits kühn, salvatierra, and ugarte, explored, in detail, during the years - , the coasts of the gulf of california, it was thought in europe to have been for the first time discovered that california was a peninsula. but, in his introduction géographique, he observes, that in the sixteenth century no person in mexico denied this fact; nor was it till the seventeenth century that the idea originated that california was an island. during the seventeenth century, the dutch freebooters were amongst the most active and inveterate enemies of spain in the new world; and having established themselves in the bay of pichilingue, on the east coast of california, from which circumstance they received the name of "pichilingues," they caused great embarrassment to the spanish viceroys from their proximity to the coasts of mexico. to these adventurers the origin of the notion, that california was separated from the main land, has been referred by some authors; but mr. greenhow (p. ) states, that it was to be traced to the captain of a manilla ship, in , who reported that the asserted river of d'aguilar was the western mouth of a channel which separated the northern extremity of california from the main land. a survey of the lower part of the peninsula was executed by the governor of cinaloa, and the jesuit jacinto cortes, in pursuance of the orders of the duke of escalona, who was viceroy during - , about the very time when fonte purported to have sailed. they did not, however, go to the head of the gulf; and humboldt informs us, that, during the feeble reign of charles ii. of spain, - , several writers had begun to regard california as a cluster of large islands, under the name of "islas carolinas." thus we find in the maps of this period, in those for example of sanson, paris, ; of du val, geographer to the king of france, abbeville, ; of jenner, london, ; of de wit, amsterdam; of vischer, schenkius, herman, moll, and others, which are in the king's library at the british museum, california is depicted as an island; and in jenner's map, in which c. blanco is the northernmost headland of california, there is this note:--"this california was in times past thought to have been a part of the continent, and so made in all maps; but, by further discoveries, was found to be an island, long leagues." on the other hand, the maps of the later part of the sixteenth, and the earlier part of the seventeenth centuries, such as those by ortelius, the king of spain's geographer, published in his theatrum orbis terrarum, first edited in , the two maps adopted by hakluyt in the respective editions of his voyages, in and , that of le clerc, , of hondius, which purchas adopted in his pilgrims, in , of speed, , and that of blaew in his novus atlas of , agree in representing california as a peninsula. the single passage, therefore, in de fonte's account, in which he, being "then admiral of new spain and peru, and now prince (or rather president) of chili, explicitly states that he despatched one of his vessels, under the command of don diego pennelosa, the nephew of don luis de haro," then great minister of spain, "to discover whether california was an island or not, for before it was not known whether it was an island or a peninsula," seems to point at once to the european origin of the tale. mr. dalrymple, the well-known secretary of the british admiralty at the time of the nootka sound controversy, who was distinguished as the author of many able works on maritime discoveries, considered the story to have been a jeu-d'esprit of mr. james petiver the naturalist, one of the contributors to the monthly miscellany, whose taste for such subjects was evinced by his collection of ms. extracts, since preserved in the british museum, and whose talent for such kind of composition was shown by his account of a voyage to the levant, published in the same miscellany. it is worthy of remark, that the tale of de fuca and the letter of de fonte, as they have derived their origin, so they have derived their support, from writers foreign to the nation in whose favour they set up the asserted discoveries, and from them alone. maldonado, it is true, was a spaniard, but he likewise has found defenders only amongst strangers, whilst in his own country his narrative has been condemned as an imposture by posterity equally as by his cotemporaries. chapter v. the convention of the escurial. the king george's sound company, in .--dixon and portlock.--the nootka and sea otter.--the captain cook and experiment.--expedition of captain hanna under the portuguese flag.--the felice and iphigenia.--the princesa and san carlos, in .--martinez and haro directed to occupy nootka in .--the princess royal arrives at nootka.--colnett arrives in the argonaut, july , , with instructions to found a factory.--he is seized, with his vessel, by martinez.--the princess royal also seized.--both vessels sent as prizes to san blas.--the columbia and washington allowed to depart.--representation of the spanish government to the court of london.--british reply.--memorial of captain meares.--message of the british crown to parliament.--british note of may , , to the spanish minister in london.--british memorial of may .--memorial of the court of spain, july .--declaration of his catholic majesty to all the courts of europe.--treaty of utrecht.--declaration and counter declaration of july .--spain demands aid from france, according to the family compact of .--the national assembly promotes a peaceful adjustment of the dispute.--convention between spain and great britain signed at the escurial, oct. , .--recognition of the claims of great britain. it has been already observed, that no british subject could trade to the west of cape horn without a licence from the south sea company, whilst, on the other hand, to the eastward of the cape of good hope the east india company possessed an exclusive monopoly of commerce. thus the mercantile association which assumed the name of the king george's sound company, and which despatched two vessels under dixon and portlock from england in the autumn of , had found it necessary to obtain licences from the south sea company for them to proceed by way of cape horn, and they had likewise entered into an arrangement with the east india company to carry their furs to canton, and there exchange them for teas and other products of china, to be conveyed in their turn round the cape of good hope to england. these vessels sailed under the british flag. with a similar object, two vessels, the nootka, under captain meares, and the sea otter, under captain tipping, were, by an association under the patronage of the governor general of india, early in , despatched from calcutta, under the flag of the english east india company, whilst the captain cook and the experiment sailed from bombay for the same destination. an attempt, however, had been made by the british merchants in the preceding year, to organise a trade between north-west america and china, under the protection of the portuguese flag, so as to evade the excessive harbour dues demanded by the chinese authorities from other european nations, by means of licences granted by the portuguese authorities at macao. the first expedition of this kind was made by captain hanna, in , and was most successful as a commercial speculation. in a similar manner, in , some british merchants residing in india fitted out the felice and iphigenia for this trade, and through the interest of juan cavallo, a portuguese merchant who had resided for many years at bombay as a naturalised british subject, and traded from that place under the protection of the east india company, obtained from the governor of macao permission for them to navigate under the portuguese flag, if found convenient. meares in his memorial states, that cavallo merely lent his name to the firm, and that he had no real interest in the iphigenia, as on his subsequent bankruptcy the claims of his creditors were successfully resisted, and the iphigenia consequently lost the privileges which she had hitherto enjoyed in the ports of china, in her character of a portuguese ship. on the other hand, in the obligation which martinez exacted from the master and supercargo of the iphigenia, cavallo is spoken of as the lawful owner of the vessel in whose name they bound themselves. it is possible however that they may have bound the ostensible owner on purpose to defeat the object of the spanish commander, instead of the real owners; and assuredly the instructions of the merchant proprietors to captain meares, "commanding the felice and iphigenia," seem to be at variance with the fact of cavallo being the real owner, as they are addressed to him evidently not in the mere character of supercargo, but as having the complete control of the vessels, which are expressly stated to have been fitted out and equipped by the merchant proprietors: and meares is directed to defend his vessel against all attempts of russian, english, or spanish vessels to seize it; to protest, if captured, against the seizure of his vessel and cargo; and to take possession of any vessel that attacked him, as also her cargo, in case he should have the superiority in the conflict. (appendix to meares' voyage.) to the same effect, the orders of captain meares to captain douglas, of the iphigenia, seem to be conclusive that the latter had full control over the vessel. "should you," it is observed, "in the course of your voyage, meet with the vessels of any other nation, you will have as little communication with them as possible. if they be of superior force, and desire to see your papers, you will show them. you will, however, be on your guard against surprise. should they be either russian, english, spanish, or any other civilised nation, and are authorised to examine your papers, you will permit them, and treat them with civility and friendship. but at the same time you must be on your guard. should they attempt to seize you, or even carry you out of your way, you will prevent it by every means in your power, and repel force by force." captain douglas, moreover, was directed to note down the good behaviour of his officers and crew, and thus afford his employers a medium to distinguish merit from worthlessness. "this log-book," they go on to state, "is to be signed by yourself. on your return to china you will seal up your log-book, charts, plans, &c., &c., and forward them to daniel beale, esq., of canton, who is the ostensible agent for the concern; and you have the most particular injunctions not to communicate or give copies of any charts or plans that you may make, as your employers assert a right to all of them, and as such will claim them." the person to whom such instructions were addressed must evidently have had the control of the vessel, and not been merely in charge of the cargo. it has been, however, rightly observed by mr. greenhow, that the papers on board the iphigenia, when seized by martinez, were written in the portuguese language, which captain douglas did not understand, and therefore could not well act upon. the reply to this seems to be, that douglas himself acted upon the letter of captain meares, inserted in the appendix to meares' voyages, which embodied in english the substance of the general instructions drawn up for the expedition in portuguese; and that the ship's papers were in the portuguese language to support her assumed portuguese character. there is no doubt that there was some deception in the transaction, but the deception seems to have been directed rather against the chinese than the spaniards. whatever may have been the character which was sought to be given to the felice and iphigenia, meares appears on landing at nootka to have avowed his british character, by hoisting british colours upon the house which he built on ground granted to him by maquilla, the chief of the neighbouring district, as well as by displaying the english ensign on the vessel which he constructed and launched at nootka. it was his intention to employ this vessel, a sloop of about forty tons, exclusively on the coast of america, in exploring new trading stations, and in collecting furs to be conveyed by the other vessels to the chinese markets. it was named the north-west america, and was manned by a crew of seven british subjects and three natives of china. meares, having left the iphigenia and north-west america to carry on the trade on the american coast, returned with a cargo of furs to macao, in december , and having there sold the felice, associated himself with some merchants of london, who had embarked in this commerce under licences from the east india and south sea companies. two of their vessels, under dixon and portlock, which have already been alluded to, the prince of wales and princess royal, had just arrived at canton from the north-west coast of america. meares, apprehending that mutual loss would result from competition, entered into a formal agreement with mr. john etches, the supercargo of the two ships, making a joint stock of all the vessels and property employed in that trade. the new firm immediately purchased an additional ship, named the argonaut, and the prince of wales being chartered with a cargo of tea to england by the east india company, the princess royal and the argonaut were ordered to sail to nootka sound under the command of captain colnett and captain hudson. it is indisputable that these vessels were sailing under the british flag, and from the instructions delivered to captain colnett, the iphigenia and north-west america were henceforward to be under his orders, and to trade on account of the company. he was accordingly directed to send home captain douglas in the argonaut, and to receive from him the iphigenia and north-west america, shifting their crews, &c. "we also authorise you," the instructions go on to state, "to dismiss from your service all persons who shall refuse to obey your orders, when they are for our benefit, and in this case we give you to understand, the princess royal, america, and other small craft, are always to continue on the coast of america. their officers and people, when the time of their service is up, must be embarked in the returning ship to china, and on no account whatever will we suffer a deviation from these orders." thenceforward, it appears, that the iphigenia and north-west america would be considered as sailing under the same character as the other vessels of this company. the steady advance of the russian establishments along the north-west shores of the pacific, which had become notorious from the publication of captain cook's journals, could not but cause great anxiety to the spanish government. an expedition of inquiry was in consequence sent northward from the port of san blas in , consisting of two vessels, the princesa and san carlos, under the command of esteban josé martinez and gonzalo lopez de haro. they were instructed to proceed directly to prince william's sound, and to visit the various factories of the russians in that neighbourhood. having executed their commission, they returned to san blas in the autumn of the same year, and reported the results of their voyage to the viceroy of mexico. martinez brought back the information that it was the intention of the russians to found a settlement at nootka. the court of madrid in consequence addressed a remonstrance to the emperor of russia against the encroachments upon the territories of his catholic majesty, which were assumed to extend northward up to prince william's sound, and the viceroy of mexico in the mean time took measures to prevent the execution of any such schemes. with this object he despatched martinez and haro in , with instructions to occupy the port of nootka by right of the prior discovery of perez in , to treat any russian or english vessels that might be there with the courtesy which the amicable relations between the several nations required, but to manifest to them the paramount rights of spain to make establishments there, and by inference to prevent all foreign establishments which might be prejudicial to spanish interests. the princesa sailed into nootka sound on the th of may , and found the iphigenia at friendly cove. the san carlos joined her consort on the th. the columbia merchantman, of the united states of america, was lying at anchor at no great distance. mutual civilities passed between the different vessels till the th, when martinez took possession of the iphigenia, and transferred her captain and crew as prisoners to his own vessels. he subsequently allowed the iphigenia to depart, upon an obligation being signed by the captain and supercargo on behalf of juan cavallo of macao, as the owner, to satisfy all demands, in case the viceroy of spain should pronounce her to be a prize, on account of navigating or anchoring in seas or ports belonging to the dominion of his catholic majesty without his permission. captain kendrick of the columbia, and ingraham his first pilot, were called in to witness this agreement. the iphigenia was released on the st of june, and sailed away directly to queen charlotte's island. on the th, the north-west america arrived from a trading voyage along the southern coasts, and was immediately taken possession of by martinez. a few days afterwards the princess royal arrived from macao, bringing intelligence of the failure of the house of cavallo, in consequence of which martinez hoisted spanish colours on board of the north-west america, and employed her to trade along the coast upon his own account. the princess royal was not however molested by him, but, on the d of july, her consort the argonaut arrived with captain colnett, who, upon hearing of the treatment of the iphigenia and the north-west america, hesitated at first to enter the sound. his instructions were to found a factory, to be called fort pitt, in the most convenient station which he might select, for the purpose of a permanent settlement, and as a centre of trade, round which other stations might be established. having at last entered the sound, he was invited to go on board the princesa, where an altercation ensued between martinez and himself, in respect of his object in visiting nootka, the result of which was the arrest of colnett himself and the seizure of the argonaut. her consort the princess royal on her return to nootka on the th of july, was seized in like manner by the spanish commander. both these vessels were sent as prizes to san blas, according to captain meares' memorial. the columbia in the mean while had been allowed to depart unmolested, and her consort the washington, which had been trading along the coast, soon followed her. such is a brief summary of the transactions at nootka sound in the course of , which led to the important political discussions, that terminated in the convention of the th of oct. , signed at the escurial. by this convention the future relations of spain and great britain in respect of trade and settlements on the north-west coast of america, were amicably arranged. immediately upon receiving information of these transactions from the viceroy, the spanish government hastened to communicate to the court of london the seizure of a british vessel, (the argonaut,) and to remonstrate against the attempts of british subjects to make settlements in territories long occupied and frequented by the spaniards, and against their encroachments on the exclusive rights of spain to the fisheries in the south seas, as guaranteed by great britain at the treaty of utrecht. the british ministry in reply demanded the immediate restoration of the vessel seized, as preliminary to any discussion as to the claims of spain. the spanish cabinet in answer to this demand stated, that as the viceroy of mexico had released the vessel, his catholic majesty considered that affair as concluded, without discussing the undoubted rights of spain to the exclusive sovereignty, navigation, and commerce in the territories, coasts, and seas, in that part of the world, and that he should be satisfied with great britain directing her subjects to respect those rights in future. at this juncture, meares, who had received from the columbia, on her arrival at macao, the tidings of the seizure of the north-west america, whose crew returned as passengers in the columbia, as well as of the argonaut and the princess royal, arrived at london with the necessary documents to lay before the british government. a full memorial of the transactions at nootka sound in , including an account of the earlier commercial voyages of the nootka and the felice, was presented to the house of commons on may , . it is published in full in the appendix to meares' voyages, and the substance of it may be found amongst the state papers in the annual register for . this was followed by a message from his majesty to both houses of parliament on may th, stating that "two vessels belonging to his majesty's subjects, and navigated under the british flag, and two others, of which the description had not been hitherto sufficiently ascertained, had been captured at nootka sound by an officer commanding two spanish ships of war." having alluded to the substance of the communications which had passed between the two governments, and to the british minister having been directed to make a fresh representation, and to claim full and adequate satisfaction, the message concluded with recommending that "such measures should be adopted as would enable his majesty to support the honour of his crown and the interests of his people." the house of commons gave their full assent to these recommendations, and readily voted the necessary supplies, so that preparations to maintain the rights of great britain by arms were immediately commenced. in the mean time a note had been addressed on may th, to the spanish minister in london, to the effect that his majesty the king of england would take effectual measures to prevent his subjects from acting against the just and acknowledged rights of spain, but that he could not accede to her pretensions of absolute sovereignty, commerce, and navigation, and that he should consider it his duty to protect his subjects in the enjoyments of the right of fishery in the pacific ocean. in accordance with the foregoing answers, the british chargé-d'affaires at madrid made a demand, on may th, for the restitution of the princess royal, and for reparation proportionate to the losses and injuries sustained by english subjects trading under the british flag. he further asserted for them "an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such establishments as they should form with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations." the substance of these communications was embodied in the memorial of the court of spain, delivered on june th to the british ambassador at madrid. it appeared, however, from a subsequent reply from the spanish minister, the conde de florida blanca, that spain maintained, "that the detention of the vessels was made in a port, upon a coast, or in a bay of spanish america, the commerce or navigation of which belonged exclusively to spain by treaties with all nations, even england herself." the nature of these exclusive claims of spain had been already notified to all the courts of europe, in a declaration made by his catholic majesty on june th, where the words are made use of, "in the name of the king, his sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea, it is the manner in which spain, in speaking of the indies, has always used these words: that is to say, to the continent, islands and seas, which belong to his majesty, so far as discoveries have been made, and secured to him by treaties and immemorial possession, and uniformly acquiesced in, notwithstanding some infringements by individuals, who have been punished upon knowledge of their offences. and the king sets up no pretensions to any possessions, the right to which he cannot prove by irrefragable titles." what were the treaties and immemorial possession upon which spain rested her claims, was more explicitly stated in the spanish memorial of the th june. the chief reliance seemed to have been placed upon the th article of the treaty of utrecht, as concluded between great britain and spain in , by which it was agreed, that the exercise of navigation and commerce to the spanish west indies should remain in the same state in which it was in the time of charles ii. of spain; that no permission should at any time be given to any nation, under any pretext whatever, to trade into the dominions subject to the crown of spain in america, excepting as already specially provided for by treaties: moreover, great britain undertook "to aid and assist the spaniards in re-establishing the ancient limits of their dominions in the west indies, in the exact situation in which they had been in the time of charles ii." the extent of the spanish territories, commerce, and dominions on the continent of america was further alleged in this memorial to have been clearly laid down and authenticated by a variety of documents and formal acts of possession about the year , in the reign of the above-mentioned monarch: all attempted usurpations since that period had been successfully resisted, and reiterated acts of taking possession by spanish vessels, had preserved the rights of spain to her dominions, which she had extended to the limits of the russian establishments within prince william's sound. it was still further alleged, that the viceroys of peru and new spain had of late directed the western coasts of america, and the islands and seas adjacent, to be more frequently explored, in order to check the growing increase of smuggling, and that it was in one of the usual tours of inspection of the coasts of california that the commanding officer of a spanish ship had detained the english vessels in nootka sound, as having arrived there, not for the purposes of trade, but with the object of "founding a settlement and fortifying it." from these negotiations it would appear, that spain claimed for herself an exclusive title to the entire north-western coast of america, up to prince william's sound, as having been discovered by her, and such discovery having been secured to her by treaties, and repeated acts of taking possession. she consequently denied the right of any other nation (for almost all the nations of europe had been parties to the treaty of utrecht) to make establishments within the limits of spanish america. great britain, on the other hand, maintained her right "to a free and undisturbed navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of any establishment which she might form with the consent of the natives of the country, where such country was not previously occupied by any of the european nations." these may be considered to have been the two questions at issue between great britain and spain, which were set at rest by the subsequent convention. that such was the object of the convention, is evident from the tenor of two documents exchanged between the two courts on the th of july, , the first of which contained a declaration, on the part of his catholic majesty, of his engagement to make full restitution of all the british vessels which were captured at nootka, and to indemnify the parties with an understanding that it should not prejudice "the ulterior discussion of any right which his majesty might claim to form an exclusive establishment at the port of nootka;" whilst on the part of his britannic majesty a counter-declaration was issued, accepting the declaration of his catholic majesty, together with the performance of the engagements contained therein, as a full and entire satisfaction for the injury of which his majesty complained; with the reservation that neither the declaration nor its acceptance "shall prejudice in any respect the right which his majesty might claim to any establishment which his subjects might have formed, or should be desirous of forming in future, in the said bay of nootka." mr. greenhow's mode of stating the substance of these papers (p. ) is calculated to give an erroneous notion of the state in which they left the question. he adds, "it being, however, at the same time _admitted and expressed on both sides_, that the spanish declaration was not to preclude or prejudice the ulterior discussion of any right which his catholic majesty might claim to form an exclusive establishment at nootka sound." this is not a correct statement of the transaction, as the reservation was expressed in the declaration of his catholic majesty; but so far was his britannic majesty from admitting it in the counter-declaration, that he met it directly with a special reservation of the rights of his own subjects, as already set forth. had the crown of spain been able to rely upon assistance from france, in accordance with the treaty of , known as the family compact, there can be no doubt that she would have attempted to maintain by arms her claim of exclusive sovereignty over "all the coast to the north of western america on the side of the south sea, as far as beyond what is called prince william's sound, which is in the sixty-first degree;" but her formal application for assistance was not attended with the result which the mutual engagements of the two crowns would have secured at an earlier period. the national assembly, to which body louis xvi. was obliged, under the altered state of political circumstances in france, to submit the letter of the king of spain, was rather disposed to avail itself of the opportunity which seemed to present itself for substituting a national treaty between the two nations for the family compact between the two courts; and though it decreed that the naval armaments of france should be increased in accordance with the increased armaments of other european powers, it made no direct promise of assistance to spain. on the contrary, the diplomatic committee of the national assembly resolved rather to strengthen the relations of france with england, and to prevent a war, if possible; and with this object they co-operated with the agent of mr. pitt in paris (tomline's life of pitt, c. xii.) and with m. de montmorenci, the french secretary for foreign affairs, in furthering the peaceable adjustment of the questions in dispute. _convention between his britannic majesty and the king of spain, signed at the escurial the th of october, ._ (annual register, , p. . martens, recueil de traités, t. iv., p. .) "their britannic and catholic majesties, being desirous of terminating, by a speedy and solid agreement, the differences which have lately arisen between the two crowns, have judged that the best way of attaining this salutary object would be that of an amicable arrangement, which, setting aside all retrospective discussion of the rights and pretensions of the two parties, should fix their respective situation for the future on a basis conformable to their true interests, as well as to the mutual desire with which their said majesties are animated, of establishing with each other, in every thing and in all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good correspondence. in this view, they have named and constituted for their plenipotentiaries; to wit, on the part of his britannic majesty, alleyne fitz-herbert, esq., one of his said majesty's privy council in great britain and ireland, and his ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his catholic majesty; and, on the part of his catholic majesty, don joseph monino, count of florida blanca, knight grand cross of the royal spanish order of charles iii., councillor of state to his said majesty, and his principal secretary of state, and of the despatches; who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:-- "art. i. it is agreed that the buildings and _tracts of land_ situated on the north-west coast of the continent of north america, or on islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty were _dispossessed_, about the month of april, , by a spanish officer, shall be restored to the said britannic subjects. "art. ii. and further, that a just reparation shall be made, according to the nature of the case, for all acts of violence or hostility which may have been committed, subsequent to the month of april, , by the subjects of either of the contracting parties against the subjects of the other; and that, in case any of the said respective subjects shall, since the same period, have been forcibly dispossessed of their _lands_, buildings, vessels, merchandise, or other property whatever, on the said continent, or on the seas or islands adjacent, they shall be _re-established in the possession thereof_, or a just compensation shall be made to them for the losses which they shall have sustained. "art. iii. and in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to preserve in future a perfect harmony and good understanding between the two contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested, either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean, or in the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, _in places not already occupied_, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, _or of making settlements there_; the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions and provisions specified in the three following articles. "art. iv. his britannic majesty engages to take the most effectual measures to prevent the navigation and fishery of his subjects in the pacific ocean, or in the south seas, from being made a pretext for illicit trade with the spanish _settlements_; and with this view, it is moreover expressly stipulated, that british subjects shall not navigate, or carry on their fishery in the said seas, within the space of ten sea leagues from any part of the coasts _already occupied by spain_. "art. v. it is agreed, that as well in the places which are to be restored to the british subjects, by virtue of the first article, as in all other parts of the north-western coasts of north america, or of the islands adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said coast already occupied by spain, wherever the subjects of either of the two powers _shall have made settlements_ since the month of april, , or _shall hereafter make any_, the subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on their trade, without any disturbance or molestation. "art. vi. it is further agreed, with respect to the eastern and western coasts of south america, and to the islands adjacent, that no _settlement_ shall be formed hereafter, by the respective subjects, in such parts of those coasts as are situated to the south of those parts of the same coasts and of the islands adjacent, which are already occupied by spain: provided that the said respective subjects shall retain the liberty of landing on the coasts and islands so situated, for the purposes of their fishery, and of erecting thereon huts, and other temporary buildings, serving only for those purposes. "art. vii. in all cases of complaint or infraction of the articles of the present convention, the officers of either party, without permitting themselves previously to commit any violence or act of force, shall be bound to make an exact report of the affair, and of its circumstances, to their respective courts, who will terminate such differences in an amicable manner. "art. viii. the present convention shall be ratified and confirmed in the space of six weeks, to be computed from the day of its signature, or sooner, if it can be done. "in witness whereof, we the undersigned plenipotentiaries of their britannic and catholic majesties, have, in their names, and in virtue of our respective full powers, signed the present convention, and set thereto the seals of our arms. "done at the palace of st. laurence, the twenty-eighth of october, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. "alleyne fitz-herbert. (l. s.) "el conde de florida blanca." (l. s.) on examining this convention, it will be seen that the first article confirmed the positive engagement which his catholic majesty had contracted by his declaration of the th july: that the second contained an engagement for both parties to make reparation mutually for any contingent acts of violence or hostility: that the third defined for the future the mutual rights of the two contracting parties, in respect to the questions which remained in dispute after the exchange of the declaration and counter-declaration. by this article the navigation and fisheries of the pacific ocean and the south seas were declared to be free to the subjects of the two crowns, and their mutual right of trading with the natives on the coast, and of _making settlements in places not already occupied_, was fully recognised, subject to certain restrictions in the following articles. by the fourth of these, his britannic majesty bound himself to prevent his subjects carrying on an illicit trade with the spanish settlements, and engaged that they should not approach within ten miles of the coasts already occupied by spain. by the fifth it was agreed that, in the places to be restored to the british, and in whatever parts of the north-western coasts of america, or the adjacent islands, situate to the north of the parts already occupied by spain, the subjects of either power should make settlements, the subjects of the other should have free commercial access. by the sixth it was agreed, that no settlements should be made by either power on the eastern and western coasts of south america, or the adjacent islands, south of the parts already occupied by spain; but that they should be open to the temporary occupation of the subjects of either power, for the purposes of their fishery. by the seventh, provisions were made for the amicable arrangement of any differences which might arise from infringements of the convention; and, by the eighth, the time of ratification was settled. it thus appears that, by the third article, the right insisted upon by the british chargé-d'affaires at madrid, in the memorial of the th of may, was fully acknowledged; namely, "the indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such establishments as they should form, with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations." in accordance with this view, it is observed in schoell's histoire abrégée des traités de paix: "en conséquence il fut signé le octobre, au palais de l'escurial, une convention par laquelle la question litigieuse fut entièrement décidée en faveur de la grande bretagne." thus, indeed, after a struggle of more than two hundred years, the principles which great britain had asserted in the reign of elizabeth, were at last recognised by spain: the unlimited pretensions of the spanish crown to exclusive dominion in the western indies, founded upon the bull of alexander vi., were restrained within definite limits; and occupation, or actual possession, was acknowledged to be henceforward the only test between the two crowns, in respect to each other, of territorial title on the west coast of north america. mr. greenhow states, (p. ,) that both parties were, by the convention, equally excluded from settling in the vacant coasts of south america; and from exercising that jurisdiction which is essential to political sovereignty, over any spot north of the most northern spanish settlement in the pacific. the former part of this statement is perfectly correct, but the latter is questionable, in the form in which it is set forth. the right of trading with the natives, or of making settlements in places not already occupied, was secured to both parties by the third article: whereas, in places where the subjects of either power should have made settlements, free access for carrying on their trade was all that was guaranteed to the subjects of the other party. this then was merely a commercial privilege, not inconsistent with that territorial sovereignty, which, by the practice of nations, would attend upon the occupation or actual possession of lands hitherto vacant. in fact, when mr. greenhow observes, in continuation, that "the convention determined nothing regarding the rights of either to the sovereignty of any portion of america, except so far as it may imply an abrogation, or rather suspension of all such claims on both sides, to any of those coasts;" he negatives his previous supposition that the convention precluded the acquisition of territorial sovereignty by either party. the general law of nations would regulate this question, if the convention determined nothing: and, by that general law, "when a nation takes possession of a country to which no prior owner can lay claim, it is considered as acquiring the empire or _sovereignty_ of it at the same time with the _domain_." the discussion of this question, however, as being one of law, not of fact, will be more properly deferred. one object of vancouver's mission, as already observed, was to receive from the spanish officers such lands or buildings as were to be restored to the subjects of his britannic majesty, in conformity to the first article of the convention, and instructions were forwarded to him, after his departure, through lieutenant hergest, in the dædalus, to that effect. the letter of count florida blanca to the commandant at nootka, which lieutenant hergest carried out with him, is to be found in the introduction to vancouver's voyage, p. xxvii. "in conformity to the first article of the convention of th october, , between our court and that of london, ( . . . . . ) you will give directions that his britannic majesty's officer, who shall deliver this letter, shall immediately be put into possession of the buildings, and districts or parcels of land, which were occupied by the subjects of that sovereign in april , as well in the port of nootka or of st. lawrence, as in the other, said to be called port cox, and to be situated about sixteen leagues distant from the former, to the southward; and that such parcels or districts of land of which the english subjects were dispossessed, be restored to the said officer, in case the spaniards should not have given them up." vancouver, however, on his arrival, found himself unable to acquiesce in the terms proposed by señor quadra, the spanish commandant, and despatched lieutenant mudge, by way of china, to england, for more explicit instructions. lieutenant broughton was subsequently directed to proceed home in , with a similar object. on his arrival he was sent by the british government to madrid; and on his return to london, was ordered to proceed to nootka, as captain of his majesty's sloop providence, with mr. mudge as his first lieutenant, to receive possession of the territories to be restored to the british, in case they should not have been previously given up. his own account, published in his voyage, p. , is unfortunately meagre in the extreme. on th march, , he anchored in the sound, where maquinna and another chief brought him several letters, dated march, , which informed him "that captain vancouver sailed from monterey the st december, , for england, and that the spaniards had delivered up the port of nootka, &c., to lieutenant pierce of the marines, agreeably to the mode of restitution settled between the two courts. a letter from the spanish officer, brigadier alava, informed him of their sailing, in march, , from thence." it is evidently to this transaction that schoell, in his edition of koch's histoire abrégée des traités de paix, t. i., ch. xxiv., refers, when he writes,--"l'exécution de la convention du octobre , éprouva, du reste, des difficultés qui la retardèrent jusqu'en . elles furent terminées le mars de cette année, sur les lieux mêmes, par le brigadier espagnol alava, et le lieutenant anglais poara, (pierce?) qui échangèrent des déclarations dans le golfe de nootka même. après que le fort espagnol fut rasé, les espagnols s'embarquèrent, et le pavillon anglais y fut planté en signe de possession." m. koch does not give his authority, but it was most probably spanish, from the modification which the name of the british lieutenant has undergone. on the other hand, mr. greenhow cites a passage from belsham's history of england, to this effect:--"it is nevertheless certain, from the most authentic information, that the spanish flag flying at nootka was never struck, and that the territory has been virtually relinquished by great britain." it ought, however, to have been stated, that this remark occurs in a note to belsham's work, without any clew to the authentic information on which he professed to rely, and with a special reference to a work of no authority--l'histoire de fréderic-guillaume ii., roi de prusse, par le comte de ségur;--in which it is stated, that the determination of the french convention to maintain at all risk the family compact, intimidated great britain into being satisfied with the mere restitution of the vessels which had been captured with her subjects, while engaged in a contraband trade with the spanish settlements! it further appears from an official spanish paper, to which mr. greenhow alludes in a note (p. ,) as existing in the library of congress at washington, intitled "instruccion reservada del reyno de nueva españa, que el exmo señor virey conde de revillagigedo diò à su sucesor el exmo señor marques de branciforte, en el año de ," that orders had been sent to the commandant at nootka to abandon the place, agreeably to a royal _dictamen_. the negative remark, therefore, of mr. belsham, cannot disprove the fact of the restitution of nootka to the british, against the positive statements of so many high authorities: it may, indeed, be conclusive of his own ignorance of the fact, and so far his integrity may remain unimpeached; but it must be at the expense of his character for accurate research and careful statement--the most valuable, as well as the most necessary qualifications of a writer of history. m. duflot de mofras, in his recent work, intitled, "exploration du territoire de l'orégon," tom. ii., p. , further states, that lieutenant pierce passed through mexico. "par suite de quelques fausses interprétations du traité de oct. , les espagnols ne remirent point immédiatement nootka aux anglais, et ce ne fut qu'en mars , que le commandant espagnol opéra cette cession entre les mains du lieutenant pierce, de l'infanterie de marine anglaise, venu tout exprès de londres par le mexique, pour hâter l'exécution du traité de l'escurial." chapter vi. the oregon or columbia river. the oregon, or great river of the west, discovered by d. bruno heceta, in . ensenada de heceta.--rio de san roque.--meares' voyage in the felice, in .--deception bay.--vancouver's mission in .--vancouver vindicated against mr. greenhow in respect to cape orford.--vancouver passes through deception bay.--meets captain gray in the merchant-ship columbia.--gray passes the bar of the oregon, and gives it the name of the columbia river.--extract from the log-book of the columbia.--vancouver defended.--the chatham crosses the bar, and finds the schooner jenny, from bristol, inside.--the discovery driven out to sea.--lieutenant broughton ascends the river with his boats, miles from its mouth.--point vancouver.--the cascades--the dalles.--the chutes or falls of the columbia.--mr. greenhow's criticism of lieutenant broughton's nomenclature.--lord stowell's definition of the mouth of a river.--extent of gray's researches.--the discovery of the columbia river a progressive discovery.--doctrine as to the discovery of a river, set up by the united states, denied by great britain. it is generally admitted that the first discovery of the locality where the oregon or great river of the west emptied itself into the sea, was made in , by d. bruno heceta, as he was coasting homewards to monterey, having parted with his companion bodega in about the th degree of north latitude. we find in consequence that in the charts published at mexico soon after his return, the inlet, which he named ensenada de la asuncion, is called ensenada de heceta, and the river which was supposed to empty itself there, is marked as the rio de san roque. the discovery however of this river by heceta was certainly the veriest shadow of a discovery, as will be evident from his own report, which mr. greenhow has annexed in the appendix to his work. having stated that on the th of august he discovered a large bay, to which he gave the name of the bay of the assumption, in about ° ' n. l., he proceeds to say, that having placed his ship nearly midway between the two capes which formed the extremities of the bay, he found the currents and eddies too strong for his vessel to contend with in safety. "these currents and eddies of water caused me to believe that the place is the mouth of some great river, or of some passage into another sea." in fact, heceta did not ascertain that the water of this current was not sea-water, and as he himself says, had little difficulty in conceiving that the inlet might be the same with the passage mentioned by de fuca, since he was satisfied no such straits as those described by de fuca existed between ° and °. although, however, the discovery of this river was so essentially imperfect, being attended by no exploration, as hardly to warrant the admission of it into charts which professed to be well authenticated, still its existence was believed upon the evidence which heceta's report furnished, and as subsequent examination has confirmed its existence, the spaniards seem warranted in claiming the credit of the discovery for their countryman. no further notice of this supposed river occurs until meares' voyage in the felice, in . meares, according to his published narrative, reached the bay of the river on july th, and steered into it, with every expectation of finding there, according to the spanish accounts, a good port. in this hope, however, he was disappointed, as breakers were observed, as he approached, extending across the bay. he in consequence gave to the northern headland the name of cape disappointment, and to the bay itself the title of deception bay. "we can now with safety assert," he writes, "that no such river as that of saint roc exists, as laid down in the spanish charts." meares had been led from these charts to expect that he should find a place of shelter for his ship at the mouth of this river, and heceta, in his plan, upon which the spanish charts were based, had supposed that there was a port there formed by an island: so that, as "it blew very strong in the offing, and a great westerly swell tumbled in on the land," it was not surprising that meares should have concluded, from there being no opening in the breakers, that there was no such port, and therefore no such river. there can be no doubt that the locality of the bay which meares reconnoitred was the locality of the ensenada de heceta; and on the other hand it cannot be gainsayed, that meares was right in concluding that there was _no such river_ as that of st. roque, as laid down in the spanish charts, for the context of meares' narrative explains the meaning of the word "such." meares states beforehand, that they were in expectation that the distant land beyond the promontory would prove to be "the cape st. roque of the spaniards, near which they _were said to have found a good port_." the river, then, of st. roque, such as it was laid down in spanish charts, was a river "near which was a good port," and the disappointment which meares handed down to posterity by the name which he gave to the promontory, was that of _not obtaining a place of shelter for his vessel_. meares, it must be remembered, was not in search of the straits of anian. he had already in the previous month of june ascertained the existence of the straits of juan de fuca, which he supposed might be one of the passages into hudson's bay: but he was in search of some harbour or port, where the ship could remain in safety, while the boats might be employed in exploring the coast. (voyage, p. .) such a harbour indeed deception bay most assuredly does not supply, and though baker's bay within the bar of the river affords on the north side a good and secure anchorage, yet, as lieut. broughton subsequently ascertained, "the heavy and confused swell that rolls in over the shallow entrance, and breaks in three fathoms water, renders the place between baker's bay and chinock point a very indifferent roadstead." mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in his observations on meares' voyage, writes thus: "yet, strange though it may appear, the commissioners appointed by the british government in , to treat with the plenipotentiary of the united states at london, on the subject of the claims of the respective parties to territories on the northwest side of america, insisted that meares on this occasion discovered the great river columbia, which actually enters the pacific at deception bay, and cite, in proof of their assertion, the very parts of the narrative above extracted," the substance of which has just been referred to. mr. greenhow, however, has attached rather too great an extent to the statement of the british commissioners, which is annexed to the protocol of the sixth conference, held at london, dec. th, . the documents relative to this negotiation have not as yet been published by the british government, but they were made known to the congress of the united states, with the message of president adams, on dec. , , and mr. greenhow has annexed the british statement in his appendix. "great britain," it is there said, "can show that in , that is, four years before gray entered _the mouth of the columbia river_, mr. meares, a lieutenant of the royal navy, who had been sent by the east india company on a trading expedition to the northwest coast of america, had already minutely explored the coast from the th to the th degree of north latitude; had taken formal possession of the straits of de fuca in the name of his sovereign; had purchased land, trafficked and formed treaties with the natives; and had actually entered _the bay of the columbia_, to the north headland of which he gave the name of cape disappointment, a name which it bears to this day." the language of this statement, it will be seen, is carefully worded, so as not to go beyond the actual facts narrated in meares' voyage; and further, on referring to the maps of the coasts and harbours which he visited, it continues, "in which every part of the coast in question, including _the bay of the columbia_ (_into which the log expressly states that meares entered_,) is minutely laid down, its delineation tallying in almost every particular with vancouver's subsequent survey, and with the description found in all the best maps of that part of the world adopted at this moment." the entry in meares' log-book is as follows: "july , lat. ° '; long. ° '; northerly; strong gales, a great sea. passed cape disappointment, _into deception bay_, and hauled out again, and passed quicksand bay, cape grenville, and cape look-out." there is, therefore, nothing strange in the view which the british commissioners really insisted upon, though it is strange that mr. greenhow should have misconstrued their statement, particularly as, in a paragraph almost immediately following, which will be referred to in full in its proper place, they readily admit that mr. gray, four years afterwards, "was the first to ascertain that this bay formed the outlet of a great river." the further examination of these coasts by british subjects was suspended for a short time, as already seen, by the interference of the spanish authorities. after, however, that spain had definitively abandoned her pretensions to exclusive rights along the entire northwest coast of america, as far as prince william's sound, and agreed, by the third article of the convention of , that occupation should be the test of territorial title, the british government judged it expedient "to ascertain with as much precision as possible the number, extent, and situation of any settlement which had been made within the limits of ° and ° north latitude by any european nation, and the time when such settlement was made. with this object, amongst others more immediately connected with the execution of the first article of the convention, captain george vancouver was despatched from deptford with two vessels on january , , and having wintered at the sandwich islands, where he was instructed to wait for further orders in reference to the restoration of the buildings and tracts of land, of which british subjects had been dispossessed at nootka, he arrived off the coast of america on april , , in about ° '. he had received special instructions to ascertain the direction and extent of all such considerable inlets, whether made by arms of the sea, or by the mouths of great rivers, which might be likely to lead to, or facilitate in any considerable degree, an intercourse, for the purposes of commerce, between the northwest coast and the country upon the opposite side of the continent, which are inhabited or occupied by his majesty's subjects;" but he was expressly required and directed "not to pursue any inlet or river further than it should appear to be navigable by vessels of such burden as might safely navigate the pacific ocean." (introduction to vancouver's voyage, p. xix.) having made a headland, which he supposed to be cape mendocino, vancouver directed his course northward, examining carefully the line of coast, and taking soundings as he proceeded. in about latitude ° ', longitude ° ', he remarked a low projecting headland, apparently composed of _black_ craggy rocks in the space between the woods and the wash of the sea, and covered with wood nearly to the edge of the surf, which, as forming a very conspicuous point, he distinguished by the name of cape orford. mr. greenhow has allowed his antipathy to vancouver to lead him into an erroneous statement in respect to this headland. vancouver (vol. i., p. , april , ) writes: "some of us were of opinion that this was the cape blanco of martin d'aguilar; its latitude, however, differed greatly from that in which cape blanco is placed by that navigator; and its _dark_ appearance, which might probably be occasioned by the haziness of the weather, did not seem to entitle it to the appellation of cape blanco." he afterwards goes on to say, that at noon, when cape orford was visible astern, nearly in the horizon, they had a projecting headland in sight on the westward, which he considered to be cape blanco. he here ranged along the coast, at the distance of about a league, in hope of discovering the asserted river of d'aguilar. "about three in the afternoon, we passed within a league of the cape above mentioned, and at about half that distance from some breakers that lie to the westward of it. this cape, though not so projecting a point as cape orford, is nevertheless a conspicuous one, particularly when seen from the north, being formed by a round hill, on high perpendicular cliffs, some of which are _white_, a considerable height from the level of the sea." it appeared to vancouver to correspond in several of its features with captain cook's description of cape gregory, though its latitude, which he determined to be ° ', did not agree with that assigned by captain cook to that headland; but he again states, that there was a "probability of its being also the cape blanco of d'aguilar, if land hereabouts the latter ever saw;" and that "a compact _white_ sandy beach commenced, where the rocky cliffs composing it terminate." mr. greenhow remarks: "near the d degree of latitude, they sought in vain for the river, which martin d'aguilar was said to have seen, entering the pacific thereabouts, in : and they appeared inclined to admit as identical with the cape blanco of that navigator, a _high, whitish_ promontory, in the latitude of ° ', to which, however, they did not scruple to assign the name of cape orford." had these observations been made in reference to cape gregory, the high cliffs of which are described by vancouver as _white_, they would have been intelligible; but, directed as they are by mr. greenhow against a headland which vancouver expressly describes as a "wedge-like, low, perpendicular cliff; composed of _black craggy rock_, with breakers upon sunken rocks about four miles distant, in soundings of forty-five fathoms, _black_ sandy bottom," they expose mr. greenhow himself to the charge of not being sufficiently scrupulous when assailing a writer, towards whom he confesses that he feels considerable animosity. having reached cape lookout, in ° ' n. l., vancouver examined with attention the portion of coast which meares had seen. about ten leagues to the north of this headland, the mountainous inland country descends suddenly to a moderate height, and were it not covered with lofty timber, might be deemed low land. noon, "on the th of april, brought them in sight of a conspicuous point of land, composed of a cluster of hummocks, moderately high, and projecting into the sea from the low land above mentioned. the hummocks are barren, and steep near the sea, but their tops thinly covered with wood. on the south side of this promontory was the appearance of _an inlet, or small river_, the land behind not indicating it to be of any great extent; nor did it seem accessible to vessels of our burden, as the breakers extended from the above point two or three miles into the ocean, until they joined those on the beach, three or four leagues further south. on reference to mr. meares' description of the coast south of this promontory, i was at first induced to believe it to be cape shoalwater; but on ascertaining its localities, i presumed it to be that which he calls cape disappointment, and the opening south of it deception bay. this cape was found to be in latitude of ° ', longitude ° ' east. the sea had now changed from its natural to _river-coloured_ water, the probable consequence of some streams falling into the bay, or into the opening north of it, through the low land. not considering this opening worthy of our attention, i continued our pursuit to the northwest, being desirous to embrace the advantages of the now-prevailing breeze and pleasant weather, so favourable to our examination of the coasts." the purport of vancouver's observations in the passage just cited will not be correctly appreciated, unless his instructions are kept in mind, which directed his attention exclusively to such inlets or rivers which should appear to be navigable to sea-going vessels, and be likely to facilitate in any considerable degree a communication with the northwest coast. vancouver seems to have advanced a step beyond heceta in observing the _river-coloured water_, and so determining the inlet not to be a strait of the sea; but he rightly decided that the opening in the north part of the bay was not worthy of attention, either in respect to his main object of discovering a water-communication with the northwest coast, or to the prospect of its affording a certain shelter to sea-going vessels. vancouver, as he approached de fuca's straits on th april, when off cape flattery, fell in with the merchant ship columbia, commanded by mr. robert gray, which had sailed from boston on the th sept., . captain gray had formerly commanded the washington, when that vessel and the columbia, commanded by captain john kendrick, visited nootka in . having given vancouver some information respecting de fuca's straits, he stated that he had "been off the mouth of a river in the latitude of ° ', where the outset, or reflux, was so strong as to prevent his entering it for nine days. this," continues vancouver, "was probably the opening passed by us on the forenoon of the th, and was apparently then inaccessible, not from the current, but from the breakers that extended across it." gray at this time had not succeeded in passing the bar at the mouth of the columbia. after parting from vancouver, he continued his course to the southward for the purposes of his summer trade. the extract from his own log-book, which mr. greenhow has inserted in his appendix, will furnish the best account of his proceedings:--"may th, at a.m. saw the entrance of our desired port bearing e.s.e., distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance into the harbour, bore away and run in e.n.e. between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms water. when we came over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered." in the british statement it is admitted that "mr. gray, finding himself in the bay formed by the discharge of the waters of the columbia into the pacific, was the first to ascertain that this bay formed the outlet of a great river--a discovery which had escaped lieutenant meares, when in , four years before, he entered the same bay." this passage has been quoted to show that the claim of captain gray to the honour of having first crossed the bar of the river has not been impeached by the british commissioners. he gave to the river the name of his own vessel, the columbia. the columbia remained at anchor on the th and th. on the th of may, gray weighed anchor, and stood up the river n.e. by e. the log-book of the columbia furnishes the following extract:-- "we found the channel very narrow. at p.m. we had sailed upwards of twelve or fifteen miles, when the channel was so very narrow that it was almost impossible to keep in it, having from three to eighteen fathoms water, sandy bottom. at half-past four the ship took ground, but she did not stay long before she came off; without any assistance. we backed her off stern-foremost into three fathoms, and let go the small bower, and moved ship with kedge and hawser. the jolly-boat was sent to sound the channel out, but found it not navigable any further up; _so of course we must have taken the wrong channel_. _so ends_, with rainy weather; many natives alongside." on the following day gray unmoored, and dropped down the river with the tide. on the th he made the latitude of the entrance to be ° ' north. on the th he succeeded, after some difficulty, in beating over the bar out to sea. this log-book, the authenticity of which is vouched for by mr. bulfinch, of boston, one of the owners of the columbia, affords the best evidence that captain gray's claim is limited to the discovery of the _mouth of the columbia_, a discovery different indeed _in degree_ from heceta's or vancouver's, and entitled to higher consideration, but not different _in kind_. it must be remembered that the problem to be solved was the discovery of the great river of the west, but this problem was surely not solved by gray, who expressly states that the channel which he explored was not navigable any further up than twelve or fifteen miles from the entrance; "so of course," he adds, "we must have taken the wrong channel." but such a description would hardly have convinced the world that gray had succeeded in discovering the great river, unless lieutenant broughton had subsequently succeeded in entering the right channel, and had explored its course for the distance of more than one hundred miles from the sea. but the reputation of this enterprising man needs no fictitious laurels. he was decidedly the first to solve the difficult question of their being a passage, such as it is, over the bar of the river. mr. greenhow, in commenting upon gray's discovery, observes, "had gray, after parting with the english ships, _not returned to the river_, and ascended it as he did, there is every reason to believe that it would have long remained unknown; for the assertion of vancouver, that no opening, harbour, or place of refuge for vessels was to be found between cape mendocino and the strait of fuca, and that this part of the coast formed one compact, solid, and nearly straight barrier against the sea, would have served completely _to overthrow the evidence of the american fur-trader_, and to prevent any further attempts to examine those shores, or even to approach them." now the evidence of the american fur-trader, _had he not returned to the river_, would have needed no vancouver to overthrow it, for it would have amounted to this, that gray had been off the mouth of a river for nine days, without being able to enter it; whereas vancouver's own statement would have been, that on the south side of cape disappointment there was the appearance of an inlet or small river, "which did not however seem accessible for vessels of our burthen," as breakers extended right across it. mr. greenhow misrepresents vancouver, when he states that meares' opinion was subscribed without qualification by vancouver, for vancouver carefully limits his opinion of the river to its being inaccessible to vessels of equal burthen with his own sloop of war, the discovery. gray, after entering the columbia, appears to have returned to nootka, and to have given to señor quadra, the spanish commandant, a sketch of the river. vancouver, having attempted in vain to conclude a satisfactory arrangement with quadra in respect to the fulfilment of the first article of the nootka convention, determined to re-examine the coast of new albion. with this object he sailed southward in the discovery, accompanied by the chatham and the dædalus. the dædalus having been left to explore gray's harbour in ° ', the discovery and chatham proceeded round cape disappointment, and the chatham, under lieutenant broughton, was directed to lead into the columbia river, and to signalize her consort if only four fathoms water should be found over the bar. the discovery followed the chatham, till vancouver found the water to shoal to three fathoms, with breakers all around, which induced him to haul off to the westward, and anchor outside the bar in ten fathoms. the chatham, in the meantime, cast anchor in the midst of the breakers, where she rode in four fathoms, with the surf breaking over her. "my former opinion," writes vancouver, "of this port being inaccessible to vessels of our burthen was now fully confirmed, with this exception, that in very fine weather, with moderate winds and a smooth sea, vessels not exceeding tons might, so far as we were able to judge, gain admittance." it may be observed that the vessels of the hudson's bay company, by which the commerce of this part of the country is almost exclusively carried on, do not exceed tons, and draw only fourteen feet water. captain wilkes, in the united states exploring expedition, vol. iv., p. , speaks of a vessel of from to tons, the lausanne, having navigated the columbia; on the other hand, the starling, which accompanied the sulphur exploring vessel, under captain belcher, in july, , left her rudder on the bar, and the american corvette, the peacock, which attempted to enter the river in july, , was lost in very fine weather, having been drifted amongst the breakers by the set of the current. when it is known that the vessels of the hudson's bay company have been obliged to lie-to off the mouth of the columbia for upwards of two months before they could venture to cross the bar, and that vessels have been detained inside the bar for upwards of six weeks, it must be acknowledged that vancouver's declaration of the probable character of the river has not fallen very wide of the mark. on the next day the chatham succeeded, with the flood-tide, in leading through the channel, and anchored in a tolerably snug cove inside cape disappointment; but the discovery, not having made so much way, was driven out by a strong ebb tide into fathoms water, where she anchored for the night, and on the following day was forced by a gale of wind to stand out to sea, and to abandon all hope of regaining the river. on the chatham rounding the inner point of cape disappointment, they were surprised to hear a gun fired from a vessel, which hoisted english colours, and proved to be the jenny, a small schooner of bristol, commanded by mr. james baker, which had sailed from nootka sound direct to england, before vancouver started. this cove or bay inside cape disappointment was in consequence named, by lieut. broughton, baker's bay, which name it retains, and it appeared from captain baker's account that this was not the first occasion of his entering the river, but that he had been there in the earlier part of the year. the chatham in the meantime proceeded up the inlet, and having in her course grounded for a short time on a shoal, anchored ultimately a little below the bay which had terminated gray's researches, to which gray had given his own name in his chart. the sketch of this, with which vancouver had been favoured by the spanish commandant at nootka, was found by broughton not to resemble much what it purported to represent, nor did it mark the shoal on which the chatham grounded, though it was an extensive one, lying in mid-channel. the bay, for instance, which lieut. broughton found to be not more than fifteen miles from cape disappointment, was, according to the sketch, thirty-six miles distant. broughton left the chatham here, and determined to pursue the further examination of the channel in the cutter and the launch. at the distance of about twenty-five miles from the sea, broughton found the stream narrow rather suddenly to about half a mile in breadth, which seemed to warrant him in considering the lower part, (the width of which was from three to seven miles,) to be a sound or inlet, and the true entrance of the river itself to commence from the point where it contracted itself. broughton continued his ascent for seven days, making but slow progress against a strong stream. at the end of that time he was obliged to return from want of provisions, having reached a point which he concluded to be about miles distant from the chatham's anchorage, and nearly from the sea. he was the more readily reconciled to the abandonment of any further examination, "because even thus far the river could hardly be considered as navigable for shipping." previously, however, to his departure, he formally "took possession of the river and the country in its vicinity in his britannic majesty's name, having every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilised nation or state had ever entered this river before." broughton had fallen in with large parties of indians in his ascent of the river, and had been kindly received by them. amongst these was a friendly old chief, who accompanied them almost throughout the voyage, and who assisted at the ceremony and drank his majesty's health on the occasion. it may be reasonably suspected that this worthy old chief would have as readily joined the next comers in drinking the health of the king of spain, or the president of the united states. from him broughton endeavoured to obtain further information respecting the upper country. "the little that could be understood was, that higher up the river, they would be prevented from passing by falls. this was explained by taking water up in his hands, and imitating the manner of its falling from rocks, pointing at the same time to the place where the river rises, indicating that its source in that direction would be found at a great distance." the furthest angle of the river which broughton reached was called by him point vancouver, and upon it stands in the present day fort vancouver, the chief establishment of the hudson's bay company. a little above this are the cascades, a series of falls and rapids extending more than half a mile, which form the limit of the tide-way; about thirty miles higher up are the dalles, where the river rushes rapidly between vast masses of rocks, and about four miles further are the _chutes_ or falls of the columbia, where the river first enters the gap in the cascade mountains, through which it finds its way to the ocean. lieutenant broughton, having occupied twelve days in the examination of the channel, prepared to join the discovery without delay; but for four days the surf broke across the passage of the bar with such violence, as to leave no apparent opening. at last he succeeded in beating out, the jenny schooner leading, as her commander mr. baker was better acquainted with the course of the channel, and after nearly losing their launch and the boat-keeper in the surf, they once more reached the open sea. such is the summary of the account, which may be perused in full in the second volume of vancouver's voyage. mr. greenhow (p. ) considers that the distinction which broughton and vancouver made "between the upper and lower portion of the columbia, is entirely destitute of foundation, and at variance with the principles of our whole geographical nomenclature. inlets and sounds," he continues, "are arms of the sea running up into the land, and their waters, being supplied from the sea, are necessarily salt; the waters of the columbia are on the contrary generally fresh and palatable within ten miles of the pacific, the violence and overbearing force of the current being sufficient to prevent the further ingress of the ocean. the question appears at first to be of no consequence: the following extract from vancouver's journal will, however, serve to show that the quibble was devised by the british navigators, with the unworthy object of depriving gray of the merits of his discovery:--'previously to his (broughton's) departure, he formally took possession of the river, and the country in its vicinity, in his britannic majesty's name, having every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilised nation or state had ever entered this river before. in this opinion he was confirmed by mr. gray's sketch, in which it does not appear that mr. gray either saw or ever was within five leagues of its entrance.' this unjust view has been adopted by the british government and writers, and also, doubtless from inadvertency, by some distinguished authors in the united states. it may, indeed, be considered fortunate for gray, that by communicating the particulars of his discoveries, as he did, to quadra, he secured an unimpeachable witness of his claims: had he not done so, the world would probably never have learned that a citizen of the united states was the first to enter the greatest river flowing from america into the pacific, and to find the only safe harbour on the long line of coast between port san francisco and the strait of fuca." mr. greenhow may be perfectly justified in disputing the propriety of lt. broughton's distinction. the words of the latter are,--"between the ocean and that which should properly be considered the entrance of the river, is a space from three to seven miles wide, intricate to navigate on account of the shoals that extend nearly from side to side, and it ought rather to be considered as _a sound_ than as constituting a part of the river, since the entrance into the river, which they reached about dark, was found not to be more than half a mile wide, formed by the contracting shores of the sound." it may fairly be admitted that the ordinary use of the terms "sound," or "inlet," warrants the verbal criticism of mr. greenhow, and that they are more usually employed to distinguish arms of the sea where there is no fresh water, or tideways outside the bars of rivers. lieutenant broughton, if we may judge from the context would have been more correct had he used the term "estuary" instead of "sound," for, "in common understanding," as lord stowell has observed, "the embouchure or mouth of a river is that spot where the river enters the open space to which the sea flows, and where the points of the coast project no further." (twee gebroeden, robinson's reports, p. .) at the same time, after a careful perusal of vancouver's journal, a protest must be entered against any reader of that work, particularly against one who occupies the position which mr. greenhow fills, attributing such motives to the british navigator, or insinuating such a probability as that gray's discovery would have been suppressed by vancouver, had not gray fortunately secured quadra as an unimpeachable witness to it. mr. greenhow's jealousy for the fame of his countryman may be excusable up to a certain point, but when he states that vancouver "did not hesitate to adopt unworthy means to deprive the americans of the reputation which they had justly earned by their labours in exploring, and to blacken their characters as individuals," he has allowed an unreasonable sensitiveness to hurry him into the commission of the very fault which he censures in others, and has laid himself open to the identical charge, mutatis mutandis, which he has set up against vancouver. had there been any _substantial_ misrepresentation on the part of vancouver in respect to what gray actually did discover, "a want of good faith" might have been reasonably imputed to him. happily, however, for vancouver's memory, the extract from the log-book of the columbia bears out all the facts which lieutenant broughton alleges as to the extent of gray's researches. "from this point," the latter says, alluding to a remarkable projecting point on the southern side, appearing like an island, a little above point george, to which the name of tongue point was given, "was seen the centre of a deep bay, lying at the distance of seven miles n. e. this bay terminated the researches of mr. gray; and to commemorate his discovery, it was called after him, gray's bay." "in mr. gray's sketch," broughton further informs us, "an anchor was placed in this bay," so that he does not attempt in any way to misrepresent the locality of the spot where gray's researches terminated. lieutenant broughton certainly denies the correctness of the sketch in respect to the distance of this bay from the entrance of the river. "it was not more," he writes, "than fifteen miles from cape disappointment, though according to the sketch it measures thirty-six miles." but the log-book itself confirms approximatively lieutenant broughton's statement, for it makes the distance of the spot where gray brought up his vessel to be about twenty-two or twenty-five miles from the entrance between the bars, and cape disappointment is six miles distant from the entrance, so that there must have been an error in the sketch, if we admit the accuracy of the log-book. the result of this inquiry seems fully to warrant the position which the british commissioners insisted on in - , that the discovery of the columbia river was _a progressive discovery_. heceta made the first step in , when he discovered the bay, and concluded that "the place was the mouth of some great river, or of some passage to another sea;" but heceta's report was not made public by the spanish authorities. meares, in , confirmed heceta's discovery of the bay, but impugned the correctness of the spanish charts, as to there being a river there with a good port; his voyages were published in london in . vancouver, having seen meares' account before he left england, examined the bay in april , and at that time came to the conclusion that, though there was river-coloured water in the bay, yet the opening was not worthy of attention, as being inaccessible to vessels of the same burden as the discovery: his account was published in . gray, in the may following, after having on a former occasion beat about in the bay for nine days ineffectually, succeeded on his second visit in passing the bar, and explored the estuary for more than twenty miles: the extract of his log-book, which relates the particulars, was not made public before . lieutenant broughton in the same year may be considered to have completed the discovery of the river, by ascending it for more than eighty miles above the limits of gray's researches, almost to the foot of the cascades, where the tide ceases to be felt: the particulars of this expedition were published in the nd vol. of vancouver's voyage, in . the plenipotentiary of the united states, mr. gallatin, on the other hand, repudiated the notion of gray's enterprise being considered as only a step in the progress of discovery, and maintained that the discovery of the river belonged exclusively to the united states; that quadra (or he should have said, heceta) had overlooked it; that meares had likewise failed, and vancouver had been not more fortunate; and that broughton's merit consisted merely in performing with fidelity the mechanical duty of taking the soundings miles up its course. upon the fact of this asserted first discovery in , followed by the settlement of astoria in , mr. rush, announced, for the first time, in , "that the united states claimed in their own right, and in their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." "it had been ascertained that the columbia extended by the river multnomah to as low as degrees north, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as degrees, if not beyond that point; and to this entire range of country, contiguous to the original dominions, and made a part of it by the almost intermingling waters of each, the united states," he said, "considered their title as established, by all the principles that had ever been applied on this subject by the powers of europe to settlements in the american hemisphere. i asserted," he continued, "that a nation discovering a country, by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river, and its tributary streams." great britain formally entered her dissent to such a claim, denying that such a principle or usage had been ever recognised amongst the nations of europe, or that the expedition of captain gray, being one of a purely mercantile character, was entitled to carry with it such important national consequences, (british and foreign state papers, - .) in the subsequent discussions of - , great britain considered it equally due to herself and to other powers to renew her protest against the doctrine of the united states, whilst on the other hand the united states continued to maintain, that gray's discovery of the columbia river gave, by the acknowledged law and usage of nations, a right to the whole country drained by that river and its tributary streams. haying now passed in review the main facts connected with the discovery and occupation of the oregon territory, we may proceed to consider the general principles of international law which regulate territorial title. chapter vii. on the acquisition of territory by occupation. connexion of the sovereignty of a nation with the domain.--vattel. the sovereignty and eminent domain (dominium eminens) attend on settlement by a nation.--settlement by an individual limited to the acquisition of the useful domain (dominium utile.) a nation may occupy a country by its agents, as by settling a colony. kluber's droits des gens.--the occupation must be the act of the state.--occupation constitutes a perfect title.--bracton de legibus.--wolff's jus gentium.--acts accessorial to occupation, such as discovery, settlement, &c., create only an imperfect title. "when a nation takes possession of a country to which no prior owner can lay claim, it is considered as acquiring the _empire_ or sovereignty over it, at the same time with the _domain_. for, since the nation is free and independent, it can have no intention, in settling in a country, to leave to others the rights of command, or any of those rights that constitute sovereignty. the whole space over which a nation extends its government, becomes the seat of its jurisdiction, and is called its _territory_." (vattel, b. i., § .) the acquisition of sovereignty, therefore, attends as a necessary consequence upon the establishment of a nation in a country. but a nation may establish itself in a country, either by immigration in a body, or by sending forth a colony; and when a nation takes possession of a vacant country, and settles a colony there, "that country, though separated from the principal establishment or mother country, naturally becomes a part of the state, equally with its ancient possessions." (vattel, b. i., § .) the right of _domain_ in a nation corresponds to the right of _property_ in an individual. but every nation that governs itself by its own authority and laws, without dependence on any foreign power, is a sovereign state; and when it acts as a nation, it acts in a sovereign capacity. when a nation therefore occupies a vacant country, it imports its sovereignty with it, and its sovereignty entitles it not merely to a disposing power over all the property within it, which is termed its eminent domain, but likewise to an exclusive right of command in all places of the country which it has taken possession of. in this respect, then, a nation differs from an individual, that, although an independent individual may settle in a country which he finds without an owner, and there possess an independent domain (the dominium utile, as distinguished from the dominium eminens,) yet he cannot arrogate to himself an exclusive right to the country, or to the empire over it. his occupation of it would be, as against other nations, rash and ridiculous (vattel, b. ii., § ;) and it would be termed, in the language of the jus gentium, a "temeraria occupatio, quæ nullum juris effectum parere potest," (wolffii jus gentium, § .) a nation, however, may delegate its sovereign authority to one or more of its members for the occupation of a vacant country, equally as for other purposes, where it cannot act in a body; in such cases the practice of nations allows it to be represented by an agent. thus the right of settling a colony is a right of occupation by an agent. the colonists represent the nation which has sent them forth, and occupy their new country in the name of the mother country. but the colonists must be sent forth _by the public authority of the nation_, otherwise they will possess no national character, but will be considered to be a body of _emigrants_, who have abandoned their country. thus, kluber, in his "droit des gens modernes de l'europe:"--"un état peut acquérir des choses qui n'appartiennent à personne (_res nullius_) par l'occupation (originaire;) les biens d'autrui au moyen de conventions (occupation dérivative.).... pour que _l'occupation_ soit légitime, la chose dolt être susceptible d'une propriété exclusive; elle ne doit appartenir à personne; _l'état doit avoir l'intention d'en acquérir la propriété, et en prendre possession_ (the state ought to have an intention to acquire the right of property in it, and to take possession of it;) c'est à dire, la mettre entièrement à sa disposition et dans son pouvoir physique." _occupation_, then, in this sense of the word, denotes the taking possession of a territory previously vacant, which has either always been unoccupied, or, if ever occupied, has been since abandoned. it constitutes a perfect title, and its foundation may be referred to an axiom of natural law: "quod enim ante nullius est, id ratione naturali occupanti conceditur." (dig. l. , d. de acq. rer. dom.) this principle, engrafted into the roman law, was as fully recognised by bracton and by fleta:--"jure autem gentium sive naturali dominia rerum acquiruntur multis modis. imprimis, per occupationem eorum, quæ non sunt in bonis alicujus, et quæ nunc sunt ipsius regis de jure civili, et non communia ut olim." (bracton de leg., l. ii., c. .) amongst professed writers upon international law, wolff, who is justly considered as the founder of the science, and who, in his voluminous writings, furnished the stores out of which vattel compiled his "law of nations," has set forth so clearly this principle, as that upon which title by occupation is based, that his words may be quoted from luzac's french translation of his "institutions du droit de la nature et des gens:"-- "on appelle _occupation_, un fait par lequel quelqu'un déclare qu'une chose qui n'est à personne doit être à lui, et la réduit en tel état qu'elle peut être sa chose. il paraît de là, que le droit d'occuper une chose, ou de s'en emparer, appartient naturellement à chacun indifféremment, ou bien que c'est un droit commun de tous les hommes, et comme on appelle manière primitive d'acquérir, celle par laquelle on acquiert le domaine d'une chose qui n'est à personne, il s'ensuit que _l'occupation est la manière primitive d'acquérir_." (part ii., ch. ii., § ccx.) as, however, the term _occupation_ has come to signify in common parlance rather a temporary holding than a permanent possession,--e. g., the occupation of ancona by the french, the occupation of lisbon by the english, the occupation of the four legations by the austrians, there is an inconvenience in its ambiguity, and from this circumstance it has resulted, that _occupancy_ is frequently employed to designate what is, properly speaking, occupation. this however is to be regretted, as the word occupancy is required in its own sense to mark the right to take possession, as distinct from the right to keep possession,--the _jus possidendi_ from the _jus possessionis_,--the _jus ad rem_, as civilians would say, from the _jus in re_. thus the right of a nation to colonise a given territory to the exclusion of other nations is a right of _occupancy_; the right of the colonists to exclude foreigners from their settlements would be a right of _occupation_. mr. wheaton, in his elements of international law, (l. i., chap. iv., p. ,) says, "the exclusive right of every independent state to its territory and other property is founded upon the title originally acquired by _occupancy_, and subsequently confirmed by the presumption arising from the lapse of time, or by treaties and other compacts of foreign states." it may be gathered from these writers, that to constitute a valid territorial title by occupation, the territory must be previously vacant (_res nullius_,) and the _state_ must intend to take and maintain possession: and that the vacancy of the territory may be presumed from the absence of inhabitants, and will be placed beyond question by the acquiescence of other nations. if those conditions are fulfilled, the proprietary title which results is _a perfect title against all other nations_. there are however several acts, that are accessorial to occupation, which do not separately constitute a perfect title. such acts are discovery, settlement, demarcation. thus, discovery, may not be accompanied with any intention to occupy, or may not be followed up by any act of occupation within a reasonable time; settlement may be effected in territory not vacant; boundaries may be marked out which encroach upon the territory of others; so that acts of this kind will, separately, only found an imperfect or conditional title: their combination, however, under given circumstances, may establish an absolute and perfect title. chapter viii. on title by discovery. discovery not recognised by the roman law.--wolff.--the discovery must be notified.--illustration of the principle in reference to nootka sound.--vattel.--discovery must be by virtue of a commission from the sovereign.--must not be a transient act.--martens' précis du droit des gens.--kluber.--bynkershoek.--mr wheaton.--practice of nations.--queen elizabeth.--negotiations between great britain and the united states, in .--nootka sound controversy.--discussions between the united states and russia, in .--declaration of british commissioners, in .--mr. gallatin's view.--conditions attached to discovery.--no second discovery.--wolff.--lord stowell.--progressive discovery.--dormant discoveries inoperative for title. among the acts which are accessorial to occupation, the chief is discovery. the title, however, which results from discovery, is only an imperfect title. it is not recognised in the roman law, nor has it a place in the systems of grotius or puffendorff. the principle, however, upon which it is based is noticed by wolff:-- "pareillement, si quelqu'un renferme un fonds de terre dans des limites, ou la destine à quelque usage par un acte non passager, ou qui, se tenant sur ce fonds limité, il dise en présence d'autres hommes, qu'il veut que ce fonds soit à lui, il s'empare." (institutes du droit des gens, § .) to this passage m. luzac has appended the following note, pointing out the application of the principle to international relations:-- "nous ne trouvons pas cette occupation dans le droit romain. c'est sur elle que sont fondés les droits que les puissances s'attribuent, en vertu des découvertes." it will be seen from the text of m. wolff, that the intention to take possession at the time of discovery must be declared. the comity of nations, then, presumes that the execution will follow the intention. but the reason of the thing requires that the discovery should be notified at the time when it takes place, otherwise, where actual possession has not ensued, the presumption will be altogether against a discovery, or if there had been a discovery, that it was a mere passing act, that the territory was never taken possession of, or if so, was abandoned immediately. unless then the intention to appropriate can be presumed from the announcement of the discovery, which the comity of nations will respect,--if the first comer has not taken actual possession, but has passed on, the presumption will be that he never intended to appropriate the territory. thus a discovery, when it has been concealed from other nations, has never been recognised as a good title: it is an inoperative act. a case in point may be cited to illustrate the application of this principle. mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, in reference to the voyage of perez in ,--"the government of spain perhaps acted wisely in concealing the accounts of this expedition, which reflected little honour on the courage or the science of the navigators: but it has thereby deprived itself of the means of establishing beyond question the claim of perez to the discovery of the important harbour called nootka sound, which is now, by general consent, assigned to captain cook." vattel (b. i., l. xviii., § ) discusses this title at large:-- "all mankind have an equal right to things that have not yet fallen into the possession of any one, and those things belong to the person who first takes possession of them. when therefore a nation finds a country uninhabited, and without an owner, it may lawfully take possession of it, and _after it has sufficiently made known its will in this respect_, it cannot be deprived of it by another nation. thus navigators going on voyages of discovery, furnished _with a commission from their sovereign_, and meeting with islands or other lands in a desert state, have taken possession of them in the name of the nation; and this title has been usually respected, provided it was soon after followed by a real possession." according to this statement, the act of discovery must be sanctioned by a commission from the sovereign, and the will of the nation to take possession must be by its agent sufficiently made known. what acts should be respected by the courtesy of nations, and be held sufficient to make known formally the will of a nation to avail itself of a discovery, has been a subject of much dispute. the tendency, however, both of writers and statesmen, has been to limit rather than to extend the title by discovery, ever since the papal bulls of the th century enlarged it to an inconvenient extent, to the exclusive benefit of two favoured nations. thus vattel:--"the law of nations will, therefore, not acknowledge the property and sovereignty of a nation over any uninhabited countries except those of which it has really taken actual possession, in which it has formed settlements, or of which it makes actual use. in effect, when navigators have met with desert countries in which those of other nations had, in their transient visits, erected some monuments to show their having taken possession of them, they have paid as little regard to that empty ceremony as to the regulation of the popes, who divided a great part of the world between the crowns of castile and portugal." to the same purport, martens, in his précis du droit des gens, § :-- "supposé que l'occupation soit possible, it faut encore qu'elle ait eu lieu effectivement,--que le fait de la prise de possession ait concouru avec la volonté manifeste de s'en approprier l'objet. la simple déclaration de volonté d'une nation ne suffit pas non plus qu'une donation papale, ou une convention entre deux nations pour imposer à d'autres le devoir de s'abstenir de l'usage ou de l'occupation de l'objet en question. le simple fait d'avoir été le premier à découvrir ou à visiter une île, &c., abandonnée ensuite, semble insuffisant, même de l'aveu des nations, tant qu'on n'a point laissé de traces permanentes de possession et de volonté, et ce n'est pas sans raison qu'on a souvent disputé entre les nations, comme entre les philosophes, si des croix, des poteaux, des inscriptions, &c., suffisent pour acquérir ou pour conserver la propriété exclusive d'un pays qu'on ne cultive pas." kluber, to the same effect, writes thus: (§ )--"pour acquérir une chose par le moyen de l'occupation, il ne suffit point d'en avoir seulement l'intention, ou de s'attribuer une possession purement mentale; la déclaration même de vouloir occuper, faite antérieurement à l'occupation effectuée par un autre, ne suffirait pas. il faut qu'on ait réellement occupé le premier, et c'est par cela seul qu'en acquérant un droit exclusif sur la chose, on impose à tout tiers l'obligation de s'en abstenir. l'occupation d'une partie inhabitée et sans maître du globe de la terre, ne peut donc s'étendre plus loin qu'on ne peut tenir pour constant qu'il y ait eu _effectivement prise de possession, dans l'intention de s'attribuer la propriété_. comme preuves d'une pareille prise de possession, ainsi que de la continuation de la possession en propriété, peuvent servir tous les signes extérieurs qui marquent l'occupation et la possession continue." on this passage there is the following note:--"le droit de propriété d'état peut, d'après le droit des gens, continuer d'exister, sans que l'état continue la possession corporelle. il suffit qu'il existe un signe qui dit, que la chose n'est ni _res nullius_, ni délaissée. en pareil cas personne ne saurait s'approprier la chose, sans ravir de fait, à celui qui l'a possédée jusqu'alors en propriété, ce qu'il y a opéré de son influence d'une manière légitime: enlever ceci ce serait blesser le droit du propriétaire." it would be difficult to determine theoretically what would constitute a sufficient sign that the territory is not vacant, or abandoned. bynkershoek, who was opposed to the continuance of proprietary right from discovery, unless corporeal possession was maintained, subsequently qualified his view. "præter animum possessionem desidero, sed qualemcunque, quæ probet, me nec corpore desiisse possidere." (de dominio maris, ch. i., de origine dominii.) mr. wheaton, in his work on international law, (vol. i., ch. iv., § ,) writes thus:--"the claim of european nations to the possessions held by them in the new world discovered by columbus and other adventurers, and to the territories which they have acquired on the continents and islands of africa and asia, was originally derived from discovery or conquest and colonisation, and has since been confirmed in the same manner by positive compact." the practice of nations seems fully to bear out the theory of jurists, as it may be gathered from the language of sovereigns and statesmen. thus, in reference to the northwest coast of america, on occasion of the earliest dispute between the crowns of spain and england, queen elizabeth refused to admit the exclusive pretensions of the spaniards. when mendoza, the spanish ambassador, remonstrated against the expedition of drake, she replied, "that she did not understand why either her subjects, or those of any other european prince, should be debarred from traffic in the indies: that, as she did not acknowledge the spaniards to have any title by donation of the bishop of rome, so she knew no right they had to any places other than those they were in actual possession of; for that their having touched only here and there upon a coast, and given names to a few rivers or capes, were such insignificant things as could in no ways entitle them to a propriety further than in the parts where they actually settled, and continued to inhabit." (camden's annals, anno .) such was the language of the crown of england in the sixteenth century, and in no respect is the language of great britain altered in the present day. thus, in reference to the negotiations between great britain and the united states, in , mr. rush, in a letter to mr. adams, of august , , writes thus:--"as to the alleged prior discoveries of spain all along that coast, britain did not admit them, but with great qualification. she could never admit that the mere fact of spanish navigators having first seen the coast at particular points, even where this was capable of being substantiated as the fact, without any subsequent or efficient acts of sovereignty or settlement following on the part of spain, was sufficient to exclude all other nations from that portion of the globe." (state papers, - , p. .) but the spanish crown itself, on the occasion of the nootka sound controversy, felt that a claim to exclusive territorial title could not be reasonably maintained on the plea of mere discovery. thus, in the declaration of his catholic majesty, on june , , which was transmitted to all the european courts, and consequently bound the crown of spain in the face of all nations, the following precise language was employed:-- "nevertheless, the king does deny what the enemies to peace have industriously circulated, that spain extends pretensions and rights of sovereignty over the whole of the south sea, as far as china. when the words are made use of, 'in the name of the king, his sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea,' it is the manner in which spain, in speaking of the indies, has always used these words,--that is to say, to the continent, islands, and seas which belong to his majesty, _so far as discoveries have been made and secured to him by treaties and immemorial possession, and uniformly acquiesced in_, notwithstanding some infringements by individuals, who have been punished upon knowledge of their offences. and the king sets up no pretensions to any possessions, the right to which he cannot prove by irrefragable titles." the pretensions of spain to absolute sovereignty, commerce, and navigation, had already been rejected by the british government, and they had insisted that english subjects, trading under the british flag, "have an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery; and to the possession of such establishments as they should form, _with the consent of the natives of the country, not previously occupied by any of the european nations_." again, the crown of spain, in demanding assistance from france, according to the engagements of the family compact, rested her supposed title upon "treaties, demarcations, _takings of possession_, and the most decided acts of sovereignty exercised by the spaniards from the reign of charles ii., and authorised by that monarch in ." it will thus be seen that spain, in setting up a title by discovery, supported her claims by alleging that the act was authorised by the crown, was attended with "takings of possession," and was confirmed by treaties, e. g., that of utrecht. to a similar purport, in the discussions which took place between russia and the united states of america, in respect to the north-west coast of america, which ultimately resulted in the convention signed at st. petersburgh, / april, , the chevalier de poletica, the russian minister at washington, in his letter of th february, , to the american secretary of state, grounded the claims of russia upon these three bases, as required by the general law of nations and immemorial usage among nations:--"the title of first discovery; the title of first occupation; and, in the last place, that which results from a peaceable and uncontested possession of more than half a century." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) to a similar purport the british commissioners, messrs. huskisson and addington, in the sixth conference held at london, december , , maintained this doctrine:--"upon the question how far prior discovery constitutes a legal claim to sovereignty, the law of nations is somewhat vague and undefined. it is, however, admitted by the most approved writers, that mere accidental discovery, unattended by exploration--by formally taking possession in the name of the discoverer's sovereign--by occupation and settlement, more or less permanent--by purchase of the territory, or receiving the sovereignty from the natives--constitutes the lowest degree of title; and that it is only in proportion as first discovery is followed by any or all of these acts, that such title is strengthened and confirmed." in accordance with the same view, the plenipotentiary of the united states, mr. gallatin, in his counter-statement, which mr. greenhow has appended to the second edition of his work, asserts that "prior discovery gives a right to occupy, provided that occupancy take place within a reasonable time, and is followed by permanent settlements and by the cultivation of the soil." it thus seems to be universally acknowledged, that discovery, though it gives a right of occupancy, does not found the same perfect and exclusive title which grows out of occupation; and that unless discovery be followed within a reasonable time by some sort of settlement, it will be presumed either to have been originally inoperative, or to have been subsequently abandoned. it seems likewise to be fully recognised by the law of nations, as based upon principles of natural law, and as gathered from the language of negotiations and conventions, that in order that discovery should constitute an inchoate title to territory, it must have been authorised by the sovereign power, must have been accompanied by some act of taking possession significative of the intention to occupy, and must have been made known to other nations. thus lord stowell (in the fama, rob. p. ) lays it down, that "even in newly discovered countries, _where a title is meant to be established_ for the first time, some act of possession is usually done and proclaimed as a _notification of the fact_." there can be no second discovery of a country. in this respect title by discovery differs from title by settlement. a title by a later settlement may be set up against a title by an earlier settlement, even where this has been formed by the first occupant, if the earlier settlement can be shown to have been abandoned. m. wolff explains the reason of this very clearly (§ cciii.:)--"on dit qu'une chose est abandonnée, si simplement son maître ne veut pas qu'elle soit plus long temps sienne, c'est à dire, que l'acte de sa volonté ne contienne rien de plus que ceci, que la chose ne doit plus être à lui. d'où il paroit, que celui qui abandonne une chose cesse d'en être le maître, et que par conséquent une chose abandonnée devient une chose qui n'est à personne; mais qu'aussi long temps que le maître n'a pas l'intention d'abandonner sa chose, il en reste le maître." the same writer observes elsewhere (§ mcmxxxix.)--"l'abandon requis pour l'usucaption, et pour la préscription qui en est la suite, ne se présume pas aussi aisément contre les nations qu'entre les particuliers, à cause d'un long silence." a title by second discovery cannot, from the nature of the thing, be set up against a title by first discovery. the term _second discovery_ itself involves a contradiction, and where the discovery has been progressive, "further discovery" would seem to be the more correct phrase. a case can certainly be imagined, where a later discovery may be entitled to greater consideration than a prior discovery, namely, where the prior discovery has been kept secret; but in such a case the prior discovery is not a discovery which the law of nations recognises, for it has not been made known, at the time when it took place, to other nations; and the inconvenience which would attend the setting up of claims of discovery long subsequently to the event upon which they are professed to be based, would be so great, that the comity of nations does not admit it. the comity of nations, indeed, in sanctioning title by discovery at all, as distinct from title by occupation, has sought to strengthen rather than to impugn the proprietary right of nations; but no territorial title would be safe from question, if the dormant ashes of alleged discoveries might at any time be raked up. chapter ix. title by settlement. title by settlement an imperfect title.--presumption of law in its favour.--made perfect by undisturbed possession.--wheaton.--title by usucaption or prescription.--vattel.--acquiescence a bar to conflicting title of discovery.--hudson's bay settlements.--treaty of utrecht.--the vicinitas of the roman law.--mid-channel of rivers.--contiguity, as between conterminous states, a reciprocal title.--negotiations between spain and the united states of america.--vattel.--territorial limits extended by the necessity of the case.--right of maritime jurisdiction, how far accessorial to right of territory.--right of pre-emption.--new zealand.--north american indians.--right of innocent use. title by settlement, like title by discovery, is of itself an imperfect title, and its validity will be conditional upon the territory being vacant at the time of the settlement, either as never having been occupied, or as having been abandoned by the previous occupant. in the former case, it resolves itself into title by occupation; in the latter, the consent of the previous occupant is either expressed by some convention, or presumed from the possession remaining undisputed. title by settlement, however, differs from title by discovery, or title by occupation, in this respect,--that no second discovery, no second occupation can take place, but a series of settlements may have been successively made and in their turn abandoned, so that the last settlement, when confirmed by a certain prescription, may found a good territorial title. again, the presumption of law will always be in favour of a title by settlement. "commodum possidentis in eo est, quod etiamsi ejus res non sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non potuerit suam esse probare, remanet in suo loco possessio; propter quam causam, cum obscura sint utriusque jura contra petitorem judicari solet." (inst., l. iv., tit. , § .) where title by settlement is superadded to title by discovery, the law of nations will acknowledge the settlers to have a perfect title; but where title by settlement is opposed to title by discovery, although no convention can be cited in proof of the discovery having been waived, still, a tacit acquiescence on the part of the nation that asserts the discovery, during a reasonable lapse of time since the settlement has taken place, will bar its claim to disturb the settlement. thus, mr. wheaton (part ii., chap. iv., § ) writes:--"the constant and approved practice of nations shows, that by whatever name it be called, the uninterrupted possession of territory or other property, for a certain length of time, by one state, excludes the claim of every other, in the same manner as by the law of nations, and the municipal code of every civilized nation, a similar possession by an individual excludes the claim of every other person to the article of property in question. this rule is founded upon the supposition, confirmed by constant experience, that every person will naturally seek to enjoy that which belongs to him; and the inference fairly to be drawn from his silence and neglect, of the original defect of his title, or his intention to relinquish it." title, then, by settlement, though originally imperfect, may be thus perfected by enjoyment during a reasonable lapse of time, the presumption of law from undisturbed possession being, that there is no prior owner, because there is no claimant,--no better proprietary right, because there is no asserted right. the silence of other parties presumes their acquiescence: and their acquiescence presumes a defect of title on their part, or an abandonment of their title. a title once abandoned, whether tacitly or expressly, cannot be resumed. "celui qui abandonne une chose cesse d'en être le maître, et par conséquent une chose abandonnée devient une chose qui n'est à personne." (wolff, cciii.) title by settlement, then, as distinguished from title by discovery, when set up as a perfect title, must resolve itself into title by _usucaption_ or _prescription_. wolff defines usucaption to be an acquisition of domain founded on a presumed desertion. vattel says it is the acquisition of domain founded on long possession, uninterrupted and undisputed, that is to say, an acquisition solely proved by this possession. _prescription_, on the other hand, according to the same author, is the exclusion of all pretensions to a right--an exclusion founded on the length of time during which that right has been neglected; or, according to wolff's definition, it is the loss of an inherent right by virtue of a presumed consent. vattel, writing in french, and observing that the word usucaption was but little used in that language, made use of the word _prescription_ whenever there were no particular reasons for employing the other. the same remark may be applied in reference to our own language, and thus this title is generally spoken of as _title by prescription_. what lapse of time is requisite to found a valid title by prescription has not been definitely settled. the law of nature suggests no rule. where, however, the claimant cannot allege undoubted ignorance on his part, or on the part of those from whom he derives his right, or cannot justify his silence by lawful and substantial reasons, or has neglected his right for a sufficient number of years as to allow the respective rights of the two parties to become doubtful, the presumption of relinquishment will be established against him, and he will be excluded by ordinary prescription. lapse of time, in the case equally of nations as of individuals, robs the parties of the means of proof: so that if a _bonâ fide_ possession were allowed to be questioned by those who have acquiesced for a long time in its enjoyment by the possessors, length of possession, instead of strengthening, would weaken territorial title. this result would be so generally inconvenient, as to be inadmissible. thus, in regard to the territories of the hudson's bay company, it was alleged in the negotiations preliminary to the treaty of utrecht, that the french had acquiesced in the settlement of the bay of hudson by the company incorporated by charles ii. in ; since m. fontenac, the governor of canada, in his correspondence with mr. baily, who was governor of the factories in , never complained, "for several years, of any pretended injury done to the french by the said company's settling a trade and building of forts at the bottom of the bay." (general collection of treaties, &c. london, - , vol. i., p. .) the king of england, it is true, in his charter had set forth the title of the british crown, as founded on discovery: the title by discovery, however, required to be perfected by settlement; and thus, in the negotiations, the subsidiary title by settlement was likewise set up by the british commissioners, and the acquiescence of the french was alleged, either as a bar to their setting up any conflicting title by discovery, or as establishing the presumption of their having abandoned their asserted right of discovery. what amount of _contiguous_ territory attaches to a settlement, so as to prevent the titles of two nations from conflicting by virtue of adjoining settlements, seems to be governed by no fixed rule, but must depend on the circumstances of the case. vattel observes (l. ii., § ,) "if, at the same time, two or more nations discover and take possession of an island, or _any other desert land without an owner_, they ought to agree between themselves, and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and the domain in the parts in which they first settled." the title of _vicinitas_ was recognised in the roman law, in the case of recent alluvial deposits, as entitling the possessor of the adjoining bank to a claim of property; but, if it were an island formed in the mid-channel, there was a common title to it in the proprietors of the two banks. "insula nata in flumine, quod frequenter accidit, si quidem mediam partem fluminis tenet, communis est eorum, qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam prædia possident, pro modo latitudinis cujusque fundi, quæ latitudo prope ripam sit: quod si alteri parti proximior est, eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam prædia possident." (inst. ii., tit. i., § .) so, in the case where a river abandons its former channel, the ancient bed belongs to those "qui prope ripam prædia possident;" and in the digest (xli., tit. i., l. ,) we have a case supposed where a river has changed its course, and occupied for a time the entire property (totum agrum) of an individual, and then deserted its new channel: the roman law did not consider that, strictly speaking, the title of the former proprietor revived, inasmuch as he had no adjoining land. "cujus tamen _totum agrum_ novus alveus occupaverit, licet ad priorem alveum reversum fuerit flumen; non tamen is, cujus is ager fuerat, stricta ratione quicquam in eo alveo habere potest: quia et ille ager, qui fuerat, desiit esse, amissâ propriâ formâ: et quia vicinum prædium nullum habet, non potest _ratione vicinitatis_ ullam partem in eo alveo habere." again, in the case of a river, the banks of which are possessed by contiguous states, the presumption of law is, that the _thalweg_, or mid-channel, is the mutual boundary; since rivers are, in the case of conterminous states, _communis juris_, unless acknowledged by them to be otherwise, or prescribed for by one of the parties. "the general presumption," observes lord stowell, (in the twee gebroeders, rob., p. ,) "certainly bears strongly against such exclusive rights, and the title is matter to be established on the part of those claiming under it, in the same manner as all other demands are to be substantiated, by clear and competent evidence." a title by contiguity, as between conterminous states, would thus appear to be a reciprocal title: it cannot be advanced by one party, excepting as a principle which sanctions a corresponding right in the other. the practice is in accordance with this. thus, the united states of america, in its discussions with spain respecting the western boundary of louisiana, contended, that "whenever one european nation makes a discovery, and takes possession of any portion of that continent (sc., of america,) and another afterwards does the same at some distance from it, where the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned, (sc., actual possession of the sea-coast,) the middle distance becomes such of course." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) circumstances however will sometimes create exceptions, as for instance, where the control of a district left unoccupied is necessary for the security of a state, and not essential to that of another: in this case the principle of _vicinitas_ would be overruled by higher considerations, as it would interfere with the perfect enjoyment of existing rights of established domain. thus vattel, l. i., § . "a nation may appropriate to herself those things of which the free and common use would be prejudicial or dangerous to her. this is a second reason for which governments extend their dominion over the sea along their coasts, as far as they are able to protect their rights. it is of considerable importance to the safety and welfare of the state that a general liberty be not allowed to all comers to approach so near their possessions, especially with ships of war, as to hinder the approach of trading nations, and molest their navigation." and again, after stating that it was not easy to determine strictly the limits of this right, he goes on to say: "each state may, on this head, make what regulation it pleases so far as respects the transactions of the citizens with each other, or their concerns with their sovereign, but, between nation and nation, all that can reasonably be said is, that in general, the dominion of the state over the neighboring sea extends as far as her safety _renders it necessary_ and her power is able to assert it; since on the one hand she cannot appropriate to herself a thing that is common to all mankind, such as the sea, except so far as she _has need of it for some lawful end_, and on the other, it would be a vain and ridiculous pretension to claim a right which she were wholly unable to assert." at present, by the general law of nations, the possession of the coast is held to entitle a nation to exclusive jurisdiction over the adjoining seas to the extent of a marine league, as being necessary for the free execution of her own municipal laws, and as being within the limits which she can command by her cannon. on the ground then of her own right of self-preservation, a nation which has made a settlement may possess a perfect right of excluding other nations from settling within a given distance. this right, however, is evidently an accessory of the right of settlement. a further accessorial right of settlement has, in modern times, been recognised by the practice of civilised nations in both hemispheres, namely, a right of pre-emption from the aboriginal inhabitants in favor of the nation which has actually settled in the country. it is this right which great britain asserts against all other civilised nations in respect to new zealand, and which the united states of america assert against all other civilised nations in respect to the native indians. the claim involved in it is evidently based upon the principle, that the acquisition of such territory by any other nation would be prejudicial to the full enjoyment of the existing territorial rights of the nation which has made settlement there. such seems to be the only recognised ground upon which a _perfect right of contiguity_ can be set up. the principle of mere vicinity in the case of nations, unless strictly limited, will only result in furnishing a graceful pretext for the encroachments of the strong upon the weak, whenever a powerful state should cast a longing eye upon an adjoining district, and feel a natural inclination to render its own possessions more complete: oh si angulus ille proximus accedat, qui nunc deformat agellum. the right of _innocent use_ seems to have been admitted into the code of international law in order to obviate the strength of this temptation, but it is only an imperfect right, unlike that of necessity, and all attempts to construct a title upon principles of convenience can result only in imperfect titles, which require the express acknowledgment of other nations to give them validity. chapter x. on derivative title. title by conquest.--title by convention.--vattel--martens.--wheaton.--the practice of nations.--united states.--great britain.--kent's commentaries.--mixed conventions.--the fisheries of newfoundland.--treaty of paris.--distinction between rights and liberties.--permanent servitude.--negotiations in .--mr. adams' argument.--lord bathurst's letter.--mr. adams' reply.--convention of . derivative title may result from involuntary or voluntary cession (_traditio._) involuntary cession takes place when a nation vanquished in war abandons its territory to the conqueror who has seized it. voluntary cession, on the other hand, is marked by some compact or convention; its object may be either to prevent a war, or to cement a peace. the repeated occurrence of such voluntary cessions in later times, has led the chief writers on international law to make a distinction accordingly between transitory conventions, which mark such cessions, and treaties properly so called. vattel, b. xi., ch. xii., § , lays it down that,-- "the compacts which have temporary matters for their object are called agreements, conventions, and pactions. they are accomplished by one single act, and not by repeated acts. these compacts are perfected in their execution once for all; treaties receive a successive execution, whose duration equals that of the treaty." martens, § , to the same effect observes,-- "les traités de cession, de limites, d'échange, et ceux même qui constituent une servitude de droit public, ont la nature des conventions transitoires; les traités d'amitié, de commerce, de navigation, les alliances égales et inégales, ont celle des traités proprement dits (_fædera._) "les conventions transitoires sont perpétuelles par la nature de la chose." (§ .) mr. wheaton, part iii., c. , follows in the same line:-- "general compacts between nations may be divided into what are called transitory conventions, and treaties properly so called. the first are perpetual in their nature, so that being carried into effect, they subsist independent of any change in the sovereignty and form of government of the contracting parties; and although their operation may in some cases be suspended during war, they revive on the return of peace without any express stipulation. such are treaties of cession, boundary, or exchange of territory, or those which create a permanent servitude in favor of one nation within the territory of another." if we look to the practice of nations, we find that the tribunals of the united states, equally with those of great britain, maintain this doctrine. thus in the case of the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts v. town of newhaven, in wheaton's reports of cases adjudged in the supreme court of the united states, feb. , vol. viii., p. , mr. justice washington, in delivering judgment for the plaintiffs, said, "but we are not inclined to admit the doctrine urged at the bar, that treaties become extinguished, ipso facto, by war between the two governments, unless they should be revived by an express or implied renewal on the return of peace. whatever may be the latitude of doctrine laid down by elementary writers on the law of nations, dealing in general terms in relation to this subject, we are satisfied that the doctrine contended for is not universally true. there may be treaties of such a nature, as to their object and import, as that war will put an end to them; but where treaties contemplate a permanent arrangement of territorial and other national rights, or which, in their terms, are meant to provide for the event of an intervening war, it would be against every principle of just interpretation to hold them extinguished by the event of the war. if such were the law, even the treaty of , so far as it fixed our limits, and acknowledged our independence, would be gone, and we should have had again to struggle for both upon original revolutionary principles. such a construction was never asserted, and would be so monstrous as to supersede all reasoning. "we think, therefore, that treaties stipulating for permanent rights and general arrangements, and professing to aim at perpetuity, and to deal with the case of war as well as of peace, do not cease on the occurrence of war, but are at most only suspended while it lasts; and unless they are waived by the parties, or new and repugnant stipulations are made, they revive in their operation at the return of peace." in the case of sutton v. sutton, russell and mylne, p. , which was decided by sir j. leach, in the rolls court in london, in , a question was raised whether by the ninth article of the treaty of , between great britain and the united states, american citizens who held lands in great britain on oct. , , and their heirs and assigns, are at all times to be considered, as far as regards those lands, not as aliens, but as native subjects of great britain. the th article of the treaty declared that the ten first articles should be permanent, but the counsel in support of the objection to the title contended, that "it was impossible to suggest that the treaty was continuing in force in ; it necessarily ceased with the commencement of the war. the g. , c. , could not continue in operation a moment longer without violating the plainest words of the act. that the word 'permanent' was used, not as synonymous with 'perpetual or everlasting,' but in opposition to a period of time expressly limited." on the other hand, the counsel in support of the title maintained that "the treaty contained articles of two different descriptions; some of them being temporary, others of perpetual obligation. of those which were temporary, some were to last for a limited period; such as the various regulations concerning trade and navigation; and some were to continue so long as peace subsisted, but being inconsistent with a state of war, would necessarily expire with the commencement of hostilities. there were other stipulations which were to remain in force in all time to come, unaffected by the contingency of peace or war. for instance, there are clauses for fixing the boundaries of the united states. were the boundaries so fixed to cease to be the boundaries, the moment that hostilities broke out?" the master of the rolls, in his judgment, said, "the privileges of natives being reciprocally given, not only to the actual possessors of lands, but to their heirs and assigns, it is a reasonable construction that it was the intention of the treaty, _that the operation of the treaty should be permanent_, and not depend upon the continuance of a state of peace." "the act of the g. , c. , gives full effect to this article of the treaty in the strongest and clearest terms; and if it be, as i consider it, the true construction of this article, that it was to be permanent, and independent of a state of peace or war, then the act of parliament must be held in the th section, to declare this permanency, and when a subsequent section provides that the act is to continue in force, so long only as a state of peace shall subsist, it cannot be construed to be directly repugnant and opposed to the th section, but is to be understood as referring to such provisions of the act only as would in their nature depend upon a state of peace." the third article, however, of the treaty of , which may be referred to in martens' recueil, ii., p. , was of a mixed character, as it recognised a right of one kind, and conceded a liberty of another kind. "it is agreed, that the people of the united states shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, the _right_ to take fish of every kind on the grand bank, and on other banks of newfoundland; also, in the gulf of st. lawrence and all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of both countries used, at any time heretofore, to fish. and also, that the inhabitants of the united states shall have _liberty_ to take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of newfoundland as british fishermen shall use, (but not to dry or cure the same on that island) and also on the coasts, bays, and creeks of all other of _her britannic majesty's dominions_ in america; and that the american fishermen shall have _liberty_ to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbors, and creeks of nova scotia, magdalen islands, and labrador, _so long as the same shall remain unsettled_; but so soon as the same, or either of them, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish _at such settlements_ without a previous agreement for that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground." that the grant of this liberty to american fishermen to take fish on portions of the coast of his britannic majesty's dominions, and to dry and cure their fish unconditionally on certain districts not yet settled, subject however to conditions when such districts should become settled, was a provision of a distinct character from the recognition of their right to fish in certain seas and gulfs hitherto open to both parties--was to be presumed both from the terms of the provisions being distinct from each other, and from the nature of the things themselves, as the liberties were to be enjoyed within his britannic majesty's dominions, the right was to be exercised in the seas and gulfs, over which his britannic majesty claimed no exclusive sovereignty. the principle established by these two cases seems to be this,--that where a convention in its terms contemplates a permanent arrangement of territorial or other national right, the continuance of which would not be inconsistent with a state of war, it will not expire with the commencement of hostilities, though its operation may in certain cases be suspended till the return of peace. hence indeed, conventions, by which a right is recognised, are no sooner executed than they are completed and perfected. if they are valid, they have in their own nature a perpetual and irrevocable effect. to use the words of vattel, "as soon as a right is transferred by lawful convention, it no longer belongs to the state that has ceded it: the affair is concluded and terminated." to the same effect judge kent, the blackstone of the united states, in his commentaries upon american law, (vol. i., p. ,) adopts almost word for word the judgment of the supreme court:--"where treaties contemplate a permanent arrangement of national rights, or which by their terms are meant to provide for the event of an intervening war, it would be against every principle of just interpretation to hold them extinguished by the event of war. they revive at peace, unless waived, or new and repugnant stipulations be made." discussions, however, and disputes have not unfrequently arisen as to the character of certain conventions, from the circumstance that on occasions where rights have been recognised, liberties or favors have been conceded in other articles of the same agreement. to this effect martens (§ ) observes, "cette distinction entre les conventions transitoires et les traités serait encore plus importante, si nombre des traités, et nommément les traités de paix, n'étaient pas composés d'articles de l'un et de l'autre genre, [mixtes,] ce qui met dela difficulté dans l'application des principes énoncés." a striking illustration of this observation of m. martens may be found in the discussions which took place between the governments of the united states and great britain in respect to the fisheries on the banks of newfoundland, after the treaty of ghent. by the first article of the treaty signed at paris in , between great britain and the united states of america, his britannic majesty had acknowledged the said united states [fourteen in number as specified] to be free, sovereign, and independent states. this article then contained _the recognition of a right once and for all_; and as the main and principal object of the treaty was the recognition of the independence of the united states, this treaty may justly be classed amongst transitory conventions, which are completed and perfected as soon as executed. another question, however, might obviously be raised in case of a war,--whether the words of the article created what martens designates "une servitude de droit public," and what mr. wheaton speaks of as "a permanent servitude in favor of one nation within the territory of another," which from the nature of the thing would be suspended during the war, but would revive on the restoration of peace, or whether they merely conceded a favor, the duration of which would be subject to the continuance of peaceful relations between the two states, so that the obligation would cease with the breaking out of war. in the negotiations which took place in between the two governments [british and foreign state papers, - ,] mr. adams, on the part of the united states, contended that the treaty of was not one of those, "which, by the common understanding and usage of civilized nations, is or can be considered as annulled by a subsequent war between the same parties. to suppose that it is, would imply the inconsistency and absurdity of a sovereign and independent state liable to forfeit its right of sovereignty, by the act of exercising it in a declaration of war. but the very words of the treaty attest, that the sovereignty and independence of the united states were not considered or understood as grants from his majesty. they were taken and expressed as existing before the treaty was made, and as then only first formally recognized and acknowledged by great britain. "precisely of the same nature were the rights and liberties in the fisheries to which i now refer. they were in no respect grants from the king of great britain to the united states; but the acknowledgment of them, as rights and liberties enjoyed before the separation of the two countries, which it was mutually agreed should continue to be enjoyed under the new relations which were to subsist between them, constituted the essence of the article concerning the fisheries. the very peculiarity of the stipulation is an evidence that it was not, on either side, understood or intended as a grant from one sovereign state to another. had it been so understood, neither could the united states have claimed, nor would great britain have granted gratuitously, any such concession. there was nothing either in the state of things or in the disposition of the parties which could have led to such a stipulation, as on the ground of a grant, without an equivalent by great britain." lord bathurst's letter of october , , to mr. adams, contains a full exposition of the doctrine maintained by great britain. it is worthy of perusal in full, but, as its great length precludes its insertion on the present occasion, the passages have been selected which bear most closely on the question. "the minister of the united states appears, by his letter, to be well aware that great britain has always considered the liberty formerly enjoyed by the united states, of fishing within british limits, and using british territories, as derived from the third article of the treaty of , and from that alone; and that the claim of an independent state to occupy and use, at its discretion, any portion of the territory of another, without compensation or corresponding indulgence, cannot rest on any other foundation than conventional stipulation. it is unnecessary to enquire into the motives which might have originally influenced great britain in conceding such liberties to the united states; or whether other articles of the treaty wherein these liberties are specified, did, or did not, in fact afford an equivalent for them; because all stipulations profess to be founded on equivalent advantages and mutual convenience. if the united states derived from that treaty privileges from which other independent nations, not admitted by treaty, were excluded, the duration of the privileges must depend on the duration of the instrument by which they were granted; and, if the war abrogated the treaty, it determined the privileges. it has been urged, indeed, on the part of the united states, that the treaty of was of a peculiar character; and that, because it contained a recognition of american independence, it could not be abrogated by a subsequent war between the parties. to a position of this novel nature, great britain cannot accede. she knows of no exception to the rule, that all treaties are put an end to by a subsequent war between the same parties; she cannot, therefore, consent to give to her diplomatic relations with one state, a different degree of permanency from that on which her connection with all other states depends. nor can she consider any one state at liberty to assign to a treaty made with her, such a peculiarity of character as shall make it, as to duration, an exception to all other treaties, in order to found, on a peculiarity thus assumed, an irrevocable title to indulgences, which have all the features of temporary concessions." * * * * * "_it is by no means unusual for treaties containing recognitions and acknowledgments of title, in the nature of perpetual obligation, to contain, likewise, grants of privileges liable to revocation._ the treaty of , like many others, contained provisions of different characters, some in their own nature irrevocable, and others of a temporary nature. if it be thence inferred, that, because some advantages specified in a treaty could not be put an end to by the war, therefore all the other advantages were intended to be equally permanent, it must first be shown that the advantages themselves are of the same, or, at least, of a similar character: for the character of one advantage recognised or conceded by treaty, can have no connection with the character of another, though conceded by the same instrument, unless it arises out of a strict and necessary connection between the advantages themselves. but what necessary connection can there be between a right to independence, and a liberty to fish within british jurisdiction, or to use british territory? liberties within british limits are as capable of being exercised by a dependent, as an independent state, and cannot therefore be the necessary consequences of independence. "the independence of a state is that which cannot be correctly said to be granted by a treaty but to be acknowledged by one. in the treaty of , the independence of the united states was certainly acknowledged; but it had been before acknowledged, not merely by the consent to make the treaty, but by the previous consent to enter into the provisional articles executed november, . the independence might have been acknowledged, without either the treaty or the provisional articles; but by whatever mode acknowledged the acknowledgment is, in its own nature, irrevocable. a power of revoking, or even modifying it, would be destructive of the thing itself; and, therefore, all such power is necessarily renounced, when the acknowledgment is made. the war could not put an end to it, for the reason justly assigned by the american minister, because a nation cannot forfeit its sovereignty by the act of exercising it; and for the further reason that great britain, when she declared war on her part against the united states, gave them by that very act a new recognition of their independence. "the nature of the liberty to fish within british limits, or to use british territory, is essentially different from the right to independence, in all that may reasonably be supposed to regard its intended duration. the grant of this liberty has all the aspect of a policy temporary and experimental, depending upon the use that might be made of it, on the condition of the islands and places where it was to be exercised, and the more general conveniences or inconveniences, in a military, naval, or commercial point of view, resulting from the access of an independent nation to such islands and places. when, therefore, great britain, admitting the independence of the united states, denies their rights to the liberties for which they now contend, it is not that she selects from the treaty articles or parts of articles, and says, at her own will, this stipulation is liable to forfeiture by war, and that is irrevocable; but the principle of her reasoning is, that such distinctions arise out of the provisions themselves, and are founded on the very nature of the grants. but the rights acknowledged by the treaty of are not only distinguishable from the liberties conceded by the same treaty in the foundation upon which they stand, but they are carefully distinguished in the treaty of itself. "the undersigned begs to call the attention of the american minister to the wording of the st and nd articles, to which he has often referred for the foundation of his arguments. in the st article, great britain acknowledges an independence already expressly recognised by other powers of europe, and by herself, in her consent to enter into provisional articles, of nov. . in the rd article great britain acknowledges the _right_ of the united states to take fish on the banks of newfoundland, and other places, from which great britain had no right to exclude any independent nation. but they are to have the _liberty_ to take fish on the coasts of his majesty's dominions in america, and _liberty_ to cure and dry them in certain unsettled places within his majesty's territory. if these liberties, thus granted, were to be as perpetual and indefeasible as the rights previously recognized, it is difficult to conceive that the plenipotentiaries of the united states would have admitted a variation of language so adapted to produce a different impression, and above all, that they should have admitted so strange a restriction of a perpetual and indefeasible right, as that with which the article concludes, which leaves a right, so practical and so beneficial as this is admitted to be, dependent on the will of british subjects, in their character of inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the soil, to prohibit its exercise altogether. "it is clearly obvious that the word _right_ is, throughout the treaty, used as applicable to what the united states were to enjoy in virtue of a recognized independence, and the word _liberty_ to what they were to enjoy, as concessions strictly dependent on the treaty itself." mr. adams, in his reply to viscount castlereagh, of jan. , , having explicitly "disavowed every pretence of claiming for the diplomatic relations between the united states and great britain a degree of permanency different from that of the same relations between either of the parties and all other powers," goes on to state, "the undersigned believes that there are many exceptions to the rule by which treaties between nations are mutually considered as terminated by the intervention of war; that these exceptions extend to the engagements contracted, with the understanding that they are to operate equally in war and peace, or exclusively during war: to all engagements by which the parties superadd the sanction of a formal compact to principles dictated by the eternal laws of morality and humanity; and finally to all engagements which, according to the expression of lord bathurst's note, are in the nature of a perpetual obligation. to the first and second of these classes may be referred the th article of the treaty of , and all treaties or articles of treaties stipulating the abolition of the slave-trade. the treaty of peace of belongs to the third." "the reasoning of lord bathurst's note seems to confine this perpetuity of obligation to recognitions and acknowledgments of title; and to consider its perpetual nature as resulting from the subject matter of the contract, and not from the engagement of the contractor. whilst great britain leaves the united states unmolested in the enjoyment of all the advantages, rights, and liberties, stipulated in their behalf in the treaty of , it is immaterial to them whether she founds her conduct upon the mere fact that the united states are in possession of such rights, or whether she is governed by good faith and respect for her own engagements. but if she contests any one of them, it is to her engagements only that the united states can appeal as to the rule for settling the question of right. if this appeal be rejected, it ceases to be a discussion of right, and this observation applies as strongly to the recognition of independence, and to the boundary line, in the treaty of , as to the fisheries. it is truly observed by lord bathurst, that in that treaty the independence of the united states was not granted, but acknowledged. he adds, that it might have been acknowledged without any treaty, and that the acknowledgment, in whatever mode made, would have been irrevocable. but the independence of the united states was precisely the question upon which a previous war between them and great britain had been waged. other nations might acknowledge their independence without a treaty, because they had no right, or claim of right, to contest it: but this acknowledgment, to be binding upon great britain, could have been made only by treaty, because it included the dissolution of one social compact between the parties, as well as the formation of another. peace could exist between the two nations only by the mutual pledge of faith to the new social relations established between them, and hence it was that the stipulations of that treaty were in the nature of perpetual obligation, and not liable to be forfeited by a subsequent war, or by any declaration of the will of either party without the assent of the other." mr. adams then proceeds to discuss the variation in the employment of the terms _right_ and _liberty_, considering the former to import an advantage to be enjoyed in a place of common jurisdiction, the latter to refer to the same advantage, incidentally leading to the borders of a special jurisdiction. that the term _right_ was used as applicable to what the united states were to enjoy in virtue of a recognised independence, and the word _liberty_ to what they were to enjoy as concessions strictly dependent on the treaty itself, he declined to admit, as a construction altogether unfounded. he further contended, that "the restriction at the close of the article was itself a confirmation of the permanency of every part of the article," for that, "upon the common and equitable rule of construction for treaties, the expression of one restriction implies the exclusion of all others not expressed; and thus the very limitation, which looks forward to the time when the unsettled deserts should become inhabited, to modify the enjoyment of the same liberty, conformably to the change of circumstances, corroborates the conclusion that the whole purport of the compact was permanent and not temporary." the documents from which these extracts have been made will well repay a perusal of them in full, both from the importance of the principles which are therein discussed, and from the ability with which the discussion was conducted on both sides. the result of the negotiations was the conclusion of the convention of october , , by which the liberty to take and cure fish on certain parts of the british american coasts, so long as they remained unsettled was secured to the citizens of the united states, in common with british subjects "_for ever_." it appears to have been admitted by both parties to this negotiation, that treaties do sometimes contain acknowledgments in the nature of a perpetual obligation: the point at issue between them seems to have been, whether the provisions of a convention could ever be considered as of a mixed character, some of which would be terminable by war, whilst others were irrevocable; and whether the nature of the thing acknowledged determined the character of the provision, or the engagement of a treaty gave permanence to the obligation. it seems to have been implied by the insertion of the words "for ever," in the first article of the convention of , that if the permanent character of the thing recognised is not beyond dispute, the words of the convention must be express, in order to give to the engagements of it the nature of a perpetual obligation. on the other hand, both parties admitted that recognitions of territorial title were of perpetual obligation; they differed as to the grounds: the british commissioner deriving the obligation from the nature of the thing recognised, the plenipotentiary of the united states from the fact of its having been recognised by a convention. chapter xi. negotiation between the united states and great britain in . treaty of ghent, .--negotiations respecting the restoration of fort george.--the united states replaced in possession of the post at the mouth of the columbia river.--general negotiations in london, in .--proposal on the part of the united states.--convention of .--no exclusive claim on either side.--western boundary of the united states by the treaty of .--treaty of .--sources of the mississippi in ° '.--convention of , respecting the boundary, not ratified.--president jefferson's letter.--cession of louisiana to the united states.--convention of .--first allusion to the country west of the rocky mountains.--convention not ratified by the united states.--boundary line according to the treaty of utrecht.--opinion of mr. greenhow.--anderson's history of commerce.--treaty of ryswick.--limits of canada, as surrendered to great britain.--difficulty of boundary treaties from incorrect maps.--treaty of . the treaty of ghent, between great britain and the united states of america, was signed on the th of december , and it was agreed in the first article, "that all territory, places, and possessions whatsoever taken by either party from the other during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned [in the bay of passamaquoddy,] shall be restored without delay." by virtue of this article, mr. monroe, the secretary of state at washington, wrote to mr. baker, the british chargé d'affaires, on july , , to inform him that measures would be taken by the united states to occupy without delay the post on the columbia river, which a british expedition had succeeded in taking possession of during the war, as not being within the exception stipulated. [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] to this communication an indecisive reply was made by mr. baker, and the affair was allowed to rest till , when it appears that the united states despatched the ontario sloop of war to resume possession of this post, without giving previous notice to mr. bagot, the british minister at washington. this led to an inquiry on the part of mr. bagot, relative to the destination of the ontario, and the object of her voyage, and to a statement from him, that "the post in question had not been captured during the late war, but that the americans had retired from it under an agreement made with the north-west company, who had purchased their effects, and who had ever since retained peaceable possession of the coast." he further observed, that no claim for the restitution of this post could be grounded upon the first article of the treaty of ghent, and that "the territory itself was early taken possession of in his majesty's name, and has been since considered as forming a part of his majesty's dominions." the discussion was soon afterwards transferred to london, when, in february , lord castlereagh intimated his regret that no notice of the expedition of the ontario should have been given to the british minister at washington, great britain having a claim of dominion over the territory in question. it was the desire, however, he said, of the british government, that the claim of title to this post should go before commissioners for arbitration. mr. rush, the minister of the united states, was authorised to state that the omission to give notice of the ontario's departure to mr. bagot, was entirely owing to the accident of the president being absent from the seat of government, but that it had been concluded from mr. baker's communications that no authorised english establishment existed at the place, and "as they intimated no question whatever of the title of the united states to the settlement, which existed there before the late war, it did not occur that any such question had since arisen, which could make it an object of interest to great britain." mr. adams, in the course of his subsequent instructions to mr. rush, in his letter of may , , sets forth very clearly and fully the pretensions of the united states. "as it was not anticipated that any disposition existed in the british government to start questions of title with us on the borders of the south sea, we could have no possible motive for reserve or concealment with regard to the expedition of the ontario. in suggesting these ideas to lord castlereagh, rather in conversation than in any formal manner, it may be proper to remark the minuteness of the present interests, either to great britain or to the united states, involved in this concern; and the unwillingness, for that reason, of this government, to include it among the objects of serious discussion with them. at the same time you might give him to understand, though not unless in a manner to avoid every thing offensive in the suggestion, that from the nature of things, if in the course of future events it should ever become an object of serious importance to the united states, it can scarcely be supposed that great britain would find it useful or advisable to resist their claim to possession by systematic opposition. if the united states leave her in undisturbed enjoyment of all her holds upon europe, asia, and africa, with all her actual possessions in this hemisphere, we may very fairly expect, that she will not think it inconsistent with a very wise or friendly policy, to watch with eyes of jealousy and alarm every possibility of extension to our natural dominion in north america, which she can have no solid interest to prevent, until all possibility of her preventing it shall have vanished." (state papers, - , p. .) lord castlereagh in the mean time had admitted to mr. rush, that in accordance with the principle of _statu quo_, which was the basis of the treaty of ghent, the united states had a right to be reinstated _and to be the party in possession whilst treating of the title_. in accordance with this view, orders were transmitted to the agents of the north-west company at fort george, and to the commodore of the british naval forces in the pacific, expressly in conformity to the first article of the treaty of ghent, to restore to the government of the united states, through its agent, mr. prevost, the settlement of fort george on the columbia river. a formal surrender of the post was, in consequence, made and accepted on the th of october, ; but the north-west company were still allowed to occupy it under the flag of the united states, pending the final decision of the right of sovereignty between the respective governments. great britain, in admitting the right of the united states to be the party in possession of fort george pending the discussion of the title to it, attached the most liberal interpretation to the treaty of ghent, and certainly gave to the united states, in all future discussions, the advantage of the presumption of law, on the ground of possession, as against great britain:--"commodum possidentis in eo est, quod etiamsi ejus res non sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non potuerit suam esse probare, remanet in suo loco possessio." but, beyond this, nothing was conceded. doubtless, in order to oust the united states, it would now be necessary for great britain to make out a perfect and exclusive title, which she does not attempt to set up, but the re-occupation of the post by the officers of the united states, expressly in conformity to the treaty of ghent, established nothing further than the fact that they were in the possession of it before the war broke out. in the mean time negotiations were being carried on in london for the settlement of various points at issue between the two governments--including the fisheries; the boundary line from the lake of the woods westwards; the settlement at the columbia river; the indemnification for slaves carried off from the united states; and the renewal of a treaty of commerce. it would appear from a letter addressed by messrs. gallatin and rush to mr. adams, in october , , that in the course of the above negotiations the british commissioners were altogether unwilling to agree to a boundary line, unless some arrangement was made with respect to the country westward of the stony mountains. "this induced us to propose an extension of the boundary line [as drawn along the th degree of north latitude, from the lake of the woods to the stony mountains,] due west to the pacific ocean. _we did not assert that the united states had a perfect right to that country, but insisted that their claim was at least good against great britain._ the th degree of north latitude had, in pursuance of the treaty of utrecht, been fixed indefinitely as the line between the northern british possessions and those of france, including louisiana, now a part of our territories. there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the same line should not be continued to the pacific ocean. so far as discovery gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters of the columbia river, was indisputable. it had derived its name from that of the american ship, commanded by captain gray, who had first discovered and entered its mouth. it was first explored from its sources to the ocean by lewis and clarke, and before the british traders from canada had reached any of its waters; for it was now ascertained that the river tacoutche-tesse, discovered by mackenzie, and which he had mistaken for the columbia, was not a branch of that river, but fell into the sound called 'the gulf of georgia.' the settlement at the place called astoria, was also the first permanent establishment made in that quarter. the british plenipotentiaries asserted that former voyages, and principally that of captain cook, gave to great britain the rights derived from discovery, and they alluded to purchases from the natives south of the river columbia, which they alleged to have been made prior to the american revolution. they did not make any formal proposition for a boundary, but intimated that the river itself was the most convenient that could be adopted, and that they would not agree to any that did not give them the harbour at the mouth of the river, in common with the united states." [state papers, - , p. .] these negotiations were brought to a close by the convention of october , , in which, however, nothing definitive was concluded in regard to the settlement on the columbia river. by the third article it is agreed, that "any such country as may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of america, on the continent of america westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from the date and signature of this treaty, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the last-mentioned country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country--the only object of the two high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves." [martens' nouveau recueil de traités, iv., p. .] thus much, however, may be considered to have been definitively recognized by the article just cited, that both parties had claims to territory west of the stony mountains, but not exclusive claims; it being implied, by the provision that the agreement should not be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country, that other powers might likewise have claims. by the previous article of this treaty, the object of the framers of the second article of the treaty of was at last accomplished. by that article it had been agreed, that the western boundary of the united states should be defined by a line "drawn from the most north-western point of the lake of the woods on a due west course to the river mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river mississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude." at the time, then, when gray crossed the bar of the columbia river in , and first entered the estuary of that river, there was no question about any title of the united states to territories west of the river mississippi. the boundaries were the atlantic ocean on the east, and the river mississippi on the west. the framers, however, of the second article of the treaty of , were ignorant of the true position of the sources of the mississippi. it was in consequence stipulated by the fourth article of the subsequent treaty of , that a "joint survey of the river from one degree below the falls of st. anthony, to the principal source or sources of the said river, and of the parts adjacent thereto," should be made; and if, on the result of the survey, it should appear that the river could not be intersected by the above-mentioned line, the parties were to regulate the boundary line by amicable negotiation, according to justice and mutual convenience, and in conformity to the intent of the treaty of . this joint survey never took effect. in , however, mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company determined the latitude of the sources of the mississippi to be in ° ', and thus it was definitively ascertained, that no line could be drawn due west from the north-western point of the lake of the woods, which is in latitude ° ', so as to meet the head-waters of the mississippi. in consequence, by a convention signed on the th of may , by mr. rufus king and lord hawkesbury, it was agreed that the boundary should be a line from the north-west corner of the lake of the woods by the shortest line, till it touched the river mississippi [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] it is to this treaty that president jefferson alludes in his letter of august , referred to by mr. pakenham, in his letter of september , :--"the boundaries [of louisiana] which i deem not admitting question, are the high lands on the western side of the mississippi, inclosing all its waters, [the missouri of course,] and terminating in the line drawn from the north-west point of the lake of the woods to the nearest source of the mississippi, _as lately settled_ between great britain and the united states." this treaty, however, was never ratified, most probably in consequence of the cession of louisiana to the united states, by the treaty signed at paris on the th april, ; as this cession gave to the united states the title which france had re-acquired from spain, by the treaty of st. ildefonso in , to the western bank of the mississippi. in consequence, we find that in a convention concluded at london between messrs. monroe and pinckney, and the lords holland and auckland, in , it was agreed by the fifth article, "that a line drawn due north or south [as the case may require,] from the most north-western point of the lake of the woods, until it shall intersect the th parallel of north latitude, and from the point of such intersection due west, along and with the said parallel, shall be the dividing line between his majesty's territories and those of the united states, to the westward of the said lake, as far as their said respective territories extend in that quarter; and that the said line shall, to that extent, form the southern boundaries of his majesty's said territories, and the northern boundary of the said territories of the united states; provided that nothing in the present article shall be construed to extend to the north-west coast of america or to the territories belonging to or claimed by either party on the continent of america to the westward of the stony mountains." (martens' recueil des traités, viii., p. .) this was the first notice of any claim on the part of the united states to territory west of the rocky mountains: it may be presumed that the acquisition of the western bank of the mississippi formed the ostensible basis of her claim, as on that ground the expedition of lewis and clarke had been despatched in the preceding year to follow up the missouri to its source, and thence to trace down to the pacific ocean the most direct and practicable water-communication for the purposes of commerce. it may be observed, that the arrangement contemplated by this fifth article was highly favourable to the united states, as their acquired title to louisiana would not strictly have entitled them to any territory north of the mississippi. this convention, however was never ratified by the united states, on account of the absence of any provisions to restrain the impressment of british sailors serving on board of american ships. (schoell, histoire des traités de paix, ch. .) mr. greenhow, (p. ,) in alluding to the negotiations antecedent to this convention, states that mr. monroe, on the part of the united states, proposed to lord harrowby the th parallel of latitude, upon the grounds that this parallel had been adopted and definitively settled, by commissaries appointed agreeably to the tenth article of the treaty concluded at utrecht in , as the dividing line between the french possessions of western canada and louisiana on the south, and the british territories of hudson's bay on the north; and that this treaty, having been specially confirmed in the treaty of , by which canada and the part of louisiana east of the mississippi and iberville were ceded to great britain, the remainder of louisiana continued as before, bounded on the north by the th parallel. the same fact was alleged by the commissioners of the united states, in their negotiations with spain in , respecting the western boundary of louisiana. (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) he further goes on to state, that there is every reason to believe, that though commissioners were appointed, in accordance with the treaty, for the purpose of determining the boundaries between the french and british possessions, they never executed their task, and that no line was ever definitely adopted by the two governments. this opinion of mr. greenhow seems to be fully supported by the proofs and illustrations annexed in his appendix, but his mode of stating the substance of the tenth article of the treaty of utrecht is calculated to mislead his readers into supposing, that the northern boundary of louisiana was under discussion when that article was signed. on the contrary, the words of the article were as follow:--"but it is agreed on both sides, to determine within a year, by commissaries to be forthwith named by each party, the limits which are to be fixed between the said bay of hudson and _the places appertaining to the french_; which limits both the british and french subjects shall be wholly forbid to pass over, or thereby go to each other by sea or by land. the same commissaries shall also have orders to describe and settle in like manner the boundaries between the _other_ british and french colonies in those parts." on this article mr. anderson, in his history of commerce, published in , vol. iii., p. , observes, under the events of the year :--"although the french king yielded to the queen of great britain, to be possessed by her in full right for ever, the bay and straits of hudson, and all parts thereof, and within the same, then possessed by france; yet the leaving the _boundaries between hudson's bay and the north parts of canada, belonging to france_, to be determined by commissaries within a year, was, in effect, the same thing as giving up the point altogether, it being well known to all europe, that france never permits her commissaries to determine matters referred to such, unless it can be done with great advantage to her. _those boundaries_ therefore _have never yet been settled_, although both british and french subjects are by that article expressly debarred from passing over the same, or merely to go to each other by sea or land." the object of the tenth article of the treaty of utrecht was to secure to the hudson's bay company the restoration of the forts and other possessions of which they had been deprived at various times by french expeditions from canada, and of which some had been yielded to france by the seventh article of the treaty of ryswick. by this latter treaty louis xiv. had at last recognised william iii. as king of great britain and ireland, and william in return had consented that the principle of _ubi possidetis_ should be the basis of the negotiations between the two crowns. by the tenth article, however, of the treaty of utrecht, the french king agreed to restore to the queen (anne) of great britain, "to be possessed in full right for ever, the bay and straits of hudson, together with all lands, seas, sea coasts, rivers and places situate in the said bay and straits, and which belong thereto, no tracts of land or sea being excepted, which are at present possessed by the subjects of france." the only question therefore for commissaries to settle, were the limits of the bay and straits of hudson, _coastwards_, on the side of the french province of canada, as all the country drained by streams entering into the bay and straits of hudson were by the terms of the treaty recognised to be part of the possessions of great britain. if the coast boundary, therefore, was once understood by the parties, the head waters of the streams that empty themselves into the bay and straits of hudson indicate the line which at once satisfied the other conditions of the treaty. such a line, if commenced at the eastern extremity of the straits of hudson, would have swept along, through the sources of the streams flowing into the lake mistassinnie and abbitibis, the rainy lake, in ° ', which empties itself by the rainy river into the lake of the woods, the red lake, and lake travers. this last lake would have been the extreme southern limit, in about ° ', whence the line would have wound upward to the north-west, pursuing a serpentine course, and resting with its extremity upon the rocky mountains, at the southernmost source of the saskatchawan river, in about the th parallel of latitude. such would have been the boundary line between the french possessions and the hudson's bay district; and so we find that, in the limits of canada, assigned by the marquis de vaudreuil himself, when he surrendered the province to sir j. amherst, the red lake is the apex of the province of canada, or the point of departure from which, on the one side, the line is drawn to lake superior; on the other "follows a serpentine course southward to the river ouabache, or wabash, and along it to the junction with the ohio." this fact was insisted upon by the british government in their answer to the ultimatum of france, sent in on the st of september, ; and the map, which was presented on that occasion by mr. stanley, the british minister, embodying those limits, was assented to in the french memorial of the th of september. (historical memorial of the negotiations of france and england from march th to september th, . published at paris, by authority.) by the fourth article, however, of the treaty of , canada was ceded in full, with its dependencies, _including the illinois_; and the future line of demarcation between the territories of their britannic and christian majesties, on the continent of america, was, by the seventh article, irrevocably fixed to be drawn through the middle of the river mississippi, _from its source_ to the river iberville, and thence along the middle of the latter river and the lakes maurepas and pontchartrain to the sea. thenceforward the french territory in north america was confined to the western bank of the mississippi, and this was _the louisiana_ which was ceded by france to spain in , by virtue of the treaty secretly concluded in , but not promulgated till . there would have been no mistake as to the boundaries of louisiana, canada, and the hudson's bay territories, as long as they were defined to be the aggregate of the valleys watered by the rivers flowing into the gulf of mexico, the gulf of st. lawrence, and the bay of hudson respectively. the difficulty in executing the provisions of boundary treaties in america, has arisen chiefly from adopting the data which incorrect maps have furnished, to which there has been nothing in nature corresponding, and from agreeing to certain parallels of latitude, as appearing from those maps to form good natural frontiers, but which have been found upon actual survey to frustrate the intentions of both parties. the relative positions of the lake of the woods, the red lake, and the northernmost source of the mississippi, were evidently not understood by the parties to the d article of the treaty of , when it was proposed to continue a line from the northwestern point of lake superior through the long lake, and thence to the lake of the woods, and due west to the mississippi. in order to hit off the sources of the mississippi, which was the undoubted purport of the treaty, the line should have been drawn from the westernmost point of lake superior up the river st. louis, and thence it might have been carried due westward to the source of the mississippi in ° '. no definite substitute was proposed in the treaty of , which admitted the uncertain character of the proposed frontier; for even then the country had not been surveyed, and as neither of the conventions of nor was ratified by the united states, nor could the respective plenipotentiaries come to any agreement on the subject at the negotiation of the peace at ghent, the question remained unsettled, until it was at last arranged by the provisions of the d article of the convention of , that the boundary line agreed upon in should be the frontier westward as far the rocky mountains. if this view be correct of the boundary line of the hudson's bay territory, as settled by the treaty of utrecht, and of the western limit of canada, as expressed upon its surrender to great britain, it will be conclusive against the opinion that the french possessions ever extended indefinitely northwestward along the continent of north america. it should be kept in mind, that the treaty of utrecht was signed in the interval between the grant to crozat in and the charter of law's mississippi company in . by the former grant louisiana had been definitely limited to the head-waters of the mississippi and the missouri, and before the subsequent annexation of the illinois to the province of louisiana in , all the territory watered by the streams emptying themselves into the bay of hudson had been acknowledged by france to be part of the possessions of the crown of england. as then the hudson's bay territories were implied by that treaty to extend up to the red lake and lake travers, this would definitely bar the french title further north; but the declaration of the french authorities themselves, on the surrender of canada, that its boundary rested upon the red lake, will still more decisively negative the assertion that louisiana, after , extended "to the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada and new france," unless it can be shown that the illinois country extended to the west of the red lake, which was not the fact. this question, however, will be more fully discussed in the next chapter. chapter xii. on the limits of louisiana. hernando de soto discovers the mississippi, in .--british discoveries in and .--french expeditions.--de la salle, in .--settlement in the bay of st. bernard, in .--d'iberville, in .--charter of louis xiv. to crozat, in .--the illinois annexed, in , in the grant to law's mississippi company.--the treaty of paris, in .--secret treaty between france and spain.--louisiana ceded to spain, in .--retroceded to france, in , by the secret treaty of san ildefonso.--transferred by purchase to the united states, in .--discussions with spain as to the boundaries of louisiana.--grants by charter only valid against other nations upon principles recognised by the law of nations.--western boundaries of louisiana.--evidence of charters against the grantors.--conflict of titles between france and england on the ohio, between france and spain on the missouri.--title of great britain by treaties.--extent of new france westwardly.--escarbot's histoire de la nouvelle france.--map of .--jefferys' history of the french dominions in america.--questionable authority of maps. the spaniards are entitled to claim for their countryman hernando de soto and his followers the merit of having first discovered the river mississippi. about the same time that vasquez de coronado was despatched to explore the district which is supposed to correspond to the modern province of sonora, in search of the great city of cibola and the rich country of quivira, the viceroy mendoza granted a commission to soto for the discovery of florida, which at that time was the general name for the countries on the northern shores of the gulf of mexico. according to the spanish accounts, soto and his followers succeeded, in , in marching across the continent from apalache, to the great river (mississippi,) and thence penetrated as far west as the rio negro. soto himself, however, died at guachoya, and his companions, having committed the body of their leader in a hollow tree to the river, descended the mississippi in boats, and after a series of conflicts with the natives, succeeded in reaching the mexican gulf, under the guidance of luis de moscoso and juan de añasco. thence they continued their voyage westward along the coast until they arrived at panuco, which was the northernmost part of new spain, being within a few miles of the sea, a little higher up the river than the modern tampico. (herrera, decade iv., ch. vii. and x., british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) the spaniards, however, do not appear to have availed themselves of this discovery of the mouth of the mississippi for the purpose of settlement. on the other hand, the northern branches of the river appear to have been first explored by subjects of other powers than spain, in the latter portion of the seventeenth century. mr. greenhow (p. ) has inserted an extract from jefferys' history of the french dominions in america, published in , to the effect that "the mississippi, the chief of all the rivers of louisiana, which it divides almost into two equal parts, was discovered by colonel wood, who spent almost ten years, or from to , in searching its source, as also by captain bolt, in ." no further particulars are given by jefferys, but it may be observed that both the above persons were british subjects. in the year , the french government determined upon an expedition to explore the western parts of new france, and to discover, if possible, a road to penetrate to the spanish possessions in mexico. in consequence, louis xiv. issued letters patent to the sieur de la salle, to authorise him to execute this enterprise, which he commenced towards the end of the following year. it was not, however, till february , that he reached the river colbert or mississippi, by following the course of the illinois river. his voyage down the mississippi was accomplished by the th of april following, and on the th, la salle took formal possession, in the name of the french monarch, "of the country of louisiana, from the mouth of the great river st. louis, otherwise called ohio, on the eastern side, and also above the river colbert or mississippi, and the rivers which discharge themselves into it, from its source in the country of the kious or nadiouessious, as far as its mouth at the sea, or gulf of mexico;" and "upon the assurance which they had received from all the natives through whose country they had passed, that they were the first europeans who had descended or ascended the said river colbert, they hereby protested against all those who may in future undertake to invade any or all of these countries, people, or lands above described, to the prejudice of the right of his majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein named." the proces-verbal drawn up on this occasion, of which the above is an extract, which is preserved in the archives of the department of the marine at paris, was first published by mr. jared sparks of boston, the well-known author of the life of washington, and may be found most readily in mr. falconer's able treatise on the discovery of the mississippi. la salle, on his return to france, obtained authority to form a colony near the mouth of the mississippi, but in his voyage outwards he miscalculated his course, and reached the coast far to the westward of that river. here indeed, in , he established a settlement in the bay of st. bernard, called by him the bay of st. louis, which is supposed by some to have been matagorda bay, by others to have been the bay of espiritu santo. this colony met with great disasters; but the french government did not abandon its object, and in we find that the illustrious canadian d'iberville entered the mississippi, and established a settlement at about one hundred leagues from its mouth. before , many french settlements had been made on the banks of the great river, but it was not until that a royal charter was granted by the french king to antoine crozat, which is the earliest document relied upon to establish the limits of louisiana, and which mr. greenhow has inserted in his work, (p. .) "nous avons par ces présentes, signés de notre main, établi, et établissons ledit sieur crozat, pour faire seul le commerce dans toutes les terres par nous possédées, et bornées par le nouveau mexique, et par celles des anglais de la caroline, tous les établissemens, forts, havres, rivières, et principalement le port et havre de l'isle dauphine, appellée autrefois de massacre, le fleuve st. louis, autrefois appellée mississippy, depuis le bord de la mer jusqu'aux illinois, ensemble les rivières st. philippe, autrefois appellée des missourys, et st. hierosme, autrefois appellée ouabache, avec tous les pays, contrées, lacs dans les terres, et les rivières qui tombent directement ou indirectement dans cette partie du fleuve st. louis. voulons que les dites terres, contrées, fleuves, rivières et isles, soient et demeurent compris sous le nom du gouvernement de la louisiane, qui sera dependant du gouvernement général de la nouvelle france, auquel il demeurera subordonné; et voulons en outre que _toutes les terres que nous possédons, depuis les illinois, soient réunis_, en tant que besoin est, _au gouvernement général de la nouvelle france_, et en fassent partie: nous reservant néanmoins d'augmenter, si nous le jugeons à-propos, l'étendue du gouvernement du _dit pays de louisiane_." louisiana, it will be thus seen, according to this authoritative document of the french crown, was the country watered by the mississippi, and its tributary streams from the sea-shore to the illinois: such was the limitation affixed to the province by the french themselves; and, by the same public instrument, all the rest of the french possessions were united under the government of new france. it is true that the illinois was subsequently annexed to louisiana by a royal decree in , after crozat had relinquished his charter, and the whole region was granted to law's mississippi company; but the illinois were still spoken of as the illinois, and the district was not merged in louisiana, though it was annexed to that province, to give the company access to canada, in which the monopoly of the beaver-trade had been granted to them. it has been already observed, that the limits of the hudson's bay territories and french canada were settled by the peace of utrecht, in : one great object of that treaty was to provide against the commercial disputes of the subjects of the two crowns, which had led to a series of conflicts on the shores of hudson's bay; it was in furtherance of this object that the fur-trade of canada was now diverted from the st. lawrence to the mississippi, by this grant of the monopoly of the beaver-trade to the compagnie d'occident, and the annexation of the illinois country to louisiana. upon the surrender of canada to the british arms, considerable discussion arose as to the respective limits of the provinces of canada and louisiana. the british government insisted, as already stated, p. , on a line which would take in the river ouabache, as far as its junction with the ohio; and from thence along the ohio to the mississippi, the country to the south of the ohio being at this time either british possessions, as part of virginia, or occupied by indian tribes. in the course of these negotiations, the marquis de vaudreuil, who signed the surrender, published his own account of what passed between sir j. amherst and himself, of which he considered the english account to be incorrect. "on the officer showing me a map which he had in his hand, i told him the limits were not just, and verbally mentioned others, extending louisiana on one side to the carrying-place of the miamis, _which is the height of the lands whose rivers run in the ouabache_; and on the other to _the head of the river of the illinois_." [annual register, , p. .] even thus, then, all to the north of the illinois was admitted to be canada. however, the french government, in its memorial of the th september, , "agreed to cede canada in the most ample manner, and to admit the line on which england rested her demand, as, without doubt, the most extensive bound which can be given to the cession." in accordance with this we find that, by the seventh article of the treaty of paris, the french possessions were declared to be thenceforth limited by the mid-channel of the mississippi, from its source to the river iberville. the treaty of paris, however, has not furnished the only occasion upon which intricate discussions have arisen respecting the limits of louisiana. by a secret treaty with spain, made in , but not signed till , france ceded to her all the country known under the name of louisiana. this transfer, however, was not promulgated till , two years after the treaty of paris had been signed by france, spain, and great britain; nor did the spaniards obtain possession of the country till . from that time spain retained it till , when she retroceded it to france by the secret treaty of san ildefonso, in exchange for an augmentation of the territories of the duke of parma in italy. france, having thus been reinstated in possession of her ancient province, found she had unexpectedly given alarm and umbrage to the united states of america, and, in order to detach them from their disposition to unite with great britain, ceded it in full to the united states, in , for the sum of sixty thousand francs. this led to a protracted negotiation between the united states and spain, as to the limits of louisiana, on the side both of florida and mexico respectively; which, though commenced in , was not concluded till . the claims of the two states are discussed in full, in a correspondence which may be found in the british and foreign state papers for - , and - . the united states, in the course of these discussions, insisted upon the limits marked out in the letters patent which louis xiv. had granted to crozat, _on the authority of the discovery made, and of the possession taken_, by father hennepin in , and by la salle in . thus the validity of the title conveyed by the letters patent was sought to be grounded by the united states upon principles recognised by the law of nations. charters, by their own intrinsic force, can only bind those who are subject to the authority from which they emanate: against the subjects of other states they can only avail on the supposition that the title of the grantor is valid by the law of nations. thus the charter given by charles ii. to the hudson's bay company, granted to them, _by virtue of the discoveries_ made in those parts, all the lands, &c., within the entrance of the straits commonly called hudson's straits, "which _are not now actually possessed_ by any of our subjects, or _by the subjects of any other christian prince or state_;" and thus we find in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of utrecht, it was expressly urged in support of the british title to the territories of hudson's bay, "that mons. frontenac, then governor of canada, did not complain of any pretended injury done to france by the said company's settling a trade and building of forts at the bottom of hudson's bay, nor made pretensions to any right of france to that bay, till long after that time." [anderson's history of commerce, a. d. , vol. ii., p. .] in other words, the title which this charter created was good against other subjects of the british crown, by virtue of the charter itself; but its validity against other nations rested on the principle that the country was discovered by british subjects, and, at the time of their settlement, was not occupied by the subjects of any other christian prince or state; and in respect to any special claim on the part of france, the non-interference of the french governor was successfully urged against that power as conclusive of her acquiescence. that the province of louisiana did not at any time extend _further north_ than the source of the mississippi, either if we regard the evidence of public instruments in the form of charters and treaties, or of historical facts, is most assuredly beyond the reach of argument. what, however, were the _western_ limits of the province, has not been so authoritatively determined. mr. greenhow, (p. ,) after examining this question, concludes thus:--"in the absence of more direct light on the subject from history, we are forced to regard the boundaries indicated by nature--namely, the highlands separating the waters of the mississippi from those flowing into the pacific or californian gulf--as the _true western boundaries_ of the louisiana ceded by france to spain in , and retroceded to france in , and transferred to the united states by france in : but then it must also be admitted, for the same as well as for another and stronger reason, that the british possessions further north were bounded on the coast by the same chain of highlands; for the charter of the hudson's bay company, on which the right to those possessions was founded and maintained, expressly included only the countries traversed by the streams emptying themselves into hudson's bay." charters may certainly be appealed to as evidence against the parties which have granted them, that on their own admission they do not extend their claim beyond the limits of them, and mr. greenhow is perfectly justified in confining the limits of rupert's land, for such seems to have been the name recognised in the charter, to the plantation in hudson's bay, and the countries traversed by the streams emptying themselves into the bay; but the right to those possessions, as against france, was not founded upon the charter, but generally upon recognised principles of international law, and especially upon the treaty of utrecht. so in respect to the northern limit of louisiana, crozat's grant, or the grant to law's mississippi company, might be alleged against france, to show that its limits did not extend further north, on the right bank of the mississippi, than the illinois. on the other hand, the treaty of paris might be appealed to, in order to show against great britain, that it did extend on the right bank of the mississippi as far north as the sources of that river. again, in respect to the western boundary of louisiana, crozat's grant might be cited against france, to show that the province of louisiana did not extend further westward than the confines of new mexico. what, however, was the boundary of new mexico, does not seem to have been determined by any treaty between france and spain. france seems, indeed, from the words of crozat's grant, to have considered herself exclusively entitled to the missouri river on the right bank, and to the ohio on the left. the claims, however, of great britain, clashed with her on the banks of the ohio, as remarked by mr. calhoun in his letter to mr. packenham of sept. , . in an analogous manner the spanish title conflicted with the french title on the banks of the missouri; for we find that, in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty of washington, in , the spanish commissioner maintained, that after santa fé, the capital of new mexico, was built, spain considered all the territory lying to the east and north of new mexico, so far as the mississippi and missouri, to be her property. [british and foreign state papers, - , p. .] the united states, indeed, on succeeding to the french title, declined to admit that the spanish frontier ever extended so far to the north-east as was alleged; on the other hand, the letter of president jefferson, of august , shows that they considered their own claims to be limited by "the high lands on the western side of the mississippi, enclosing all its waters, [the missouri of course."] by the treaty of utrecht, the british possessions to the north-west of canada were acknowledged to extend to the head-waters of the rivers emptying themselves into the bay of hudson: by the treaty of paris, they were united to the british possessions on the atlantic by the cession of canada and all her dependencies; and france contracted her dominions within the right bank of the mississippi. that france did not retain any territory after this treaty to the north-west of the sources of the mississippi, will be obvious, when it is kept in mind that the sources of the mississippi are in ° ', whilst the sources of the red river, which flows through lake winnipeg, and ultimately finds its way by the nelson river into the bay of hudson, are in lake travers, in about ° '. some writers are disposed to consider that the limits of new france extended westwardly across the entire continent to the pacific ocean, but no authoritative document has been cited to show that the french crown ever claimed such an extent of unknown territory, or that its claim was ever admitted. escarbot's description, in , of new france, which, however, is of no authority, embraces within its limits almost the entire continent of north america, as may be seen from the extract from his "histoire de la nouvelle france," which m. duflot de mofras gives: "ainsi nostre nouvelle france a pour limites du côté d'ouest les terres jusqu'à la mer dite pacifique en deça du tropique du cancer; au midi, les côtes de la mer atlantique du côté de cube et de l'isle hespagnole; au levant, la mer du nord qui baigne la nouvelle france; et au septentrion, cette terre qui est dite inconnue, vers la mer glacée jusqu'au pole arctique." the same author cites a map of the year , as confirmatory of this view, in which a great river is exhibited in °, on the north-west coast of america, the direction of which is exactly that of the columbia; but mr. greenhow, in the new edition of his work, p. , states, that this map was drawn and presented by the french commissaries appointed under the treaty of aix-la-chapelle in , to expose the extravagant pretensions of the british in north america, and that it does not contain the word _canada_, or _nouvelle france_, or any other sign of french dominion, the whole division of the continent, between ° and ° north latitude, being represented by strong lines and express notes, as included in the limits of the british provinces; nor does it show any large river falling into the pacific north of the peninsula of california, nor any river entering that ocean north of °. a map perhaps better authenticated than this may be referred to in the history of the french dominions in america, by jefferys, the geographer to the king of england, in , which does not, indeed, extend new france to the pacific: on the contrary, whilst it exhibits the river of the west flowing in a course not unlike that of the columbia, it does not include the pacific ocean at all in its limits, but leaves the west coast of the continent in its real obscurity. maps, however, are but pictorial representations of supposed territorial limits, the evidence of which must be sought for elsewhere. there may be cases, it is true, where maps may be evidence; when, for instance, it has been specially provided that a particular map, such as melish's map of north america, shall be the basis of a convention: but it is to be regretted that maps of unsurveyed districts should ever have been introduced into diplomatic discussions, where limits conformable to convenient physical outlines, such as headlands or water-courses, are really sought for, and are understood to be the subject of negotiation. the pictorial features of a country, which, in such cases, have been frequently assumed as the basis of the negotiation, have not unusually caused greater embarrassment to both the parties in the subsequent attempt to reconcile them with the natural features, than the original question in dispute, to which they were supposed to have furnished a solution. that the name of nouvelle france should have been applied by french authors and in french maps to the country as far as the shores of the pacific ocean, was as much to be expected as that the name of california should have been extended by the spaniards to the entire north-west coast of america, which we know to have been the fact, from the negotiations in the nootka sound controversy. chapter xiii. treaty of washington. the treaty of san ildefonso.--ineffectual negotiations between spain and the united states, in , respecting the boundary of louisiana.--resumed in .--m. kerlet's memoir cited by spain, crozat's charter by the united states, as evidence.--spain proposes the missouri as the mutual boundary.--the united states propose to cross the rocky mountains, and draw the line from the snow mountains along ° to the pacific.--negotiations broken off.--spain proposes the columbia river as the frontier.--offers the parallel of ° to the multnomah, and along that river to the sea.--error in melish's map.--the united states propose the parallel of ° to the pacific.--spain proposes the parallel of ° to the multnomah, and along that river to °, thence to the pacific.--the ° parallel adopted.--source of the multnomah or willamette river, in about °.--wilkes' exploring expedition--third article of the treaty.--the asserted rights of spain to the californias.--her title by discovery.--the united states decline to discuss them.--the asserted rights of the united states to the valley of the mississippi.--mr. greenhow's remarks.--the spanish commissioner declines to negotiate.--design of the president of the united states.--question of rights abandoned.--object of the spanish concessions.--santa fé.--ultimate agreement.--review of the claims of the two parties.--principles of international law advanced by the united states.--possession of the sea-coast entitles to possession of the interior country.--vattel.--inconsistency of the diplomatists of the united states.--treaty of paris.--natural boundary of conterminous settlements, the mid-distance.--vattel.--wheaton.--acquisition of title from natives barred by first settlers against other european powers.--right of pre-emption. in the same year in which the convention of was concluded at london between the united states and great britain, negotiations were being carried on at washington between spain and the united states, with the view of determining the effects of the treaty of , whereby louisiana had been ceded by france to the latter power. it had been stipulated in the treaty of san ildefonso in , that spain should retrocede "the colony or province of louisiana, with the same extent which it now has in the hands of spain, and which it had when france possessed it, and such as it ought to be according to the treaties subsequently made between spain and other powers." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. - .) the treaty of in its turn ceded louisiana to the united states, "in the name of the french republic, for ever and in full sovereignty, with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they have been acquired by the french republic, in virtue of the above-mentioned treaty with his catholic majesty." it thus became requisite to determine the limits of this new acquisition of the united states, both on the side of the floridas, and on that of new spain. an examination of the discussion regarding the eastern boundary towards the floridas is unnecessary on the present occasion. the question respecting the western limit was, perhaps, the more difficult to settle, from the circumstance that texas was claimed by spain as a province of new spain, whilst the united states insisted that it was a portion of louisiana: whilst spain contended that she had only ceded the _spanish province_ of louisiana, the united states maintained that she had retroceded the _french colony_. spain thereupon proposed a line which, "beginning at the gulf of mexico between the river carecut or cascasiu, and the armenta or marmentoa, should go to the north, passing between adaes and natchitoches, until it cuts the red river," on the ground that the arroyo-hondo, which is midway between natchitoches and adaes, had been, in fact, considered to be the boundary in . the united states on the other hand, insisted on the rio bravo del norte as the western frontier, on the ground that the settlement of la salle in the bay of st. bernard (matagorda) carried with it a right to the territory as far as the rio bravo. beyond the red river spain proposed that the boundary should be determined by commissioners, after a survey of the territory, then but little known, and a reference to documents and dates, "which might furnish the necessary light to both governments upon limits which had never been fixed or determined with exactness." (state papers, - , p. .) such was the proposal made by don pedro cevallos on the part of spain, on april th, . messrs. pinckney and moore, in reply, proposed a compromise in connection with the western frontier, that a line along the river colorado, from its mouth to its source, and from thence to the northern limits of louisiana, should be the boundary; but the spanish government declined to accept their proposal, and the negotiations were not resumed till the year . spain had, in the mean time, during the captivity of the spanish monarch in france, been unexpectedly deprived of the greater part of west florida, in , by the united states, without any declaration of war, or stipulation of peace, which could seem to authorise it. on re-opening the negotiation in , the spanish government, having waived all demands on this head, proposed to cede the two floridas to the united states in exchange for the territory which lies between the river mississippi and the well-known limit which now separates, and has separated louisiana, when france possessed it, before the year , and even before the death of king charles ii. of spain, from the spanish province of texas: so that the mississippi might be the only boundary of the dominions of his catholic majesty and of those of the united states. (state papers, - , p. .) in the course of the subsequent negotiations, the spanish commissioner, don luis de onis, in a letter of the th of march , refused to admit the authority of the grant of louis xiv. to crozat as evidence of the limits of louisiana, and referred to the memoir drawn up by m. kerlet, for many years governor of the province before it was ceded to spain by the treaty of , containing a description of its proper extent and limits. this memoir had been delivered by the duc de choiseul, minister of france, to the spanish ambassador at paris, as a supplement to the act of cession of louisiana. (state papers, - , p. .) on the other hand, the secretary of state, on the part of the united states, maintained that "the only boundaries ever acknowledged by france, before the cession to spain in nov. , , were those marked out in the grant from louis xiv. to crozat." she always claimed the territory which spain called texas, as being within the limits, and forming part of louisiana, "which in that grant is declared to be bounded westward by new mexico, eastward by carolina, and extending inward to the illinois, and to the sources of the mississippi, and of its principal branches." (state papers, - , p. .) these discussions were suspended for a short time, in consequence of difficulties between the two governments respecting the seminole indians in florida; but on the th of october don luis d'onis proposed, that "to avoid all causes of dispute in future, the limits of the respective possessions of both governments to the west of the mississippi shall be designated by a line beginning on the gulf of mexico, between the rivers marmentoa and cascasiu, following the arroyo-hondo, between adaes and natchitoches, crossing the rio roxo, or red river, at ° of latitude and ° of longitude, from london, according to melish's map, and thence running directly north, crossing the arkansas, the white, and the osage rivers, till it strikes the missouri, and then following the middle of that river to its source, so that the territory on the right bank of the said river will belong to spain, and that on the left bank to the united states. the navigation of the mississippi and marmentoa shall remain free to the subjects of both parties." (state papers, - , p. .) no proposal had as yet been advanced by either party to carry the boundary line across the rocky mountains till october , , when mr. adams offered, as the ultimatum of the united states, a "line from the mouth of the river sabine, following its course to ° n. l., thence due north to the rio roxo, or red river, following the course of that river to its source, touching the chain of the snow mountains in latitude ° ' north, thence to the summit, and following the chain of the same to °, thence following the same parallel to the south sea." the spanish commissioner, in his reply, undertook to admit the river sabine instead of the marmentoa, on condition "that the line proposed by mr. adams should run due north from the point where it crosses the rio roxo till it strikes the missouri, and thence along the middle of the latter to its source;" but in regard to the extension of the line beyond the missouri, _along the spanish possessions to the pacific_, he declared himself to be totally unprepared by his instructions to discuss such a proposal. the negotiations were in consequence broken off. subsequently, the spanish commissioner, having received fresh instructions from his government in a letter of june , , proposed to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, and along the course of the latter to the pacific, which mr. adams, on the part of the united states, rejected as inadmissible. don luis d'onis thereupon, having expressly waived all questions as to the right of either power to the territory in dispute, and also as to the limits of louisiana, proposed that the boundary line, as suggested by mr. adams, should follow the sabine river to its source, thence by the th degree of longitude to the red river of natchitoches, and along the same to the th degree; and crossing it at that point, should run by a line due north to the arkansas, and along it to its source, thence by a line due west till it strikes the source of the river st. clemente or multnomah, in latitude °, and along that river to the pacific ocean: the whole agreeably to melish's map. this is another very remarkable instance of the danger of referring even to the best maps, when territorial limits are to be regulated by the physical features of a country. there must have been a monstrous error in melish's map, which the spanish commissioner had before him, if such a line could have been drawn upon it from the source of the arkansas _due west_ to the source of the multnomah, the modern willamette river. mr. adams, in reply, proposed a slightly modified line "to the source of the arkansas in °, and thence due west to the pacific along the parallel of ° according to melish's map up to ; but if the source of the arkansas should fall south or north of °, then the line should be drawn due north or south from its source to the st parallel, and thence due west to the sea." this would have been an intelligible line. don luis d'onis then communicated a project of a further modified line from the th parallel of longitude west of greenwich along the middle of the arkansas to the d parallel; "thence a line shall be drawn westward, by the same parallel of latitude, to the source of the river san clemente, or multnomah, following the course of that river to the ° of latitude, and thence by a line due west to the pacific ocean." another counter project was proposed by mr. adams on the th of february, and ultimately it was agreed between the parties to admit the parallel of ° from the source of the arkansas westward to the pacific ocean, with the proviso that if the source of the arkansas should be north or south of °, the line should be drawn from it south or north to the d parallel. it was fortunate that this proviso was adopted, for actual surveys have since determined the source of the arkansas to be at the foot of the sierra verde, in about ° ' north latitude. on the other hand, as an illustration of the lamentable want of information on the part of the spanish commissioner in respect to the boundary line which he proposed to be drawn, first of all along the parallel of ° due west to the source of the multnomah, and secondly along the parallel of ° due west to the same river, it may be observed, that the source of this river is ascertained to be very little further south than the th parallel of latitude, as may be seen in the excellent american map attached to commander wilkes' exploring expedition, though even so late as in mitchell's map for it is placed in about °. the treaty of washington, or the floridas, was thus at last concluded on the d february, , and by the third article, after specifying the boundary line, as above described, between the two countries west of the mississippi, it concludes thus: "the two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all their rights, claims, and pretensions to the territories described by the said line; that is to say, the united states hereby cede to his catholic majesty, and renounce for ever, all their rights, claims, and pretensions to the territories lying west and south of the above described line; and in like manner his catholic majesty cedes to the united states all his rights, claims, and pretensions to any territories east and north of the said line, and for himself, his heirs and successors, renounces all claim to the said territories for ever." (martens' nouveau recueil des traités, v., p. .) it will be observed from the words of the above article, that the nature of the rights reciprocally ceded are in no manner specified. it thus becomes necessary to look to the antecedent negotiations to determine this question. in the first communication from the chevalier d'onis, on january , , in respect to the western boundary of louisiana, we find him assert that "the right and dominion of the crown of spain to the north-west coast of america, as high up as the californias, is not less certain and indisputable (than her claim to west florida,) the spaniards having explored as far as the th degree in the expedition under juan de fuca in , and in that of admiral fonte to the th degree in . "the dominion of spain in these vast regions being thus established, and her rights of discovery, conquest, and possession, being never disputed, she could scarcely possess a property founded on more respectable principles, whether of the law of nations, of public law, or any others which serve as a basis to such acquisitions as all the independent kingdoms and states of the earth consist of." (state papers, - , p. .) mr. adams, in his reply of january , , stated that "the president of the united states considered it would be an unprofitable waste of time to enter again at large upon topics of controversy, which were at that time [ ] so thoroughly debated, and upon which he perceives nothing in your notes, which was not then substantially argued by don pedro cevallos, and to which every reply essential to elucidate the rights and establish the pretensions on the part of the united states was then given." without, therefore, noticing even in the slightest manner that portion of the spanish title now for the first time set out in respect of the californias, and which had not in any manner been alluded to in the previous correspondence, he simply proposed, "the colorado river from its mouth to its source, and from thence to the northern limits of louisiana, to be the western boundary; or to leave that boundary unsettled for future arrangement." it may be observed, that the paramount object of the united states at this moment, was to obtain the cession of the spanish claims to territories _eastward_ of the mississippi. [state papers, - , p. .] the western frontier was comparatively of less pressing importance. various communications having in the mean time been exchanged, mr. adams at last, in his letter of oct. , , proposed for the first time, on the part of the united states, an extension of the boundary to the pacific ocean, namely, a line drawn due west along the st parallel. he did not attempt, on this occasion, to contest the position which spain had taken up in respect to territory west of the rocky mountains, but contented himself with again asserting, that the rights of the united states to the entire valley of the mississippi and its confluents were established beyond the reach of controversy. mr. greenhow [p. ] observes, "on these positive assertions of the spanish minister, mr. j. q. adams, the american plenipotentiary and secretary of state, did not consider himself required to make any comment; and the origin, extent, and value of the claims of spain to the north-western portion of america, remained unquestioned during the discussion." the spanish commissioner seems to have regarded the silence of mr. adams as a tacit admission that his position was unassailable, and therefore was totally unprepared for the proposal of the united states, if we may judge from his reply:--"what you add respecting the extension of the same line beyond the missouri, along the spanish possessions to the pacific ocean, exceeds by its magnitude and its transcendency all former demands and pretensions stated by the united states. confining, therefore, myself to the power granted to me by my sovereign, i am unable to stipulate any thing on this point." [state papers, - , p. .] mr. adams, in his reply of nov. , , [ibid. ,] writes, "as you have now declared that you are not authorised to agree, either to the course of the red river, [rio roxo,] for the boundary, nor to the st parallel of latitude, from the snow mountains to the pacific ocean, the president deems it useless to pursue any further the attempt at an adjustment of this object by the present negotiation." don luis, in withdrawing for the present moment from the negotiation, in his letter of dec. , , [ibid., p. ,] observes, "i even expressed my earnest desire to conclude the negotiation, so far as to admit the removal of the boundary line, from the gulf of mexico, on the river sabine, as proposed by you; and i only added, that it should run more or less obliquely to the missouri, thereby still keeping in view the consideration of conciliating the wish that your government might have, of retaining such other settlements as might have been formed on the bank of that river, and observing, nevertheless, that it was not to pass by new mexico, or _any other provinces or dominions of the crown of spain_." the spanish commissioner, after obtaining fresh instructions to authorize him to extend the boundary line to the pacific ocean, stated in a letter of jan. , , to mr. adams, [state papers, - , p. ,] that "his majesty will agree that the boundary line between the two states shall extend from the source of the missouri, westward to the columbia river, and along the middle thereof to the pacific ocean;" in the hope that this basis would be accepted by the president, "as it presents the means of realizing his great plan of extending a navigation from the pacific to the remotest points of the northern states." this offer was not accepted, and mr. adams, in his reply of jan. , , simply stated, "that the proposal to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories on this continent, from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, cannot be admitted," (ibid. p. ;) and at the same time he renewed his proposal of the st of october last, as to the parallel of °. don luis de onis, as might be expected, did not accede to this, and in his next letter, of feb. , , writes, "i have proved to you in the most satisfactory manner, that neither the red river of natchitoches, nor the columbia, ever formed the boundary of louisiana; but as you have intimated to me that it is useless to pursue the discussion any further, i acquiesce with you therein, and i agree that, keeping out of view the rights which either party may have to the territory in dispute, we should confine ourselves to the settlement of those points which may be for the mutual interest and convenience of both. "upon this view, therefore, of the subject, and considering that the motive for declining to admit my proposal of extending the boundary line from the missouri to the columbia, and along that river to the pacific, appears to be the wish of the president to include, within the limits of the union, all the branches and rivers emptying into the said river columbia, i will adapt my proposals on this point, so as fully to satisfy the demand of the united states, without losing sight of the essential object, namely, that the boundary line shall, as far as possible, be natural and clearly defined, and leave no room for dispute to the inhabitants on either side." he therefore proposed, as the red river rose within a few leagues of santa fé, the capital of new mexico, to substitute the arkansas for the red river; so that the line along the red river should not be drawn further westward than the th degree of longitude, and crossing it at that point, should run "due north to the arkansas, and along it to its source; thence, by a line due west, till it strikes the source of the river st. clemente, or multnomah, in latitude °, and along that river to the pacific ocean. the whole agreeably to melish's map."--(state papers, - , p. .) mr. adams on the other hand, on feb. , , repeated the proposal of the united states as to the line from the source of the arkansas river being drawn along the parallel of ° n. l. to the pacific, with other modifications in the general detail of the boundary. this proposal, however, was not accepted, and the spanish commissioner in his turn, on feb. , proposed a different line, to be drawn "along the middle of the arkansas to the ° of latitude; thence a line shall be drawn westward by the same parallel of latitude to the source of the river san clemente or multnomah, following the course of that river to the ° of latitude, and thence by a line to the pacific ocean." (ibid. p. .) mr. adams, in his answer of february , , still retained the parallel of ° of latitude from the source of the arkansas to the south sea, according to melish's map. (ibid. p. .) the chevalier de onis, on the th of february , ultimately agreed "to admit the ° instead of the ° of latitude from the arkansas to the pacific ocean." (ibid. p. .) these extracts from the documentary correspondence preliminary to the treaty of , will show the nature of the claims maintained by the two parties, and thus serve to explain the meaning of the third article of the treaty. spain asserted her right and dominion over the northwest coast of america as high up as the californias, as based upon the discoveries of juan de fuca in , and admiral fonte in . the united states made _no claim_ to territory west of the rocky mountains. on the other hand, the united states asserted her right over the coasts of the mexican gulf from the mississippi to the rio bravo by virtue of crozat's grant, and of the settlement of la salle in the bay of st. bernard, whilst spain maintained that the expedition of hernando de soto and others entitled her by discovery to the entire coasts of the mexican gulf, and that the crown of spain, before , had extended her dominion eastward over the right side of the mississippi from its mouth to the mouth of the missouri, and northward over the right side of the latter river from its mouth to its source; in other words, that the dependencies of the spanish province of new mexico extended as far as the missouri and the mississippi, and the spanish province of texas as far as the red river and mississippi. the rights, claims, and pretensions, therefore, to any territories lying east and north of the parallel of °, which spain, by the rd article of the treaty of , ceded to the united states, had respect to the spanish province of texas, the spanish province of new mexico, and the californias; the rights, claims, and pretensions which the united states ceded to his catholic majesty to any territories west and south of this line, had reference to the coasts of the gulf of mexico as far the rio bravo, and the inland country; for no claim or pretension had been advanced by the united states to territory beyond the rocky mountains, and the object of the negotiation was expressly to determine the boundaries of louisiana, which the united states insisted had been ceded to them in the full extent in which it had been possessed by france, according to the limits marked out by louis xiv. in his grant to crozat. in the course of these negotiations, we find certain principles of international law laid down by the commissioners of the united states as applicable to the question of disputed boundaries. they seem to have been advanced after careful consideration, for messrs. pinckney and monroe formally enunciated them on the th of april , as "dictated by reason, and adopted in practice by european powers in the discoveries and acquisitions which they have respectively made in the new world;" and mr. adams, on the th of march , restated them again as principles "sanctioned alike by immutable justice, and the general practice of the european nations, which have formed settlements and held possessions in this hemisphere." (british and foreign state papers, - , pp. , .) the _first_ is, "that whenever _any european nation takes possession of any extent of sea-coast_, that possession is understood as extending into the interior country, to the sources of the rivers emptying _within that coast_, to all their branches, and the country they cover, and to give it a right in exclusion of all other nations to the same." "it is evident," write messrs. pinckney and monroe, (ibid., p. ,) "that some rule or principle must govern the rights of european powers in regard to each other in all such cases, and it is certain that none can be adopted, in those to which it applies, more reasonable or just than the present one. many weighty considerations shew the propriety of it. nature seems to have destined a range of territory so described for the same society, to have connected its several parts together by the ties of a common interest, and to have detached them from others. if this principle is departed from, it must be by attaching to such discovery and possession, a more enlarged or contracted scope of acquisition; but a slight attention to the subject will demonstrate the absurdity of either. the latter would be to restrict the rights of a european power, who discovered and took possession of a new country, to the spot on which its troops or settlements rested, a doctrine which has been totally disclaimed by all the powers who made discoveries and acquired possessions in america. the other extreme would be equally improper; that is, that the nation who made such discovery should, in all cases, be entitled to the whole of the territory so discovered. in the case of an island, whose extent was seen, which might be soon sailed round, and preserved by a few forts, it may apply with justice; but in that of a continent it would be absolutely absurd. accordingly, we find, that this opposite extreme has been equally disclaimed and disavowed by the doctrine and practice of european nations. the great continent of america, north and south, was never claimed or held by any one european nation, nor was either great section of it. their pretensions have been always bounded by more moderate and rational principles. the one laid down has obtained general assent. "this principle was completely established in the controversy which produced the war of . great britain contended that she had a right, _founded on the discovery and possession of such territory_, to define its boundaries by given latitudes in grants to individuals, retaining the sovereignty to herself from sea to sea. this pretension on her part was opposed by france and spain, and it was finally abandoned by great britain in the treaty of , which established the mississippi as the western boundary of her possessions. _it was opposed by france and spain on the principle here insisted on, which of course gives it the highest possible sanction in the present case._" to a similar purport vattel, b. i., § , writes: "when a nation takes possession of a country, with a view to settle there, it takes possession of every thing included in it, as lands, lakes, rivers, &c." it is universally admitted, that when a nation takes possession of a country, she is considered to appropriate to herself all its natural appendages, such as lakes, rivers, &c., and it is perfectly intelligible, why the practice of european nations has sanctioned the exclusive title of the first settlers on any extent of sea-coast to the interior country within the limits of the coast which they have occupied, because their settlements bar the approach to the interior country, and other nations can have no right of way across the settlements of independent nations. in reference, however, to the extent of coast, which a nation may be presumed to have taken possession of by making a settlement in a vacant country, the well-known rule of _terræ dominium finitur, ubi finitur armorum vis_, might on the first thought suggest itself; but it has not been hitherto held that there is any analogy between jurisdiction over territory, and jurisdiction over adjoining seas: on the contrary, it was ruled in the circuit court of new york, , in the case of jackson v. porter, paine, , "that under the second article of the treaty with great britain, the precincts and jurisdiction of a fort are not to be considered three miles in every direction, by analogy to the jurisdiction of a country over that portion of the sea surrounding its coasts, but they must be made out by proof." the comity of nations, however, has recognised in the case of settlements made in a vacant territory for the purpose of colonisation, a title in the settlers to such an extent of territory as it may fairly be presumed that they intend to cultivate (vattel, b. i., § ,) and the possession of which is essential either to the convenience or security of the settlement, without being inconvenient to other nations. the limitation of this extent seems rather to have been regulated by special conventions, than by any rule of uniform practice. on the authority of this principle as above stated, messrs. pinckney and monroe contended that "by the discovery and possession of the mississippi in its whole length, and _the coast adjoining it_, the united states are entitled to the whole country dependent on that river, the waters which empty into it, and their several branches, _within the limits on that coast_. the extent to which this would go it is not in our power to say; but the principle being clear, dependent on plain and simple facts, it would be easy to ascertain it." it will have been observed, that the opposition of france and spain to the pretensions of great britain is adduced by messrs. pinckney and monroe, as giving the highest sanction to this principle. a passage in mr. calhoun's letter of sept. , , to mr. pakenham forms a striking contrast. having alluded to the claims of france and great britain, first conflicting on the banks of the ohio, he writes: "if the relative strength of these different claims may be tested by the result of that remarkable contest, that of continuity westward must be pronounced to be the stronger of the two. england has had at least the advantage of the result, and would seem to be foreclosed against contesting the principle--particularly as against us, who contributed so much to that result, and on whom that contest, and her example and her pretensions from the first settlement of our country, have contributed to impress it so deeply and indelibly." in other respects mr. calhoun adopts the same view of the early european settlements in north america, that the respective nations "claimed for their settlements usually, specific limits _along the coasts_ or bays on which they were formed, and generally a region of _corresponding width_ extending across the entire continent to the pacific ocean." that the hypothesis of mr. calhoun's argument was meant to be affirmed, may be inferred from mr. gallatin having categorically asserted the same fact in , as being notorious. it does not however appear from the protracted negotiations prior to the treaty of paris, that any conflicting principles of international law were advanced by the two parties, or any question of disputed title set at rest by the treaty. on the contrary, it was intimated in the course of the negotiations, by great britain, that she considered france to have the natives on the left bank of the mississippi under her protection, when she proposed that the king of france should "consent to leave them under the protection of great britain." the _second_ rule is, "that whenever a european nation makes a discovery, and takes possession of any portion of that continent, and another afterwards does the same _at some distance from it_, where the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned, the middle distance becomes such of course. the justice and propriety of this rule are too obvious to require illustration." the principle here stated seems very analogous to that which is recognised by all writers on international law, as regulating the navigation of rivers. thus vattel (i., § )--"when a nation takes possession of a country bounded by a river, she is considered as appropriating to herself the river also; for the utility of a river is too great to admit a supposition that the nation did not intend to reserve it for herself. consequently, the nation that first established her dominion on one of the banks of the river, is considered as being the first possessor of all that part of the river which bounds her territory. where there is a question of a _very broad river_, this presumption admits not of a doubt, so far, at least, as relates to a part of the river's breadth, and the strength of the presumption increases or diminishes in the inverse ratio with the breadth of the river; for the narrower the river is, the more does the safety and convenience of its use require that it should be subject entirely to the empire and property of that nation." to make the reasoning more complete, it might have been added, "the broader the river is, the stronger claim has each party to a portion of it, as requisite for its own convenience, and not likely to be attended with inconvenience to the other party." mr. wheaton states the rule of division more explicitly (part ii., ch. iv.)--"where a navigable river forms the boundary of conterminous states, the middle of the channel, or 'thalweg,' is generally taken as the line of separation between the two states, the presumption of law being, that the right of navigation is common to both: but this presumption may be destroyed by actual proofs of prior occupancy, and long undisturbed possession giving one of the riparian proprietors the exclusive title to the entire river." in an analogous manner, where a large tract of unoccupied land forms the boundary of conterminous settlements, the middle distance is suggested by natural equity as the line of demarcation, where such line is not inconvenient to either party, and when one party cannot establish a stronger presumption than the other of a perfect right in its own favour. thus, messrs. pinckney and monroe contended, that "by the application of this principle to the discovery made by m. de la salle of the bay of st. bernard, and his establishment there on the western side of the river colorado, the united states have a just right to a boundary founded on the middle distance between that point and the then nearest spanish settlement; which, it is understood, was in the province of panuco, unless that claim should be precluded on the principle above mentioned. to what point that would carry us, it is equally out of our power to say; nor is it material, as the possession in the bay of st. bernard, taken in connection with that on the mississippi, has been always understood, as of right we presume it ought, to extend to the rio bravo, on which we now insist." the _third_ rule is, "that whenever any european nation has thus acquired a right to any portion of territory on that continent, that right can never be diminished or affected by any other power, by virtue of purchases made, by grants, or conquests of the natives within the limits described." "it is believed," continued the commissioners, "that this principle has been admitted, and acted on invariably, since the discovery of america, in respect to their possessions there, by all the european powers. it is particularly illustrated by the stipulations of their most important treaties concerning those possessions, and the practice under them, viz., the treaty of utrecht in , and that of paris in ." the practice of european nations has certainly recognised in the nation which has first occupied the territory of savage tribes, that live by hunting, fishing, and roaming habits, the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives by purchase, or cession, or conquest, for the purpose of establishing settlements. the more humane spirit of the modern code of nations seems disposed to reduce this right to a right of _pre-emption_, as against other european nations. the applicability of the above principles to the solution of the questions at present under discussion between the governments of the united states and great britain, will be considered in a subsequent chapter. chapter xiv. negotiations between great britain and the united states in - . proceedings in congress after the convention of .--russian ukase of .--russian title to the north-west coast of america.--declaration of president monroe, of dec. , .--protest of russia and great britain.--report of general jessup.--exclusive claim set up by the united states, on the ground of discovery by captain gray, and settlement at astoria.--extent of title by discovery of the mouth of a river.--the united states claim up to ° n. l.--british objections.--convention of .--discovery by captain gray a private enterprise.--mr. rush's reply.--gray's vessel a national ship for such an occasion.--superior title of spain.--british answer.--pretensions of spain never admitted.--drake's expedition in .--mr. rush's further reply.--treaty of , a bar to great britain westward of the mississippi.--exclusive claim of the united states to the entire valley of the columbia river.--proposal of the british commissioners of the parallel of ° to the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence along the mid-channel of the river to the sea.--counter-proposal of the united states of the parallel of ° to the sea.--negotiations broken off. the convention of had provided that the country westward of the stony mountains should be free and open, for the term of ten years from the signature of the treaty, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, without prejudice to the territorial claims of either party. two years afterwards a committee was appointed by the house of representatives in congress, for an "inquiry as to the situation of the settlements on the pacific ocean, and as to the expediency of occupying the columbia river;" and a bill was subsequently brought in "for the occupation of the columbia, and the regulation of the trade with the indians in the territories of the united states." the bill, however, was suffered to lie on the table of the house, and although it was again brought before congress in the ensuing year, no further steps were taken until the winter of . (greenhow, p. .) in the mean time the attention of both powers was arrested by the publication of a russian ukase on th september , by which an exclusive title was asserted in favour of russian subjects to the north-west coast of america, as far south as ° north lat., and all foreign vessels were prohibited from approaching within one hundred miles of the shore, under penalty of confiscation. great britain lost no time in protesting against this edict, and mr. adams, on the part of the united states, declined to recognise its validity. a correspondence ensued between mr. adams and m. de poletica, the russian minister at washington, which may be referred to in the british and foreign state papers for - . m. de poletica alleged, as authorising this edict on the part of the emperor, first discovery, first occupancy, and, in the last place, a peaceable and uncontested possession of more than half a century. both the other powers, however, contested the extent to which so perfect a title could be made out by russia, and separate negotiations were in consequence opened between russia and the other two powers for the adjustment of their conflicting claims. the question was additionally embarrassed by a declaration on the part of president monroe, on december , , that the "american continents, by the free and independent condition which they had assumed, were henceforth not to be considered as subjects for colonisation by any european power." (greenhow, p. .) against this declaration, both russia and great britain formally protested. a further ground of dissension between great britain and the united states resulted from an official paper laid before the house of representatives in congress, on february , , by general jessup, the quartermaster-general, in which it was proposed to establish certain military posts between council bluffs on the missouri, and the pacific, by which, he adds, "present protection would be afforded to our traders; and at the expiration of the privilege granted to british subjects to trade on the waters of the columbia, we should be enabled to remove them from our territory, and to secure the whole trade to our citizens." in the conference which ensued at london on the following july, the british commissioners remarked that such observations "were calculated to put great britain especially upon her guard, coming, as they did, at a moment when a friendly negotiation was pending between the two powers for the adjustment of their relative and conflicting claims to the entire district of the country." (greenhow, p. .) such proceedings on the part of the executive of the united states were not calculated to facilitate the settlement of the points likely to become subjects of controversy in the approaching negotiations, either at st. petersburgh or at london. the instructions which were to guide the commissioners of the united states were set forth by mr. adams, in a letter to mr. rush, the minister plenipotentiary at london, of the date of july , , which may be referred to in the british and foreign state papers, - , p. . in the previous negotiations of , as already observed, messrs. gallatin and rush "_did not assert a perfect right_" to the country westward of the stony mountains, but insisted that their claim was "_at least good against great britain_." the th degree of north latitude had, in pursuance of the treaty of utrecht, been fixed indefinitely as the line between the northern british possessions and those of france, including louisiana, now a part of our territories. there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the same line should not be continued to the pacific ocean. so far as discovery gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters of the columbia river was indisputable. subsequently, however, to these negotiations, his catholic majesty had ceded to the united states, by the treaty of washington, of february , , commonly called the florida treaty, "all his rights, claims, and pretensions to any territory" north of the d parallel of north latitude; and mr. rush opened the negotiations by stating, that "the rights thus acquired from spain were regarded by the government of the united states as surpassing the rights of all other european powers on that coast." apart, however, from this right, "the united states claimed in their own right, and as their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." this claim they rested upon their first discovery of the river columbia, followed up by an effective settlement at its mouth: a settlement which was reduced by the arms of britain during the late war, but formally surrendered up to the united states at the return of peace. their right by first discovery they deemed peculiarly strong, having been made, not only from the sea by captain gray, but also from the interior by lewis and clarke, who first discovered its sources, and explored its whole inland course to the pacific ocean. it had been ascertained that the columbia extended, by the river multnomah, to as low as degrees north; and by clarke's river, to a point as high up as degrees, if not beyond that point; and to this entire range of country, contiguous to the original dominion of the united states, and made a part of it by the almost intermingling waters of each, the united states considered their title as established by all the principles that had ever been applied on this subject by the powers of europe to settlements in the american hemisphere. "i asserted," writes mr. rush, "that _a nation discovering a country, by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river and its tributary streams_; and that the claim to this extent became doubly strong, where, as in the present instance, the same river had also been explored from its very mountain-springs to the sea. "such an union of titles, imparting a validity to each other, did not often exist. i remarked, that it was scarcely to be presumed that any european nation would henceforth project any colonial establishment on any part of the north-west coast of america, which as yet had never been used to any other useful purpose than that of trading with the aboriginal inhabitants, or fishing in the neighbouring seas; but that the united states should contemplate, and at one day form, permanent establishments there, was naturally to be expected, as proximate to their own possessions, and falling under their immediate jurisdiction. speaking of the powers of europe, who had ever advanced claims to any part of this coast, i referred to the principles that had been settled by the nootka sound convention of , and remarked, that spain had now lost all the _exclusive colonial rights that were recognised under that convention_, first, by the fact of the independence of the south american states and of mexico, and next, by her express renunciation of all her rights, of whatever kind, above the degree of north latitude, to the united states. those new states would themselves now possess the rights incident to their condition of political independence, and the claims of the united states above the parallel, as high up as °, claims as well in their own right as by their succession to the title of spain, would henceforth necessarily preclude other nations from forming colonial establishments upon any part of the american continents. i was, therefore, instructed to say, that my government no longer considered any part of those continents as open to future colonisation by any of the powers of europe, and that this was a principle upon which i should insist in the course of these negotiations." the proposal which mr. rush was authorised to make on the part of the united states was, that for the future no settlements should be made by citizens of the united states north of °, or by british subjects south of °, inasmuch as the columbia river branched as far north as °. mr. adams, however, in his instructions, concludes with these words:--"as, however, the line already runs in latitude ° to the stony mountains, should it be earnestly insisted upon by great britain, we will consent to carry it in continuance on the same parallel to the sea." on the other hand the british plenipotentiaries, on their part, totally declined the proposal, and totally denied the principles under which it had been introduced. "they said that great britain considered the whole of the unoccupied parts of america as being open to her future settlements, in like manner as heretofore. they included within these parts, as well that portion of the north-west coast lying between the d and st degree of latitude, as any other parts. the principle of colonisation on that coast, or elsewhere, on any portion of those continents not yet occupied, great britain was not prepared to relinquish. neither was she prepared to accede to the exclusive claim of the united states. she had not, by her convention with spain of , or at any other period, conceded to that power any exclusive rights on that coast, where actual settlements had not been formed. she considered the same principles to be applicable to it now as then. she could not concede to the united states, who held the spanish title, claims which she had felt herself obliged to resist when advanced by spain, and on her resistance to which the credit of great britain had been thought to depend. "nor could great britain at all admit, the plenipotentiaries said, the claim of the united states, as founded on their own first discovery. it had been objectionable with her in the negotiation of , and had not been admitted since. her surrender to the united states of the post at columbia river after the late war, was in fulfilment of the provisions of the first article of the treaty of ghent, without affecting questions of right on either side. britain did not admit the validity of the discovery by captain gray. he had only been on an enterprise of his own, as an individual, and the british government was yet to be informed under what principles or usage, among the nations of europe, his having first entered or discovered the mouth of the river columbia, admitting this to have been the fact, was to carry after it such a portion of the interior country as was alleged. great britain entered her dissent to such a claim; and least of all did she admit that the circumstance of a merchant vessel of the united states having penetrated the coast of that continent at columbia river, was to be taken to extend a claim in favour of the united states along the same coast, both above and below that river, over latitudes that had been previously discovered and explored by great britain herself, in expeditions fitted out under the authority and with the resources of the nation. this had been done by captain cook, to speak of no others, whose voyage was at least prior to that of captain gray. on the coast only a few degrees south of the columbia, britain had made purchases of territory from the natives before the united states were an independent power; and upon that river itself or upon rivers that flowed into it, west of the rocky mountains, her subjects had formed settlements coeval with, if not prior to, the settlement by american citizens at its mouth." such was the tenor of the opening of the negotiations. mr. rush, in resuming the subject, stated that it "was unknown to his government that great britain had ever even advanced any claim to territory on the north-west coast of america, by the right of occupation, before the nootka sound controversy. it was clear, that by the treaty of paris, of , her territorial claims to america were bounded westward by the mississippi. the claim of the united states, under the _discovery_ by captain gray, was therefore, at all events, sufficient to over-reach, in point of time, any that great britain could allege along that coast, on the ground of _prior occupation or settlement_. as to any alleged settlements by her subjects on the columbia, or on rivers falling into it, earlier, or as early, as the one formed by american citizens at astoria, i knew not of them, and was not prepared to admit the fact. as to the discovery itself of capt. gray, it was not for a moment to be drawn into question. it was a fact before the whole world. the very geographers of great britain had adopted the name which he had given to this river." having alluded to the fact of vancouver having found captain gray there, mr. rush proceeded to meet the objection that the discovery of the columbia river was not made by a national ship, or under national authority. "the united states," he said, "could admit of no such distinction; could never surrender, under it or upon any ground, their claim to this discovery. the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states, or not, was a _national ship_. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, she was in the full sense of it, _applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." "the extent of this interior country attaching to this discovery was founded," mr. rush contended, "upon a principle at once reasonable and moderate: reasonable, because, as discovery was not to be limited to the local spot of a first landing-place, there must be a rule both for enlarging and circumscribing its range; and none more proper than that of taking the water-courses which nature has laid down, both as the fair limits of the country, and as indispensable to its use and value; moderate, because the nations of europe had often, under their rights of discovery, carried their claims much farther. here i instanced, as sufficient for my purpose, and pertinent to it, the terms in which many of the royal charters and letters patent had been granted, by the crown of england, to individuals proceeding to the _discovery_ or _settlement_ of new countries on the american continent. amongst others, those from elizabeth in , to sir humphery gilbert, and in , to sir walter raleigh: those from james i. to sir thomas yates, in and , and the georgia charter of . by the words of the last, a grant is passed to all territories along the sea-coast, from the river savannah to the most southern stream 'of another great river, called the alatamaha, and westward from the heads of the said rivers in a direct line to the south seas.' to show that britain was not the only european nation, who, in her territorial claims on this continent, had had an eye to the rule of assuming water-courses to be the fittest boundaries, i also cited the charter of louis xiv. to crozat, by which 'all the country drained by the waters emptying directly or indirectly into the mississippi,' is declared to be comprehended under the name, and within the limits of louisiana." in respect to the title derived by the united states from spain, mr. rush contended that, "if great britain had put forth no claims on the north-west coast, founded _on prior occupation_, still less could she ever have established any, at any period, founded _on prior discovery_. the superior title of spain on this ground, as well as others, was indeed capable of demonstration." _russia had acknowledged it in _, as the state papers of the nootka sound controversy would show. the memorial of the spanish court to the british minister on that occasion expressly asserted, that notwithstanding all the attempted encroachments upon the spanish coasts of the pacific ocean, spain had preserved her possessions there entire,--possessions which she had constantly, and before all europe, on that and other occasions, declared to extend to as high at least as the th degree of north latitude. the very first article of the nootka sound convention attested, i said, the superiority of her title; for whilst by it the nations of europe generally were allowed to make settlements on that coast, it was only for the purposes of trade with the natives, thereby excluding the right of any exclusive or colonial establishments for other purposes. as to any claim on the part of britain under the voyage of captain cook, i remarked that this was sufficiently superseded (passing by every thing else) by the journal of the spanish expedition from san blas in , kept by don antonio maurelle, for an account of which i referred the british plenipotentiaries to the work of daines barrington, a british author. in that expedition, consisting of a frigate and a schooner, fitted out by the viceroy of mexico, the north-west coast was visited in latitude , , , , , , , and degrees, not one of which points there was good reason for believing had ever been explored, or as much as seen, up to that day, by any navigator of great britain. there was, too, i said, the voyage of juan perez, prior to ; that of aguilar, in , who explored that coast in latitude °; that of de fuca in , who explored it in latitude °, _giving the name_, which _they still bore_, to the straits in that latitude, without going through a much longer list of other early spanish navigators in that sea, whose discoveries were confessedly of a nature to put out of view those of all other nations. i finished by saying, that in the opinion of my government, the title to the united states to the whole of that coast, from latitude ° to as far north as latitude °, was therefore superior to that of great britain or any other power; first, through the proper claim of the united states by discovery and settlement, and secondly, as now standing in the place of spain, and holding in their hands all her title." the british plenipotentiaries, in their reply, repeated their animated denials of the title of the united states, as alleged to have been acquired by themselves, enlarging and insisting upon their objections to it, as already stated. nor were they less decided in their renewed impeachments of the title of spain. they said that it was well known to them what had formerly been the pretensions of spain to absolute sovereignty and dominion in the south seas, and over all the shores of america which they washed: but that these were pretensions which britain had never admitted: on the contrary, had strenuously resisted them. they referred to the note of the british minister to the court of spain, of may , , in which britain had not only asserted a full right to an uninterrupted commerce and navigation in the pacific, but also that of forming, with the consent of the natives, whatever establishments she thought proper on the north-west coast, in parts not already occupied by other nations. this had been the doctrine of great britain, and from it, nothing that was due in her estimation to other powers, now called upon her in any degree to depart. as to the alleged prior discoveries of spain all along that coast, britain did not admit them but with great qualification. she could never admit that the mere fact of spanish navigators having first seen the coast at particular points, even where this was capable of being substantiated as the fact, without any subsequent or efficient acts of sovereignty or settlement on the part of spain, was sufficient to exclude all other nations from that portion of the globe. besides, they said, even on the score of prior discovery on that coast, at least as far up as ° north latitude, britain herself had a claim over all other nations. "here they referred to drake's expedition in , who, as they said, explored that coast on the part of england, from ° to ° n., making formal claim to these limits in the name of elizabeth, and giving the name of new albion to all the country which they comprehended. was this, they asked, to be reputed nothing in the comparison of prior discoveries, and did it not even take in a large part of the very coast now claimed by the united states, as of prior discovery on their side?" mr. rush in reply contended, "as to drake, although fleurieu, in his introduction to marchand, did assert that he got as far north as °, yet hakluyt, who wrote about the time that drake flourished, informs us that he got no higher than °, having put back at that point from extremity of cold. all the later authors or compilers, also, who spoke of his voyage, however they might differ as to the degree of latitude to which he went, adopted from hakluyt this fact, of his having turned back from intensity of weather. the preponderance of probability, therefore, i alleged, as well as of authority was, that drake did not get beyond ° along that coast. at all events, it was certain that he had made no settlements there, and the absence of these would, under the doctrine of great britain, as applied by her to spain, prevent any title whatever attaching to his supposed discoveries. they were moreover put out of view by the treaty of , by which great britain agreed to consider the mississippi as the western boundary upon that continent." he concluded with re-asserting formally, "the full and exclusive sovereignty of the united states over the whole of the territory beyond the rocky mountains washed by the columbia river, in manner and extent as stated, subject, of course, to whatever existing conventional arrangements they may have formed in regard to it with other powers. their title to this whole country they considered as not to be shaken. it had often been proclaimed in the legislative discussions of the nation, and was afterwards public before the world. its broad and stable foundations were laid in the first uncontradicted discovery of that river, both at its mouth and its source, followed up by an effective settlement, and that settlement the earliest ever made upon its banks. if a title in the united states, thus transcendant, needed confirmation, it might be sought in their now uniting to it the title of spain. it was not the intention of the united states, i remarked, to repose upon any of the extreme pretensions of that power to speculative dominion in those seas, which grew up in less enlightened ages, however countenanced in those ages; nor had i, as their plenipotentiary, sought any aid from such pretensions; but to the extent of the just claims of spain, grounded upon her fair enterprise and resources, at periods when her renown for both filled all europe, the united states had succeeded, and upon claims of this character it had, therefore, become as well their right as their duty to insist." the british plenipotentiaries, in conclusion, with a view as they said of laying a foundation of harmony between the two governments, proposed that the third article of the convention of should now terminate. that "the boundary line between the territories respectively claimed by the two powers, westward of the rocky mountains, should be drawn due west, along the th parallel of latitude, to the point where it strikes the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence down along the middle of the columbia to the pacific ocean: the navigation of this river to be for ever free to the subjects or citizens of both nations." they remarked, "that in submitting it, they considered great britain as departing largely from the full extent of her right, and that, if accepted by the united states, it would impose upon her the necessity of breaking up four or five settlements, formed by her subjects within the limits that would become prohibited, and that they had formed, under the belief of their full rights as british subjects to settle there. but their government was willing, they said, to make these surrenders, for so they considered them, in a spirit of compromise, on points where the two nations stood so divided." mr. rush, in reply, declared his utter inability to accept such a proposal, and in return consented, "in compliance with this spirit, and in order to meet great britain on ground that might be deemed middle, to vary so far the terms of his own proposal, as to shift the southern line as low as ° in place of °." "i desired it," he writes, "to be understood, that this was the extreme limit to which i was authorised to go; and that, in being willing to make this change, i, too, considered the united states as abating their rights, in the hope of being able to put an end to all conflict of claims between the two nations to the coast and country in dispute." the british commissioners declined acceding to this proposal, and as neither party was disposed to make any modification in their ultimatum, the negotiation was brought to a close. chapter xv. examination of the claims of the united states. exclusive sovereignty for the first time claimed by the united states over the valley of the columbia.--the statements relied upon to support this, not correct.--the multnomah river erroneously laid down in maps.--willamette settlement--source of the multnomah, or willamette, in about ° ' n. l.--clarke's river.--source in ° '.--the northernmost branch of the columbia discovered and explored by mr. thomson.--the pacific fur company not authorised by the united states government.--the american fur company, chartered by the state of new york in , a different company for a different purpose.--the association dissolved at astoria before the arrival of h. b. m.'s sloop of war the racoon.--protection of the national flag.--vattel.--kluber.--letter from mr. gallatin to mr. astor.--a commission from the state required in respect of acquiring territory.--title by discovery of the mouth of a river.--rivers appendages to a territory.--vattel.--common use of great rivers.--mr. wheaton.--effect of the principle to make the highlands, not the water courses, the boundaries.--different principle advanced by messrs. pickney & monroe, in , founded on extent of sea coast.--vattel.--charters of georgia, pennsylvania, and carolina.--crozat's grant opposed to the spanish discovery of the mississippi.--inconvenience in applying the principle.--conflict of titles.--course of the columbia river.--valley of the columbia river does not extend across the cascade range, on the north side of the river.--derivative title of the united states from spain.--spanish version, in , of encroachments by russia.--the russian statement.--the russian american company, in --lord stowell.--discoveries require notification.--the convention of the escurial admitted to contain recognitions of rights.--meaning of the word "settlements." it will have been seen in the previous chapter that messrs. rush and gallatin, in the negotiations of - , no longer confined themselves to the assertion of an imperfect right on the part of the united states, good at least against great britain, as in the negotiations of , but set up a claim on the part of the united states, _in their own right, to absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion_ over the whole of the country westward of the rocky mountains, from ° to at least as high up as °. this claim they rested upon their first discovery of the river columbia, followed up by an effective settlement at its mouth. in respect to the discovery of the river, they alleged the same facts as in , namely, that captain gray, in the american ship columbia, first discovered and entered its mouth, and that captains lewis and clarke first explored it from its sources to the ocean. in respect to settlement, the establishment at astoria was, as before, relied upon, having been formally surrendered up to the united states at the return of peace. the american plenipotentiaries grounded the extent of the exclusive claim of the united states, _in their own right_, upon the fact that "it had been ascertained that the columbia extended by the river multnomah to as low as ° north, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as °, if not beyond that point." in the first place, then, neither of these statements is correct. the erroneous notions respecting the multnomah river have been already alluded to in the chapter upon the treaty of washington. to a similar purport, in the map prefixed to lewis and clarke's travels, we find the source of the multnomah laid down in ° ' north latitude, ° ' west longitude from greenwich, the river being represented to run a due north-west course, and to empty itself into the columbia within about miles of the sea. in the narrative of the expedition, chapter xx., it is expressly stated, that they passed the mouth of this river in their way down the columbia to the pacific, and afterwards found it to be the multnomah; and in chapter xxv. it is said that "the indians call it multnomah from a nation of the same name, residing near it, on wappatoo island." this island lies in the immediate mouth of the river, dividing the channel into two parts. now this river is the modern willamette, which enters the columbia from the south, about five miles below fort vancouver, about eighty-five miles from the sea, according to mr. dunn, and in the valley of this river, in a very fertile district, about fifty miles from its entrance into the columbia, is the willamette settlement, where the majority of the colonists from the united states are located, though according to commander wilkes' account, (vol. iv., chap. x., p. , vo. ed.,) many of the farms belong to canadians who have been in the service of the hudson's bay company. actual survey, as may be seen from commander wilkes' map, has determined that the southernmost source of the multnomah, or willamette, is in about ° ' n. l. in respect to clarke's river, the map of lewis and clarke places the highest source of it in about ° ', whilst commander wilkes' map determines it to be in about ° '. it is the same as the flathead river, and it joins the main stream of the columbia a little below the th parallel. it thus appears that neither of the rivers upon which mr. rush relied, supports his claim to the extent which he maintained. had he grounded the title of the united states towards the south upon the source of the lewis or snake river, which he may possibly have intended to do, this would have given him the d parallel to commence with, and clarke's river would have carried the claim of the united states up to very nearly ° at its junction with the northern branch, but no higher. lewis and clarke saw nothing, and knew nothing, of the northernmost branch of the columbia, which mr. thomson, the astronomer of the north-west company, first explored to its junction with clarke's river, and thence to the sea, in , as already (p. ) detailed. in reference to the settlement of astoria, on the southern bank of the columbia, at its mouth, the pacific fur company does not appear to have been authorised by the united states government to make any effective settlement there. on the contrary, it is asserted by writers in the united states, who, it may be presumed, are well informed on the subject, and the charleston mercury of october , , expressly asserts the fact,--"that the united states government, though earnestly solicited by mr. astor, refused to authorise or sanction his expedition." mr. astor himself states, in his letter of january , , to mr. adams, quoted by mr. greenhow in his appendix, p. , that it was as late as february , when he made an application to the secretary of state at washington, but no reply was given to it. in addition, although mr. astor, according to mr. washington irving, obtained a charter from the state of new york in , incorporating a company under the name of the american fur company, this was intended to carry on the fur trade in the atlantic states, and was a totally distinct speculation from the pacific fur company, which was not formed before july , and was a purely voluntary association for commercial purposes, consisting of ten partners, of whom mr. astor was the chief. of these, however, six were british subjects, who, according to mr. greenhow, p. , communicated the plan of the enterprise to the british minister at washington, and were assured by him, "that in case of a war between the two nations they would be respected as _british subjects and merchants_." such a body of traders could hardly be considered to invest their settlement at astoria with any distinct _national_ character, much less to represent the sovereignty of the united states of america, so as, in taking possession of a portion of territory at the mouth of the columbia, to acquire for the united states the _empire_ or sovereignty of it, at the same time with the _domain_. it must be kept in mind that the pacific fur company was a purely voluntary association, a mercantile firm in fact, not incorporated, as the american fur company had been, by an act of the legislature of the state of new york, nor, though countenanced by the government of the united states, as it well deserved to be, in any respect authorised by it. "the association," according to mr. washington irving, "if successful, was to continue for twenty years, but the _parties had full power to abandon and dissolve it_ within the first five years, should it be found unprofitable." and thus, we find, that the association was dissolved by the unanimous act of the partners present at astoria on the st of july , and the establishment itself, with the furs and stock in hand, transferred by sale on the th of october to the north-west company, so that when the british sloop-of-war the racoon arrived on the st of december, the settlement at astoria was the property of the north-west company. captain black, formally took possession of astoria in the name of his britannic majesty, according to the narrative of mr. john ross cox, and having hoisted the british ensign, named it fort george. there is no mention however of the flag of the united states having been struck on this occasion. thus, indeed, the territory was for the first time taken possession of by a person "_furnished with a commission from his sovereign_," and from this time astoria became a settlement of the british crown, not by the rights of war, but by a national act of taking possession. at a subsequent period, however, upon the representation of the government of the united states, the british government, in conformity, as it was led to suppose, to the first article of the treaty of ghent, directed the settlement of fort george to be restored to the united states. the british ensign was then formally struck, and the flag of the united states hoisted. by this act of cession on the part of the crown of great britain, and the subsequent taking possession of the place by mr. prevost, as agent for the united states, astoria for the first time acquired the national character of a settlement of the united states; and though the facts of the case, when better understood, might not have brought astoria within the scope of the first article of the treaty of ghent, still the act of cession, having been a voluntary act on the part of the british government, would carry with it analogous consequences to those which followed the restoration of the settlement at nootka sound, on the part of spain, to great britain, by virtue of the first article of the treaty of the escurial. from this period, then, the first authoritative occupation of any portion of the oregon territory by the united states is to be dated. but it was alleged on the part of the united states, that the mouth of the columbia river had been first discovered and entered by captain gray, a citizen of the united states, in a vessel sailing under the flag of the united states: and when it was urged by the british commissioners that the discovery was not made by a national ship, or under national authority, it was stated by mr. rush, that "the united states could admit no such distinction, could never surrender under it, or upon any ground, their claim to this discovery. the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states or not, was a national ship. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, _she was in the full sense of it applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." the doctrine adduced in the above passage is not in accordance either with the practice of nations, or the principles of natural law. the occasion here contemplated was the discovery of a country with a view of taking possession of it. the practice of nations, according to vattel, has usually respected such a discovery, when made by navigators _furnished with a commission from their sovereign_, but not otherwise; and according to kluber, in order that an act of occupation should be legitimate,--and the same observation applies to all the acts which are accessorial to occupation,--the _state_ ought to have the intention of taking possession. it may be perfectly true that a merchant vessel, sailing under the flag of a nation, is under the protection of the nation, and is to be identified with the rights of the nation, within the limits of its own proper character, that is, for all the purposes of commerce, but not beyond those limits: the flag, indeed, entitles it to all the privileges which the nation has secured to her citizens by treaties of commerce, but the ship is the property of individuals, and the captain is only the agent of the owners: he possesses no authority from the nation, unlike the captain of a vessel of the state, who is the agent of the state, and for whose acts the state is responsible towards other states. the government of the united states, however, did not consider, about the time of these transactions at astoria, that a trading vessel, sailing under the command of a private citizen, could claim the protection of the flag in the same sense in which a ship of the state possesses it, under the command of a commissioned officer. mr. washington irving has annexed, in the appendix to his "astoria," a letter from mr. gallatin himself, addressed to mr. astor, in august , :--"during that period i visited washington twice--in october or november , and in march . on one of these two occasions, and i believe on the last, you mentioned to me that you were disposed once more to renew the attempt and to _re-establish_ astoria, provided you had _the protection of the american flag_: for which purpose _a lieutenant's command_ would be sufficient to you. you requested me to mention this to the president, which i did. mr. madison said he would consider the subject; and, although he did not commit himself, i thought that he received the proposal favourably." this distinction, which the highest authorities in the united states seem at that time to have fully appreciated, between the protection of the national flag in respect of acquiring territory, and the protection of it in respect of carrying on commerce, namely, that a commission from the state is required to convey the former, whilst the latter is enjoyed at his own will by every citizen, is seemingly at variance with mr. rush's remarks. the principle, however, upon which captain gray's discovery, on the hypothesis that it was a national discovery, was alleged to lead to such important consequences, was thus stated:--"i asserted," writes mr. rush, "that a nation discovering a country by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of such principal river and its tributary streams." this is a very sweeping declaration, more particularly when applied to the rivers of the new world; and, in order that it should command the acquiescence of other states, it must be agreeable either to the principles of natural law, or to the practice of nations. the principles involved in this position seem to be, that the discoverer of the mouth of a river is entitled to the exclusive use of the river; and the exclusive use of the river entitles him to the property of its banks. this is an inversion of the ordinary principles of natural law, which regards rivers and lakes as appendages to a territory, the use of which is necessary for the perfect enjoyment of the territory, and rights of property in them only as acquired through rights of property in the banks. thus, vattel (i., § :) "when a nation takes possession of a country bounded by a river, she is considered as appropriating to herself the river also: for the utility of a river is too great to admit of a supposition that the nation did not intend to reserve it for itself. consequently, the nation that first established her dominion on one of the banks of the river is considered as being the first possessor of all that part of the river which bounds her territory. where it is a question of a very broad river, this presumption admits not of a doubt, so far at least as relates to a part of the river's breadth: and the strength of the presumption increases or diminishes in an inverse ratio with the breadth of a river; for the narrower the river is, the more do the safety and convenience of its use require that it should be subject to the empire and property of a nation." according to the civil law, rivers (flumina perennia,) as distinguished from streams (rivi,) were deemed public, which, like the sea shore, all might use. in an analogous manner, in reference to great rivers flowing into the ocean, a common use is presumed, unless an exclusive title can be made out, either from prescription or the acknowledgment of other states. thus, mr. wheaton, in his elements of international law, (part ii., ch. iv., § ,) in referring to the treaty of san lorenzo el real, in , by the th article of which his catholic majesty agreed that the navigation of the mississippi, from its sources to the ocean, should be free to the citizens of the united states, (martens, traités, vi., p. ,) spain having become at this time possessed of both banks of the mississippi at its mouth, observes:--"the right of the united states to participate with spain in the navigation of the mississippi was rested by the american government on the sentiment, written in deep characters on the heart of man, that the ocean is free to all men, and its rivers to all their inhabitants." thus, indeed, the use of a river is considered by mr. wheaton to be accessory to inhabitancy; in other words, to follow the property in the banks. the principle, however, upon which the commissioner of the united states defended his claim to attach such an extent of country to the discovery of captain gray, was, that it was at once _reasonable_ and _moderate_; reasonable, because there must be some rule for determining the local extent of a discovery, and none was more proper than taking the water-courses which nature had laid down, both as the fair limits of the country, and as indispensable to its use and value; moderate, because the natives of europe had often, under their rights of discovery, carried their claims much further. as to the reasonableness of the rule, if mr. rush meant that rivers were the natural and most convenient boundaries of territories, this proposition would command a ready assent: but the result of the principle which he set up as to the extent of the discovery, would be to make the high-lands, and not the water-courses, the territorial limits. in respect, however, to the moderation of the principle, when the magnitude of the great rivers of america, the amazons for example, or the mississippi, is taken into consideration, the absolute moderation of the rule would be questionable. but its moderation was insisted upon in comparison with the extensive grants of the european sovereigns. the comparative moderation, however, of a principle will not be sufficient to give it validity as a principle of international law, if it should be not in accordance with the practice of nations. but mr. monroe, under whose administration as president of the united states this principle was advanced by mr. rush, had, in the negotiations which he, in conjunction with mr. pinckney, carried on in with spain, propounded a very different principle, viz.: "that whenever any european nation _takes possession of any extent of sea coast_, that possession is understood as extending into the interior country, to the sources of the rivers emptying within that coast, to all their branches, and the country they cover, and to give it a right in exclusion of all other nations to the same." now vattel (i., § ) observes,--"when a nation takes possession of a country, with a view to settle there, it takes possession of everything included in it, as lands, lakes, rivers, &c." here then the title to the river is made subordinate to the title to the coast, and such is the case in the charters of the crown of england, which mr. rush alludes to as confirmatory of his view. the georgia charter of , for instance, of which he cites a portion, granted "all the lands and territories from the most northern stream of the savannah river, all _along the sea coast_ to the southward unto the most southern stream of the alatamaha river, and westward _from the heads of the said rivers respectively in direct lines to the south seas_, and all that space, circuit, and precinct of land lying _within the said boundaries_." (oldmixon's history of the british colonies in america, i., p. .) the same principle is sanctioned in the grant of pennsylvania and of carolina, and it is perfectly reasonable: for, as the discovery has taken place from the sea, the approach to the territory is presumed to be from the sea, so that the occupant of the sea-coast will necessarily bar the way to any second comer: and as he is supposed, in all these grants, to have settled in vacant territory, he will naturally be entitled to extend his settlement over the vacant district, as there will be no other civilised power in his way. mr. rush, in order to show that britain was not the only european nation, who, in her territorial claims on this continent, had had an eye to the rule of assuming water-courses to be the fittest boundaries, cited the charter of louis xiv. to crozat. but this very charter bears testimony against the principle advanced by mr. rush; for it is undeniable that the spaniards discovered the mouth of the mississippi about ; yet, in the face of this fact, the french king granted to crozat all the territory between new mexico on the west and carolina on the east, as far as the sources of the st. louis, or mississippi, under the name of the government of louisiana, as a part of his possessions, though spain had never ceded her title to france; on the authority, according to messrs. pinckney and monroe, of the discovery made by the french of the upper part of the river, as low down as the arkansas in , and to its mouth in , and of a settlement upon the sea coast in the bay of st. bernard, by la salle, in . (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) it was in reference to this settlement that the principle of the possession of the coast entitling to the possession of the interior country, had been propounded to spain on the part of the united states. but if we examine this principle in its application, we shall find it lead to very great inconveniences. in the case of the columbia river itself, mr. rush claimed the whole of the northwest coast, as far north as the st parallel of north latitude, because the north branch of the river rises in that latitude. but the mouth of frazer's river is in ° n. l., so that the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river would be entitled to the coast above the th parallel, unless mr. greenhow means to confine the application of his principle to what is strictly the valley of the river, and this would be to make the headlands, as before remarked, the lines of territorial demarcation. this certainly would be an intelligible rule, whilst any other interpretation of his meaning would lead to an endless conflict of titles. for otherwise, as observed, the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river would clash with the discoverer of the mouth of the columbia river, as frazer's river extends from ° ' to °, and the discoverer of the salmon river, which rises in about °, and, after pursuing a northward course, empties itself into the sea a little below °, would clash with the discoverer of the mouth of frazer's river. mr. rush's principle seems to assume that all the main rivers of a country pursue a parallel course, and that all the great valleys and mountain ranges are conformable, which however is not the case. thus the columbia, after following for some time, in a southward direction, a parallel course to frazer's river, is suddenly turned aside to the west by the blue mountains, which it meets in about ° n. l., and arriving at a gap in the cascade range, finds its way at once to the sea along that parallel, instead of forming a great lake between the cascade and blue mountains, and ultimately working its way out where the klamet at present empties itself into the pacific. mr. rush's principle, therefore, does not seem to recommend itself by its convenience; but, assuming for a moment that it is a recognised principle of international law, that a "nation discovering a country by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast, must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the interior country as was described by the course of the principal river and its tributary streams," the united states would only be entitled to the valley of the columbia river, to the country watered by the river itself, and its tributaries: it could not claim to come across the cascade range on the northern side of the columbia, to cross the highlands which turn off the waters on their eastern side into the columbia, and on their western side into admiralty inlet; yet, by virtue of the first entrance by gray of the mouth of the columbia river, the united states claim, "in their own right, and under their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as high up as the st degree of north latitude." such were the grounds on which the original title of the united states was set up; her derivative title on this occasion was founded upon the cession of the title of spain by the treaty of washington. in support of the spanish title, mr. rush alleged that "russia had acknowledged it in , as the state papers of the nootka sound controversy would show. but the memorial of the court of spain simply states, that in reply to the remonstrance of spain against the encroachments of russian navigators within the limits of spanish america (limits situated within prince william's strait,) russia declared "that she had given orders that her subjects should make no settlement in places belonging to other powers, and that if those orders had been violated, and any had been made in spanish america, she desired the king would put a stop to them in a friendly manner." (annual register, , p. .) but russia did not acknowledge the limits of spanish america, as set up by spain; on the contrary, we find m. de poletica, the russian minister at washington, in his letter to mr. adams of the th february , distinctly asserting that russian navigators had pushed their discoveries as far south as the forty-ninth degree of north latitude in , and that in there were russian colonies in vancouver's island, which the spanish authorities did not disturb, and that vancouver found a russian establishment in the bay of koniac. (british and foreign state papers - .) vancouver himself states, that he found a settlement of about one hundred russians at port etches, on the eastern side of prince william's sound, and m. de poletica, in his negotiations with mr. adams, maintained the authenticity of the statement in the two official letters preserved in the archives of the marine at paris, which report that in captain haro, in the spanish packet st. charles, found a russian settlement in the latitude of ° and °. (state papers, - , p. .) fleurieu, the french hydrographer, considers these numbers to be erroneous, and that ° and ° ought to be read; but he gives no other reason than that the english traders had fully ascertained that the russians had no establishment to the south of nootka sound, which is between and degrees. so far, at least, were the russians from practically recognising the title of spain up to ° north latitude, that in the emperor paul granted to the russian american company the exclusive enjoyment of the north-west coast as far south as ° north lat., in virtue of the discovery of it by russian navigators, and authorised them to extend their discoveries to the south of °, and to occupy all such territories as should not have been previously occupied and placed under subjection by any other nation, (greenhow, p. .) it was further urged by mr. rush, that spain had expressly asserted in , that her territories extended as far as the th degree of north latitude; and that she had always maintained her possessions entire, notwithstanding attempted encroachments upon them. this, however, was not admitted by the british minister at the court of madrid: moreover, it was by implication denied in the very first article of the treaty, by which it was stipulated that the buildings and tracts of land on the north-west coast of america, or on islands adjacent to the continent, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty had been _dispossessed_ about the middle of april, , by the spaniards, should be restored to the said british subjects. again, it was contended by mr. rush, that "any claim on the part of great britain, under the voyage of captain cook, was sufficiently superseded (passing by every thing else) by the journal of the spanish expedition from san blas, in , kept by don antonio maurelle, and published by daines barrington, a british author," in his miscellanies. it is, however, quite a novel view of the law of nations, that a _clandestine_ discovery should be set up to supersede a _patent_ discovery, notified to all the world by the authoritative publication of the facts. thus lord stowell, in the case of the fama ( robinson's reports, ,) says, "in newly-discovered countries, where a title is meant to be established for the first time, some act of possession is usually done, and _proclaimed as a notification of the fact_. in a similar manner, in the case of derivative title, it is a recognised rule of international law, that sovereignty does not pass by the mere words of a treaty, without actual delivery. when stipulations of treaties," observes lord stowell, "for ceding particular countries are to be carried into execution, solemn instruments of cession are drawn up, and adequate powers are _formally_ given to the persons by whom the actual delivery is to be made. in modern times more especially, such a proceeding is become almost a matter of necessity, with regard to the territorial establishments of the states of europe in the new world. the treaties by which they are affected may not be known to them for many months after they are made. many articles must remain _executory_ only, and not executed till carried into effect; and until that is done by _some public act, the former sovereignty must remain_. in illustration of the practice of nations being in accordance with this principle, that eminent judge cited the instances of the cession of nova scotia to france in , of louisiana to spain in , and of east florida to spain in , in all of which cases the sovereignty was held not to have passed by the treaty, but by a subsequent formal and public act of notification. claims of territory are claims of a most sacred nature, and, as the case of vacant lands, a claim of discovery by one nation is to supersede and extinguish thence-forward the rights of all other nations to take possession of the country as vacant, the reason of the thing requires that the newly-acquired character of the country should be indicated by some public act. thus mr. greenhow (p. ) observes, that the government of spain, by its silence as to the results of the expedition of perez in , deprived itself "of the means of establishing, beyond question, his claim to the discovery of nootka sound, which is now, by general consent, assigned to captain cook." in this conference, the convention of the escurial, or, as it was termed, the nootka sound convention, was introduced by mr. rush, in accordance with the express instructions of the united states government. mr. greenhow seems to consider that this was an impolitic step on the part of the united states, as they thereby admitted it to be a subsisting treaty. mr. rush certainly maintained that the convention contained _recognitions of rights_, such as the exclusive colonial rights of spain, but he further contended that, "whilst, by it, the nations of europe generally were allowed to make settlements on that coast, _it was only, for the purposes of the trade with the natives_, thereby excluding the right of any exclusive or colonial establishments for other purposes." to the same purport mr. greenhow (p. ) in a note says, "the principles settled by the nootka sound convention were:-- " st. that the rights of fishing in the south seas; of trading with the natives of the north-west coast of america; and _of making settlements on the coast itself, for the purposes of that trade_, north of the actual settlements of spain, were common to all the european nations, and of course to the united states." this view, however, of the purport of the convention of the escurial, falls short of the full bearing of the rd article, which is the one alluded to; by which it was agreed, "that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested, either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean, or the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or _of making settlements_ there." there is no restriction here as to the object of the settlement: on the contrary, _the making settlements_ is specified as distinct _from the landing on the coast for the purposes of trade_. it is obvious that, if the intention of the framers of the convention had been such as asserted by mr. rush, they would have worded the article otherwise, viz., "or in landing on the coasts of those seas, or in making settlements there, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country." the argument, therefore, advanced by mr. rush, must, upon the face of the words of it, be held to give an imperfect view of the rights mutually acknowledged by the treaty of the escurial. but the meaning of the word "settlement" in the treaty will be obvious, if either the antecedent facts, or the antecedent negotiations, are regarded. in the memorial of the court of spain [annual register, , p. ,] it is stated, that before the visit of martinez to nootka, spain did not know that the english had endeavoured _to make settlements_ on the northern parts of the southern ocean, though she had been aware of trespasses made by the english on some of the islands of those coasts. martinez, on arriving at nootka, had found two american vessels, [the columbia and washington,] but as it appeared from their papers that they were driven there by distress, and only came in there to refit, he permitted them to proceed upon their voyage. "he also found there the iphigenia from macao, under portuguese colours, which had a passport from the governor; and though he [the captain] came manifestly with a view to trade there, yet the spanish admiral, when he saw his instructions, gave him leave to depart, upon his signing an engagement to pay the value of the vessel, should the government of mexico declare it a lawful prize. "with this vessel there came a second [the north-west america,] which the admiral detained and a few days after a third, named the argonaut, from the above-mentioned place. the captain [colnett] of this latter was an englishman. he came _not only to trade_, but brought every thing with him proper _to form a settlement there_ and to fortify it. this, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the spanish admiral, he persevered in, and was detained, together with his vessel. "after him came a fourth english vessel, named the princess royal, and evidently _for the same purposes_. she likewise was detained, and sent into port st. blas, where the pilot of the argonaut made away with himself." what these purposes were, is more fully shown from the letter of instructions which capt. colnett carried with him, and which is to be found in the appendix to meares' voyages, having been annexed to meares' memorial. "in planning a factory on the coast of america, we look to _a solid establishment_, and not to one that is to be abandoned at pleasure. we authorise you to fix it at the most convenient station, only to place _your colony_ in peace and security, and fully protected from the fear of the smallest sinister accident. the object of a port of this kind is to draw the indians to it, to lay up the small vessels in the winter season, to build, and for other commercial purposes. when this point is effected, different trading houses will be established at stations, that your knowledge of the coast and its commerce point out to be most advantageous." that the avowed object of capt. colnett's expedition was in conformity with these instructions, is confirmed by the letter which gray, the captain of the washington, and ingraham, the mate of the columbia, both of them citizens of the united states, addressed to the spanish commandant from nootka sound in august , , and which mr. greenhow has published in his appendix [p. ]--"it seems captain meares, with some other englishmen at macao, had concluded _to erect a fort and settle a colony_ in nootka sound; from what authority we cannot say. however, on the arrival of the argonaut, we _heard captain colnett inform the spanish commodore he had come for that purpose_, and to hoist the british flag, take formal possession, &c.; to which the commodore answered, he had taken possession already in the name of his catholic majesty; on which capt. colnett asked, if he would be prevented from building a house in the port. the commodore, mistaking his meaning, answered him he was at liberty to erect a tent, get wood and water, &c., after which, he was at liberty to depart when he pleased; but capt. colnett said, that was not what he wanted, but to build a block-house, erect a fort, and _settle a colony_ for the crown of great britain. don estevan jose martinez answered, _no_; that in doing that, he should violate the orders of his king, run a risk of losing his commission, and not only that, but it would be relinquishing the _spaniards' claim to the coast_; besides, don martinez observed, _the vessels did not belong to the king_, nor was he intrusted with powers to transact such public business. on which capt. colnett answered, he was a king's officer: but don estevan replied, his being in the navy was of no consequence in the business." the authorised spanish account in the introduction of the voyage of galiano and valdes [p. cvii.] is in perfect harmony with the contemporaneous american statement. mr. greenhow has quoted a portion of it in a note to his work, [p. ,] which may be referred to more conveniently than the spanish original, of which the following is a translation:--"there entered the same port, on the d of july, the english packet-boat argonaut, despatched from macao by the english company. her captain, james colnett, was furnished with a license from the king of england, authorising him [iba autorizado con ordenes del rey] _to take possession of the port of nootka, to fortify himself in it, and to establish a factory_ for storing the skins of the sea-otter, and to preclude other nations from engaging in that trade, with which object he was to build a large ship and a schooner. so manifest an infringement _of territorial rights_ led to an obstinate contest between the spanish commandant and the english captain, which extended to europe, and alarmed the two powers, threatening them for some time with war and devastation, the fatal results of discord. thus a dispute about the possession of a narrow territory, inhabited only by wretched indians, and distant six thousand navigable leagues from europe, threatened to produce the most disastrous consequences to the whole world, the invariable result, when the ambition or vanity of nations intervenes, and prudence and moderation are wanting in contesting rights of property." spain, at the commencement of the negotiations, expressly required through her ambassador at the court of london, on february , , "that the parties who had planned these expeditions should be punished, in order to deter others _from making settlements on territories occupied_ and frequented by the spaniards for a number of years." great britain, in undertaking that her subjects should not act against the just and acknowledged rights of spain, maintained for them an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the possession of such _establishments_ as they should form with the consent of the natives of the country, _not previously occupied_ by any of the european nations. the word "establishment" here made use of is synonymous with "settlement," _établissement_ being the expression in the french version of the treaty wherever _settlement_ occurs in the english version. both these terms have a recognised meaning in the language of treaties, of a far wider extent than that to which mr. rush sought to limit the language of the convention of the escurial. in the convention itself the word "settlement" is applied, in the th article, to the spanish colonies; in the th, it is applied to the parts of the coast occupied by the subjects of either power since , or hereafter to be occupied; in the th, to the parts of the coast which the subjects of both powers were forbidden to occupy. there is nothing in the context to warrant the supposition that the usual meaning was not to be attached to the word "settlement" on this occasion, namely, a _territorial settlement_, such as is contemplated in the rd article of the treaty of : "and that the american fishermen shall have liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the _unsettled_ bays, harbours, and creeks of nova scotia, magdalen islands, so long as the same shall remain unsettled: but so soon as the same, or either of them, shall be _settled_, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such _settlement_ without a previous agreement with _the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground_." in the same manner, during the negotiations of , _the settlement at the mouth of the columbia river_ was the term applied by mr. rush to astoria. during the discussions between spain and the united states prior to the florida treaty, the _settlement_ in the bay of st. bernard, is the appellation given to the french colony of la salle; and in crozat's grant the word _établissemens_ is similarly employed. that "settlement" is not the received expression in the language of diplomatists for temporary trading stations, may be inferred from a single instance in the treaty of , by the second article of which it was provided,--"the united states, in the mean time, at their discretion extending their _settlements_ [leurs établissemens] to any post within the said boundary line, except within the precincts or _jurisdiction_ of any of the said posts. all _settlers_ and _traders_ within the said posts [tous les colons et commerçans établis dans l'enceinte et la jurisdiction des dites postes] shall continue to enjoy unmolested all their property of every kind, and shall be protected therein." one instance more will suffice. treaties must be construed in accordance with the received and ordinary meaning of the language, unless otherwise specified, especially when it is sought to attach an unusual sense to any particular term, which sense is ordinarily expressed by some other well-known term. thus, the th article of the treaty of paris serves to show, that a station exclusively for the purposes of trade with the natives is not termed a settlement, or _établissement_, but a factory, or _comptoir_. "in the east indies great britain shall restore to france, in the conditions they are now in, the different _factories_ [les différens comptoirs] which that crown possessed, as well on the coast of coromandel and orissa as on that of malabar, as also bengal, at the beginning of the year ." [jenkinson's collection of treaties, vol. ii., p. ; martens' traités, i., p. .] in remarkable contrast to this we find in the convention of commerce between great britain and the united states, signed at london, july , , the following words in the third article:--"his britannic majesty agrees that the vessels of the united states of america shall be admitted and hospitably received at the principal _settlements_ of the british dominions in the east indies, viz., calcutta, madras, bombay, and prince of wales' island, and that the citizens of the said united states may freely carry on trade between the said principal _settlements_ and the said united states." in this latter case it is no longer trading posts, but territorial establishments which are spoken of, and the word _settlements_ is distinctively applied to them. chapter xvi. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - . revival of negotiations.--written statements of respective claims.--the united states.--great britain.--rights supposed to be derived from the acquisition of louisiana.--jefferys' french america.--cession of canada.--the illinois country.--treaty of utrecht.--treaty of paris.--french maps.--charters.--declaration of court of france in , as to respective limits of canada and louisiana.--contiguity of territory.--hudson's bay territories.--atlantic colonies.--cession by france of the left bank of the mississippi.--mr. gallatin's doctrine of contiguity.--assumptions not admissible.--claim to an exclusive title by contiguity.--argument from numbers.--derivative title from spain.--meaning of the word "settlement" in the treaty of the escurial.--mr. gallatin's doctrine respecting "factories."--intermixed settlements not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction.--the convention contained a mutual recognition of rights.--general law of nations may be appealed to as supplementary to the treaty.--priority of settlement.--vattel.--territory in use never granted for the purpose of making settlements.--treaty of paris.--usufructuary right.--settlements not to be disturbed.--territory in chief not reserved.--convention of . the subject of a definitive arrangement of the respective claims of the two nations to the country west of the rocky mountains, the sovereignty over which had been placed in abeyance for ten years by the convention of , was once more revived in , on the arrival in london of mr. gallatin, with full powers from the united states to resume the discussion. the british commissioners renewed their former proposal of a boundary line drawn along the th parallel from the rocky mountains to m'gillivray's river, the north-eastern branch of the columbia, and thence along that river to the pacific ocean, and subsequently "tendered in the spirit of accommodation" the addition of a detached territory on the north side of the river, extending from bulfinch's (gray's or whidbey's) harbour on the pacific, to hood's canal on the straits of fuca. mr. gallatin, on his part, confined himself to the previous offer of the th parallel to the pacific, with the free navigation to the sea of such branches of the columbia as the line should cross at points from which they are navigable by boats. the claims of the two nations were on this occasion formally set forth in written statements, and annexed to the protocol of the sixth and seventh conferences respectively. they were published with president adams's message to congress of december , , and are both inserted in full in the _second_ edition of mr. greenhow's history, lately published. the british statement alone was published in his first edition, but the united states' counter-statement, a very able paper, which was a great desideratum, has been annexed to the second edition. it is much to be regretted that so interesting a collection of state papers as the documents of congress contain, are almost inaccessible to the european reader, since a complete collection is not to be met with in any of our great public libraries in england or france--those of the british museum, for example, and of the chamber of deputies, having been in vain consulted for this purpose. it was intended to annex both the written statements on this occasion in an appendix to the present work, but the recent publication of the negotiations of - , has rendered this step unnecessary. on this occasion mr. gallatin grounded the claims of the united states--first of all upon their acquisition of louisiana, as constituting as strong a claim to the westwardly extension of that province over the _contiguous_ vacant territory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far as the pacific ocean; and, secondly, on the several discoveries of the spanish and american navigators. these distinct titles, it was maintained, "though in different hands, they would conflict with each other, being now united in the same power, supported each other. the possessors of louisiana might have contended, on the ground of contiguity, for the adjacent territory on the pacific ocean, with the discoveries of the coast and of its main rivers. the several discoveries of the spanish and american navigators might separately have been considered as so many _steps in the progress of discovery, and giving only imperfect claims to each party_. all these various claims, from whatever consideration derived, are now brought united against the pretensions of any other nation." "these united claims," it was urged, "established a stronger title to the country above described, and along the coast as far north, at least, as the th parallel of latitude, than has ever, at any former time, been asserted by any nation to vacant territory." the british commissioners, messrs. huskisson and addington, on their part, maintained that the titles of the united states, if attempted to be combined, destroyed each other--if urged singly, were imperfect titles. great britain claimed _no exclusive sovereignty_ over any portion of the territory. as for any exclusive spanish title, that was definitively set at rest by the convention of nootka, and the united states necessarily succeeded to the limitations by which spain herself was bound. in respect to the french title, louisiana never extended across the rocky mountains westward, unless some tributary of the mississippi crossed them from east to west; but assuming that it did even extend to the pacific, it belonged to spain equally with the californias, in , when she signed the convention of nootka; and also subsequently, in , when gray first entered the mouth of the columbia. if then louisiana embraced the country west of the rocky mountains, to the south of °, it must have embraced the columbia itself, and consequently gray's discovery must have been made in a country avowedly already appropriated to spain; and if so appropriated, necessarily included, with all other spanish possessions and claims in that quarter, in the stipulations of the nootka convention. as the rights supposed to be derived from the acquisition of louisiana were on this occasion for the first time set up by the united states, and formed a leading topic in mr. gallatin's counter-statement, their novelty, as well as the important consequences attempted to be deduced from them, entitled them to precedence in the order of inquiry over the derivative spanish title, and the original title of the united states, the more so, as the two latter have been already briefly examined. it would seem that mr. gallatin did not attempt to extend the boundaries of the colony of louisiana, beyond the valley of the mississippi and its tributaries. crozat's grant would of itself be evidence against any extension of the french title in this respect. but he contended, that "by referring to the most authentic french maps, new france was made to extend over the territory drained by rivers entering into the south seas. the claim to a westwardly extension to those seas was thus early asserted, as part, not of louisiana, but of new france. the king had reserved to himself, in crozat's grant, the right of enlarging the government of louisiana. this was done by an ordinance dated in the year , which annexed the illinois to it, and from that time, the province extended as far as the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada or new france. the settlement of that northern limit still further strengthens the claim of the united states to the territory west of the rocky mountains." the meaning of this passage is rather obscure, but it seems to imply, that by the annexation of the illinois the province of louisiana was extended to the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and _thereby_ cut off the western portion of canada or new france, and so consequently extended itself to the south seas. if this be the correct view of the argument, then it may be confidently asserted, that neither of these positions can be established. in the first place, crozat's grant, on which the united states expressly and formally relied in the negotiations with spain, defined the country of louisiana to be bounded on the west by new mexico, on the east by carolina, and northwards to comprise the countries along the river st. louis (mississippi) from the sea-shore to the illinois, together with the river st. philip, formerly called the missouries river, and the st. jerome, formerly called wabash, with all the countries, territories, lakes in the land, and the rivers emptying directly or indirectly into _that part_ of the river st. louis. the words of the grant, if strictly interpreted, limit the province on _both sides_ of the mississippi _to that part from the sea-shore to the illinois_, as both the missouri and the wabash (ohio) unite with the mississippi below the illinois. but it seems to have been practically held, that louisiana extended along the western bank of the mississippi to its source. thus we find in jefferys' history of the french dominions in america, published in , louisiana thus described:--"the province of louisiana, on the southern part of new france, extends, according to the french geographers, from the gulf of mexico in about ° to near ° north lat. on the western side, (the sources of the mississippi being laid down in jefferys' map in about °,) and to near ° on the eastern, and from ° to near ° w. longitude from london. it is bounded on the north by canada, on the east by the british colonies of new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, georgia, and by the peninsula of florida; on the south by the gulf of mexico; and lastly, on the west by new mexico." this description evidently omits the illinois, but the annexation of the illinois in did not give to the province of louisiana the indefinite extent northward which mr. gallatin suggests, for the marquis de vaudreuil, in ceding the province of canada to sir j. amherst, in , according to his own letter, (annual register, , p. ,) expressly described louisiana as extending on the one side to the carrying-place of the miamis, and on the other to the head of the river of the illinois. the illinois country itself was a limited district, watered by a river of that name, which had been so called from an indian nation settled on its banks. this tribe or nation was said to have migrated from the west, along the banks of the moingona, (the rivière des moines,) down to its junction with the mississippi: it had then established itself a little lower down on the eastern side of the mississippi, in an exceedingly fertile valley, watered by a tributary of that river, to which it gave its own name of illinois. the french settlement was in this district, according to jefferys: its commodious situation enabled it to keep up the communication between canada and louisiana, and the fertility of the soil rendered it the granary of louisiana. it may be perfectly true that illinois was the most northern limit of the french _possessions_ in north america, if by the term _possessions_ is meant the territory in which they had made settlements; but if the term is intended to include the territory in which they claimed a right to found settlements, the statement would not be correct. by the treaty of utrecht, the british had precluded themselves from passing over the limits of the territory of the bay of hudson, and all the country south of those limits would be considered amongst "the places appertaining to the french," in other words, would be part of new france. but the southern boundary of the hudson's bay territory would be much to the northward of the illinois country; the intermediate district, it is true, was peopled with various indian tribes, but the french, as against great britain, by the treaty of utrecht, had an exclusive title to the country. by the treaty of paris in , that title passed from france to great britain, and in pursuance of the rights so acquired by the crown of england, a proclamation was issued, reserving to the indians, as hunting grounds, all the territories not included within the government of quebec, or the limits of the territory granted to the hudson's bay company, and enjoining all persons whatever, who should have seated themselves in them, to remove forthwith from such settlements. (annual register, , p. .) it would thus appear, if new france ever extended across the continent of america to the pacific ocean, the portion of it north of the sources of the mississippi, and of the illinois river, passed into the hands of great britain, on the ratification of the treaty of paris. the claim, however, to the westwardly extension of new france to the pacific ocean, requires some better evidence than the maps of the french geographers. a map can furnish no proof of territorial title: it may illustrate a claim, but it cannot prove it. the proof must be derived from facts, which the law of nations recognises as founding a title to territory. maps, as such, that is, when they have not had a special character attached to them by treaties, merely represent the _opinions of the geographers_ who have constructed them, which opinions are frequently founded on fictitious or erroneous statements: e. g., the map of the discoveries in north america by ph. buache and j. n. de lisle, in , in which portions of the west coast of america were delineated in accordance with de fonte's story, (supra, ch. iv.,) and the maps of north-west america at the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries, which represent california as lately ascertained to be an island. an examination of the collection in the king's library at the british museum, will remove all scepticism on this head. such documents are entitled, of themselves, to far less consideration from foreign powers, than the charters of sovereigns. these, indeed, may be binding on the subjects of the sovereigns by their own inherent authority, but against other nations, they must be supported expressly, on the face of them at least by some external authority, which the law of nations acknowledges. thus, we find generally the title of discovery recited in the preamble of charters; it is, however, competent for other nations to dispute this title, or to dispute the extent to which the grant goes. the charter of carolina and georgia, elsewhere recited, will furnish a case in point. in these the grant extends westward to the south seas, but this would convey no title to the settlers against the french, who barred the way to the south seas by their settlements in louisiana, and who would dispute the asserted claim, so that the charters would be inoperative in their full extent. but when mr. gallatin stated, that from the ordonnance of the province of louisiana extended as far as the most northern limit of the french possessions in north america, and thereby west of canada or new france, he has probably overlooked the words of the ultimatum of the court of france, of the th august , remitted by the duc de choiseul to mr. stanley, the british plenipotentiary, in the course of the negotiations in that year after the surrender of canada:--"the king of france has, in no part of his memorial of propositions, affirmed that _all which did not belong to canada appertained to louisiana_; it is even difficult to conceive such an assertion could be advanced. france, on the contrary, demanded that the intermediate nations between canada and louisiana, as also between virginia and louisiana, shall be considered as neutral nations, independent of the sovereignty of the two crowns, and serve as a barrier between them." (historical memorial of the negotiations, published at paris by authority, . may be referred to in jenkinson's coll. of treaties, vol. ii.) mr. gallatin says elsewhere, in alluding to royal charters:--"in point of fact, the whole country drained by the several rivers emptying into the atlantic ocean, the mouths of which were within those charters, has from hudson's bay to florida, and it is believed without exception, been occupied and held by virtue of those charters. not only has this principle been fully confirmed, but it has been notoriously enforced, much beyond the sources of the rivers on which the settlements were formed. the priority of the french settlements on the rivers flowing westwardly from the alleghany mountains into the mississippi, was altogether disregarded; and the rights of the atlantic colonies to extend beyond those mountains, as growing out of the _contiguity of territory_, and as asserted in the earliest charters, was effectually and successfully enforced." in reply to these remarks it may be observed, that the limits of the hudson's bay territory were settled by the treaty of utrecht, in , those of the atlantic colonies by the treaty of paris, , and in the preliminary negotiation no allusion is any where made to rights founded on charters, or to rights of _contiguity_. on the contrary, in regard to the hudson's bay territories, the peaceable acquiescence of the marquis de frontenac, then governor of canada, in the settlement of the bay of hudson by the english company, was maintained to be a bar to any claims on the part of the french to question, at a subsequent period, the title of which the british crown asserted on the grounds of _discovery_. again, in respect to the atlantic colonies, their right to extend themselves to the banks of the mississippi was never enforced against the french, "as growing out of the contiguity of territory, and as asserted in the earliest charters." on the contrary, in the negotiations of , it was admitted by great britain, that in respect to the course of the ohio, and the territories in those parts, the pretensions of the two crowns had been _contentious_ before the surrender of canada, and in respect to the nations on the east bank of the mississippi, great britain confined herself to asserting that they had been always reputed to be under her protection, and proposed to the french king, that "for the advantage of peace, he should consent to leave the intermediate countries under the protection of great britain, and particularly the cherokees, the creeks, the chicosaws, the chactaws, and another nation, situate between the _british settlements and the mississippi_." the result of these and subsequent negotiations was, that france, by the seventh article of the treaty of paris, agreed that the limits of the british and french territories respectively should be fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the mississippi, from its source to the river iberville [depuis sa naissance jusqu'à la rivière d'iberville,] and ceded to great britain all that she possessed or was entitled to possess, on the left bank of the mississippi, with the exception of new orleans. this cession by france of all that she possessed, or was entitled to possess, on the left bank of the river mississippi, would convey to great britain all her title to the illinois and other districts north of the illinois country, if she possessed any; but she could only possess any title to them as forming part of the dependencies of canada or new france. out of these, indeed, the province of louisiana had been carved by the grant to crozat in , and from these the illinois territory had been detached in , by the charter of law's mississippi company; the remainder, such as it was, had retained its original character of new france or canada unchanged, as well as its original limits, such as they had been determined to be, either by special commissioners, in pursuance of the provisions of the treaty of utrecht, or by an understanding between the crowns of france and great britain. if therefore the french had any possessions in america north of the sources of the mississippi, as louisiana did not extend further north than those sources, they must have been part of the original province of canada, and have been ceded to great britain with canada and all her dependencies. the western boundary of louisiana was never attempted to be extended by the french beyond the limits of crozat's grant, by which louisiana was expressly defined to be bounded by new mexico on the west, and impliedly by the head-waters of the missouri river. "the actual possession," mr. gallatin maintained, "and populous settlements of the valley of the mississippi, including louisiana, and now under one sovereignty, constitute a strong claim to the westwardly extension of that province over the _contiguous_ vacant territory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far as the pacific ocean. if some trading factories on the shores of hudson's bay have been considered by great britain as giving an exclusive right of occupancy as far as the rocky mountains; if the infant settlements on the more southern atlantic shores justified a claim thence to the south seas, and which was actually enforced to the mississippi, that of the millions already within the reach of those seas cannot consistently be resisted. for it will not be denied that the extent of contiguous territory, to which an actual settlement gives a prior right, must depend, in a considerable degree, on the magnitude and population of that settlement, and on the facility with which the vacant adjoining land may, within a short time, be occupied, settled, and cultivated by such population, as compared with the probability of its being thus occupied and settled from another quarter." in examining mr. gallatin's argument in the above passage, it will be seen that he assumes, as the foundation of it, two suppositions as to the hudson's bay factories and the settlements on the atlantic shores, which are not admissible. great britain never considered her right of occupancy up to the rocky mountains to rest upon the fact of her having established factories on the shores of the bay of hudson, i. e., upon her title by mere settlement, but upon her title by discovery confirmed by settlements, in which the french nation, her only civilised neighbour, acquiesced, and which they subsequently recognised by treaty: and in regard to the infant settlements on the atlantic shores, they were planted there either by virtue of discovery, as in the case of virginia, or else upon the plea of the territory "not yet being cultivated or planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people," as in the case of the carolinas, which, though occupied successively for a time by spanish and by french settlers, had been abandoned by all european nations from the year till , when charles ii. granted letters patent to the earl of clarendon and seven others, asserting a title to it by virtue of the discoveries of sebastian cabot, and its abandonment by other powers. if, therefore, the british crown asserted a right of extending its settlements beyond the heads of the rivers emptying themselves into the atlantic to the south seas, it was not by virtue of its infant settlements, but by the same title, whatever it might be, which, according to the practice of nations, would authorise it to make those settlements, since the claim was asserted in the very charters which empowered the settlement to be made. but the settlement was limited to lands "not yet cultivated or planted," in other words, _to vacant territory_. was the claim then actually enforced by the british to the mississippi? the history of the treaty of paris furnishes a negative answer to the question. the claim, indeed, which mr. gallatin attempts to set up, is to an _exclusive title by contiguity_. but such a title can only be founded on necessity, when the law of self-preservation is paramount to all other considerations. convenience alone will not establish an absolute title, though it may found a conditional title, subject to the acquiescence of other states: but the reason which mr. gallatin alleged in support of the title by contiguity; namely, the facility with which the vacant territory would be occupied by the teeming population of the united states, is but a disguised appeal to the principle of the _vis major_, and strikes at the root of the fundamental axiom of international law, that all nations are upon a footing of perfect equality as to their obligations and rights. "power or weakness," observes vattel, "does not in this respect produce any difference. a dwarf is as much a man as a giant: a small republic is no less a sovereign state than the most powerful kingdom;" so that every argument which rests on the grounds that the millions already within reach of the pacific ocean, entitle the united states by their numbers to the occupation and sovereignty of the country, to the exclusion of great britain, is out of place where questions of greater right, and not of greater interest, are under discussion. it should however not be forgotten, in discussing the probability of the oregon territory being occupied from any other quarter than the united states, that british subjects are restricted by the charter of the hudson's bay company from settling there, it being declared in that charter, "that no british subjects, other than and except the said governor and company, and their successors, and the persons authorised to carry on exclusive trade by them, shall trade with the indians" within such parts of north america as are "to the northward and to the westward of the lands and territories belonging to the united states of america." in respect to the derivative title from spain, mr. gallatin, in admitting the convention of the escurial to be now in force, as being of a commercial nature, and therefore renewed, in common with all the treaties of commerce existing previously to the year , between spain and great britain, by the treaty signed at madrid on august , , (martens' traités, nouveau recueil, iv., p. ,) contended in the first place that the word "settlement" was used in the third and fifth articles of the convention, in the narrower sense which mr. rush had endeavoured to attach to it in the negotiations of , namely, as "connected with the commerce to be carried on with the natives;" and, secondly, that if the word "settlement" was employed in its most unlimited sense, still that the provisions of the convention had no connection with an ultimate partition of the country for the purposes of permanent colonisation. the truth of the last observation, to a certain extent, is self-evident, from the fact of the ultimate partition of the country being still the subject of discussion; but in respect to the word "settlement," some objections to the attempt to narrow its meaning have been already stated, and may be referred to above, (p. - .) a few further observations, however, may not be superfluous. mr. gallatin, in another part of his counter-statement says, "it is also believed, that mere factories, established solely for the purpose of trafficking with the natives, _and without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement_, cannot, of themselves, and unsupported by any other consideration, give any better title to dominion and absolute sovereignty, than similar establishments made in a civilised country." if we admit, for the sake of the argument, that temporary trading stations, erected without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement, cannot of themselves establish a title to exclusive dominion and sovereignty, this very fact alone would be conclusive to show, from the provisions of the fifth article, that such trading stations were not intended by the word "settlement" in the treaty of the escurial. the settlements there contemplated were only to be made in places not already occupied, and further, "in all places wherever the subjects of either _shall have made settlements_ since the month of april , _or shall hereafter make any_, the subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on _their trade_ without any disturbance or molestation." unless the settlements here alluded to would have been considered to give a title of exclusive sovereignty by the recognised law of nations to the party which had formed them, if not otherwise specified, this provision would have been not merely uncalled for, but on the well-known principle of "expressio unius est exclusio alterius," would have tended to narrow rather than to enlarge the rights of the other party. the reason, however, of this "special provision" will be obvious, when it is called to mind that both spain and great britain carefully excluded foreign powers from all trade with their colonies, and that spain had asserted in the preliminary negotiations a right of "sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce to the continent and islands of the south sea," and had also maintained, that "although she might not have _establishments or colonies_ planted upon the coasts or in the ports in dispute, it did not follow that such coast or port did not belong to her." unless therefore some such provision had been introduced into the treaty, the subsequent settlements on the north-west coast would have been closed against all foreign traders, in conformity to the general laws of both countries. but if mr. gallatin is justified in advancing, as a principle of international law, that "mere factories, established solely for the purpose of trafficking with the natives, and without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement," such as he alleges the trading posts of the north-west company to be, cannot of themselves give a good title to dominion and absolute sovereignty, he cuts away from under the united states the ground upon which they had set up their original title to exclusive sovereignty. for the factory of the pacific fur company at astoria, on the south bank of the columbia, would be, according to this view, quite as inoperative for the purpose of constituting a title by settlement in favour of the united states as that of the hudson's bay company at fort vancouver, on the northern bank, would be ineffectual for a similar purpose in favour of great britain; and, _à fortiori_, the passing visit of a merchant ship, such as the columbia, despatched solely _for the purpose of trafficking with the natives_, and not with the object of making discoveries, or with any authority to take possession of territory for purposes of permanent settlement, could never be held entitled to the consideration which the united states claim to have attached to it. mr. gallatin observed that "the stipulations of the nootka convention permitted promiscuous and intermixed settlements everywhere, and over the whole face of the country, to the subjects of both parties, and even declared every such settlement, made by either party, _in a degree common to the other_. such a state of things is clearly incompatible with distinct jurisdiction and sovereignty. the convention therefore could have had no such object in view as to fix the relations of the contracting parties in that respect." if, however, it can be shown that such a state of things _is not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction_, the argument will fall to the ground. it appears then to have been decided in the united states courts, that, "although the territorial line of a nation, _for the purposes of absolute jurisdiction_, may not extend beyond the middle of the stream, yet the right to the use of the whole river or bay _for the purposes of trade_, navigation, and passage, may be common to both nations." (the fame, mason , c. c. maine, , cited in elliott's american diplomatic code, vol. ii., p. .) here then we have the principle recognised of _use for the purposes of trade being in a degree common_ to both nations, yet such a state of things being _not incompatible with distinct jurisdiction_ and sovereignty. still less would the fact of the convention permitting promiscuous and intermixed settlements to be made everywhere by the subjects of both parties be incompatible with distinct jurisdiction; for, as vattel observes (l. ii., § ,) "it may happen that a nation is contented with possessing only certain places, or appropriating to itself certain rights in a country that has not an owner, without being solicitous to take possession of the whole country. in this case, another nation may take possession of what the first has neglected; but this cannot be done without allowing all the rights acquired by the first to subsist in their full and absolute independence. in such cases, it is proper that regulations should be made by treaty, and this precaution is seldom neglected among civilised nations." mr. gallatin further continues: "on that subject (jurisdiction and sovereignty) it (the convention) established or changed nothing, but left the parties where it found them, and in possession of all such rights, whether derived from discovery, or from any other consideration, as belonged to each, to be urged by each, whenever the question of permanent and separate possession and sovereignty came to be discussed between them." it may be perfectly correct to say that the convention "left the parties where it found them, and in possession of all such rights, whether derived from discovery or from any other consideration, as belonged to each;" for the very object of the third article was not the concession of favours, but the recognition of mutual rights. on the other hand, that it left all question of rights open, to be urged by each at any future time, as if there had been no declaration or acknowledgment on the subject, seems not merely to be at variance with the substance of the third article, but to be utterly irreconcilable with the preamble of the convention, which contemplates an amicable arrangement of the differences between the two crowns, "which, setting aside all retrospective discussion of the rights and pretensions of the two parties, should fix their respective situation for the future on a basis conformable to their true interests, as well as to the mutual desire with which their said majesties are animated, of establishing with each other, in every thing and in all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good correspondence." if, indeed, mr. gallatin means that whenever the parties should find it desirable to terminate the condition of _occupation in common_, it would be competent for either party to appeal to the general law of nations, subject to the provisions of the treaty, the reason of the thing at once suggests that recourse must be had to some general principles of law, in a case for which the treaty does not provide. but the general law of nations must only be invoked as supplementary to the special law recognised by the convention. by the special law of the treaty, the mutual right of making settlements in places not already occupied was acknowledged; but the rights accruing to either party by virtue of such settlements, when made, would be determined by the general law of nations. the _reciprocal liberty_ of free access and unmolested trade with such settlements was provided for by the fifth article; the treaty, however, was silent as to the relations of the parties in other respects, after they should have made settlements. these relations then would be determined by the general law. the common right of either party to make settlements in _places not occupied_ was recognised by the convention. occupation was thus declared to be the test of exclusive title, and "territory not occupied," was impliedly "territory without an owner." priority of settlement would thus give as perfect a title under the special law of the convention, as discovery and settlement under the general law of nations. if this view be correct, then vattel supplies the rule of law which would determine the mutual relations attendant on such settlements. "if at the same time two or more nations discover and _take possession_ of an island, or _any other desert land without an owner_, they ought to agree between themselves, and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and the domain in the parts in which _they first settled_." (l. ii., § .) the mutual right of the two parties to settle in places not yet occupied, having thus been acknowledged by the convention, the sovereignty was from the nature of things left in abeyance _pending the establishing of such settlements_, but there was no provision in the treaty to suspend the operation of the general law of nations, in respect to the territorial rights consequent on such settlements. to negative the operation of the general law, it would be necessary to show that the _dominium utile_, as distinct from the sovereignty, was all that accrued by such settlements. but in cases in which the territory in use, (_dominium utile_) as distinct from the territory in chief (_dominium eminens_,) has been granted by treaty, such a concession has never been said to be granted "for the purpose of making settlements," and it may be observed that in such cases, express reference is made to the party who retains the territory in chief. thus in the th article of the treaty of paris, by which spain granted to great britain a _usufructuary right_ in the territory of the bay of honduras, it was provided:-- "that his britannic majesty shall cause to be demolished the fortifications which his subjects shall have erected in the bay of honduras, and in _other places of the territory of spain_ in that part of the world, four months after the ratification of the present treaty. "and his catholic majesty shall not permit his britannic majesty's subjects or their workmen to be disturbed or molested under any pretence whatever in _the said places_, in their occupation of cutting, loading, and carrying away logwood; and for this purpose they may build without hindrance, and _occupy without interruption_, the houses which are necessary for themselves or families. "and his catholic majesty assures to them by these articles the full enjoyment of those advantages and powers on the _spanish coasts and territories_, as above stipulated." in this case it will be seen that his catholic majesty granted to great britain the usufructuary right, or, according to the language of the civil law, jus utendi, fruendi, salvâ rerum substantiâ, of the peculiar produce of the soil of the bay of honduras, reserving to himself the property of the soil, or the territory in chief. but on looking once more at the words of the d article, it was agreed between the two contracting parties, that "their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the pacific ocean or in the south seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or of making settlements there." now the only pretext for such disturbance or molestation would be the claim of territorial right or sovereignty: and that pretext being formally relinquished by the stipulation not to disturb, the claim of territorial right, as founded on considerations anterior to the treaty, was mutually abandoned by either party. again, the _subjects_ of either party were declared entitled to make _settlements_ in places not already occupied. if now there was a reservation of territorial right in chief by one party, then the families settling there, which is in effect colonising, (for the cultivation of the soil must be allowed them,) could not be the subjects of the other party, if they settled and became domiciled there; yet they are acknowledged to retain their character. now, such as the subject is, such is the jurisdiction. if, for instance, the absolute and sole territory of the north-west coast of america, exclusive of any other power, was possessed and retained by spain, then the jurisdiction over all persons settling there belonged to spain: the residents in that territory were the subjects of spain _pro hâc vice_, wheresoever they were born, agreeably to the principle admitted all over europe, that every man is the subject of the jurisdiction and territory in which he is domiciled. but british subjects settling in the places not already occupied on the north-west coast of america could not thereby be divested of the character of their original domicile, for it was only in such character that they were entitled not to be disturbed or molested in their settlements,--it was only under the authority and protection of a british sovereign that they were entitled to set foot upon the territory. other considerations will readily suggest themselves, but it is unnecessary to pursue the subject further. these negotiations were brought to a close by the signature of the convention of , by which the provisions of the d article of the convention of were further indefinitely extended, it being competent however for either party to abrogate the agreement, on giving twelve months' notice to the other party. chapter xvii. negotiations between the united states and great britain in - . general line of argument on either side.--original title of the united states.--nationality of a merchant ship.--mr. buchanan's statement.--mr. rush's view.--the practice of nations makes a distinction between public and private vessels.--tribunals of the united states.--laws of south carolina.--the distinction rests on the comity of nations.--it is not arbitrary, at the will of each nation, nor can it be disturbed.--dr. channing on the character of merchant ships.--the taking possession of a vacant country for the purpose of settlement, is an act of sovereignty.--mr. gallatin's letter to mr. astor on the flag.--discoveries, as the groundwork of territorial title, technical.--lord stowell.--inchoate acts of sovereignty.--vattel.--title by discovery, the creature of the comity of nations.--gray's first entering the mouth of the columbia does not satisfy the required conditions.--heceta's discovery, in the popular sense of the term.--gray's the first exploration of the mouth.--expedition of lewis and clarke.--mr. rush's mis-statement in , as to the sources of the multnomah, and of clarke's river.--inaccuracy in the statements of mr. calhoun, and of mr. buchanan.--the great northern branch of the columbia not called clarke's river by lewis and clarke.--clarke's river supposed by them to be a tributary of the tacoutche-tesse.--the tacoutche-tesse reputed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia river till .--humboldt's new spain.--junction of the lewis with the columbia river.--the northernmost branch of the columbia first explored by thomson.--lewis and clarke did not encamp and winter on the north bank of the columbia.--fort clatsop on the south bank.--mr. packenham's counter-statement.--settlements of the united states.--mr. calhoun's statement.--mr. henry's trading fort.--failure of captain smith's undertaking.--mr. astor's adventure.--astoria on the south bank of the columbia.--rival station of the north-west company on the spokan river.--astoria not a national settlement.--no claim advanced to it by the united states in the negotiations preceding the florida treaty.--astoria transferred to the north-west company by sale.--the united states formally placed in possession of it in .--mr. calhoun's argument.--confusion of the settlement with the territory.--the right of possession.--the question at issue in .--mr. rush did not then assert a perfect title.--mr. buchanan now maintains an exclusive title.--the derivative title of spain.--inconsistency of the united states commissioners.--effect of the nootka convention.--contrast of the claims of the two governments.--mr. calhoun's admission as to heceta's discovery.--true character of the original title of the united states.--not an exclusive title.--exclusiveness does not admit of degree.--the title of spain imperfect by express convention.--no rights granted by the nootka convention.--mr. buchanan's statement.--examination of the argument.--opinions expressed in parliament in .--mr. pitt's declaration. the unexpected publication of the correspondence between mr. pakenham, the british minister, and messrs. calhoun and buchanan, the secretaries of state at washington, requires that the more important arguments in their respective statements should be briefly examined, lest the present inquiry should be thought incomplete. no substantially new topic seems to have been advanced during the negotiation, but the treatment of several points in the argument on either side was materially modified. the commissioners of the united states appear on this occasion to have relied more immediately on the original title of the united states than on the derivative spanish title which mr. rush first set up in , or the derivative french title which mr. gallatin brought forward in . the british minister, on the other hand, rested his position more decidedly on the recognition of the title of great britain by the convention of the escurial, and less on the general proof of it by discovery and settlement. in reference, then, to the original title of the united states, mr. calhoun, in his letter of september , , grounded it on the prior discovery of the mouth of the columbia river by captain gray, on the prior exploration of the river from its head-waters by lewis and clarke in - , on the prior settlement on its banks by american citizens in - , and by the pacific fur company at astoria in , which latter establishment was formally restored by the british government in to the government of the united states. mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , having briefly recapitulated these alleged facts, says:--"if the discovery of the mouth of a river, followed up within a reasonable time by the first exploration of its main channel and its branches, and appropriated by the first settlements on its banks, do not constitute a title to the territory drained by its waters in the nation performing these acts, then the principles consecrated by the practice of civilised nations ever since the discovery of the new world must have lost their force. those principles were necessary to procure the peace of the world. had they not been enforced in practice, clashing claims to newly-discovered territory, and perpetual strife among the nations, would have been the inevitable result." it may be as well to examine into the real character of these alleged facts, before considering how far they warrant the application of the principle of international law, to which mr. buchanan seeks to adapt them. in regard to the discovery of the mouth of the columbia river by capt. gray, in the merchant ship columbia, under the flag of the u. s., mr. calhoun eluded the objection that the columbia was not a _public_ but a _private_ ship, by simply observing--"indeed, so conclusive is the evidence in his (gray's) favour, that it has been attempted to evade our claim on the novel and wholly untenable ground that his discovery was made, not in a national but private vessel;" and so passed on to other questions. mr. buchanan, on the other hand, devotes a few lines to the subject:--"the british plenipotentiary attempts to depreciate the value to the united states of gray's discovery, because his ship was a _trading_ and not a _national_ vessel. as he furnishes no reason for this distinction, the undersigned will confine himself to the remark, that a merchant vessel bears the flag of her country at her masthead, and continues under its jurisdiction and protection, in the same manner as though she _had been commissioned for the express purpose of making discoveries_; besides, beyond all doubt, this discovery was made by gray; and to what nation could the benefit of it belong, unless it be to the united states? certainly not to great britain; and if to spain, the united states are now her representative." mr. rush had in a similar manner maintained, "that the ship of captain gray, whether fitted out by the government of the united states or not, was a national ship. if she was not so in a technical sense of the word, she was in the full sense of it, _applicable to such an occasion_. she bore at her stern the flag of the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be identified with the rights of the nation." in both these statements it seems to be admitted, that there is a technical distinction in the nationality of a public ship and of a private ship; but it is maintained that _for the purposes of discovery_ a merchant ship, under the command of a private individual, is, in the full sense of the word, a national ship. this doctrine, however, finds no countenance in the practice of nations, which, on the contrary, makes a broad distinction between public and private vessels, in reference to all territorial questions. thus the comity of nations attaches to the nationality of public vessels coming into the ports of a foreign sovereign different considerations from those with which it regards the nationality of private vessels. to go no further than the tribunals of the united states, "a public vessel of war, of a foreign sovereign, coming into our ports, and demeaning herself in a friendly manner, is exempt from the jurisdiction of this country," (the schooner exchange v. m'faddon, cranch, : supreme court of the united states, ;) but a private merchant ship has not that courtesy extended to it, if it ventures _intra fauces terræ_. for instance, if a british merchant vessel should enter the port of charleston, with free negro sailors on board, the nationality of the flag will not be sufficient to protect them from the operation of the municipal law, which forbids liberty to the negro within the limits of south carolina; and thus it repeatedly happens, that negroes or persons of colour arriving in the ports of south carolina, though free subjects of her britannic majesty, and engaged _on board of a british merchant vessel_ in the service of the ship, have been by virtue of the _lex loci_ immediately taken from under _the protection of the british flag_, and thrown into prison. in an analogous manner, if a merchant ship from carolina should enter the port of london, with one or more negro slaves on board, the mercantile flag of the united states would not preclude them from the freedom which the soil of great britain imparts to all who come within its precincts. a public vessel, however, is not entitled, _as a matter of right_, to any exemption from the jurisdiction of the sovereign whose territory she enters. for the jurisdiction of every nation within its own territory is exclusive and absolute, and all limitations to the full and complete exercise of that jurisdiction must be traced up to the consent of the nation itself. but the comity of nations regards a public vessel as representing the sovereignty of the nation whose flag it bears. if it therefore leaves the high seas, the common territory of all nations, and enters into a friendly port, it is admitted to the privileges which would be extended to the sovereign himself. one sovereign, however, can only be supposed to enter a foreign territory, as his sovereign rights entitle him to no extra-territorial privileges, under an express licence, or in the confidence that the immunities belonging to his independent sovereign station, though not expressly stipulated, are reserved by implication, and will be extended to him. in a similar manner it is under an implied licence that a public ship enters the port of a friendly power, and retains its independent sovereign character, by the courtesy of the nation within the precincts of whose territorial jurisdiction it has placed itself. a private ship, on the contrary, entering the ports of a foreign power, has freedom of access allowed to it upon a tacit condition of a different kind, namely, that it becomes subject to the municipal laws of the country. hence every nation assigns to its mercantile marine a distinct flag from that which its public ships are authorised to exhibit as the _credential_ of their representing the sovereign power of the state. this distinction between the signification of the respective flags is not arbitrary, at the will of each nation, but is recognised by the law of nations: whilst the mercantile flag imparts to the vessel which bears it a right to participate in the privileges secured by commercial treaties with foreign powers, the public flag of a nation communicates the full character of sovereignty, and is respected accordingly. the commercial flag thus carries with it _nationality_, the public flag _the national sovereignty_. it is as much out of the power of any particular state to disturb this distinction, and to attach to its mercantile flag, beyond the jurisdiction of its own territory, different considerations from those which the practice of nations has sanctioned, as to increase or diminish the list of offences against the law of nations. no individual nation can say, "that is our mercantile flag: such and such powers shall attach to it, because it is our pleasure that it should be so:" on the contrary, it is the practice of nations which defines those powers, and to that practice we must have recourse, if we would ascertain them. in illustration of the above views, the following extract from dr. channing's eloquent and able pamphlet on "the duty of the free states," will not seem out of place. it was suggested by the well-known case of the creole:--"it seems to be supposed by some that there is a peculiar sacredness in a vessel, which exempts it from all control in the ports of other nations. a vessel is sometimes said to be 'an extension' of the territory to which it belongs. the nation, we are told, is present in the vessel; and its honour and rights are involved in the treatment which its flag receives abroad. these ideas are, in the main, true in regard to ships on the high seas. the sea is the exclusive property of no nation. it is subject to none. it is the common and equal property of all. no state has jurisdiction over it. no state can write its laws upon that restless surface. a ship at sea carries with her, and represents, the rights of her country, rights equal to those which any other enjoys. the slightest application of the laws of another nation to her is to be resisted. she is subjected to no law but that of her own country, and to the law of nations, which presses equally on all states. she may thus be called, with no violence to language, an extension of the territory to which she belongs. but suppose her to quit the open sea, and enter a port, what a change is produced in her condition! at sea she sustained the same relations to all nations--those of an equal. now she sustains a new and peculiar relation to the nation which she has entered. she passes at once under its jurisdiction. she is subject to its laws. she is entered by its officers. if a criminal flies to her for shelter, he may be pursued and apprehended. if her own men violate the laws of the land, they may be seized and punished. _the nation is not present in her._ she has left the open highway of the ocean, where all nations are equals, and entered a port where one nation alone is clothed with authority. what matters it that a vessel in the harbour of nassau is owned in america? this does not change her locality. she has contracted new duties and obligations by being placed under a new jurisdiction. her relations differ essentially from those which she sustained at home or on the open sea. these remarks apply, of course, _to merchant vessels_ alone. _a ship of war is an 'extension of the territory'_ to which she belongs, not only when she is on the ocean, but in a foreign port. in this respect she resembles an army marching by consent through a neutral country. neither ship of war nor army falls under the jurisdiction of foreign states. _merchant vessels resemble individuals._ both become subject to the laws of the land which they enter." the taking possession of a vacant country for the purpose of settlement is one of the highest acts of sovereign power, for a nation thereby acquires not merely "the _domain_, by virtue of which it has the exclusive use of the country for the supply of its necessities, and may dispose of it as it thinks proper, but also the _empire_, or the right of sovereign command, by which it directs and regulates at its pleasure every thing that passes in the country," (vattel, i., § .) it is hardly necessary to add, that a commission from the sovereign alone will authorize the act of taking possession, so as to secure respect for it, _as a public act_, from other nations. thus we find that, in the letter from mr. gallatin to mr. astor, elsewhere quoted, this principle was fully appreciated by mr. astor, when he applied, in , for a commission from the government of the united states. "you mentioned to me that you were disposed once more to renew the attempt, and to re-establish astoria, provided you had the _protection of the american flag_: for which purpose a _lieutenant's command_ would be sufficient to you. you requested me to mention this to the president, which i did. mr. madison said, he would consider the subject, and although he did not commit himself, i thought that he received the proposal favourably." it remains to be considered whether the practice of nations has attached different considerations to the flag in respect to _discoveries_. _discoveries_, however, as forming the ground-work of territorial title, are in themselves _technical_. they are _inchoate acts of sovereignty_. "even in newly-discovered countries," said lord stowel, in the case of the fama, already cited, "where _a title is meant to be established_, for the first time, some act of possession is usually done and proclaimed as a notification of the fact." it is not, therefore, the mere sight of land which constitutes a discovery, in the sense in which the practice of nations respects it, as the basis of territorial title; there must be some formal act of taking possession, which, as being an act of sovereign power, can only be performed through a commission from the sovereign. thus vattel, in the passage so frequently quoted, says, "the practice of nations has usually respected such a discovery, when made by navigators who have been furnished with a _commission from their sovereign_, and meeting with islands or other lands in a desert state, have taken possession of them in the name of the nation." the conditional title by discovery is entirely the creature of the comity of nations; it has no foundation in the law of nature, according to which, if the discoverer has not occupied the territory, it would be presumed to remain vacant, and open to the next comer. for such purposes, however, the citizen or subject is not regarded as the instrument of his sovereign, unless he bears his commission, when his acts are respected as public acts, and are operative as between nation and nation. it would thus appear that the first entering of the mouth of the columbia river by gray, being the act of a private citizen, sailing in a private ship for the purposes of trade, under the mercantile flag of his country, was not in the received sense of the word _a discovery_, which, according to the practice of nations, could lay the foundation of a title to territorial sovereignty. it does not satisfy the required conditions upon which alone the comity of nations would respect it. when therefore mr. buchanan says, "besides, beyond all doubt this discovery was made by gray, and to what nation could the benefit belong, unless it be to the united states," he assumes that the comity of nations will attach benefit to such a discovery, contrary to the practice of nations. it is thus unnecessary to decide to what nation the benefit will belong, in a case in which no benefit can be held to have resulted. on the other hand, it is admitted by both of the american secretaries of state, that the _discovery_ of the mouth of the columbia, in the popular sense of the word, was made by the spanish navigator heceta, some years before gray visited the coast. it consequently follows that gray achieved the first exploration, and not the discovery of the mouth of the river, even in the popular sense of the term. in respect to the prior exploration of the columbia river from its head-waters, by lewis and clarke, in - , mr. calhoun, having conducted the expedition, which had been despatched under the auspices of the government of the united states in the spring of , as far as the head-waters of the missouri, states that "in the summer of , they reached the head-waters of the columbia river. after crossing many of the streams falling into it, they reached the kooskooskee, in lat. ° ', descended that to the principal _northern_ branch, which they called lewis's; followed that to its junction with the great _northern branch_, which they called clarke; and thence descended to the mouth of the river, where they landed, and _encamped on the north side, on cape disappointment, and wintered_." mr. buchanan, in referring to this part of mr. calhoun's argument, which he did not consider it necessary to repeat, observed that he had shown, "that messrs. lewis and clarke, under a commission from their government, first explored the waters of this river almost _from its head-springs to the pacific, passing the winter_ of and _on its northern shore_, near the ocean." these statements however do not correspond with the facts themselves which they profess to represent. mr. rush, in the negotiations of , had set up for the united states an exclusive claim to the whole territory between ° and ° north, on the ground that "it had been ascertained that the columbia river extended by the river multnomah to as low as °, and by clarke's river to a point as high up as °, if not beyond that point." the obscurity in which the geographical relations of the oregon territory were at that time involved, might, to a certain extent, excuse the mis-statement of mr. rush on this occasion, for, as already observed, it has been subsequently ascertained that the source of the multnomah is in about ° ', and that of clarke's river, in ° '; but mr. calhoun's statement involves an historical as well as a geographical inaccuracy, which, under the circumstances, seems to have been intentionally put forward, since it is repeated by mr. buchanan. it is presumed that in the copy of the correspondence which has been circulated in the public journals, and which has been published in a separate form by messrs. wiley and putnam of waterlooplace, there is a misprint in mr. calhoun's describing lewis' river as the principal _northern_ branch, more particularly as clarke's river is immediately after spoken of as the great _northern_ branch. lewis' river must evidently have been intended to be described as the principal _southern_ branch, being the river on which the shoshonee or snake indians fish, and which the travellers reached on descending the kooskooskee. this inaccuracy may be passed over as an error of the press, but in respect to the next assertion of mr. calhoun, that lewis and clarke followed this river to its junction with the _great northern branch, which they called clarke's river_, it is not borne out by the account which lewis and clarke themselves give. on friday, sept. , captain clarke and his party reached the first river on the western side of the rocky mountains, to which they gave _the name of clarke's river_, (travels, ch. xvii.,) running from south to north, and which, from the account of the natives, they had reason to suppose, after going as far northward as the head-waters of the medicine river, (a tributary of the missouri,) turned to the westward and joined the tacoutche-tesse river. it must not be forgotten that the tacoutche-tesse, discovered by alexander mackenzie in , was supposed to be the northernmost branch of the columbia down to so late a period as . thus alexander von humboldt, in his new spain, (l. i., c. ,) writes:--"sous les ° ' de latitude boreale, dans le parallèle de l'île de la reine charlotte, les sources _de la rivière de la paix_ (peace river) ou d'ounigigah, se rapprochent de sept lieues des sources du tacoutché-tessé, que l'on suppose être identique avec la rivière de colombia. la première de ces rivières va à la mer du nord, après avoir mêlé ses eaux à celles du lac de l'esclave et à celles du fleuve mackenzie. la seconde rivière, celle de colombia, se jette dans l'océan pacifique près du cap disappointment, au sud de nootka-sound, d'après le célèbre voyageur vancouver, sous les ° ' de latitude." mr. greenhow (p. ) says, "three days afterwards they entered the principal southern branch of the columbia, to which they gave the name of lewis: and in seven days more they reached the point of the confluence with _the larger northern branch, called by them the clarke_." such, however, is not the account of the travellers, who state that, having followed the course of the lewis river, they reached on the th of october its junction with the _columbia river_, (chap. xviii.,) the course of which was "from the northwest," as captain clarke ascertained by ascending it some little distance. they nowhere, throughout the account of their travels, call this main river by any other name than the columbia: they nowhere speak of it by the name of clarke's river; it is a reflection on their memory to represent them as supposing that this great northern branch was the river to which they gave the name of clarke, for they fully believed, when they reached the main stream, that they had reached the tacoutche-tesse of mackenzie, and at the same time the columbia of gray and vancouver, of which they considered clarke's river to be merely a tributary. the names of lewis and clarke are totally unconnected with the great northern branch of the columbia river, which was discovered and first explored from its sources in about ° n. l., by mr. thomson, the surveyor or astronomer of the north-west company, in . this is an important fact, inasmuch as the exclusive claim of the united states was advanced in , to the territory as far north as °, expressly on the ground that clarke's river extended as far north as that parallel, or even beyond that point, which is not the case. this northern branch, down which mr. thomson first penetrated, is entitled to be considered as the main branch of the columbia, on the well-known principle that the sources most distant from the sea are regarded as the true sources of a river, according to which doctrine the name of columbia has been in practice retained for this northern branch, whilst distinctive names have been given to all the southern tributaries. mr. calhoun continues to say, "and thence they (lewis and clarke) descended to the mouth of the river, where they landed, and encamped _on the north side, on cape disappointment, and wintered_." the meaning of this passage might be doubtful, unless mr. buchanan had cleared it up by his expression of "passing the winter of and on _its northern shore_, near the ocean." when it is remembered that it is the possession of the _north bank_ of the river which is contested by the two parties to the negotiation; and that the incidents of this expedition are formally alleged, on the side of the united states, as forming part of the ground-work of their exclusive title, and that the british negotiators have objected throughout to the alleged completeness of the title of the united states, on the express ground that it is at best an aggregate of imperfect titles, and that the distinction between a perfect and imperfect title is not one of _degree_, but of _kind_, it may not be unimportant to remark, that lewis and clarke passed the winter of - on the _southern shore_ of the columbia, in an encampment on a point of high land on the banks of the river netul. it is perfectly true that, having proceeded down the columbia as far as the roughness of the waves would allow them, they landed on the north side on the th of november, and encamped on the shore near a village of the chinnook indians, just above high-water mark, where captain clarke remained for nine days, until captain lewis had succeeded in selecting a favourable spot for their winter's encampment; but the locality where they _encamped_ and _wintered, was on the south side of the columbia_, amongst the clatsop indians, and from this very circumstance they gave to it the name of _fort clatsop_, which is so marked down in the map prefixed to the travels of lewis and clarke, with the further designation of "the wintering post of captains lewis and clarke in and ." had not mr. calhoun specified the locality of this winter's encampment as an element of the _cumulative title_ of the united states, and had not mr. buchanan repeated the statement of his predecessor more explicitly, it would not have been thought necessary to discuss the circumstances so fully; but as one object of this inquiry is to clear up the facts of the case, which, from the nature of the subject, are obscure, if this error of statement had not been pointed out, it might have tended to increase the existing intricacy of the question, more particularly when it has an official character impressed upon it. it can hardly be supposed to be an error of the press, since cape disappointment, which is on the north bank, is referred to by mr. calhoun as adjoining the spot where they "encamped and wintered." the result of this inquiry cannot be better summed up than in the words of mr. pakenham's counter-statement:--"with respect to the expedition of lewis and clarke, it must, on a close examination of the route pursued by them, be confessed, that neither on their outward journey to the pacific, nor on their homeward journey to the united states, did they touch upon the head-waters of the principal branch of the columbia river, which lie far to the north of the parts of the country traversed and explored by them. "thomson, of the british north-west company, was the first civilised person who navigated the northern, in reality the main branch of the columbia river, or traversed any part of the country drained by it. "it was by a tributary of the columbia that lewis and clarke made their way to the main stream of that river, which they reached at a point distant, it is believed, not more than miles from the point to which the river had been previously explored by broughton. "these facts, the undersigned conceives, will be found sufficient to reduce the value of lewis and clarke's exploration on the columbia to limits, which would by no means justify a claim to the whole valley drained by that river and its branches." mr. calhoun next proceeds to state the grounds on which, as alleged, priority of settlement was no less certain on the side of the united states:--"establishments were formed by american citizens on the columbia as early as and . in the latter year a company was formed at new york, at the head of which was john jacob astor, a wealthy merchant of that city, the object of which was to form a regular chain of establishments on the columbia river, and the contiguous coasts of the pacific, _for commercial purposes_. early in the spring of , they made their first establishment on the south side of the river, a few miles above point george, where they were visited in july following by mr. thomson, a surveyor and astronomer of the north-west company, and his party. they had been sent out by that company to forestall the american company in occupying the mouth of the river, but found themselves defeated in their object. the american company formed two other connected establishments higher up the river: one at the confluence of the okanegan with the north branch of the columbia, about miles above its mouth, and the other on the spokan, a stream falling into the north branch, some fifty miles above." mr. calhoun, in making the above general allusion to establishments formed in and , may be supposed to refer to a trading post founded by mr. henry, one of the agents of the missouri fur company, on a branch of the lewis river, the great southern arm of the columbia. this post, however, was shortly abandoned in consequence of the hostility of the natives, and the difficulty of obtaining supplies, (greenhow, p. .) it would, however, be rather an overstrained statement to describe this hunting station as an establishment formed on the columbia, considering its very great distance from the junction of the lewis river with the columbia. mr. calhoun, however, may be alluding at the same time to the undertaking of captain smith, in the albatross, in , who is said by mr. greenhow to have attempted to found a trading post at oak point, on the south side of the columbia, about forty miles from its mouth, and to have almost immediately abandoned the scheme. such an attempt, however, can hardly be entitled to the character of a settlement. beyond these two instances, it is believed that there is no occasion on record of the presence of citizens of the united states on the west side of the rocky mountains, during the years of - , which could give rise to the supposition of an establishment having been formed by them. in respect, however, to mr. astor's adventure, the pacific fur company was a mere mercantile firm, the formation of which originated with mr. astor, a german by birth, and ultimately a naturalized citizen of the united states. the original company was formed in , and, according to mr. washington irving, consisted of mr. astor himself, three scotchmen, who were british subjects, and one native citizen of the united states. three more scotchmen, and two more citizens of the united states were subsequently admitted, so that the majority of the company were british subjects, and they had received an express assurance from mr. jackson, the british minister at washington, that "in case of a war between the two nations, they would be respected _as british subjects and merchants_," [greenhow, p. .] mr. astor stipulated to retain half the shares for himself, and in return to bear all the losses for the first five years, during which period the parties had full power to abandon and dissolve the association. a detachment of the partners arrived at the columbia river in , and formed a trading establishment on the southern bank of the river, on point george, not far from the mouth, which they named astoria. mr. washington irving, who had his information from mr. astor himself, terms their establishment "a trading house," [chap. ix.] not long after their arrival they received information from the indians, that the north-west company had erected a trading house on the spokan river, which falls into the north branch of the columbia, and they were preparing to dispatch a rival detachment to act as a counter-check to this establishment, when mr. david thomson, with a party under the protection of the british flag, having descended the columbia from its northernmost source, arrived at astoria. on his return mr. stuart, one of the partners of the pacific fur company, accompanied mr. thomson's party a considerable distance up the columbia river, and established himself for the winter at the junction of the okanegan with the columbia, at about miles from the spokan river; here mr. stuart, according to mr. washington irving, considered himself near enough to keep the rival establishment in check. it would thus appear that the earliest settlement on the spokan river was made by the north-west company, and from mr. washington irving's account, seems almost to have preceded the foundation of astoria; for whilst the astorians were occupied with their building, they heard from the indians that white men "were actually building houses at the second rapids." if, however, it was not antecedent, it was at least contemporaneous. it can hardly be contended that the settlement at astoria had a definite national character, much less that it could impart the national sovereignty of the united states, to the territory, wherein it was established. the astorians might perhaps maintain their claim to the domain (dominium utile,) but that they should set up a title to the sovereignty (dominium eminens,) or be held to convey a title to any state which should choose to assert it through them, is not conformable to the practice of nations. but the plenipotentiaries of the united states contend that they have an exclusive title to the entire valley of the columbia, by virtue of this settlement. spain, however, did not admit this title in the negotiations preceding the florida treaty, nor did the united states venture to set it up. when don luis d'onis, in resuming the negotiations, proposed, in his letter of january , , (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ,) to concede, on the part of his catholic majesty, as the boundary between the two states, "a line from the source of the missouri, westward, to the columbia river, and along the middle thereof to the pacific ocean," and trusted it would be accepted, as presenting "the means of realizing the president's great plan of extending a navigation from the pacific to the remotest points of the northern seas, and of the ocean," no claim was advanced to the valley of the columbia; but mr. adams briefly stated, in reply, that "the proposal to draw the western boundary line between the united states and the spanish territories on this continent, from the source of the missouri to the columbia river, cannot be admitted." again, when the spanish commissioner, in his letter of february , , stated that, "considering the motive for declining my proposal of extending the boundary line from the missouri to the columbia, and along that river to the pacific, appears to be the wish of the president to include within the limits of the union all the branches and rivers emptying into the said river columbia," and proposed to draw the boundary along the river s. clemente, or multnomah, to the sea; and delivered a project of a treaty, in which it was stipulated that his catholic majesty should cede all the country belonging to him eastward of the boundary line to the united states; no original title to the entire valley of the columbia, no claim to the settlement of astoria, as a national settlement, was advanced by the united states: yet astoria was on the western side of the multnomah or willamette river, as it is now called, and was assumed in both the above proposals to be beyond the limits of "the dominions of the republic." astoria passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable transfer. it was sold by the partners resident in the establishment, after they had dissolved the association, which, by the terms of the contract, the parties had power to do. when captain black, in his britannic majesty's sloop-of-war the racoon, arrived there in , he did not capture astoria, for it was not the property of an enemy, but he took possession of it in the name of his britannic majesty, and hoisted the british ensign; thereby formally asserting the sovereignty of great britain over the property of british subjects. in , the government of the united states was formally placed in possession of astoria; and this was the first occasion on which an act of sovereignty was exercised by that power. mr. calhoun states that this act "placed our possession where it was before it passed into the hands of british subjects." on the contrary, it placed astoria in the hands of the government of the united states, in which hands it had never been before: for, antecedently to the transfer to the north-west company by purchase, it was in the hands of an association, the majority of which were british subjects, who could not, according to any received principle of international law, be held to have represented the sovereignty of the united states. it was admitted by lord castlereagh, in the discussions with mr. rush antecedent to the restoration of astoria, that the united states were entitled to be reinstated there, and "to be the party in possession _whilst treating of the title_." at that time the united states had confined their claims to the restitution of a post, which, as they asserted, "had been established by them on the columbia river, and had been taken during the war, and consequently came within the provisions of the first article of the treaty of ghent." mr. bagot, in his reply to mr. adams, of th november, , (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ,) stated that, "from the reports made to him, it appeared that the post had not been captured during the late war, but that the americans had retired from it under an agreement made with the north-west company, who had purchased their effects, and who had ever since retained peaceable possession of the coast." the whole discussion was thus evidently limited to the settlement at astoria; and lord castlereagh admitted, on the statement of the united states, that they had a primâ facie claim to be reinstated in the post, in conformity to the provisions of the treaty, and _to be the party in possession whilst treating of the title_. mr. calhoun, in the further course of his argument, contends that, after this admission on the part of lord castlereagh, the convention of "preserved and perpetuated _all our claims to the territory_, including the acknowledged right to be considered _the party in possession_;" and mr. buchanan, in still more explicit language, maintains the same position. "he claims, and he thinks he has shown, a clear title, on the part of the united states, _to the whole region drained by the columbia_, with the right of being _reinstated, and considered the party in possession whilst treating of the title_; in which character he must insist on their being considered, in conformity with _positive treaty stipulations_. he cannot, therefore, consent that they shall be regarded, during the negotiations, merely as _occupants in common_ with great britain. nor can he, while thus regarding their rights, present a counter-proposal, based on the supposition of joint occupancy merely, until the question of title to the territory is fully discussed." this argument is essentially unsound throughout. the title of the united states to possess the settlement, in other words, _not to be excluded from the territory_, is strangely confounded with the title _to exclude the british from the entire territory_. these titles are assumed to be identical, being most distinct. great britain does not require to be considered as an _occupant in common of astoria_. the united states were never admitted _by positive treaty stipulations_ to be the party entitled to be considered _in possession of the whole region of the columbia_, which mr. buchanan maintains to have been conceded by lord castlereagh. but great britain does require to be considered as _an occupant in common of the region of the columbia_, and the united states is entitled to the _right of adverse possession as far as the settlement at the mouth of the river_, on its south bank is concerned. what, however, is the effect of such a right of possession? simply that, as far as the settlement of astoria is concerned, it is not necessary for the united states to prove its _right of dominion_. its _right of possession_ is a valid right, unless a right of dominion can be established by some other power. but great britain asserts no right of dominion,--she does not claim to evict the united states from its actual possession,--but, as she claims no exclusive title for herself, so she recognises no exclusive title in any other power. the principle of a mutual right of occupancy of the territory was admitted, when it was agreed that the united states should be placed in possession _sub modo_, whilst treating of the title. the question, however, between the two governments was not one of _law_, but of _fact_. issue had been joined in the previous letters between the secretary of state and the minister of great britain, at washington: whilst the former asserted astoria had been captured during the war, the latter maintained that it had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable purchase. the united states asserted that astoria had become a british possession by virtue of the _jus belli_, the operation of which was in this case expressly suspended by the first article of the treaty of ghent: on this plea they claimed that it should be restored to them. great britain, on the other hand, maintained that it had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable purchase: on this plea they contended that the united states were not entitled to demand its restoration. when, therefore, the united states acquiesced in the proposal of lord castlereagh, they admitted the legal effect of the fact asserted by great britain, if it could be substantiated. they thus admitted the common right of great britain to form settlements, by agreeing to treat of the title on the ground alleged by great britain, precisely as great britain admitted a corresponding right in the united states, by agreeing to discuss the alleged fact that astoria had passed into the hands of the british _jure belli_, by which it was implied that it had been antecedently a possession of the united states. we thus find in the negotiations of , which terminated in the convention of the th october, concluded fourteen days after the actual restoration of astoria, that messrs. gallatin and rush nowhere hint at an exclusive title in the united states. "we did not assert," they say in their letter to mr. adams, of october , , "that the united states had a _perfect right_ to that country, but insisted that their claim was at least good against great britain," (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) yet, in the face of this solemn admission, at the commencement of the earliest negotiations, and of the fact that the title has been treated of on so many occasions, mr. buchanan now asserts that "our own american title to the extent of the valley of the columbia, resting as it does on discovery, exploration, and possession--a possession acknowledged by a most solemn act of the british government itself, is a _sufficient assurance against all mankind_; whilst our superadded title derived from spain _extends our exclusive rights_ over the whole territory in dispute against great britain." such is the outline of the grounds on which the united states set up an exclusive title to the entire valley of the columbia, that is, a title to exclude great britain from making settlements there. mr. buchanan observes, that this title is "older than the florida treaty of february , under which the united states acquired all the right of spain to the north-west coast of america, and exists independently of its provisions. even supposing, then, that the british construction of the nootka sound convention was correct, it could not apply to this portion of the territory in dispute. a convention between great britain and spain, originating from a dispute concerning a petty trading establishment at nootka sound, could not abridge the rights of other nations. both in public and private law, an agreement between two parties can never bind a third, without his consent, expressed or implied." mr. buchanan thus appears disposed to renounce the derivative title of spain, upon which, as completing the defects in the original title of the united states, considerable stress had been elsewhere laid, "supposing the british construction of the nootka convention to be correct:" in other words the commissioners of the united states claim to avail themselves of the provisions of this convention, if they can be made to support their title, but to repudiate them, if they should be found to invalidate it, which of course is inadmissible. but when mr. buchanan says, "a convention between great britain and spain _could not abridge the rights of other nations_," though the proposition be abstractedly true, yet on this occasion it does not apply. first of all, because great britain, in recognising the right of spain to make settlements on the north-west coast in places not yet occupied, did not either at the time of the convention, or subsequently, recognise such a right as an exclusive right in respect to other nations. secondly, because spain, in recognising the right of great britain to make settlements in an analogous manner, did not thereby declare other nations excluded from making settlements; in fact, there is not a single word within "the four corners" of the treaty, which can be held to abridge the rights of other nations. thirdly, because the united states, at the time when the convention was concluded, had no other right than that of making settlements, which great britain has never once maintained that the nootka convention abridged, nor does it at this moment contend so. if, on the other hand, the united states had an _exclusive title_ to the valley of the columbia before the treaty of florida, or in other words, as asserted in , to the entire territory between ° and °, and that title existed independently of its provisions, it is difficult to understand the object of the protracted negotiations between don luis de onis and mr. adams, which resulted in his catholic majesty first withdrawing from the rocky mountains to the columbia river, then from the columbia to the multnomah or willamette river, and finally ceding all his rights, claims, and pretensions to the territory north of the parallel of °. mr. buchanan's position is untenable in the face of the negotiations antecedent to the florida treaty. the original title, however, of the united states, does not satisfy the requirements of the law of nations, in the extent in which it is maintained to be effective. let it be kept in mind that great britain has never claimed the exclusive privilege of settling on the north-west coast of america, to the north of the parts occupied by spain, but she maintains her right not to be excluded from any places not already occupied. the united states, on the other hand, are not satisfied with claiming a right to make settlements, but they assert a right to exclude great britain from making settlements, and this, too, by virtue of an act performed by a private citizen, without any commission from the state, subsequent to the time when the right of great britain to make settlements had been formally recognised by spain in a solemn treaty, and was thus _patent_ to the civilised world. this very act, however, mr. calhoun admits to be defective for the purpose of establishing an exclusive title, when he says, "time, indeed, so far from impairing our claims, has greatly strengthened them since that period, for since then the treaty of florida transferred to us all the rights, claims, and pretensions of spain to the whole territory, as has been stated. in consequence of this, our claims to the portion drained by the columbia river--the point now the subject of consideration--have been _much strengthened_ by giving us the _incontestable claim to the discovery of the river by heceta_ above stated." it is thus admitted, that the first entering of the river columbia by gray, was not a _discovery_, but an _exploration_. there can be _no second discovery_ for the purpose of founding an exclusive title. heceta's discovery is incontestable for the _purpose of barring any subsequent claim by discovery_, and the original title of the united states, resolves itself into a title founded upon the first exploration of the entrance of the columbia from the sea, and on the first exploration of its southern branches from the rocky mountains. such a title, however, can neither from the nature of things, nor the practice of nations, establish a right to exclude all other nations from every part of the entire valley of the columbia. on the contrary, the assertion of such a right is altogether at variance with _the comity of nations_, on which alone title by discovery rests. for, if the united states maintain that the discovery of the columbia river, for the purpose of establishing a territorial title, dates from the enterprise of gray, they set aside the discovery of heceta, in opposition to the comity of nations; yet it is upon this very comity of nations that they must rely to obtain respect for their own asserted discovery. but when mr. calhoun maintains that, by the florida treaty, the title of the united states was much _strengthened_ by the acquisition of the incontestable claim to the discovery of the river by heceta, he admits that the title of the united states was _an imperfect title_ before that treaty; for a perfect title is incapable of being strengthened,--_exclusiveness does not admit of degree_. that the title of the united states to form settlements in the parts not occupied was strengthened by the florida treaty, is perfectly true. great britain, before that treaty, _might have_ refused to recognise any title in the united states under the general law of nations; but after that treaty, she would be precluded by the provisions of the nootka sound convention, as the united states would thence-forward represent spain, and allege a recognised right of making settlements under that convention; but, that the original title of the united states, which was not an exclusive title by the law of nations, could become an exclusive title against great britain by the acquisition of the title of spain, which was expressly not exclusive under a treaty concluded with great britain, independently of other considerations which were duly weighed at the conclusion of the nootka convention, requires only to be stated in plain language to carry with it its own refutation. the effects of the nootka convention, or rather convention of the escurial, have already been discussed in the two preceding chapters. mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , says, "its most important article (the third) _does not even grant in affirmative terms the right_ to the contracting parties to trade with the indians and to make settlements. it merely engages in negative terms, that the subjects of the contracting parties 'shall not be disturbed or molested' in the exercise of _these treaty-privileges_." surely there is a contradiction of ideas in the above passages. how can the right to trade with the indians and to make settlements be termed a _treaty-privilege_ in the latter sentence, when in the former sentence it is expressly denied to have been _granted_ by the treaty? mr. buchanan, however, in asserting that the third article did not _grant in affirmative terms the right_ specified in it, adopts precisely the same view that the british commissioners have throughout maintained; namely, that the third article did not contain a _grant_, but a mutual _acknowledgment_ of certain rights in the two contracting parties, with respect to those parts of the north-western coast of america not already occupied. mr. buchanan, however, in a subsequent letter says, "the nootka convention is arbitrary and artificial in the highest degree, and is anything rather than the mere acknowledgment of simple and elementary principles consecrated by the law of nations. in all its provisions it is expressly confined to great britain and spain, and acknowledges no right whatever in any third power to interfere with the north-west coast of america. neither in its terms, nor in its essence, does it contain any acknowledgment of _previously subsisting territorial rights_ in great britain, or any other nation. it is strictly confined to future engagements, and these are of a most peculiar character. even under the construction of its provisions maintained by great britain, her claim does not extend to _plant colonies_, which she would have had a right to do under the law of nations, had the country been unappropriated; but it is limited to a mere right of joint occupancy, not in respect to any part, but to the whole, the sovereignty remaining in abeyance. and to what kind of occupancy? _not separate and distinct colonies, but scattered settlements_, intermingled with each other, over the whole surface of the territory, for the _single purpose of trading_ with the indians, to all of which the subjects of each power should have free access, the right of exclusive dominion remaining suspended. surely, it cannot be successfully contended that such a treaty is 'an admission of certain principles of international law,' so sacred and so perpetual as not to be annulled by war. on the contrary, from the _character of its provisions_, it cannot be supposed for a single moment that it was intended for any purpose but that of a mere _temporary arrangement_ between great britain and spain. the _law of nations_ recognises no such principles, in regard to unappropriated territory, as those embraced in this treaty, and the british plenipotentiary must fail in the attempt to prove that it contains 'an admission of certain principles of international law' which will survive the shock of war." almost all the topics in the above passage have been already discussed in the two previous chapters, as they were very dextrously urged by the commissioners of the united states in the course of the previous negotiations; so that a detailed examination of them on this occasion will not be requisite. the first article, however, does contain an acknowledgment of _previously subsisting territorial rights_, for it was agreed that "_the buildings and tracts of land_, of which the subjects of his britannic majesty were _dispossessed_, about the month of april , by a spanish officer, shall be _restored_ to the said british subjects." this article of the treaty, when placed side by side with the declaration on the part of his catholic majesty of an exclusive right of forming establishments at the port of nootka, and with the counter-declaration on the part of his britannic majesty of his right to such establishments as his subjects might have formed, or should be desirous of forming in future, at the said bay of nootka, cannot be held to contain an acknowledgment on the part of spain of a previously subsisting territorial right in great britain. in respect to its provisions for the future, and to the interpretation which the commissioners of the united states have sought to affix to the word "settlement," namely, that mere trading posts or factories were contemplated, it has been shown in the previous chapters, that, from the language of the treaty itself, in which the word "settlements" is, in three other places, employed to designate territorial possessions, and from the general language of treaties, such as the treaty of paris in , as contrasted with the treaty of london in , such a view is quite incapable of being satisfactorily established: on the contrary, it is by implication refuted by the very stipulations in the fifth article, for free access and unmolested trade with these very settlements. again, the character of the provisions of the convention is alleged to evince the intention of its being a mere temporary arrangement. such, however, was not the opinion of mr. fox, in respect to the sixth article, when he charged the british minister with having renounced the previous rights of great britain _to plant colonies_ in the unoccupied parts of south america; nor of mr. stanley, in reference to the third article, when he said, "the southern fisheries will now be prosecuted in peace and security;" nor of the duke of montrose, when he said, "the great question of the southern fishery is _finally_ established, on such grounds as must prevent all future dispute;" nor of mr. pitt, when he said, that it was evident that "no claim (of spain's) had been conceded,--that our right to the fisheries had been acknowledged,--and that satisfaction had been obtained for the insult offered to the crown," (hansard's parliamentary history, vol. xxviii., p. ;) or, as otherwise reported, "the claims of spain had been receded from, and every thing stated in the royal message had been gained," (gentleman's magazine, vol. lxx., a. d. , part ii., p. .) mr. fox's chief cause of complaint against the treaty was, that it was a treaty of concessions on the part of great britain, and not of acquisitions: and when mr. grey, in taunting the minister, complained, as instanced by mr. buchanan, "that where we might form a settlement on one hill, the spaniards might erect a fort upon another," he in fact complained, not that we had not maintained a right to form territorial settlements, and to exercise acts of sovereignty in them, but that we had not asserted this right so as to exclude the spaniards entirely from the country. reference has been made to these debates in the british houses of parliament, rather to illustrate than to prove the fact of the treaty having been regarded in a very different light from a mere temporary engagement, by those who contended that great britain had conceded more advantages than she had acquired. mr. pitt, indeed, denied mr. fox's positions, and in answer to them maintained, "that though what this country had gained consisted not of new rights, it certainly did of new advantages. we had before a right to the southern whale fishery, and a right to navigate and carry on fisheries in the pacific ocean, and to trade on the coasts of any part of it north-west of america: but that right not only had not been acknowledged, but disputed and resisted: whereas, by the convention, it was _secured to us_--a circumstance, which, though _no new right_, was a _new advantage_." that the condition of intermixed settlements, in regard to unappropriated lands, is clearly recognised by the law of nations, as consistent with the full and absolute independence of two separate nations, has been already shown by reference to acknowledged authorities on international law, so that mr. buchanan's entire argument appears to have been advanced rather upon specious than solid grounds. there are several other arguments in the correspondence of the commissioners of the united states that might deserve attention, were it not that the discussion would exceed the contemplated limits of this work, which has probably already attained too large a bulk. it has, however, been found impossible to compress the inquiry within narrower bounds, without incurring the double risk, on the one hand, of appearing to those who are imperfectly informed on the subject, not to have given sufficient consideration to the arguments of the commissioners of the united states,--and, on the other hand, of causing to those who are well acquainted with the facts, some dissatisfaction by too cursory an exposure of the unsoundness of those arguments. besides, the course adopted has been thought to be well warranted by the importance of the question, and to be at the same time more consistent with the respect due to the distinguished negotiators. chapter xviii. review of the general question. presumption in favour of the common right of great britain.--no exclusive rights in spain or the united states.--convention of .--convention of .--mr. rush's admission in , that the united states had not a perfect right.--cession of astoria.--course of the negotiations.--messrs. rush and gallatin in .--mr. rush in .--mr. gallatin in .--negotiations of - .--mr. buchanan's offer.--mr. president polk's message to congress.--consequences involved in the two proposals.--valueless character of the country north of °.--consequences of the convention of being abrogated.--present condition of the northern and southern banks of the oregon.--voyages of british subjects:--drake,--cook,--vancouver.--settlements of great britain.--settlements of the united states.--rule of partition advanced by the united states in their negotiations with spain.--its application to the present question.--objections to it.--mr. pakenham's letter of sept. , .--suggestion as to a further proposal on the part of great britain.--mr. webster's anticipations of the future destinies of oregon.--mr. calhoun's declaration in . the failure on the part of the united states to make out their _exclusive claim_ establishes at once a conclusive inference in favour of the _common title_ of great britain. the proof required in the two cases is essentially distinct. where two nations are already settled in a country, the _onus probandi_ rests with the party that seeks to exclude the other. independent of the presumption from inference, great britain has conclusive _primâ facie_ evidence of a right to form settlements in the country; first, in the recognition of this right by a power which had asserted an exclusive title to the entire country under the guarantee of the treaty of utrecht, to which all the great colonial powers in america were parties, but which ultimately abandoned it by the signature of the convention of the escurial: secondly, in the undisturbed enjoyment of this right during a period which, according to the civil law, to which all civilised nations agree in appealing for the arbitration of public differences between one nation and another, from the necessity of some common standard, constitutes a valid prescription, such as was recognised in the case of russia by the united states in , and by great britain in ; thirdly, in the partition having been the subject of repeated negotiations, and more especially from the proposals to negotiate both in and having originated with the united states, which thereby admitted the claims of great britain to be similar in _kind_ with their own, though they might maintain them to be different in _degree_. it seems to have been contended by the commissioners of the united states in the course of the last negotiation, that "whilst the proper title of the united states gave them exclusive rights against all mankind, _the superaddition_ of the spanish title extended their exclusive right as against great britain," (letter of mr. buchanan, july , .) the enjoyment, however, of the territory by great britain was antecedent to the proper title of the united states, whereas the possession of the united states can be accounted for consistently with the continuance of the common right of great britain, which she claims by virtue of a title antecedent to such possession. but if the superadded spanish title conferred an extension of exclusive rights on the united states, it must have been _proprio vigore_ an exclusive title; and if so, valid against the united states themselves: so that, on that supposition, the proper right of the united states could not be an exclusive right. there cannot be two exclusive titles in different nations to the same country, and great britain would be expressly debarred by the provisions of the convention of the escurial from recognising an exclusive title in the united states, antecedent to their acquisition of the spanish title by the treaty of florida, because she had recognised in the right of spain, in common with herself, to settle in any places of the north-west coast of america not as yet occupied: whilst she could not recognise the rights which devolved to the united states from spain, in , as exclusive rights, in the face of her previous admission that the united states were entitled to be considered as the party in possession of astoria whilst treating of the title, and in contravention to the third article of the convention of , which was grounded upon the basis of both the united states and great britain, as well as other powers, having at that time claims to the country. in fact, great britain had acknowledged the common title of spain before the time when the united states assert their own exclusive title to have commenced; and she had acknowledged the common title of the united states, pending the continuance of the recognised title of spain: so that she is precluded from recognising the title of either state to be an exclusive one, if she were even disposed to do so, by her own previous acts. on the other hand, the united states themselves are precluded by their own previous acts from setting up either their own original title, or their derivative title from spain, as an exclusive title. by the convention, signed at london, of october , , it was agreed in the third article, "that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of america, westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all the rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the _prejudice of any claim which either of the two contracting parties may have to any part of the said country_, nor shall it be taken to affect the _claims of any other power or state_ to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences _among themselves_." this article, in its very terms, implies the renunciation by both parties of an exclusive right to the entire territory, not merely in reference to each other, but still further in reference to other powers. by the convention, signed at london, of august , , all the provisions of the third article of the convention of were indefinitely extended, subject to abrogation, at the option of either party, upon twelve months' notice; and by the third article it was stipulated, that "nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the convention of the th october, , hereby continued in force, shall be construed to _impair, or in any manner affect, the claims_ which either party may have to any part of the country westward of the stony or rocky mountains." what those claims were on the part of the united states at the time of the convention of , was explicitly stated by messrs. gallatin and rush, the commissioners of the united states, before it was concluded. in their letter to mr. adams, of october , , which commences with these words, "we have the honour to transmit a convention, which we concluded this day with the british plenipotentiaries," they state in reference to the negotiations, "we did not assert that the united states had a _perfect right_ to that country, (i. e., the country westward of the stony mountains,) but insisted that their claim was at least good against britain." in other words, the plenipotentiaries on the part of the united states, at the first opening of the negotiations respecting the definitive adjustment of the mutual claims of the two parties westward of the rocky mountains, which has been a subject of subsequent negotiation on three separate occasions, limited their claims expressly to an imperfect right,--a right in common with great britain. they had already, in assenting to be placed in possession of astoria "whilst treating of the title," according to lord castlereagh's agreement, as recorded by mr. rush, admitted the _common right_ of great britain to possess settlements in that country. the united states had contended that astoria had become a british possession _jure belli_, and great britain had covenanted by the first article of the treaty of ghent to restore all her acquisitions made _jure belli_. great britain, on the contrary, had maintained that astoria had passed into the hands of the north-west company by peaceable transfer. in agreeing then to treat of the title, the two parties agreed to discuss these two facts, the former implying the common right of the united states to make settlements, the latter, the common right of great britain. it was idle to enter into an inquiry into the respective truth of the alleged facts, unless it followed that the title of the party that could substantiate its statement would thereby be at once established. this however, implied a possibility on either side of a rightful title, on the side of the united states by the treaty of ghent, on the side of great britain by the law of nations. the united states relied upon the _status ante bellum_, the lawfulness of which, in this particular case, was admitted by great britain's consenting to entertain such a title; great britain rested on the received principles of international law, according to which her subjects, in common with those of other states, were entitled to make peaceable acquisitions in such parts of the north-west coast as were not yet occupied by any other civilised nation, which the united states could not gainsay. after the consent of both sides to treat of the title upon this footing, it is out of the question to suppose that it is competent for either party on the renewal of negotiations to set up an exclusive title: such a proceeding would be essentially _aggressive_ in its character, and would be altogether inconsistent with the tacit admission on both sides, when they agreed to entertain the consideration of each other's title. let us now proceed to examine what has been the conduct of the two parties throughout the course of the various negotiations. it having been expressly stated in , by messrs. rush and gallatin, that the united states _did not assert a perfect right to the country_, mr. rush, in his letter to mr. adams, proceeds to state, that "when the plenipotentiaries of the united states, on their part, stated, 'that there was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward, the boundary limit of the th parallel of north latitude _should not be continued to the pacific ocean_," the british commissioners, though they made no formal proposition for a boundary, intimated that the river itself was the most convenient that could be adopted, and that they would not agree to any that did not give them the harbour of the mouth of the river, _in common with the united states_. the history of the subsequent negotiations will show that on each occasion the united states have increased their claims and reduced their concessions, while great britain has not only not increased her claims, but on the contrary has advanced in her concessions. thus, in , mr. rush commenced the negotiation by claiming for the united states, "in their own right, and as their absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, _the whole of the country_ west of the rocky mountains, from the d to at least as far up as the st degree of north latitude." he further said, that "in the opinion of my government, the title of the united states to the whole of that coast, from latitude ° to as far north as °, was superior to that of britain or any other power: first, through the proper claim of the united states by discovery and settlement; and secondly, as now standing in the place of spain, and holding in their hands her title." in accordance with these views, mr. rush annexed to the protocol of the th conference a formal proposal, that great britain should stipulate that her subjects should make no settlement on the north-west coast of america, _or the islands adjoining_, south of the st degree of latitude; the united states stipulating, that none should be made by her citizens north of the st degree. the british negotiators in reply proposed to accede to a line along the th parallel of north latitude as far as the north-easternmost branch of the columbia, and thence down the middle of that river to the sea, the navigation of the river to be for ever free to both parties. the commissioner of the united states, on the other hand, would only vary his proposed line to the south, so as to consent that it should be the th instead of the st degree of north latitude, which was the original proposal in , with the navigation of the river free to both parties. on the negotiations being resumed in , mr. gallatin, on the part of the united states, having set up a new ground of title founded on the acquisition of louisiana from france in , and its contiguity through the intervening chain of the rocky mountains to the territory under discussion, limited his offer to the th parallel with the navigation of the river free to both parties, as before, whilst the british commissioners expressed their willingness to yield to the united states, in addition to what they first offered, a detached territory extending, on the pacific and the strait of fuca, from bullfinch's harbour to hood's canal, and to stipulate that no works should at any time be erected at the mouth or on the banks of the columbia, calculated to impede the free navigation of that river by either party. this last stipulation was evidently adapted to obviate a difficulty which mr. prevost, the agent of the united states at the restoration of astoria, had suggested to the united states government as early as nov. , , in his report upon the columbia river:--"in addition to this, it is susceptible of entire defence, because a ship, after passing the bar, in order to avoid the breaking of the sea on one of the banks, is obliged to bear up directly for the knoll forming the cape, at all times, to approach within a short distance of its base, and most frequently there to anchor. thus a small battery erected on this point, in conjunction with the surges on the opposite side, would so endanger the approach as to deter an enemy, however hardy, from the attempt." (british and foreign state papers, - , p. .) in the negotiations of - , lately brought to a close, mr. pakenham, the british plenipotentiary at a very early period, proposed in a letter of aug. , , in addition to what had been already offered on the part of the united states, and in proof of the earnest desire of her britannic majesty's government to arrive at an arrangement suitable to the interests and wishes of both parties, to undertake to make free to the united states any port or ports which the united states government might desire either on the main-land, or on vancouver's island, south of °; and on mr. calhoun's declining to make any counter-proposal, based on the supposition of the united states and great britain being occupants in common, mr. pakenham suggested "an arbitration, to the result of which both parties should be bound to conform by the interchange of notes, as the most fair and honourable mode of settling the question," which mr. calhoun declined. mr. buchanan, on resuming the negotiations after the election of mr. polk to the presidency of the united states, concluded his communication of july , , to mr. pakenham, by stating that the president would not have consented to yield any portion of the oregon territory had he not found himself embarrassed, if not committed, by the acts of his predecessors, and that he was instructed to propose the th parallel as before to the pacific ocean, offering at the same time to make free any port or ports on vancouver's island south of this parallel, which the british government may desire. "this proposal," as justly observed by mr. pakenham, in his reply of july , , "was less than that tendered by the american plenipotentiaries in the negotiation of , and declined by the british government. on that occasion it was proposed that the navigation of the columbia should be made free to both parties." the president of the united states, in his message to congress of the st of december, , after briefly reviewing the course of the several negotiations, concludes that portion of his message with these remarkable words:-- "the civilised world will see in these proceedings _a spirit of liberal concession_ on the part of the united states; and this government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy." mr. buchanan had stated to the same effect, at the conclusion of his letter of august , , that not "only respect for the conduct of his predecessors, but a sincere desire to promote peace and harmony between the two governments," had actuated the president to offer _a proposition so liberal_ to great britain. "and how has this proposition been received by the british plenipotentiary? it has been rejected without even a reference to his own government. nay, more; the british plenipotentiary, to use his own language, 'trusts that the american plenipotentiary, will be prepared to offer some further proposal for the settlement of the oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the british government.'" it could hardly require a reference from mr. pakenham to the british government at home, to satisfy him that he should at once decline to accept a less liberal offer than that which his government had already declined on two previous occasions. surely the meaning of the word "liberal" must have acquired a different acceptation in the united states from what it bears in the mother-country, or the notions of what constitutes "a spirit of liberal concession," must be very different on the eastern and western sides of the atlantic; for, in the usual signification of the word in the mother-country, it would be bitter irony to apply such a term to the proposal authorised by president polk, expressly, as alleged, in deference to what had been done by presidents monroe and adams. it is an offer on the part of mr. polk to share a worthless haven with great britain, when his predecessors have offered to share the great river of the west. the offer of great britain, when first made by her in , would have imposed upon her at that time, if accepted by the united states, as likewise at the present time, the necessity of ultimately breaking up four or five settlements, formed by her subjects within the limits that would become prohibited; and which they had formed under the belief of their full right, as british subjects, to settle there. "but their government was willing to make these surrenders, for so they considered them, in a spirit of compromise, on points where the two nations stood so divided," (british and foreign state papers, - , p. ;) whereas the united states would not be required to abandon a single settlement; on the contrary, they would retain the fertile valley of the willamette, where their settlers are mostly located. the proposal of the united states, on the other hand, would require that great britain should abandon the majority of her settlements, and amongst these fort vancouver, the dépôt of the hudson's bay company, from which fourteen other settlements receive their supplies; that she should resign the use of the river, the free navigation of which is absolutely necessary for the transport of outfits and their returns; that she should be precluded, not merely from the harbour within the river, but from the harbours in admiralty inlet, the only really valuable harbours on the coast; that she should give up the agricultural district round puget's sound, where the fixed population of british canadians are located, and which bears a similar relation to the future destinies of northern oregon, that the valley of the willamette does to those of southern oregon; and in this proposal mr. buchanan, in his letter of july , , "trusts that the british government will recognise the president's _sincere and anxious desire to cultivate the most friendly relations_ between the two countries, and to manifest to the world that he is actuated _by a spirit of moderation_." in return great britain is to be allowed to retain a district of barren territory in northern oregon, in which captain wilkes has officially reported to the united states, that "there is no part on the coast where a settlement could be formed that would be able to supply its own wants," and which even for hunting purposes is so unproductive, that the hudson's bay company have found it expedient to lease other hunting grounds within the russian territories; and this too, when the future value of the country will consist, not in its capability to supply the fur-trader with the skins of the beaver and sea-otter, but in the adequacy of its grazing and agricultural produce to support a fixed body of inhabitants, as well as to victual the ships of various nations engaged in the china trade, and in the fisheries of the south sea. harder conditions could not well have been dictated by a conquering to a conquered nation as the price of peace, neither do they accord with that spirit of just accommodation with which mr. rush, in , expressly declared the government of the united states to be animated, nor with those principles of mutual convenience which it was then agreed on both sides to keep in view, in order to further the settlement of their mutual claims. if the present convention should be abrogated by either party, the only object of which, according to the express declaration of the two contracting parties, was "to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves," the existing condition of common occupancy does not thereby terminate. each nation will still be bound to respect the settlements of the other. the mutual rights and obligations recognised by great britain and spain in respect to each other, in the convention of the escurial, were recognised once and for all. the united states now stands in the place of spain; she asserts that by the treaty of florida she holds in her hands all the spanish title, but her hands are also bound by the obligations of spain. by the convention of the escurial, the liberty of free access and unmolested trade with the settlements of each other, made subsequent to april , was secured to either party: in other respects their settlements would carry with them the independent rights, which the law of nations secures to the settlements of independent powers. oregon would thus be dotted over with the settlements of subjects of great britain, and citizens of the united states, in juxta-position to each other, like the protestant and catholic cantons of switzerland. the tribunals of the united states have decided in washbourne's case ( john's c. r. ) and in other cases, "that the th article of the treaty of , which provided for the delivery of criminals charged with murder and forgery, was only declaratory of the law of nations, and is equally obligatory on the two nations under the sanction of public law, and since the expiration of that treaty, as it was before." so far the recurrence of mutual outrages might be checked. still, such a condition of things would leave open, as mr. rush observed in , "sources of future disagreement, which time might multiply and aggravate." it is, therefore, for the interest of both parties, that a line of demarcation should be drawn, to prevent the possible conflict of jurisdiction. a few square miles, more or less, where the entire territory to be shared between the two nations extends over a district of more than , square miles, can form but a secondary element of consideration in the question. if we look to the original rights of the united states, as founded on use and settlement, they point exclusively to the southern bank, whilst those of great britain point, in a similar manner, to the northern. citizens of the united states first explored the southern branch of the columbia, whilst subjects of great britain first explored the northern. the flag of the united states has been authoritatively displayed on the southern bank alone, whilst the british ensign has exclusively been hoisted on the northern. whilst the valley of the willamette in southern oregon is cultivated, according to captain wilkes, by settlers from other countries besides the united states, the agricultural establishments on the cowlitz river, and on the shores of puget's sound, in northern oregon, are exclusively the creation of british subjects. great britain having expressly declared in , that she claimed "no exclusive sovereignty over any portion of that territory," it has been thought unnecessary to set out in full her original title, as against the united states. it is impossible in the present day to ascertain how far drake was authorised to make discoveries in the south seas on account of his sovereign. we are informed by stow the annalist, that he had obtained the approval of queen elizabeth to the plan of his expedition, through the interest of sir christopher hatton; and the author of "the world encompassed" affirms that he had _a commission from his sovereign_, and that she delivered to him a sword with this remarkable speech:--"we do account that he which striketh at thee, drake, strikes at us." captain burney's opinion, however, seems most to accord with probability--that he had _no written commission_. the queen, however, on his return, after a protracted inquiry before her council, upon the complaint of the ambassador of spain, approved and ratified his acts; and in her reply to the ambassador's remonstrances against drake's territorial aggressions, expressly asserted, according to camden, that as she did not acknowledge the spaniards to have any title by sanction of the bishop of rome, so she knew no right they had to any places other than those they were in possession of, (cf. supr., p. .) vattel (b. xi., § ) states the law that, "if a nation or its chief approves and ratifies the act of the individual, it then becomes a public concern." drake thus appears to have been recognised as an instrument of his sovereign; and though the moderation of the british government has led it not to insist upon drake's discovery of the northwest coast as far as °, though it was coupled with formal acts of taking possession with the consent of the natives, because great britain did not follow it up within a reasonable time with actual settlements, still that discovery has not lost its validity as a bar to any asserted discovery of a later period. on the other hand, the expeditions of captains cook and vancouver satisfied all the conditions required by the law of nations for making discoveries and forming settlements. unless captain king, the companion of cook, had published his account of the high prices which had been obtained by his sailors for the furs of the north-west coast of america in the markets of china, the american fur-trader, as mr. greenhow terms captain gray, would never have resorted to the coast of oregon. but before any trading vessel of the united states had appeared off those shores, captain cook had traced the american coast, from a little above cape mendocino to icy cape, in ° '; whilst vancouver was despatched in expressly by the british government, to ascertain what parts of the north-west coast were open for settlement to subjects of great britain, in accordance with the d article of the convention of the escurial; and after an accurate survey reported, that the presidio of san francisco, in about °, was "the northernmost settlement of any description formed by the court of spain on the continental shore of north-west america." to vancouver the civilised world was indebted for the first accurate chart of the entire coast. the important services rendered to navigation and science by vancouver and lieutenant broughton, were fully acknowledged by mr. gallatin in the negotiations of ; yet all these, it is contended by the commissioners of the united states, are entirely superseded by captain gray having first entered the mouth of the chief river of the country. when mr. buchanan, therefore, at the commencement of his letter of august , , states, "that the precise question under consideration simply is, were the _titles_ of spain and the united states, when united by the florida treaty on the d of february , _good as against great britain_, to the oregon territory as far north as the russian line, in the latitude of ° '?" and assumes, as a consequence, that if they were, it will be admitted this whole territory now _belongs_ to the united states; he avails himself of the ambiguity of the term _title_, to infer that the establishment of a _common title_ must lead to the admission of an _exclusive title_. with much more reason might great britain have set up an exclusive title against the united states, which she has, in the spirit of moderation, forborne to do. she might have said, "we were entitled by the general law of nations to make settlements in this country, as being unoccupied by any civilised nation. we were the first civilised nation that established a permanent occupation of it, which has never been abandoned, by a settlement in the year on frazer's river. we have since that time, steadily occupied the entire country north and south of the river columbia, as far as the sources of lewis river, where fort hall, the most southern settlement of the hudson's bay company, supplies shelter and food to the wasted and famished settler from the united states, on his first entry into the promised land of oregon." she might have said, "before , american citizens, on the testimony of their own countrymen, had no settlements of a permanent kind west of the rocky mountains. even in the valley of the willamette, where captain wilkes, in ; found not more than _sixty_ families, many of them being british subjects, and late servants of the hudson's bay company, the first settlements were made by officers of that company, under the encouragement of the company. it was owing to the report of the thriving condition of these farms having been carried to the united states by american trappers, that settlers from that country were led to undertake the long and perilous journey across the rocky mountains, which they would never have survived, had not the british settlements preceded their adventurous enterprise, and furnished them with supplies on their arrival." yet after an indisputable use and enjoyment of this country by british subjects for a greater period of time, than that which the united states admitted by treaty in , to establish a valid title by prescription in favour of russia, from ° north latitude to ° ', against their own spanish derivative title, the president of the united states declares, in his solemn message, his "settled conviction that the british pretensions of title could not be maintained to any portion of the oregon territory, upon any principle of public law recognised by nations." the plenipotentiaries of the united states, in their negotiations with spain respecting the boundary of louisiana, laid down this principle as adopted in practice by european powers, in the discoveries and acquisitions which they have respectively made in the new world,--that "whenever one european nation makes a discovery, and _takes possession of any portion of that continent_, and another afterwards does the same at some distance from it, when the boundary between them is not determined by the principle above mentioned (viz., the taking possession of an extent of sea coast,) the middle distance becomes such of course." (cf. supr., ch. xiii.) if we apply this rule to the settlement of the claims of great britain and the united states, either in respect to the conflict of their original titles, or in respect to the conflict of the title of great britain recognised in the convention of the escurial, with the title of the united states devolved to them by the treaty of washington, we shall find it confirm the reasonableness of the offer made by great britain. it was ascertained by vancouver, who had been despatched by his sovereign with this express commission, that the northernmost part of the north-west coast _already occupied_ by spain, at the signature of the convention of , was the presidio of san francisco, in about ° north latitude. vancouver at the same time ascertained that the settlements of the russians extended as far south as port etches, at the eastern extremity of prince william's sound, a little to the south of °, and thus determined the extent of the common rights of great britain and spain under the convention, which mr. pitt declared, as first minister of the crown of england, "he should esteem the government of his britannic majesty highly culpable if they neglected to ascertain, by actual survey," (st. james's chronicle, december , .) both the united states, however, subsequently to their acquisition of their derivative spanish title, and great britain, have recognised, by separate treaties in and , the territorial rights of russia as far south as ° ' north latitude, founded on the use and enjoyment of the coast by russian subjects, during the intervening period between vancouver's visit and the publication of the imperial ukase of september , ; so that the rights of great britain to form settlements under the convention of the escurial, are thus limited by her own act to the parts of the coast between ° and ° ', and the united states, by a similar act, have confined their derivative title to the same northern boundary. when, however, the united states claim to hold in their hands the title of spain against great britain, and upon the strength of that title propose to make a final partition of the territory hitherto the subject of a common occupation, if they would abide by their own rule, as solemnly propounded by their commissioners on two distinct occasions, the middle distance between ° and ° ' becomes the boundary line of course. the extremities of the country to be divided are thus marked out by the presidio of san francisco on the southern side, and by fort frazer on the northern, and nature seems to have accorded the embouchure of the columbia river, in the latitude of ° ', to meet the conditions of so reasonable a rule, as that which the united states then maintained to be grounded on an acknowledged principle of international law. such a rule might reasonably be resorted to on this occasion, as furnishing a solution to the problem of converting the common rights of the united states and great britain into separate rights. the united states, however, might admit that the principle was abstractedly sound, but that its application, as proposed, was inadmissible, as their claim commenced at °, and not at °. it is evident, however, that the derivative title from spain as against great britain, if it be advanced as the basis of the negotiation, which has been the case, cannot assume a different form in the hands of the united states, from that which it would have presented in the hands of spain herself: otherwise, _the less_ spain had ceded to the united states, _the more_ the united states would be entitled to claim from great britain, which of course is untenable. but great britain has conceded to the united states more than the limits which this rule would assign to them, namely, the entire left bank of the columbia river as far as the th parallel, thereby giving up to them the exclusive possession of the lewis river and the clarke river, and the intermediate territory. the general character, however, of the proposals of great britain cannot be better described than in the words of mr. pakenham's letter of sept. , :-- "it is believed that by this arrangement ample justice would be done to the claims of the united states, on whatever ground advanced, with relation to the oregon territory. as regards extent of territory, they would obtain acre for acre, nearly half of the entire territory to be divided. as relates to the navigation of the principal river, they would enjoy a perfect equality of right with great britain: and with respect to harbours, great britain shows every disposition to consult their convenience in this particular. on the other hand, were great britain to abandon the line of the columbia as a frontier, and to surrender the right to the navigation of that river, the prejudice occasioned to them by such an arrangement, would, beyond all proportion, exceed the advantage accruing to the united states from the possession of a few more square miles of territory. it must be obvious to every impartial investigator of the subject, that in adhering to the line of the columbia, great britain is not influenced by motives of ambition, with reference to extension of territory, but by considerations of utility, not to say necessity, which cannot be lost sight of, and for which allowance ought to be made, in an arrangement professing to be based on considerations of mutual convenience and advantage." great britain has advanced in her offers on each separate negotiation. let her make one step more in advance. let her offer to the united states to declare the ports in admiralty inlet and puget's sound to be "free ports," with a given _radius_ of free territory. the advantage which she would give to the united states, would far exceed the prejudice occasioned to herself by such an arrangement, and the proposal would be in accordance with the principle sanctioned by the th article of the convention of the escurial, which guaranteed a mutual freedom of access to the future settlements of either party for the purposes of trade. if her britannic majesty's government should deem it consistent with a just regard to the interests of great britain, as it would certainly be in accordance with the spirit of moderation which has hitherto influenced her majesty's councils, to make this further offer, and if the president of the united states should instruct his plenipotentiary to reject it, the attempt to effect a partition of the territory by treaty may be regarded as hopeless. it will then be best for both parties that the convention of should be abrogated, and the future destinies of the country be regulated by the general law of nations. it would be idle to speculate upon those future destinies,--whether the circumstances of the country justify mr. webster's anticipations that it will form at some not very distant day an independent confederation, or whether the natural divisions of northern and southern oregon are likely to attach ultimately the former by community of interests to canada, and the latter to the united states of america. when it is remembered that mr. calhoun declared in , that "the distance for a fleet to sail from new york to the columbia is more than , miles, a voyage that would require six months," and that "the distance overland, from the state of missouri to the mouth of the columbia river is about , miles, over an unsettled country of naked plains and mountains, a march, if unopposed, of days," the scepticism of such as doubt the inevitable absorption of oregon into the united states, seems at least to be excusable. the end. index. adams, j. quincy, negotiates the florida treaty, . aguilar, martin d', , . alarcon, fernando, . albion, new, . anahuac, plateau of, . anderson on commerce, , . anian, straits of, said to be discovered by cortereal, in , . argonaut, the, seized at nootka, . arkansas river, , . astor, john jacob, , . astoria, established in , . transferred by purchase to north-west company in , , , . surrendered to the united states, , . sub modo, . not a national settlement, . atlantic colonies, . barclay, captain, first descries the straits of fuca, , . behring's voyage, . belsham's history of england, . bernard, st., bay of, . biographie universelle, error as to drake, , . as to gali, . bodega, port de la, , . bodega y quadra, . bracton de legibus, . broughton, lieut., explores the columbia, . takes possession of the country, . bulfinch's harbour, . bynkershoek on discovery, . cabrillo, juan rodrigues, voyage in , . caledonia, new, . calhoun, mr., letter of sept. , , . speech in , . california, peninsula of, discovered in , by f. de ulloa, . a peninsula, . jesuit missions, . a cluster of islands, . spanish possessions, . camden, life of elizabeth, . canada, limits of, . cession of, . carver, jonathan, travels in north america, . first announces a river called oregon, or the great river of the west, . cascade canal, . castillo, domingo de, . cavendish, thomas, voyage of, . cavallo, juan, . channing, dr., . charters, . of georgia, . carolina, . to what extent valid, . of the hudson's bay company, . argument from, . clarke. see lewis and clarke. clarke, river, discovered, , . source in ° ', . clatsop, fort, , . cliffe, edward, his narrative, . colnett, capt., , . instructions to, . colorado, rio, del occidente, . columbia, country of the, . mouth, . bay, . river, . progressive discovery of the river, . proposed as a boundary by spain, in , . exploration by gray, . northernmost bank, . course, . extent of valley, . columbia, merchant ship, , . log book, . congress, documents of, . contiguity, doctrine advanced by mr. gallatin, . a reciprocal title, . convention of , , , . of , not ratified, . of , ditto, . conventions, transitory, . mixed, . cook, captain, instructions to, , . discovery of nootka, . coronado, vasquez de, . cortereal, gaspar de, . crozat's grant of louisiana, . davis, john, the navigator, . descubierta and atrevida, voyage of the, . discovery, title by, . not in the roman law, . conditions of, . progressive, . requires notification, . an inchoate act of sovereignty, . dixon and portlock, , . domain, eminent, . useful, . drake, sir g., his voyage, . french account, . knighted by queen elizabeth, . limits of voyage, . his discovery maintained by british negotiators, . duflot de mofras, , . duncan and colnett, . elizabeth, queen, reply to mendoza, . speech of, , . escarbot's histoire de la nouvelle france, . escurial, convention of the, , , . mr. greenhow's view, . british rights under, ascertained, . eyriés, m., error as to drake, . gali, . factories, or comptoirs, . falconer's treatise on the mississippi, . family compact, . felice and iphigenia, . ferrelo, bartholeme, . flag, on the, dr. chaning, . mr. gallatin, . fletcher, world encompassed, , . manuscript notes, . fleurieu, , . florida treaty. see washington. fonte, bartholemé, , . francisco, port san, the northernmost possession of spain, , . frazer's river, . frazer's lake, . fort, , . fuca, juan de, straits of, . discovery claimed by martinez, . discovered by barclay, . story of, . not mentioned in spanish archives, . spanish claim, . fur company, american, . missouri, . pacific, . fur trade, . gali, francisco, , . galiano and valdes, . see sutil and mexicano. gallatin, mr., his doctrine of discovery, . letter to mr. astor, . his counter-statement in , . george, fort, . georgia, new, . gray, captain, first explored the mouth of the columbia river, . crosses the bar, . extent of his researches, . hakluyt, collection of voyages, . hanna, captain, . hanover, new, . hearne, journey of, . heceta, voyage of, . inlet of, , . discovery of the columbia river, , . hennepin, father, . henry, mr., established a trading post on the lewis river, , . high lands, territorial limits, . horn, cape, discovered, . hudson's bay company, . title, . territory, . boundaries, . humboldt, alexander von, , . iberville, d', . illinois, the, annexed to louisiana, . nation of, . ingraham, joseph, pilot of the columbia, . jefferson, president, letter on louisiana, , . jefferys' america, , , . jessup, general, . jesuit missions, . johnson, dr., life of sir f. drake, . jurisdiction, maritime, , . kerlet's memoir on louisiana, . kendrick, capt., , . king, capt. james, first suggests a trade in furs with north-west coast of america, , . king george's sound company, . kluber, droit des gens, , . kooskooskee river, . lake of the woods, . rainy, . red, . travers, . abbitibbe, . law, international rules of, at treaty of washington, . lewis and clarke's expedition, . encampment on south bank of river columbia, . lewis, or snake river, . liberties distinct from rights, . lorenzo, bay of san, , . louisiana, limits of crozat's grant, . jefferys' america, , . declaration of france in , . cession of, . western boundaries, . sold to the united states, . extent of, , . mackenzie, alexander, first crosses the rocky mountains, . maldonado, pretended voyage, . the author a fleming, . maps, of ortelius and hondius, , . of the th and th century, . difficulty from incorrect, . questionable authority of, . melish's, . inaccuracy of, . maquilla, or maquinna, . marchand's voyage, . martens, droit des gens, . martinez at nootka, . matagorda bay, . meares, . sailed in the nootka, . in the felice , . memorial to parliament, . log book, . mendocino, cape, . furthermost known land, . mississippi, sources of the, . company, . discovered by hernando de soto, . discovered by spain, , . explored by british subjects, . free navigation of, . missouri fur company, first establishment of citizens of united states on the west of the rocky mountains, . monroe, president, declaration of, . monson's, sir w., naval tracts, . mountains, snowy, . multnomah river, . incorrectly laid down, . proposed as a boundary by spain, in , , . sources, . natchitoches, . national flag, . protection of, . mercantile, . sovereign, . mr. gallatin's letter, . dr. channing's pamphlet, . national ship, mr. rush's view, . mr. buchanan's view, . negotiations in , . new france, extent westwardly, , . new mexico, extent of, . nootka sound, . discovery of, . british colours hoisted at, . delivered up to the british, . controversy, . british settlement, . nootka sound convention. see escurial. mr. pitt's view, . north-west company established, . their first settlement west of the rocky mountains, . occupation, title by, . distinct from occupancy, . ohio river, . okanegan river, . onis, don louis de, . oregon, or oregan river, so called by carver, . oregon territory, extent of, . pretensions of the united states in , . first notice of claim, . pacific fur company, . dissolution of, , . not chartered, . panuco, the northernmost settlement of spain on the gulf of mexico, , . partition, rule of, . patagonians, . perez, juan, voyage, , . entrada de, . perouse, la, . pichilingue bay, . poletica, chevalier de, . pope alexander vi., his bull, . pre-emption, right of, . prescription, title of, . president polk's message, . pretty, francis, . not the author of the famous voyage, . purchas, pilgrims of, . racoon, sloop of war, , . rio bravo del norte, . rivers, appendages to territory, , . common use of, , , . mr. wheaton on, . rocky mountains, . rolls court, . rush, mr., , , , . russia, establishments on north-west coast of america, , . claims on north-west coast, . russian american company, in , . salle, de la, , . santa fé, . sea coast, discovery of, . possession of, . servitudes, permanent, . settlement, title by, . jurisdiction of, . conterminous, . not mere trading stations, . not factories, . intermixed, . priority of, . sierra verde, , . silva, nuño da, his narrative, . schoell's traités, , , . soto, hernando de, discovered the mississippi, . south carolina, laws of, . spain, claims to the north-west coast of america, . stow, the annalist, . stowell, lord, on rivers, . on discoveries, , . sutil y mexicana, voyage of, . tacoutche-tesse river, held by lewis and clarke to be the columbia, , . tchiricoff's voyage, . territory in use, . texas, boundaries of, . thalweg, . thomson, mr. david, the astronomer of the north-west company, descends the north branch of the columbia river, , , , . determines the latitude of the sources of the mississippi, . tipping, captain, , . title by occupation, . discovery, . sea coast, . settlement, . prescription, . convention, . tonquin, ship, destroyed by the indians, . treaty of utrecht, , , . paris, of , . paris, of , . ryswick, . washington, . s. ildefonso, , . the escurial, , . ghent, . family compact, , . paris, of , , , . of , . treaties terminable by war, . sometimes contain acknowledgments of title, . ukase of russia respecting the north-west coast, . ulloa, francisco de, , , . united states, the president's plan as to the pacific ocean, . use, innocent, . usucaption, title by, . utrecht, treaty of, . commissioners under, . vancouver, capt., . instructions, . names c. orford, . observes heceta's river, . vindicated against mr. greenhow's charges, , . vattel on occupation, . on discovery, . on prescription, . vicinitas of the roman law, . viscaino, sebastian, . wabash river, or ouabache, . washington, treaty of, cession under, , . object of spanish concessions, , . wheaton on discovery, . wilkes', capt., expedition, . willamette, settlement on the, , . webster, daniel, . wolffii jus gentium, . institutions du droit, , . woods, lake of the, . produced from images made available by the hathitrust digital library.) [illustration: virginia "cautiously pushed aside the portiere, then entered the room."] an oregon girl alfred ernest rice scenes: portland, oregon, and environs. time: within the last fifteen years. personae: john thorpe: director, investment co. constance: his wife virginia: his sister, an oregon girl dorothy: his five-year-old daughter hazel brooke: his niece smith: his irish coachman philip rutley: ex-president, investment co. jack shore: ex-secretary investment co. james harris: retired merchant mrs. harris: his wife sam harris: his nephew, and hero joe corway: secretly engaged to virginia, but forsakes her for hazel mr. williams: attorney at law dr. mackay: the harris family physician simms: a detective wells: harris' coachman gene, spike: boys ship's officers, and others introductory in the year -- a legend adorned with gold and bearing the significant words, "the securities investment association, mr. philip rutley, president, mr. jack shore, secretary-treasurer," appeared on the glass panel of a certain office door on third street, in the city of portland, oregon. these two men were middle-aged bachelors, and moved in select society. through their social standing they had persuaded two wealthy men of the city to lend their names as stockholders and directors in the company; but the investment company's business failed to meet the expenses which the social living of the two promoters felt were demanded of them, and the inevitable happened, viz., a resort to dishonest manipulations of sundry bond transactions by which the two wealthy directors had to "make good." it resulted, on discovery, in the immediate closing of the office and prosecution of the offenders was ordered; but because of their social standing and promise to leave the city at once, criminal proceedings were suspended. three years elapsed. in the medium-sized room of a plainly furnished flat, in a genteel suburb of the "bay city," a man sat brooding over the ill luck which had pursued him for the past few years. this man, as he sat with elbows on his knees and chin resting on his hands, was looking through the open window and out over the bay, out over that far off rugged ridge of purple and gray and white that projected up in the clear ethereal blue, northward, gazing with eyes fixed into nothingness, for he was deeply absorbed in a review of his past career and of the sunny time he had enjoyed while living in portland. his straw colored hair, verging to a sandy hue, framed a smooth shaven face of marked strength and intelligence. his eyes of a bluish gray, were bright when shielded by spectacles, worn more from fashion than necessity, glittered with keenness and energy. jack shore rarely allowed his naturally aggressive and buoyant spirits to remain for long depressed by a gloomy retrospect; but the purpose of his prolonged stare at vacancy on this occasion was attributable to the necessity of another visit to mr. loan-on-personal-property. his reverie was ended by the abrupt entry of his companion, philip rutley, who drawled out in quiet tones: "jack--aw--i beg pardon. i see you are engaged." jack looked at his visitor, noted his dignified bearing and unwonted coolness as he removed his gloves; noted the smile of cunning pleasure that played about his mouth and, from experience, concluded that some deep scheme had been thought out and a line of action forming. "well, phil," he replied, "what game is on now?" "a well dressed lady and gentleman, strangers," began phil, "halted me on market street and addressed me as 'my lord beauchamp.' they warmly shook my hand and gushingly insisted that i promise them the pleasure of presenting our very dear friends,--mr. and mrs. orthodox--to lord beauchamp at the palace tonight." "of course, you consented!" quietly laughed jack. "ahem! unfortunately i had instructed my secretary to 'clear' the yacht for the north this evening, and as all arrangements were complete, must beg, with profound regrets" (and he bent low with courtly grace) "to decline the pleasure. should you be visiting england next summer, my cordial invitation to rest a month or so at--a--beauchamp, isle of wight." "and you--" "beckoned a passing cab; bade them 'adieu' and drove on a few blocks." "i congratulate you on your iron-clad nerve," laughingly remarked jack. "and you withdrew with your new title,--a--me lord beauchamp, sitting jauntily, like a chip on your shoulder,--undisturbed." "how could i do otherwise? you know i am opposed to shocks, but seriously, jack, the incident has suggested a way out of our embarrassment." "how?" "by carrying the thing on and be a lord in fact, with you as my secretary." jack laughed, low and yet with a heartiness that was rollicking in its abandon, and then added by way of parenthesis: "i shall announce 'your grace's' intention to visit portland." "precisely! you are well aware of the great esteem in which me lord beauchamp is likely to be held there, particularly by our friends, the thorpes, harrises, et al." "a proper entry will create quite a stir among the fashionable set," remarked jack reflectively. "and give us opportunities to 'work' them some." "are you agreed?" "yes," responded jack. "it will be a damn good joke, anyway," and again he laughed, for as the horn of plenty flitted before his vision his spirits soared once more, above the measly depths of want and anxiety. "as an american," he continued, "you have as much right to play the role of lord, general or judge as any other name by which your friends may be pleased to 'dub' you." chapter i. within the perimeter of a great semi-circle window in a large luxuriously furnished room of a fashionable residence not far from hill, in the city of portland, two women sat reading. it was an autumn afternoon, just after a light shower, a little warm but rarely matched for the unusual splendor of its soft, dreamy atmosphere--calm and clear as infinite space. the incessant roar of the city's commerce floated up and through the screened windows in muffled echoes, but the readers being accustomed to the sound, were undisturbed. at length one of the readers, a girl who had not seen more than twenty summers, closed the book she had just finished reading and broke the silence with the remark: "most interesting! a great story!" "yes," exclaimed her companion, looking up, "particularly in its treatment of the bogus count. indeed, it is realistic enough to be true." "so it appears!" replied the maid, "but just imagine such a thing to happen--as for instance a tramp to impersonate successfully lord beauchamp!" "my lord is a gentleman 'to the manor born,' and impossible of counterfeit." "i understand the reception by mrs. harris is to be given in his honor?" "yes," replied mrs. thorpe, and smiling she went on: "he has promised to take tea with us today." "and do you know," said hazel in an awed tone, "he's a knight of the order of the garter? it is reported that he is to be married to a beautiful san francisco girl." "i have heard it mentioned, but i hardly think his lordship seeks a wife in america, because he is very wealthy." "but, constance,--love is sometimes eccentric!" "quite true, when its underlying motive is mercenary. you remember philip rutley." "constance!" exclaimed the girl, with a stamp of her foot. "you know the wise proverb, 'let sleeping dogs lie.'" it was then that philip rutley, impersonating lord beauchamp, was ushered in, accompanied by mr. joseph corway. "ah! my lord," greeted constance arising from her seat. "this delightful corner has lured us to forget to welcome you at the portal of our home. allow me the pleasure of introducing miss hazel brooke, and you, mr. corway,--well you know we are always 'at home' to you." as rutley deliberately placed a monocle to his eye, he said, "a corner with such an entrancing vista," carelessly waving his hand toward the open, "is a pardonable lure to dreamy forgetfulness." then he stared at the girl and, as he supposed, conveyed the desired impression, muttered: "charming!" and that word, uttered with quiet and apparently involuntary emphasis, at once made hazel brooke his friend, and, to add to the favorable impression which rutley perceived he had created, he bowed low and said suavely: "miss brooke will permit me to say, i rejoice in her acquaintance." "your lordship may find me a deceiver." "i shall not believe so winsome a flower can be unreal." and he again fixed the monocle to his eye and stared at her in pleased assurance. "art simulates many charming things of nature," remarked mrs. thorpe, and she slyly glanced at hazel. the girl almost laughed; but her gentle breeding came to the rescue, and she bore rutley's stare with admirable nonchalance, until mr. corway, feeling a little amused at lord beauchamp's monopoly of the girl's attention answered mrs. thorpe: "yet nature cannot be excelled in anything that is beautiful in art." for which he received from the girl a smile that thrilled him with a conviction that no lord, no croesus, nor commoner, could dethrone him from her heart. the ordeal in which hazel found herself under rutley's disconcerting stare, was terminated by mrs. thorpe. "your lordship must be familiar with many beautiful things of nature. by the way, i want you to visit our conservatory. we have some choice exotics there from the orinoco." rutley removed his monocle, and turned to mrs. thorpe. "my secretary obtained some rare specimens in bogota, nevertheless i shall consider it a pleasure to visit your collection, for indeed it must be superb, judging from such natural beauty already in evidence." "you are coming, too," said mrs. thorpe, turning to hazel and mr. corway. "thanks!--that is,--we shall join you presently," stammered mr. corway, looking at hazel with a half smile. mrs. thorpe looked amused as she said: "oh, very well," and then, halting on the threshold, turned again and added: "hazel, dear, don't forget the conservatory." rutley and mrs. thorpe had scarcely gone when hazel exclaimed: "well! i'm waiting for you." "of course," corway replied haltingly; then, after a pause, "hazel!" "miss brooke--please," she corrected, with a tantalizing smile. "oh--confound it. hazel"--he began again. "are you coming?" she interrupted, moving away, but with an aggravating smile playing fitfully about her face. whereupon he bowed low, with mock formality, approached her offering his arm. "i crave the honor." the girl placed her hand in his arm with a promptness that flushed his face, but immediately blanched it with the teasing remark: "it's to be only as far as the conservatory, you know." "and from there around the grounds," he replied tenderly. "oh!" she exclaimed. "you insist on going the rounds with me? oh, very well!" and they laughed together. shortly after they had gone, the portieres of an entrance to the left were cautiously parted and a young girl peeped in, then entered the room. she was the embodiment of youth, happiness and expectancy. she was dressed in the whitest of white muslin. a narrow band of magenta-colored silk encircled her slender waist, the long, loose ends of the bow flowing almost to her feet, while her mass of raven black hair drawn back from her fair white forehead, and coiled at the back of her shapely head lent a queenly grace to a divinely moulded form. the suppleness of her carriage, intensified by the simplicity of her soft, faultless dress, was a poem of delight which needed no skill of adornment to beautify; no touch of art to dignify. across the room she stole, as lightly as though her feet were winged, and listened at the door. "i am sure i heard his voice!" then with a smile of joy, she tripped to the open window overlooking the piazza, and looked out, murmuring--"how i long to see him. my joe! handsome, manly joe, i adore you. and these, his flowers--his favorite flower, our beautiful rose," drawing from her hair two red roses, which she kissed again and again. "i hurried home because i could not remain away from you, and now--oh, the joy of a glad surprise--i hear footsteps!" and she listened expectantly, then turned to behold mrs. harris, an elderly lady of portly bearing and elegantly dressed, who was at that moment entering from the piazza. "why, virginia, i am delighted. you look the happiest girl in the land," taking her hand and kissing her. "oregon peach-bloom on your cheeks, too; i'll wager you are just in from the farm, you hayseed." "yes, and i've had the most delightful time," replied the girl softly. "romped over the fields of sweet-smelling clover, and through the orchards, and helped in the hay-field, too," she laughed joyously. "hands up! i mean the palms," said mrs. harris, in mock severity. "it must have been a silver rake you handled in the hay-field," she resumed, after scrutinizing the palms of virginia's outstretched hands, "for there isn't even a callous." "it is harvest time," replied the girl, laughing, "and the harvest moon is death to callouses, you know." "we've missed you, dear, at seaside," said mrs. harris. "but still you look just as charming as though you had been there the entire season." "you rude flatterer. the seaside is nice, but i love our dear old farm home in the valley, best. yet"--virginia continued, demurely, with downcast eyes, "it seemed a little dull this year, and, you see, i have a reason for coming in before the harvest is over." as the girl stood with downcast eyes, her countenance appeared exquisitely regular, dignified and very beautiful. "ah, dear!" exclaimed mrs. harris, with admiration. "an affair of the heart--a man in it, eh, dear?--i know him. he will be here in a few moments--lucky fellow!" "will he?--are you sure?" "dear me! how joyful you are!" said mrs. harris, staring kindly at her. "oh, if you had been away from your sweetheart for so long a time as i have been from mine"-- "ha! ha! ha! ha!" laughed mrs. harris. "why, virginia dear, only two weeks! really you carry me back to my own girlish days, just after i met james--i remember well--my heart nearly fluttered out of its place." "my heart fluttered out of its place weeks and weeks ago, and will not flutter back, unless"-- "unless what, dear?" "unless he despises it," she said, with a sigh. "well, the dear boy is pining to see you. that i know, so there is a pair of you." "is he getting thin?" questioned virginia, eagerly. "not exactly, but--listen!" and mrs. harris held up a warning finger as she looked out over the piazza. "he is coming!" "oh, dear!" exclaimed virginia, in an ecstacy of joy. "i shall hide and surprise him. oh! his favorites have wilted. i will pluck fresh ones in the conservatory, and hasten back--don't tell!" and with that she flew out of the room through the portieres. as mrs. harris stood alone in a contemplative mood, she said aloud to herself: "oh, dear! these hearts of ours! how foolish they make us at times--i have often thought our sam was a 'lady killer,' now i am sure of it." just then sam harris stepped across the piazza and entered the room. sam was a young man just having passed his twenty-fourth birthday. his strong chin was indicative of fidelity to his friends, and his mass of reddish, curly hair lent expression to a jovial expression of countenance. sam was particularly joyous in anticipation of meeting virginia thorpe. "have you seen her, auntie?" and he straightway opened a door leading to the library and looked in; then he closed it. mrs. harris quietly watched him and became disturbed with misgivings, lest his zeal in his present frame of mind would impair the dignity she considered so essential to his enterprise as well as to the position the harrises held in society. it was therefore necessary to impress on him the importance of "proper" form, which she immediately undertook, and addressed him with calm stateliness. "now, sam, i warn you to be careful how you greet virginia. remember, though but twenty-two, she is an accomplished young lady." "don't i know it!" he replied, with a satisfied smile. "don't touch the portieres, sam! sam!" she exclaimed in alarm, but her command was unheeded, and sam spread them wide apart, much to his aunt's consternation. no one being behind the portiere, she appeared amazed, but quickly recovering her composure, continued: "dear me! how very strange! oh, yes, i forgot. she has gone to the conservatory." then she muttered in low tones: "now i have said it, and she told me not to tell." "well, i'm off to the conservatory, too--eh, auntie! don't follow me," and he strode toward the piazza. "sam! sam! remain here. i have something to say to you." "well, be quick, auntie. you know i am crazy to see her. eh! i guess so." "'crazy!' well, remember the least display of rudeness or unseemly eagerness will be promptly met with a frown of displeasure." "auntie, she's finer than the petals of a rose." "but, like a rose, too, she is just as sensitive," cautioned mrs. harris, as she majestically moved over to the mantel--and then she abruptly turned, at a fresh thought. "sam, for the sake of our social prestige--for my own hope that your affection shall be reciprocated"-- "love, auntie!" interrupted sam. "that's the word. it's short and to the point. eh?" quite undisturbed by the interruption, she continued: "and for the supreme pleasure it would afford me to see the house of harris united to the house of thorpe, i desire that you give me an example of the manner you intend to approach virginia." the idea appeared so grotesque to sam that he gave a slight inclination of his head, a habit he had somehow acquired in the "desert," and exclaimed in startled emphasis: "ea-ah! how?" "by addressing me as you would her." with a smile broadening his face and a roguish twinkle of the eye, he exclaimed: "can't be done, auntie! you ain't the real thing. can't work up any excitement over a counterfeit." "sam! it grieves me to say that i fear for your success. her rejection of your suit would mean humiliation for us. therefore i insist that you remember what i have told you and address virginia as i shall instruct you." sam was too shrewd to oppose his aunt's determination--a previous experience having taught him the desirability of quietly agreeing with her notions, so with a smile of acquiescence he answered: "all right, auntie! fire away." drawing herself up in a stately pose, she passed to the end of the room, turned, and again faced him. "now, sam, i request you to impress upon your memory every word i utter, so that you may salute your lady-love in a similar manner. do you comprehend?" "i think so, auntie," and thereupon thrust his hands in his trouser pockets. "sam, remove your hands from your pockets. it is neither good form nor in accordance with polite usage, for a gentleman to bury his hands in his trouser pockets, when in the presence of a lady." "all right, auntie!" and he grinned broadly as he removed the offending hands. with a most affable smile, yet maintaining a dignified carriage, she advanced down the room, halted midway, and gracefully bowed, then continuing, extended her hand, which sam took. she again bowed and carried his hand to her lips; then taking both his hands in hers and looking straight into his eyes, smiled and said: "i am delighted to have the honor of congratulating miss thorpe on her safe return." she then released his hands and proceeded across the room. "is that all?" came from sam, in a burst of dismay. mrs. harris turned sharply and emphatically exclaimed: "yes, sam. in your conversation with virginia beware of gushing familiarity. nothing to my mind is more likely to jeopardize your suit than absurd vulgarity." so saying, she again turned and proceeded toward the door. "auntie, i can do better than that. why, you left out the best part." and his eyes twinkled mischieviously, while a laugh on his face was suppressed with difficulty. she turned quickly, and in much surprise exclaimed: "dear me! i didn't know it. what is it?" "i will show you." with that sam passed to the end of the room and turned. "now, auntie, i'll try to think that you are my sweetheart, virginia." smiling, he proceeded down the room, halted midway, bowed and then continued toward his aunt, took her right hand, clasped it between his two, and looked into her eyes. he then raised her hand to his left shoulder and while he held it there, pressed her waist with his right arm--"i am delighted to welcome you home again." pressing her closer to him--"believe me--i--i can never forget--that i--i,"--then he became absent-minded and, to save himself, suddenly blurted out--"i love you--there!" and he kissed her lips and embraced her vigorously. then, with a whirl, he released her, laughing as he did so, and exclaimed: "ah ha! i guess so, eh, auntie?" mrs. harris recovered herself, in the middle of the room, and gasped out: "oh, dear! what a shock. i am sure i am twisted all out of shape." sam stood with a satisfied grin on his face, and thrust his hands in his trouser pockets, and watched her. "that was love! the real thing--eh, auntie!" "dear me," she exclaimed, between her labored breathing. "i was never treated to anything so rude in my life. your arm, sam. assist me to the piazza. i must have more air." "auntie, you wait till i try it on virginia. oh, my! eh!" meanwhile a little scene was being enacted in the conservatory, destined to produce the gravest consequences to others than those directly concerned. after examining the rare plants, mrs. thorpe and my lord had passed out to an attractive bed of massed chrysanthemums, fringed with geraniums, then in full flower--leaving hazel and corway alone. propitious fate again granted him the opportunity he so ardently desired. they were looking at some violet buds, concealed by giant canna leaves and a profusion of palms, when there passed through the girl's frame one of those mysterious thrills--which man designates magnetic, but which providence has really made inscrutable to the human understanding. "i wonder," she faintly exclaimed, and slowly turning her head--their lips met. though stolen, it was delicately done--one of those exquisite little gems of cause and effect, which naturally happen to true sweethearts. they stood looking at each other in surprised silence. "i did not grant you that privilege," at length broke from hazel, in a faltering manner--her cheeks flushing and her soft blue eyes dancing. "i could not resist the temptation," and taking her two hands in his, added: "hazel, i love you! will you be mine?" "why, mr. corway!" replied the maid, disengaging herself. she spoke and acted quietly, while a bewitching smile shone in her eyes. at that moment, unnoticed by them, a shadow suddenly darkened the doorway. it did not tarry long, and swiftly disappeared. unseen herself, virginia had entered the conservatory, her footfalls as light as her joyous young heart, the happiest of the happy. hearing that voice, she had paused, then gently parted some leaves and--the smile died on her lips. she stood for a moment like one transfixed, listening in an amazed wonder, then, undiscovered, she silently withdrew into deeper foliage. "why draw away from me, hazel?" went on corway. "because! you may not be sincere!" replied the girl, shyly. "not sincere? hazel, from the first moment that i beheld you i felt that i stood in the presence of my fate." "but, mr. corway,"--she returned, with that provoking smile still lurking about the corners of her pretty mouth--"don't you love any other?" "no," he softly replied. "are you sure?" "sure!" "not even virginia?" "i respect her, but do not love her--oh, hazel, do not keep me in suspense. tell me you requite my love--promise to be mine, to cherish and protect forever"--and again he took her unresisting hand in his and drew her near him. "well, this is so serious that--don't you think that i should have a little time to consider it?" her face had taken on a half-serious look, but the little cloud was quickly chased away by a happy smile. nor did it escape the eager eye of her sweet-heart. he saw that her hesitation was not to be taken seriously, and as a test he said in soft, tremulous accents: "then the girl i would die for does not love me, does not care for me--" turning half around to him, in a pleading and half-reproachful way, she tenderly emphasized: "oh, i do love you, joe, with all my heart." and throwing wide her arms, fell on his breast, with the joy of a maiden's first love flushing her face. and then their lips met--deep in the sweet intoxication of love's first confiding trust. "thou perfect flower! to express the fullness of my heart would be impossible," he joyfully exclaimed. and thus, while pressing her hand on his shoulder and feeling a ring on her finger, he gently removed it. "oh! that's virginia's ring; that is, i got it from her," she protested feebly, her head pillowed on his breast. "it shall be a 'mizpah' of trust, dearest, and shall come back to you with an engagement ring," he softly replied, as he slipped it into his vest pocket. in one of virginia's happy girlish moments, she had picked up the ring from constance's dressing table, and admiring its beauty, smilingly slipped it upon her own finger, with the owner's permission to wear it awhile, but with the injunction to "be careful not to lose it, dear, for i value it very highly. it was john's gift to me before we were married"--and then later, on that same day, with hazel's arm clasping her waist and her own arm clasping hazel's, the two happy girls strolling through the grounds--to have hazel remove it in the same admiring fashion and slip it on her own finger, virginia yielding to her young cousin, just as constance, in perfect trust, yielded to her. and then in the morning, all forgetful of the ring, she left for the valley farm. and now, on her sudden return, she beheld that same ring taken by corway as a size for hazel's engagement ring, and heard him declare "it shall be a mizpah of trust, dearest." a sigh unconsciously escaped her; a sigh freighted with the blood of fibers as love tore itself away from her heart. hazel heard it, and in alarm said to corway: "what is that? did you hear it? so like a moan?" he looked around. "you were mistaken, dearest; there is none here but you and me." "oh, yes, i heard it"--and with a timidity in which a slight sense of fear was discernible, said: "let us go out in the open." but he held her firm, loath to release the beautiful being clasped close to his heart. "this is for truest love"--and he kissed her again, as she looked up through eyes of unswerving fidelity. "this for never-faltering constancy"--and again their lips met--"and this, a sacred pledge of life's devotion, god helping me, forever more"--and their lips met yet once again. then they passed out to join mrs. thorpe and rutley. virginia had witnessed the pledge that meant the blighting of her life's fond hopes, and she had heard his passionate declaration. with straining eyes and a very white face, she watched them depart, till there welled up and gathered thick-falling tears that mercifully shut him out from her sight. she sat down on a bench. she thought of the honeyed words and eager attention with which he wooed her, and made captive her young heart's deepest, most ardent passion, and now his perfidy was laid bare. with an effort she became more composed, and exclaimed aloud: "so, the almighty dollar is the object of joseph corway's devotion." and as her indignation increased, she sprang from her seat, and with quivering voice, said: "oh, god! and i did confide in him so fondly, trusted him so guilelessly, and now our engagement is ended and all is over between us--forever." and notwithstanding her effort to suppress them, sob after sob burst forth. strong-minded and of powerful emotions, virginia thorpe was a queenly woman, a woman whose friendship was prized by her acquaintances, and whose wealth of intellect was a charm to a strikingly graceful figure; and the love that was in her nature once awakened, grew and intensified day by day till at last a steadfast blaze of trust and confidence glorified her personality. such she bore for corway--until she discovered he loved hazel. oh, what a change then came over her, as her heart yielded up its dearest desire in tears of scalding bitterness. "oh, joe! tenderly i loved you, passionately i adored you, and you led me to believe that you loved none but me, yet all the time your heart had gone out to another, and this is no doubt the real reason you wanted our engagement to be kept a secret, and my love, which no woman had greater, was but a plaything!" she thought to herself. she looked at the roses she had unconsciously held in her hand, with infinite tenderness, then crushed them, and broke them. "farewell, sweet emblems of truth and love." and throwing the flowers, which she had so fondly kissed but a few moments before, among dead leaves on the ground, said in a voice that trembled with the pathos of the death of love's young dream: "thus perish all my young life's happy hopes. gone! gone among the things that are dead." sobs of bitterest disappointment again burst from her lips. suddenly she brushed her hand across her eyes--it was then that virginia's transformation took place. from the guileless, joyful, winsome maid, emerged a woman--beautiful, but alas, subtle, alert and avenging. with a stamp of her foot she said, with sudden determination: "away with these tears. what have i to do with human feelings now? i will conquer this weakness, though in the process my heart be changed to stone. "now, corway, beware of me, for you shall know that the love you have toyed with has changed to hate, an unappeasable, undying hate, and you shall learn, too, that a woman's revenge will pause at nothing that will help to gratify it." then she slipped out of the conservatory, with the intention to get to her room, if possible, unobserved, but was halted by hearing constance say: "virginia, dear! i wish to make you acquainted with lord beauchamp." there was no chance for evasion or escape. virginia had not noticed them as she passed, for they were hidden by the angle of the conservatory, and she was quite close to them when addressed by constance. quick of wit, the girl realized that some excuse was necessary to account for the appearance of her tear-stained face. halting in her flight, she drew her handkerchief and commenced to rub her eyes, and speaking with faltering lips, for the wound in her heart was yet raw and tender, she said: "your lordship finds me at an awkward moment--something has gotten into my eye, and causes me acute pain, but please believe, i esteem it an honor to number your grace among my acquaintances." "dear heart!" exclaimed constance, at once proceeding to examine the girl's eye. "let me try to relieve you!" as virginia felt the touch of loving fingers on her eyelids, she felt powerless to restrain her emotion, and great tears welled up. her weary head fell forward upon her friend's shoulder, and she sobbed: "oh, constance, dear, the world to me is one black charnel house." the gentle nature of constance leaped out in sympathy which, for the moment, smothered her surprise. she threw her arms around virginia and kissed her on the temple. that virginia suffered was enough, she felt instinctively that such an outburst of grief was from a far deeper source than that produced by the mote in her eye. virginia always had confided in constance. that desire to communicate, so natural in youth, was strong in the girl. in hazel, she had been met with a sort of pity, till she ceased to touch upon girlish secrets with her altogether, but in constance she found one who would not chide even folly, and so these two were, by the nature of things, very close friends. "there, dear heart," soothingly said constance, "rest awhile, for i know the pain must be severe." rutley was an involuntary witness to this bit of feminine sympathy, and, no doubt, recalled it to memory in the events that were to come. his immediate concern, however, expressed itself in a cold, matter-of-fact manner. "oftentimes," he said, "the protection supplied by nature to the human eye seems insufficient, and consequent suffering must be endured. i trust miss thorpe will soon find relief." "oh! i am sure the pain is only temporary," half rebelliously replied virginia, drawing away from constance, and rapidly recovering her self-possession, as she brushed the tears from her eyes. "there," she said, "it is passing away now, and i can see quite distinctly already. why, how like your lordship resembles a past acquaintance," she remarked, as she eyed him critically. "indeed, if the acquaintance you mention was not consigned to the gallows, it might be no sin to resemble him," responded rutley, stroking his vandyke beard. "oh! his offense was quite serious, poor fellow! some shady bond transaction with an investment association, in which he, and one jack shore, were the officers. i have heard that the directors agreed not to prosecute them on condition that they left the city and never returned." "in england, were it not for the color of my hair, i should have been taken often for the marquis of revelstoke," and to the girl's dismay, he stiffened up and directed on her a most austere and frigid look, then deliberately fixed the monocle to his eye, and remarked, as his frame faintly quivered, as with a slight chill--"it's deuced draughty, don't-che-know!" he then removed the monocle, and suddenly resumed his habitually suave manner. picking up a binocle, which lay on the table, he turned to look toward mt. hood--"sublime!" he exclaimed. "it is very beautiful and white today," remarked constance. "indeed," assured rutley, "it seems close enough to touch with my outstretched hand." "my lord's arm would need to be thirty miles long," smiled mrs. thorpe, who was then ascending the steps. "a long reach," responded rutley, lowering the glass. "the illusion is due to our clear atmosphere," replied mrs. thorpe. "i presume so," agreed rutley. "at times the air is phenomenally clear. one day this past summer i fancied i could make out the 'mazamas,' who were then ascending the mountain," quietly remarked virginia. "aw, indeed, very likely; quite so," continued rutley, handing the glass to constance, and then turning to virginia with an alluring smile, added: "and then, the ladies--are so bewitchingly entertaining." "presumably your idea of american girls has suggested the art of flattery." "no, no!" he replied. "it's no flattery, i assure you." just then hazel and mr. corway approached the group standing on the piazza. virginia saw them, and with an affected sigh, she turned to john thorpe, who was standing at the head of the piazza steps, and who also was looking at the approaching couple, and taking him aside, said in a low voice: "john, has it occurred to you that corway is a handsome man?" "he certainly is good looking and well proportioned, too," replied thorpe, with a quizzical stare at his sister, and his stare developed a smile, as he added, pleasantly: "but why?--are you, too, becoming enamored of this handsome man?" with downcast eyes, and sudden flushed cheeks, that betrayed the shame she felt at the part she had elected to assume, her answer was given in a low, serious voice: "i have reason to warn you as my cousin's guardian, that his intentions are not of the best." thorpe felt a strange gripping sensation creep into his heart, and then he, too, looked serious, but his seriousness quickly passed, as he thoughtfully muttered: "no, no, 'tis impossible!" and then, in a more unperturbed manner, said slowly: "his reputation for honor and rectitude is above reproach." though his muttering was scarcely audible, virginia heard him. "are you sure?" she replied, in a voice equally subdued, and with a flash of anger in her meaning glance. "you may find that he will bear watching. and you also may find that his attention to hazel is an insult to our family honor." the possibility of hazel, his guileless orphan niece, of whom he was so proud, could be the victim of a base deception, had never entered his mind, and so it happened that the first shadow that had darkened the serenity of his trust, was, strangely enough, projected by his sister. as his eyes again fell upon hazel's sweet, sensible face, then lifted to the manly, honest countenance of her companion, he at once banished the fear from his mind, and impatiently exclaimed: "oh, this is nonsense!" then he turned on his heel, hesitated, and again turned, and looked furtively at corway, muttering: "yet i cannot banish the thought. i wonder what causes virginia--no, i have never suspected him of vice." then he slowly disappeared through the vestibule. as corway and hazel approached the steps, virginia seemed to stiffen and slightly shudder. she felt like ice, and disdained the slightest recognition which he made to her. she turned away with a look of ineffable contempt, and moved slowly over to rutley and constance. corway instinctively felt that she had been a witness to his scene with hazel, but he affected unconcern, and allowed the incident to pass without comment. during the brief time this significant episode was being enacted, hazel's attention was attracted to sam and dorothy approaching on the drive, so she was unaware of the change that had come over her cousin. "you must come in, sam, 'cause i like you, and you haven't been to see us for a long time--oh, mamma, we have had such fine fun, sam and i"--and there appeared from around the corner of the piazza dorothy thorpe pulling sam harris along by the sleeve. "well, sam," said mrs. thorpe, overlooking him from the piazza, "we thought you had forgotten us." "no, indeed," replied sam, and as he discovered virginia, he added under his breath: "at least not while that fair party is around." "of course, you have acted as mrs. harris' escort?" "my aunt is on the lawn," he answered, and then as he ascended the steps, greeted virginia. "miss thorpe will permit me to congratulate her upon her safe return." "i have had quite a journey," replied virginia coldly. "well, you have enjoyed it?" ventured sam, and then he noted a swift questioning glance of anger. in his dilemma, he felt an awkwardness creeping over him and grinned broadly, and then stupidly faltered: "that is, i guess so!" "you guess wide of the mark." "aha," replied sam, with a roguish twinkle of the eye, "my eyes do not deceive me, eh?" "flattery is embarrassing to me. i beg of you to avoid it." and she thereupon, with a look of weariness, turned and disappeared through the vestibule. "i guess so! i guess so!" exclaimed sam, abashed, and a flush of mortification overspread his face. "do you like auntie, sam?" abruptly questioned the child. she had softly stolen to his side, unperceived, and her voice sounded so close as to startle him. "ea, ah!--well, i should think so," he unconsciously muttered. "mercy!" exclaimed mrs. thorpe, who could ill repress a smile--"dorothy, dear! i think the robins are calling for you out in the sunshine." "come, little one," said sam, glad of an opportunity to escape from an awkward position. "and while you are listening to the feathered songsters, i'll keep a sharp lookout for the fair party you call auntie. come," and he took the child's hand and the two ran down the steps. darting around the corner, they almost collided with john thorpe and mrs. harris, who were approaching to join the company on the piazza. "ha--democratic hazel in the role of 'noblesse oblige,' is something new--congratulations, my lord, on the conquest!" said mrs. harris. "i am proud of the acquaintance of so fair a a democrat," and confronting mrs. harris, he continued: "england's nobility lays homage at the feet of your fair democrats, for they are the golden links in the chain of conquest." "and it is my hope that soon one of the golden links will bear the distinguished title, lady beauchamp," replied mrs. harris, while her eyes flashed a merry twinkle in the direction of hazel. "of course," remarked mr. corway, who, flushed with jealousy resented the allusion. "his lordship doubtless since his arrival in the country has been overwhelmed with offerings of the youth and beauty of america." "it seems to me that you are talking in mysteries," remarked hazel. mr. corway moved toward her. "i appeal to the shrine of beauteous hebe for vindication." "ha! ha! ha! ha!" laughed the girl. "wouldn't it be a surprise if the appeal should be negative?" "but the shrine of hebe is not often invincible," rejoined constance. "you must remember there is hope and there is perseverence--but this is irrelevant," and, turning to mrs. harris, continued: "have you left mr. harris at rosemont?" "oh, no! james is out in the flower garden, discussing rose culture with virginia." "then i propose that we join them," said mrs. thorpe. "and i suggest a stroll through the lovely lawn, under the glory of autumn foliage," added rutley, who immediately turned and offered constance his arm, and the two passed down the steps. hazel and corway were following rutley, when john thorpe attracted the girl's attention by quietly exclaiming: "hazel!" she at once turned to corway: "i shall be with you directly--uncle has something to say to me." as mr. corway and mrs. harris passed down the steps, john thorpe and hazel entered the house. "you have something to say to me, uncle?" "yes, hazel," and as they passed into the drawing room he bit his lip in an endeavor to appear unperturbed. with a girl's intuition, she scented something unpleasant, and with a timid and startled look, she faltered: "what--is it uncle?" "hazel," he began, and his eyes rested on his beautiful niece--very beautiful just then, her eyes bright and clear and "peach-bloom" of health, the famed oregon coloring so becoming to the sex, and as he looked at her he became suddenly conscious of a struggle raging in his breast. a struggle between doubt and confidence--but he stumbled on slowly--"i think--you show more--concern for--a--the company of mr. corway than prudence--i mean--hazel!" at that moment virginia pushed aside the portiere and silently stepped into the room. john thorpe paused, for he saw the girl's face whiten, and her eyes look into his with an expression of wonderment, and then his heart seemed to leap to his throat, and choke him with a sense of shame at his implication. he put his arm gently about her, looked into the depths of her blue eyes, and said, kindly: "as you love the memory of your father and your mother, hazel, beware that you do not make too free in the society of corway. let your conduct be hedged about with propriety"---- "uncle!" she interrupted, drawing away from him like a startled fawn hit from ambush. virginia saw her opportunity to sever the friendship between her brother and corway. before her transformation she would have been shocked beyond measure at so wicked a falsehood, as she then decided to launch. impelled by a consuming desire for revenge, no blush of shame checked her mad course, and "no still small voice" warned her of her sin. she said: "john, if our family honor is to be protected from scandal, you will prevent your niece from having further to do with mr. corway." both john and hazel turned toward her. a deep silence ensued. implicit trust and confidence, the confidence begotten in perfect domestic peace and contentment, had followed john thorpe--but now, for the first time, he found a tinge of shame and indignation had crept into his heart--and he could not banish it. at last he gravely broke the silence--"have you no answer to this, hazel?" the girl's eyes flashed resentment, but she refrained from angry expression, for to her uncle she always showed the greatest deference, yet her voice trembled a little as she said, with girlish dignity: "i decline to reply to such an absurdity." "hazel!" warned virginia, "you are dangerously near ruin when in the company of that man, for his reputation is anything but clean." again a painful silence followed, hazel, appearing incapable of clearly understanding just what it was all about, stood dumb with astonishment, while john's varied emotions were seen plainly through the thin veneer of tranquility he tried to maintain. john thorpe was jealous of the honor of his house. the mere thought of its possible violation bruised and lacerated him. proud of his high position in society; proud of his high rectitude; proud of his father's untarnished life; proud of the fact that not the faintest shadow of scandal could ever attach to his house or name--the hinted criminations of his his orphan niece, maintained in his home as one of the family, beat upon him with much the same effect as the horrifying wings of a bat upon the face of a frightened child. virginia saw and felt that the crisis of her ruse was near. again a flush of daring sprang into her eyes, ominous of deeper sin, but john unconsciously spared her from further commitment. doubt was master at last, for he chose to lean toward virginia. "hazel!" he exclaimed, his white, grave face betraying a keen sense of his shame. "your rash fondness for that man is a sacrifice of affection, and i shall forbid him visiting our house." "a wise precaution," commented virginia. at last hazel's indignation broke through all restraint. "i am astonished at your implications," she retorted, her voice becoming pathetic with the sense of her wounded honor. "my 'rash fondness'! uncle!" and she drew her slight form up erect, her eyes flashing defiance: "if to believe in mr. corway's preferment is a sacrifice of affection, then that sacrifice is to me an exalted honor, for i have consented to become his wife!" "hazel!" gasped john thorpe, amazed and dismayed at her declaration. "i have suspected such a calamity would happen--but even now it is not too late to prevent it!" exclaimed virginia, sharply. "why, virginia," reproached hazel, with a stamp of her foot. "you insult me!" and she turned away to conceal the tears that arose. during a short, impressive silence, mrs. harris abruptly entered the room, followed by corway and sam. "dear me!" she exclaimed, as she smilingly surveyed the trio, "james has often gone into raptures over the domestic cooing of the thorpes, but i was quite unaware that it made them careless of the wishes of their guests. "thorpe, your arm"--and she swept down the room and seized his arm. "hazel, i have brought you an escort," and with a smile at virginia, "i don't think that sam is far away. you cannot refuse to come now." hazel proudly accepted corway's arm. then they turned to leave the room. as they neared the door, virginia exclaimed, with low but startling irony: "il. cavalier is careful to make it appear he is delighted with the society of his affianced. no doubt feeling an honorable justification for his mercenary felicity. ho, ho," virginia laughed, her lips quivering with scorn. "the situation is charming. ha, ha, ha, ha." the principals to this little drama understood its meaning perfectly, but while mrs. harris paused for an instant in wonderment, her easy nature forbade worry--and so the incident quickly passed out of her memory, and sam was too shrewd to show that he heard it, and with his round face beaming with unquenchable admiration, bowed and offered his arm to her, accompanied by the characteristic side movement of his head--"ea, ha, i guess so--eh, auntie?" the joyous manner of utterance was like a shaft of sunshine bursting through the dark, tragic clouds of impending storm. virginia's first attack fell short of accomplishing the purpose intended, yet the seed of doubt, of suspicion and fear of family disgrace had been grounded in her brother's mind, and it would be strange, indeed, if corway's position proved invulnerable to more carefully-planned attacks. it must be remembered that an opportunity had come at an unexpected moment, and she impulsively seized upon it. through it all, however, virginia must be credited with a sincere belief that corway's intentions toward hazel were as insincere and mercenary as they had been to her. chapter ii. the night of the harris reception at "rosemont," in honor of lord beauchamp, was beautiful. dark, yet serene and tranquil as the illimitable void through which the myriad of glittering stars swept along on their steady course. the long, gentle, sloping, velvety lawn, stretching away from the broad steps of the great columned piazza, down to the placid waters of the willamette, was artistically beautified by clusters of magnolias and chestnut trees and native oaks and firs, while the soft sway of advanced autumn was disclosed in the mellow, gorgeous tints of the oak and maple leaf projected against the dark evergreen of the stately fir; and afar off, to the north, through vistas in the foliage, gleamed the steady electric arc lights of the city. marble statuary glistened in white repose, and groups of majestic palms and ferns and holly stood illumined in the soft light of frosted electric globes and quaint oriental lanterns. out from the deep shadow of a wide-spreading oak, and remote from the range of illumination, an old, decrepit and poorly clad man emerged, peering cautiously about, as if afraid of discovery. as he approached near the house and came under the gleams of light, it could be seen that he was gray-haired and a cripple, for he hobbled slowly with the aid of a stout stick. he proceeded to a clump of ferns and close to a high-back, rustic seat, behind which he stood partially concealed. feeling satisfied that he had not been seen, and that he was alone, that part of the grounds being temporarily deserted, he muttered impatiently: "where the devil does rutley keep himself? i've been dodging about these grounds for an hour trying to locate him, and to get posted." the words had scarcely escaped his lips when down behind the seat he ducked. simultaneously, virginia thorpe and william harris appeared, descending the piazza steps. "congratulations, mr. harris, on your reception. it is a brilliant affair, and the grounds are simply beautiful." "i am delighted at receiving congratulations from a lady whose taste is acknowledged without a peer." "now, mr. harris, you know i object to flattery," responded virginia, in a deprecating tone of voice. "why, i have lost my fan. how unfortunate! i fear i have dropped it in the ball-room." "i shall try to find it immediately. no, no; no trouble whatever." "thanks, mr. harris. i shall await your return here." as mr. harris hastened up the steps, virginia leisurely moved a few yards, and then sat down on a seat, quite unconscious of the figure crouched in hiding behind it. the proximity of virginia did not suit the fellow, and he forthwith endeavored to sneak away unseen, but the noise, faint as he made, attracted her attention. she sprang to her feet with a slight, terrified shriek, but quickly recovering her self-possession, as she noted his aged and bent condition, gently said: "poor old man, your intrusion on these premises may be unwelcome." after a pause, evidently for an answer, she went on kindly: "do you seek alms?" leaning on his stick he humbly removed his hat, and said in abject tones: "pitty da sorrar dees old-a da gray hairs. eesa mak-a da bolda to come a da here, so much-a da rich-a kind-a people to da poor old-a men lik-a da me. ten-a years eesa black-a da boot; saw da-ood, sella da ba-nan, turnoppsis, carrotsis, ca-babbages; do any-ting for mak-a-da mon, go back-a da sunny italy. look-a da lame! canna da work--mussa da beg, sweet-a da lady--kind-a charity." "dear me!" replied virginia, regretfully. "i haven't a coin with me, but let me advise you to begone, for you must know that if you are discovered here your age will not protect you." the old man bowed low. "essa many tanks, kind-a lady. essa da go." "and mark me, sir," added mr. harris, who had quickly returned with the fan. "should i find you loitering around these grounds again tonight, officers will take care of you." "oh, signor! dona tell a da po-lis. da poor a da old a man essa much da hunger. begga do mon to buy a da bread. eesa da all-a signor. eesa da all." "oh, mr. harris, please lend me a coin for him. i fear he really is in need," broke in virginia. "there!" responded mr. harris, throwing him a coin. "you can thank this benevolent lady, whose presence affords you liberty. not a word. off with you from these grounds. begone." the old fellow picked up the half-dollar piece, and hobbling away, soon disappeared into the shadow. "it is a pleasure to return your fan. i found it in the vestibule uninjured." "thanks, mr. harris," said virginia, receiving the fan. "i shall be more careful of it hereafter." "ea-ah, i guess so, eh, uncle!" broke in sam, striding toward them. "oh, oh, sam! really!" laughed mr. harris, as he looked meaningly at him. "ah! you seem delighted." "i think so, eh, uncle," accompanied by the habitual side movement of his head. "congratulate me on having found miss thorpe after a long search," and turning to virginia, he added, with a smile broadening his face--"you have promised to dance with me. may i indulge in the pleasure now?" "yes, sam," she replied, with an air of fatigue, "but i would rather you defer the pleasure." "miss thorpe is fatigued and sam is too much of a gallant to deny her a little rest," appealed mr. harris. "cert!" answered sam, as a shade of disappointment flitted across his face. "anything i can do to serve miss thorpe shall be done." "thank you, sam," replied virginia, relieved. "i will call upon miss thorpe to favor me with her company later, eh, uncle?" and sam bowed and quickly disappeared. "sam is a noble-hearted fellow! ranged the texas plains a few years, didn't he?" "yes," replied mr. harris. "when a lad he was threatened with consumption, and physicians recommended a few years of out-door life in texas. it cured him, but he became a little fixed in the customs. sterling fellow, though--great heart--all heart. be seated," pointing to the seat which she had previously occupied. at that moment there appeared descending the piazza steps mr. corway, with hazel and constance on either side of him. "your reason, corway, for doubting his title of lord?" interrogated constance. "i possess no proofs," replied corway. "i but express an opinion," and he discreetly refrained from further utterance on the subject, though his thoughts were insistent on his identity of lord beauchamp as philip rutley. "but you must have some grounds even for an opinion," persisted constance. "well, if he is not a lord," hazarded hazel, who, purposely or otherwise, by her joining the discussion, released mr. corway from an embarrassing reply, which at that time he was loath to make, "he certainly should be one, for he is such a dear, sweet man, so eminently exact and proper." "and so distinguished, don't-che-know," finished mr. corway, with such peculiarly keen mimicry and smiling abandon as to draw from hazel a flash of admiration, and from mrs. thorpe a ripple of laughter with the remark, "satire unmasked by cupid." further conversation was interrupted by beauchamp himself, who appeared alone, descending the broad piazza steps. "it's so warm in there i decided to refresh a little in the cool air." he halted a moment on one of the steps, fixed the monocle to his left eye, and lordly surveyed the two groups. after evidently satisfying himself as to their personnel, he deliberately removed the monocle from his eye and resumed his passage down the steps. "miss thorpe here, and mr. harris, and mrs. thorpe, and the fair hazel"--and ignoring corway, he went on--"then i shall have no need to commune alone with my thoughts." "i am sure my lord beauchamp is too much of a devotee to the 'tripping muse' to absent himself very long from the ball-room?" volunteered constance. "indeed it would be difficult for me to enjoy myself for any length of time away from the place where, as byron puts it, 'youth and beauty meet, to chase the glowing hours with flying feet.'" and moving over to hazel, he said: "by the way, you have promised me the pleasure of dancing with you the next waltz." "indeed!" replied the maid, eyeing him archly, "the honor of a waltz with my lord is too rare a favor to be neglected." the gracious and suave smile with which rutley answered her was not at all appreciated by mr. corway. and as rutley glanced his way, their eyes met. virginia saw it. she instantly grasped the full meaning of that glance--the deadly hatred of rivals. rutley, with familiarity begotten of mutual esteem, as he fondly hoped, linked hazel's yielding arm in his and led her toward the piazza. "by the way," and he spoke very confidently, "mr. corway seems to have a warm attachment for mrs. thorpe"-- the girl halted and looked questioningly at him. "i mean," continued rutley, in a sort of apologetic tone, "he is apparently quite the lion with her." passing a few feet near them were john thorpe and mrs. harris, who had appeared unnoticed from another part of the grounds. john thorpe plainly heard rutley's allusion to corway and his wife, and became profoundly sensible of that same strange feeling infolding him, as he experienced when virginia first intimated corway's questionable character. "is it possible that, after all, constance, and not hazel, is the real object of his attention?" he was conscious of a sense of jealousy arising within him, and so strong and virulent as to be beyond control, and compelled him to turn aside, to conceal the anger that must be depicted on his face. he halted while mrs. harris joined virginia and mr. harris. "mrs. thorpe is most attractive," hazel at length replied. "i have heard that not long ago he was attached to miss thorpe, but lately has transferred his affection to another," continued rutley. "virginia was fond of his society, yet 'tis not always, you may remember, that those who have won our love return it." the strains of dreamy music drifted out upon the air. "well, at present, corway seems persistent in his attentions to mrs. thorpe." again john thorpe winced at the connection of his wife's name with corway. and then rutley felt himself pushed aside, while corway offered his arm to hazel. "will you accompany me to the ball-room?" hazel drew a step aside and exclaimed, half angrily, yet seemingly rather pleased at corway's audacity. "joe!" "hazel!" he responded with just the faintest suggestion of command in his voice. it was his first assumption of authority over his affianced, and he won--for unlike the "feminine forwards" of the new school, she appreciated his strong character and showed it by clinging to his arm. neither of these two men could be considered handsome, though corway had the advantage of being more youthful and taller of stature, with large, bright eyes and dark curly hair, which with clear-cut, manly features, seemed to charm the fancy and captivate the maiden's eye. while rutley's graceful and pliant frame carried more elegance, an assumed superb superiority, a cold, ironical disdain and lofty ease, bespoke an imperious nature, indifferent to that soft, beguilement so charming to women. corway turned to rutley, and, bowing low, exclaimed, with studied politeness: "i beg my lord's pardon," and so saying, he passed up the piazza steps with hazel and disappeared within. they were closely followed by mr. harris and mrs. thorpe. rutley fixed the monocle to his eye and stared at the retreating corway in blank amazement. meanwhile, john thorpe was absorbed in profound thought, and oblivious of his surroundings, said to himself: "what can his lordship mean? corway's persistent attention to my wife! was that mere accidental gossip? he shall explain!" and he looked fixedly at rutley. it was at that moment that mrs. harris, having reached his side, said: "your arm, thorpe. dear me!" and she started back at seeing his gloomy face. "why, i declare, the frowning 'ajax' could not look more unsociable." for a moment thorpe displayed confusion, but by a strong effort subdued his agitation and offered his arm. "of late," he explained, "my nervous system has been subject to momentary shocks." leading her toward the piazza, "i beg your pardon." "i am afraid that unless you provide yourself with a mask for such occasions the shock is likely to become contagious," she remarked, as they passed up the steps. meanwhile rutley, having removed the monocle from his eye, allowed his frigidity to dissolve, and, slowly stepping a few paces toward the east end of the house, paused under the shadow of a magnolia, and at once seemed to plunge in deep reflection, to be startled a few moments later by hearing virginia close to him, in a low tone, saying: "how does my lord propose to resent that insult?" seeing him alone, she had noiselessly and unperceived, stolen to his side, convinced by what she had just discovered, that he was meditating some sort of revenge on corway, and she determined to ascertain its nature. her fertile brain had already conceived rutley her ally, and it was with no uncertain or wavering purpose that she approached him with a question pregnant with sinister import. rutley looked at her steadily, as though trying to penetrate her motive, then, without moving his eyes from hers, said deliberately: "well, if he doesn't apologize, my friend will call on him." "you mean a shooting affair?" "i do not say, but i understand that is a popular way in this country to avenge an outrage." "yes, that is true," she said, "particularly in our west, but it is fast going out of fashion. in fact, on the coast, it is seldom practiced now. besides, my lord, i advise you not to try it. i've heard he's a dead shot," and she abruptly stopped and looked furtively about, and then, in a more discreet tone of voice, said: "will you walk?" he instantly comprehended her desire to confide something of interest to him, and as they slowly proceeded over the soft, velvety grass, and without betraying haste to know what she was evidently anxious to disclose, he replied, sneeringly: "ah, he is! well, these affairs are settled in an honorable way in a gentleman's country." "i again warn you not to try it," she said. "if you do, you will likely find yourself a subject for some hospital surgeon." "indeed!" laughed rutley, with a sarcastic ring in his voice. she halted, turned to him, and continued in a low tone. "yes, there is a better plan--that insult can be wiped out in a more effectual manner." "how?" for one moment virginia looked far off across the placid waters of the willamette, over and beyond the rugged hills shrouded in gloomy repose. was it the "still small voice within her crying in anguish 'beware, beware'," if so, it was unheeded, drowned in the impetuous desire for revenge. shocked and enraged by the discovery of what she considered corway's perfidy, a strain of virulent passion possessed her, and subdued her softer and otherwise most charming personality. "corway has done me a wrong i never will forget, and i shall not pause at any opportunity to avenge it. my cousin, hazel, is betrothed to him. my brother has a rash, impetuous temper, and is exceedingly jealous of our family honor. by insinuating corway's insincere attachment to hazel, his money-mad impecuniosity, and so forth, you will produce a coolness between john and corway that may end in their complete estrangement. we are watched," she whispered. "let us move on." her alert eyes had discovered sam standing alone on the piazza steps, shading his eyes with his hand as he looked at them. she guessed his purpose, but was too far away to hear him say angrily: "if that lord attempts any fooling with that fair party, i'll give him some eye-shutters, i guess so!" without heeding the episode, rutley replied: "but you must know that your brother has not insulted me, and you must also be aware that the attempt to influence him may fail." "if you will follow my directions john will consider you his friend. if properly managed you need have no fear of its ultimate success. for several months last year john was in china. during that time corway paid frequent visits to his home." "but"--interposed rutley, quickly. "do not misunderstand my meaning," responded virginia, with an involuntary flash of indignation. "corway is a man of great moral probity. but john may be brought to think him something the reverse. do you understand?" "i will have satisfaction!" exclaimed rutley. "somebody is following us," whispered virginia. "where?" queried rutley. "i fail to see anyone." "it may have been the shadow of the swinging light," at length she remarked, reassured, and, dismissing the thought from her mind, continued: "i have already warned you of a duel. to prove how insincere corway's affection is for hazel, you may call my brother's attention to a ring that he wears on the little finger of his left hand. i let hazel have it for a short time because she admired it, and begged it from me, and corway took it from her." "has the ring any peculiar feature by which it may be distinguished from others?" "yes, a single diamond set in a double heart of pearls." "is it yours?" he asked, softly. "no," virginia promptly answered, but she added in a hesitating manner, as though weighing the propriety of further explanation--"that is--well--it is mine for the purpose. i let hazel have it unknown to constance." and so it happened, a slip of the tongue, one inadvertent, indiscreet admission, gave him his cue. a vision opened to his mind and he immediately speculated on its possibilities. "then the ring belongs to mrs. thorpe?" he questioned, insidiously. "yes," virginia affirmed, in a halting way. "john gave it to constance before they were married." "oh, indeed!" rutley exclaimed, and he muttered low and meaningly, while the whites of his eyes gleamed with sinister import. "corway wears a ring given by john thorpe to his wife." soon as he had spoken virginia heard and instinctively felt that she had been indiscreet in admitting the ring belonged to constance, and said by way of caution: "of course, i trust in the honor of your lordship to refrain from connecting mrs. thorpe's name with the ring, or to, in any manner, let it be known that you know it is not mine." evidently rutley did not hear her, for he was absorbed in thought--thought that produced an evil gleam in his eyes. a slight pause followed, and taking it for granted my lord would not betray the trust she reposed in him, she said, as looking in his eyes with significant daring: "draw john's notice to it as confirming corway's bold and deceitful attention to hazel." virginia was aware that john would recognize the ring as his wife's, but she under-rated the violence of the storm it would precipitate, and she trusted too much in her own ability to control it in the direction she desired. she likewise rated beauchamp as a weak, egotistical, effeminate sort of man. she was now to experience her great mistake. rutley in his turn fixed his gaze steadfastly upon her, and which became so intense, so mysteriously searching, as to cause her, strong-minded woman as she was, to feel she was but a weak thing beside him. he spoke quietly and without the faintest tremor in his voice. "do you know to whom you suggested this?" "lord beauchamp," she timidly responded. and then there suddenly sprang into her eyes a new light, accompanied by a slight start. "why do you start?" asked rutley, not for a moment removing his eyes from hers. "no, 'tis impossible. you cannot be philip rutley?" she gasped, as she drew back amazed. "for you have already denied him once to me." "yes, i am he!" he exclaimed. there followed a moment of profound silence. rutley watching the effect of his disclosure upon her. and she, at first astounded by his audacious nerve, at length grasped his position, and finally smiled, as though in admiration of his arch achievement. "you are a master imposter," she broke in. "be as clever with the material i have given you, and corway will not long stand in your way." "did hazel tell you of my proposal to her three years ago?" "yes," she answered promptly. "i believe she rejected me at that time because of corway," he musingly added. "your opportunity is at hand," she affirmed. "i accept it;" and then he cautioned in a low tone: "be careful never to breathe my real name." "and you--you will continue to be?"--and she smiled quizically as she put the question. "my lord beauchamp." "a most consummate scoundrel!" she added pleasantly. "the scoundrel begs to share the compliment with his colleague, miss virginia thorpe," he ironically replied, again bowing low. that accentuated remark by rutley revealed to her with sudden vividness the detestable character she was developing. acutely sensitive, the stigma smote her with a repugnance that stung and smarted as quivering flesh under the sharp cut of a lash; and being naturally of a fiery temper, she passionately retorted, "it's false!" the words had scarcely escaped her lips when she realized her indiscretion, and faltered, "i--i--mean--" and then unable to recover from her sudden flight of passion, or to completely subdue her agitation, she burst out aloud, in utter disregard of her surroundings, "oh! it is awful, awful!" rutley was alarmed, and hastily gripped her wrist, and in low tones cautioned, "for god's sake, hush! don't shout it to the winds! remember, you urged this damnable business upon me. do you want me to give it to the world?" his artifice succeeded, and under his influence she became quieter. "no! no! no!" she whispered. "don't, please!" then again she stared at the ground as though dazed with some vague terror. suddenly she covered her face with her hands and moaned, "what have i done?" then, arising from a place of concealment close by, the old italian cripple previously mentioned doffed his hat and said, "eesa da bet, much-a keep-a do mon! do poor old-a man, eesa beg-a da mon, a da charity signora, signor." tossing him a coin, rutley said, "this is an unseasonable place for your calling, old man." then, turning to virginia--"permit me to escort you to the house." "i don't like that old man," she replied. "he is prying about everywhere. do you think he heard me?" "i have no fear of that," replied rutley, as they moved on toward the house. "he appears quite old and no doubt is partially deaf." "very well," responded virginia, "and now that we understand each other, i think it time for me to mingle with the guests." as they disappeared in the distance, the old cripple followed them, flitting from shadow to shadow, with catlike agility, astonishing in such an apparently old man. having arrived at the piazza steps, rutley and virginia parted. returning some distance into the shadow, he softly laughed. "a little startled, eh? didn't think i could impersonate a peer of england's realm. well, she knows the secret now and i can safely rely on her assistance because corway has cast her aside for hazel. she has given me material with which to strike at him and i will strike home--but not as she suggests. oh, no!" and again a sinister smile crept over his face. "dangerous, but hazel's wealth is worth the risk. "meanwhile, i am getting short of funds, and cannot keep up the pace much longer, unless my other plan succeeds. but should i fail altogether----" and he became absorbed in deep study, silent and motionless as the statue of lincoln by which he stood, but only for a moment. "everybody here lionizes me, believing i am a genuine nobleman." and then he looked up with a far-off, triumphant expression in his eyes and a cunning smile on his lips, "my lord will borrow a few thousand on his--name--just for a temporary accommodation, and then he will vanish." a slight noise behind startled him and caused him to look about; but, discovering no one, he regained his composure. to make sure, however, he called in a low voice, "jack! jack!" whereupon the old cripple again stood forth from his concealment, this time from behind the trunk of the wide spreading oak and, leaning on his stick, obsequiously doffed his hat. "i uncover to a prince of villainy." "ha, ha, to my arms, you rascally imposter!" joyfully exclaimed rutley, as he embraced him. halting and drawing away in pretended surprise, jack exclaimed with dreamy reflection, "naw, eesa, not-a bees-a da imposeator. eesa be ital-e-own!" "splendid, jack!" exclaimed rutley with admiration. "your disguise is perfect, but"--and rutley laughed--"a little pale about the gills, eh?" "eesa look-a like-a ma fadder," and jack proudly expanded himself. "make-a da great-a soldier. note-a da pale here--naw," touching his ears. "garibaldi geev-a ma fadder dees-s da palestrino," and jack threw open his coat and proudly displayed a medal. "palestrino!" exclaimed rutley gleefully. "jack, things are coming our way with a rush. did you hear her--the maiden fair, with the blue black hair, how she plays into our hands?" jack grinned and chuckled, "ah, ah--a portland rose, phil!" "incomparably beautiful, jack! but, oh, such devilish thorns!" "good for twenty thousand simoleons at any rate? eh, phil?" "twenty thousand or bust, jack," grinned rutley. "you watch me do the trick. i'll make thorpe wish he were dead. i shall connect his wife's name instead of hazel's with corway." "what!" gasped jack, dismayed by rutley's daring. "by a little juggling of facts, as it were, i'll make thorpe believe corway wears the ring given him as a love token by constance. it was thorpe's gift to his wife. do you comprehend? now, do you understand how simple a thing it will be to make thorpe wish he were dead? remember how he and old harris broke up our investment company? "maybe i don't," replied jack dolefully, rubbing his stomach in a significant manner. "and, jack!" and rutley glinted at him meaningly and said very seriously, "that fellow corway suspects me." "the devil he does! we must get him out of our way." "tomorrow!"--and for the space of perhaps five seconds they looked meaningly at each other. then rutley broke the silence. "the child is in the house," continued rutley seriously and in a low voice. "good!" responded jack. "i was afraid your tableau scheme had failed and dorothy remained at home." "not at all. they jumped at the idea," laughed rutley, "and on my suggestion mrs. harris begged for dorothy's presence at the 'fete'." "fate!" corrected jack. "too pointed," calmly remarked rutley. "well, the tableau was a great success, 'hebe' attended by 'circe' and 'cupid'." "dorothy as 'circe' posed splendidly; she is the pet of the guests"--and, lowering his voice, rutley continued gravely: "i have persuaded her indulgent mother to let the child remain up and enjoy her honors a little longer; she may be out and around now at any moment." "she wears a white dress and with a light brown sash about her waist. long golden hair--oh, you know her." "i shall keep a sharp lookout and take her the first opportunity." "skip!" suddenly cautioned rutley. "somebody's coming. keep in the deep shadow." "trust me." and as jack turned to move away he said to himself, "tonight there'll be things doing, for the devil is at work and hell's a-brewing." rutley watched jack vanish in the gloom, then muttered to himself, "why this fear? out with it and to my purpose." some readers would call it fate, others would probably have construed it as accidental, while yet again others of a more scientific turn of mind would have reasoned it a result of that strange magnetic attraction whereby two minds, simultaneously engaged in deep absorbing thought on the same subject, are mysteriously drawn toward each other. that john thorpe was alone at that moment descending the steps of the piazza, was proof of the phenomenon, there could be no question, and that he was deeply thinking of a subject very near and dear to him was also evident, for he paused on one of the steps and clapped his hand to his forehead as though to draw out some evil thing that lay leaden within. once he shivered as if shaken with a cold of the shadow of some indefinable disaster about to overwhelm him, and then he passed on down the steps muttering to himself in an abstracted manner, "doubt; terrible, torturing doubt; i cannot endure it!" "welcome, mr. thorpe," came from rutley in the mild regularly moderated voice of a man content with his surroundings. "it only needs the quiet tones of a gifted conversationalist to make this beautiful spot supremely pleasant. all honor to mrs. harris and her companion." mrs. harris, accompanied by virginia, had just then appeared from around the east side of the house--"ah, my lord, your absence from the ballroom occasions much inquiry," said mrs. harris. "mrs. harris will confer a favor by satisfying the inquirers with the excuse that his lordship is enjoying a smoke with a friend. does my lord approve the answer?" replied john thorpe, eyeing rutley furtively. "most decidedly!" he affirmed. "then virginia and myself will be spectators of the next waltz. your lordship will favor us with your company soon? mr. thorpe, you will not forget your promise to constance for the newport?" "just in time, eh, auntie, i guess so!" cut in the cheerful voice of strenuous sam, who had bounded down the steps and stood in front of them before they could turn around. "oh, horrors!" gasped virginia under her breath. "why, sam!" laughed mrs. harris, "you want me to dance with you again and virginia here?" "oh, no, not you! i mean her, auntie. if you please," and he bowed to virginia as he offered her his arm. without an instant's hesitation she accepted his arm and at the same time so artfully masked her real feelings that the hot blood raced with joyous glee to the very roots of his hair and caused him to say proudly, "ha, ha! at last, eh, auntie!" "i shall be a witness, sam," replied his aunt in a tone which conveyed a warning. on ascending the steps virginia paused to gather up her skirt, turned half around and looked very significantly at rutley. he met her glance and bowed. the action brought mrs. harris also to a stop. observing the halt, mr. thorpe exclaimed, "his grace and myself will be along presently. au revoir." and as the party moved on, sam rejoined under his breath, "i guess so, but not with his fair party, not if sam knows it." in the silence that followed for both men, now being alone, were alert, instinctively apprehending danger, john thorpe drew from the inside pocket of his coat a small cigar case and tendered it to rutley. silently and with studied poise, rutley took therefrom a cigar and returned the case. thorpe then took from the case a match, lighted and offered it to rutley, who, having meanwhile clipped the end of the cigar with a penknife, accepted the light and then broke the silence with, "are you not going to smoke, thorpe?" "not at present. a stroll through the grounds is more to my fancy." "agreed!" promptly responded rutley, who added, "and may the exercise lighten your spirits, which appear heavy tonight." "yes, unfortunately i have never been able to conceal my emotions, hence the correctness of your conjecture. my spirits are heavy tonight," replied thorpe in a low voice and with a deep, long drawn sigh. it was plain to rutley that thorpe was evading an abrupt approach to some potent question in his mind, feverishly eager, yet dreading the kind of information it might elicit. "bad digestion, thorpe. headaches, troubled dreams and the like fellow," suggested rutley in his jerky manner. "deeper!" added thorpe in a low voice. "ha!" exclaimed rutley significantly, as he eyed his companion askance. "family!" "oh, god! what shall i do?" suddenly broke from thorpe in a stifled cry of anguish. "i cannot carry the load!" and then he did that which some readers might term a cowardly thing. no doubt he was actuated by motives irresistibly impelling in a man of his peculiarly sensitive nature. with head bent low, much as a culprit condoning his infamy, humbled as was his pride, to thus confide his misgivings to a stranger, he began in a low voice: "my lord, a few moments since i casually heard you drop a remark suggesting a knowledge of my domestic affairs. i speak to you in confidence, and i am sure your grace will spare me the humiliation of feeling that confidence is misplaced. your position gives you at times the advantage of hearing--a--things said of others that is of no moment or concern to you." rutley's first thought was, "my opportunity to strike at corway has come," and if thorpe at that moment could have seen the cunning leer play about the corners of rutley's mouth and the flash of exultation that sprang into his eyes, he might have hesitated, nay, ceased to have conversed with him further on such a grave subject. but the fleeting smile went unseen, the exultant flash as quickly disappeared, and in its place a very serious look came over rutley's face, as in a low voice he replied, slowly but very distinctly. "really, thorpe, i am at a loss to understand your motives in questioning me on matters relative to your domestic affairs, and though i may possess information in which i am not particularly interested, still to asperse the character of any person on mere rumor is not compatible with the dignity or honor of my house; however, if you will be explicit on the subject of your singular request, i shall, through sympathy, communicate all i have heard to relieve or confirm your mind of a--i fancy--a terrible suspicion." for a few moments thorpe could not control his agitation. overpowered by a sense of shame, his imagination at once conjured up dreadful thoughts. "sympathy! a--a--to relieve or confirm a terrible suspicion! my god! what does he mean?" and he placed his left hand tightly over his breast as if something hurt him there, while a cold sweat stood out on his brow. then with a forced calmness, said: "a--a--have you heard any disparaging remarks about--a--mr. corway?" "well, thorpe, you know 'tis not honorable to repeat the 'chic' scandals one hears, though to satisfy you i will say that if you will look at the little finger of corway's left hand, you will see a gold ring with a single diamond set in a double heart, which he at times--a--carelessly displays." "a ring with a single diamond! what of it?" impatiently questioned thorpe. "oh!" replied rutley, with an imperturbable stare, "it was a love token from mrs. john thorpe." "you lie!" exclaimed thorpe, the nails of his fingers imprinting deeply in the flesh of his tightly clenched fists, with the fierceness of the passion that had flamed within him. "i do not lie!" rutley calmly and slowly replied, as he looked steadily into thorpe's eyes. "you confound my wife with hazel," hoarsely accused thorpe. "i reiterate," responded rutley, in the same even tone of voice, "the particular ring in question was a gift from constance, john thorpe's wife, and not from hazel." gasping for breath, thorpe turned his head aside and groaned as he remembered it was his gift to constance before they were married. suddenly he gripped rutley by the sleeve. they halted and confronted each other. and the dark formless shadow that had followed them also halted. "from whom have you your information?" queried thorpe, looking into rutley's eyes. "i do not feel at liberty to mention, but it can be substantiated." "by whom?" demanded thorpe. "well, i don't know of any person more capable than a--a--mr. thorpe's wife!" replied rutley in a most nonchalant and matter-of-fact manner. and even through the depth of the gloom that surrounded them he saw the scarlet flush of rage and shame flame across thorpe's white brow as he bowed his head, humbled to the dust. for a moment not a word was spoken by either of the men. suddenly thorpe looked up and hoarsely said: "my wife! give me two or three, one which she can substantiate." "my dear thorpe," deprecatingly pleaded rutley. "you have called upon me to undertake a very unpleasant task." "your lordship has gone too far to recede. i must know all"--and there was imminent danger in thorpe's quivering voice, which rutley felt was not to be trifled with. "well--one thing--corway's close and steady attention to her during your absence in china." "you mean to hazel?" said thorpe, with a look so deeply concentrated that the movement of a single hair of rutley's eyelash would have meant an instant blow on the mouth. "no, i mean--to your wife," accentuated rutley. "their secret and protracted wanderings offended your sister. reproofs, reproaches and warnings were unavailing and ended in corway being refused admittance to your house, which resulted in frequent quarrels between your wife and your sister." thorpe here recalled virginia's warning, "corway will bear watching," and he moaned, "oh, god!" "he tried many pretenses to regain communication with your wife," resumed rutley, "one being to visit hazel brooke, for whom, except for her money, he has no regard whatever. at length on the discovery of secret correspondence, virginia became aghast at his boldness and contemplated seeking legal aid when you returned. of course, she retired and left the matter in your hands and she was unwilling at that time to shock your home-coming with a knowledge of the truth." "enough! enough! oh, god, what a vile thing has nestled here!" and john thorpe pressed both hands tightly over his heart in a vain endeavor to suppress the emotion that filled his throat and choked his utterances, and tears of shame gathered in his eyes as he continued slowly: "when--i--wedded constance--i took to myself the purest angel out of heaven. but now--! farewell happiness--farewell peace--forever! oh, corway, i want to clutch you by the throat!" turning to rutley, he added tensely, "follow me." "now for satisfaction," muttered rutley exultantly, and with a sinister smile on his lips he followed john thorpe up the broad steps and into the blaze of the brilliantly lighted ballroom. a shadow straightened itself up behind a bed of massed asters, deepened, grew thicker and resolved itself into the solid form of a man. it was jack shore. he had dodged them unseen and overheard their conversation. perhaps it was through hearing the conspiracy and its masterly execution that shocked him into moralizing on man's inhumanity to man. at any rate, he exclaimed half aloud, "as cold-blooded a bit of villainy as possible to conceive. i didn't think phil had it in him." suddenly he shrugged his shoulders. "i say, old man," cut in sam, appearing from the east side of the piazza, "you want to look alive there. you are getting too near the front. first thing you know uncle will have you sent up as a vag." though taken by surprise, jack, having just turned to move off into the deeper shadow, halted and, removing his hat, faced sam in an assumed most humble and abject terror, "signor, i don-a mean to come-a da close. jess-a tried to get-a da peep ov-a da grand-a fete of-a much-a da rich people. eesa da all, signor." "it's all right, old man, but take my advice and keep off the grounds. 'twill be better for your health." in the meantime dorothy had fluttered down the great steps and ran toward sam. "hello, little one! having lots of fun, eh!" and with the same, he caught dorothy's hands and he commenced to dance her about as he sang the words, "little bo-peep had lost her sheep and couldn't tell where to find them." "oh, don't sam; i want to find papa!" replied the child, impatiently. "you do, eh? now, don't you want me to be your escort?" "come, i'll tell you how to find him. you shall sit on my shoulder and be the tallest queen of the party, while i be the horse to 'lope about in search of your papa." "thank you, sam, but i can't stay for a ride now. i'm in such a hurry; some other time," and the child turned from him and ran toward the slowly retreating form of jack. "you are, eh? all right, and while you are looking for papa, i'm going to look for the fair party you call auntie. i guess so!" whereupon sam quickly sprang up the steps. arriving on the piazza he halted, turned around and looked toward the child as though the premonition of something wrong--something associated with the child's insecurity, being alone--had suddenly darted into his brain; but seeing others of the guests at that moment emerging from the east front of the house on the well lighted grounds, he dismissed the "still small voice" of warning from his mind and passed in among the dancers. "papa, papa! where is my papa?" called dorothy. jack, while pretending to leave the grounds, had kept a sly eye on sam, and upon that individual's disappearance, at once turned and answered the child in a voice soft and gentle, and soothing as that of dreamy italy. "yous-a tink-a your-a papa was-a da here-a. what eesa da name?" "thorpe!" replied dorothy, without the faintest fear or hesitation. "that is my name, too. i want to find him right away. can you tell me where he is? mama sent me to ask him to come and dance." "yes-a da child-a. eesa da know where eesa papa be. eef-a youse-a be note-a fraid and will-a come wid-a me, eesa take-a youse-a da papa," and the sly old man looked into her eyes with such beaming kindness that at once won her confidence. "i'm not afraid of you. i like old men. mama says we should respect old men. but i'm in such a hurry, you know. mama is waiting for me." "well, geeve-a me youse-a da hand and eesa take-a you straight-a da heem." without the least suspicion or timidity, she instantly placed her little hand in his and the two proceeded toward the river, much faster than his supposed crippled condition would lead an older person to expect. "youse-a love-a da papa and da mama much-a, donn-a youse?" he continued. "oh, yes! ever so much." "eesa good-a girl. we'll soon-a da fine eem," and he added to himself, "when the horn of plenty pours its golden stream into jack's pocket." while they were crossing a depression, or rather a long hollow formation in the contour of the grassy slope, and close to some locust trees, the thick foliage of which threw a deep shadow on the spot, jack thrust his free hand into his pocket and removed the stopper from a bottle of chloroform which he had provided for this occasion, and saturated a colored handkerchief with it. some of it passed through the lining of his pocket and immediately impregnated the air with its odor. dorothy got a whiff of it and drew away with the remark, "dear me, what a funny smell!" "naw, eesa--nicey da smell, jes like-a da poppy, so beautiful-a da flower," replied jack, reassuringly. "well, i don't like it, anyway," she said. at that moment she was standing a couple of yards from him, they had come to a halt, and it was necessary for him to act adroitly and with promptness, to reassure her and avoid arousing her suspicion, so he pretended to stumble and then fell to the ground. arising to his knees, he groaned as though in seeming pain, and gripped his right wrist with his left hand. "oh, oh! eesa da hurt-a bad. break-a da arm; oh, oh!" and in order to get her close to him, he said, "get-a da bot' in-a da pock'." the cunning fellow knew well how to touch the chord of sympathy that is ever present in the guileless heart of innocent childhood. the response came in a wondering look of infinite tenderness and compassion, for the child did not clearly comprehend jack's request and she asked: "did you break your arm?" "eesa da hurt-a bad. oh, oh!" he groaned, "get-a da bot', da bot'-a, child; get-a da bot'." "poor man! shall i run for the doctor?" "no, no, no, note-a da dock! help-a me get-a da bot' in-a da pock! quick-a, deeze-a side. put in-a da hand. take eem out--oh, oh!" perceiving that he meant her to take something out of his pocket, on the right side of his coat, and not understanding the significance of the word "bot," she drew near to thrust in her hand. that instant jack's left arm encircled her form and his right hand clapped the saturated handkerchief over her mouth and nostrils and held her to him. she struggled in his arms to free herself, but without avail. as a feeling of stupor stole over her senses, jack, still on his knees, watched her with the keenest of eyes, and muttered soothingly, "eesa nice-a da girl. nice-a da smell lak-a da dreamy italy." some rascals would have made short work of the matter, but jack was by nature very tender and considerate of children, which accounted for his slow application of the powerful drug. it soon had her under its influence, and when she became limp and nerveless he laid her on the grass. again he saturated the handkerchief and held it to her nostrils, and with distended, tragic eyes watched her doze into unconsciousness. feeling satisfied that she would not speedily recover, he let the handkerchief lie loose on her nostrils and mouth, then he arose to his feet and with the stealthy, catlike tread of an indian, skulked from shadow to shadow until he had made a complete circuit of the spot. having assured himself that no one was in the vicinity, he swiftly turned and again fell on his knees beside the child. he looked intently in her face and noted the sweet expression of childish innocence and trust in the repose. "she sleeps, beautiful child! as sweetly innocent and confiding as god ever inspired with the breath of life." then from under his coat, where a hump appeared in the back, he drew out a grey woolen cloth about four feet square and folded it about the child, gathered her in his arms and arose to his feet. "mine, mine, though no harm shall come to you, pretty one! twenty thousand dollars shall be the price of your liberty." and, keeping in the shadows and away from the lights as much as possible, he wended his way toward the river and soon became obscured in the distant gloom. when john thorpe, closely followed by rutley, entered the great ballroom in search of corway, the guests who saw him were struck with the pallor of his face and the strangely piercing yet lustreless dark eyes that shone out from beneath his shaggy, frowning eyebrows. his cold, stony look repelled all smiles and discouraged all questions. through the room he strode, regardless alike of the timid whisperings of women and offended stare of men. he cared not what they thought, for every sentiment of rudeness or discourtesy, every tender feeling of grief or pain, was drowned by his one great mad, overpowering passion to wreak summary vengeance on the author of his bitter shame. not for a moment had he suspected "my lord's" integrity and utter disinterestedness, and the maddening fire of his disgrace kindled within him and fanned to a crucible heat by rutley burned with unquenchable fury. men of the temperament of john thorpe are not blessed with a stoical mind in moments of great excitement, nor are they apt to pause and tranquilly reason out the pros and cons of this most prolific source of human tragedies. he had loved his wife too fondly and too well to go and openly charge her with unfaithfulness. his life heretofore had been very happy, but now the first "damned spot" in the clear blue of his domestic horizon would not out, the feeling of suspicion would not smother. and it grew and enlarged with amazing rapidity, and haunted him till the very thought of corway aroused his latent jealousy to a pitch that became unbearable. rutley had developed the demon within him. the love that had become a fixed part of his being, flooding him with its radiance, had been violently wrenched from his heart, and his only, all-absorbing, insatiable desire was to confront the man who was responsible for it. oh, for the frailty of human happiness! out near the steps of the east piazza a group of ladies and gentlemen, composed of mr. and mrs. harris, mr. corway and hazel were chatting merrily about the new waltz and incidentally they had referred to the prolonged absence of "my lord" and john thorpe from the ballroom. mrs. harris discovered them on the piazza approaching the steps and exclaimed, "ah, here come the truants." without a moment's hesitation, john thorpe descended the steps alone, rutley remaining on the piazza. "mr. harris," said john thorpe in a husky voice, "in the name of the society whom he contaminates, i demand that you eject that man from this place." this peremptory and extraordinary demand, coupled with its insinuation, stunned the hearers, who looked from one to the other in startled amazement. the dead silence that followed was broken by mr. harris, who answered in a grave, dazed way, as thoughts of thorpe's sanity flitted through his brain, "but, thorpe! i--what--i don't think--my hearing is not exactly right of late. i did not understand--" without removing his steady gaze from corway, mr. thorpe reiterated his words slowly and with stinging accentuation, "i demand that you eject that man from this place," and he pointed his finger dramatically at corway, while glints of merciless intent shot from his eyes. the red flushed into mr. harris's face as he realized the indignity his guests and himself were being subjected to. "thorpe--john--you are insulting all of us. mr. corway is my guest. what is the meaning of this affront to my hospitality?" "to defend my honor!" cried the distracted man, lost to all sense of propriety or decorum, "or to add my blood to the other crimes that disgrace him." "in the name of all that's astounding, what do you mean, thorpe?" exclaimed corway. "i mean that i intend to avenge the irreparable wrong i have suffered," replied mr. thorpe, fairly hissing the words from between his teeth. "irreparable wrong! to whom do you refer?" "to you, scoundrel! tell how you came by that ring!" mr. harris had listened to the two men with ill-concealed impatience, but when mr. thorpe called mr. corway, one of his guests, a scoundrel, and dangerous business appearing imminent, he could control his indignation no longer and shouted, "mr. thorpe's carriage immediately! here, sam, your assistance. wells, get some more help to maintain order." the words had scarcely been uttered, when sam, who had appeared with virginia on the piazza, sprang down the steps to his uncle's assistance. they were quickly joined by the coachman and gardener who, having chanced to meet in a nearby secluded angle of the porch, had heard the loud, passionate words and were at once available for duty. "hold, mr. harris!" spoke up corway, who seemed to be less disturbed than either thorpe or his host, "don't be hasty in this matter! mr. thorpe is certainly laboring under some delusion." "i will not listen to you," replied mr. harris, now worked up to a fury. "mr. thorpe's conduct is outrageous. away with him to his carriage." "i guess so!" responded sam, pulling off his coat and looking at his uncle sideways, "stampede the corral, eh, uncle? that's what you want!" "away with him!" repeated mr. harris, gesticulating with his arms wildly. the two lackeys advanced, encouraged no doubt by the assurance of sam's assistance. they were brought to an abrupt halt by corway, who stepped in front of them and declared with heat, "stand back! i demand an explanation!" in a low, hoarse voice that quivered with the intensity of his passion, with ghastly white face, and glittering eyes that flashed the lie to his forced calmness, thorpe replied: "you shall have it--blackguard, liar, and coward!" with which he struck corway on the mouth with the back of his closed hand. corway passionately rushed at him and attempted to strike, but mr. harris sprang between them and caught his upraised arm, and with the help of sam, separated them. when sam sprang down the steps to his uncle's assistance, virginia was left standing on the piazza watching the progress of the quarrel with intense interest and also evidently alarmed at the violent passion her brother displayed. with a woman's intuition, she surmised that rutley had worked on john's jealous susceptibilities with merciless finesse. rutley, who was watching her, noted her alarmed expression, and feeling it to be a sign of weakening purpose, stepped over and stood beside her, so silently that she was quite unaware of his presence. "it's a horrible wrong," she muttered. the words were caught by rutley, and he whispered, so close as to startle her, "remember the wrong corway has done you." the excited men barely had been separated when corway spoke with passionate emphasis, "you shall hear from me." "quite soon enough for your courage," sneered thorpe. "no, no, my brother shall not fight with him!" exclaimed virginia, appalled at the magnitude the quarrel had assumed. swiftly she glanced at rutley and said with tremulous lips: "what have you told him to cause such fearful passion?" "what you bade me," he coolly replied, and with a gloating smile on his lips, added: "the result is what you wanted, isn't it?" "not so terrible," she gasped. "there must be some awful mistake." and rutley's smile deepened, but as he looked into her horrified eyes and blanched face, and noted the change from vengeance to anxiety and consternation fast coming over her, he knew but too well when the change was complete, in a moment of frenzied zeal to explain and save her brother, she, womanlike, was likely to undo and wreck all his work. he realized that the moment was fraught with the gravest danger to his plans and person, and he acted quickly, but with the utmost coolness. her hand held straight down by her side was closed tightly, expressive of immediate and determined action. he gripped her wrist. it hurt her. the action concealed from others by the folds of her dress, succeeded in diverting her attention, and he followed it up by whispering, so that she alone heard him, "remember--the material you gave me; corway has met his deserts and you are avenged!" and then the voice of constance cleft the air, in a wild, terrifying scream. "john, john! save dorothy! she's adrift on the water." her piercing cry freighted with a mother's anguish, at once filled all who heard it with consternation, in the midst of which mrs. harris exclaimed, "dear me, how dreadful it all is!" all turned in the direction of the cry and almost immediately constance, in an agony of despair, and deathly white, frantically rushed among them. she looked appealingly from one to the other, her heart in her throat and pathos in her voice. "i heard her cry, 'mama! papa! help! save me!' oh, will no one rescue my darling?" "i'm off," said sam, in his short, sententious way, and rushed toward the river. the sudden strain on her nerves was greater than constance could bear. naturally of a weak constitution, the ordeal was overpowering; the mother's affection, forming a magnetic part of her heart, leapt out to her child and left her numb and cold almost unto death, and then her limbs trembled, and with sam's words ringing in her ears, down she sank, a senseless being. virginia's consternation was complete. she rushed down the steps, knelt beside her prostrate form, thrust her arm lovingly under her head and sobbed: "constance! dear constance! don't give way so. dorothy will be found." chapter iii. when constance revived, she found herself in a quiet room remote from noise or intrusion, whither she had been tenderly carried. virginia was with her, and with the aid of a professional nurse, who lived near by and was called in by mrs. harris, had been successful in restoring her to consciousness. the reception was still swinging along at its full height, and while a few of the guests had heard in an indifferent way of some trouble on the lawn, the reports were so varied and coupled with the fact that no names were obtainable to give the reports zest, the incident was soon forgotten, and by the great mass of the guests was not even heard of. it was a sore spot in her breast that throbbed and beat heavily upon the door of its prison as later she was being driven home in her carriage. not a word from john to soothe the aching void. she did not even inquire about him, contenting herself with the simple assurance that he was doing his best to find dorothy. for two days the strain was upon her, breaking down by its heart violence her constitution, already frail to the declining point. scarcely more than a year had passed since constance had been stricken down with typhoid fever of a malignant type. she had never regained her usual health and strength, and though the family physician had pronounced her recovery complete, there were those of her friends who, with bated breath, questioned his conclusion and predicted an after effect which in time would develop some strange and serious ailment. telephone inquiries regarding the lost child began to come in the second day, but none of any comfort to the distracted mother. not one intimation of her husband's quarrel with corway had reached her. mrs. harris had been careful, upon constance's recovery at the reception, not to breathe a word, or to allow, where she could control it, the faintest whisper likely to arouse her suspicion. and as for hazel, she had not clearly understood mr. thorpe's drift when he assaulted corway. nevertheless, she somehow had a vague idea that constance was the cause; but being a discreet young woman, she had refrained from mentioning anything about it to her, thus leaving constance completely ignorant of the true cause of john thorpe's absence from home. perhaps if she had not been so absorbed in the recovery of dorothy, her attention would have been arrested on perusing one of the daily papers by an ambiguous paragraph referring to a choice morsel of scandal on the "tapis" in a prominent family, and which was likely to terminate in a tragedy. it was a society paragraph separate from the report of the probable drowning of the child, dorothy thorpe. several personal acquaintances had become aware, through the crafty rutley, of a serious difference having arisen between john thorpe and his beautiful wife, and some of these personal acquaintances, with significant looks, at once connected it with the mysterious disappearance of the child. the fact that none of the fashionable set had visited her since the reception did not suggest a thought of being shunned. and so she waited for news of her child--waited with heart leaden with the chill of hope deferred--waited in momentary expectation of the home-coming of john. she watched for him through the window, foreshadowing by his appearance on the walk gladness or sorrow. "it is now the second day," she muttered, "since that eventful night, and yet no relief from this awful suspense. no word to cheer, or lead me to hope that dorothy lives." "it is no use grieving so much, constance," broke in hazel, who had just entered the room. "dorothy may be safe with her father, somewhere. try, dear, to think so, anyway. it is much the best." "i cannot put away that winsome face from my mind, hazel. something tells me that i shall see her no more," and tears came into her eyes, despite her efforts to restrain them. "there, yees be at it again, sure mam, yees do be makin' us all feel miserable." it was smith who spoke, in a soft, appealing voice, full of sympathy and tenderness, the common heritage of his race. he had entered the room by the parlor door, and stood with his hat in his hand--a short, thick-set man, with a full, smooth-shaven, ruddy face, strong in its lines of "true to a trust." his thin hair was tinged with gray. he wore a black frock coat that had seen considerable wear; in fact, that style of a coat was worn by him for the double purpose of partly concealing the "humiliating" curves of his short bent legs, and also the dignity he fancied it lent to his stature. he had been the family coachman for some years, and was familiarly called "smith." as constance turned to him, he continued with a look suggestive of tearful sympathy. "will yees try to forget the trouble, and be the token av it, may it plaise ye mam, just wipe away that tear, do, dear." "you have always been a good soul, smith," and constance tried to smile through her tears. "of course, but we are anxious to know the result of your search," remarked hazel. he was silent for a moment, and nervously commenced to fidget with his hat. "sure, ave yees'l wait till i think ave all the places i whint to, and all the people i sphoke to"--and he dolefully muttered under his breath--"sure i dunno what i'll rayport at all, at all--" "you are very thoughtful and persistent, smith," responded constance. "yis, indade, mam, i try to be that very same. sure, wasn't i up at rose-a-mant and walked the bache there and watched the boats, but niver a sight did i git ave mr. thorpe." "i know john is leaving no stone unturned to find dorothy," assured constance, "but you, poor man, you must be tired with your long walk." "the walk was long, but me heart was warrum for yees, and i didn't moind it at all, at all. sure, the child may not be in the water at all. will yees try to think so, dear?" and again the beseeching look came over his expressive face. "do you think so, smith?" interrogated hazel. "well, i 'ave me own ideas, miss, and to be plain, and not hurtin' yees failin's, i think she was kidnapped." "you do?" questioned hazel, surprised, for such a possibility had never crossed her mind. "i do," he replied. "sure, i have no rason to think so, miss, at all, at all; but says i to myself, says i, 'i'll just flim-flam around the 'dago' quarters in south portland, on me own account, keeping a sharp lookout betimes.'" "what did you find there?" again asked the girl. "nothin' i wanted, miss, unless it war a sassy fellow wid a big black moustache, and a skin full ave greenbile." "but you were not looking for him," replied hazel. "not wan bit, miss, though i do belave now he do be lookin' for me. indade, miss, i was not failin' well at all, at all. sure, wasn't the little darlint missin', and between the sorrow at home and the failin' in me heart, and the long walk, and the cowld mornin', and the sassy look the fellow gave me--" "what were you doing that so offended him?" interrupted hazel. "indade, i was just walkin' around carbut strate and hood strate for a little divarsion--not wan bit more or less, miss--an' he axed me what i wanted. says i to him, says i, respectful-like, 'maybe yees can tell me did yees see a little girl strayin' about widout a home. a lady sint me to inquire.' "he immejetly made some raymark, quick an' sharp-like, about the dam desavin' wimmen--" "oh!" hazel exclaimed, interrupting him. "shocking!" exclaimed constance. [illustration: smith--"indade miss, oi followed wid wan on the soule ave his plexus."] "sure--and i beg yees pardon fir sayin' it, darlints, but that's just what he towld me and niver a wink whint wid it, the blackguard! "i up and axed him who he'd be refarrin' to, because i had in my moind a sartin lady wid trouble ave her own. "he says, says he, wid a snarl, 'none ave yees business.' "widout thinkin' whether he meant anything by it or not, i tould him he was a gintleman and a liar, too. so i did." "you insulted him!" exclaimed hazel, astounded. "indade i did, miss, in foine style, sure"--and he spoke softly to hazel--"he got it right betwix the two eyes, and i followed it wid wan on the soule ave his plexis." "you did!" hazel exclaimed, amazed, yet with an irrepressible smile that flickered about her pretty mouth. "i did!" he replied gravely. "is the soul of one's plexus in his eyes, smith?" interrogated hazel. "sure, some say it do be the cramps; but i think it do be trouble ave the bowels, miss," he answered. "poor man!" exclaimed constance, and she looked at smith reproachfully. he quickly turned to her with a disgusted look on his face, and slowly exclaimed, "yis mam!" during the silence that followed smith realized that he had spoken hastily and rude, and the disgust so palpably in evidence quickly merged into a look of grave concern. his native wit, however, came to his aid in a singular apology. "while the fellow hunted for a soft spot on the pavement, i called up a nearby doctor to help him," he said. "you shall be repaid," constance assured him in an absent manner. "plaise god, it will not be the 'dago' who'll do it!" he solemnly replied, and then he softly asked. "be there any more arders, mam?" "no, smith, you must be in need of rest. thank you for all your kindness," and constance turned from him with grief, unaffected, still on her face. "god bless yees!" he replied, and then as he turned to leave the room, said to himself, "i shud loike to see the wan--bad luck to him--who brought all this trouble on the poor missus," and he shut his teeth tight in silent rage. after he had gone constance pressed her hand down on the top of her head and said distractedly, "still no word of encouragement; no relief to this strain that seems to be tearing my brain asunder!" under the circumstances, inaction, to one of hazel's temperament, was anything but pleasant, and the young girl was to be condoned rather than censured for desiring to get away from the distress that pervaded the house. moreover, she felt that something must be done to relieve the strain that weighed so heavily upon constance. "don't you think i had better see mrs. harris, dear?" she said, with a wistful look of sympathy at constance. "perhaps she may have something to tell." "very well," replied constance. "do, dear, if you think some good may come from your visit. virginia may be home soon and i shall not be alone." "i shall get my wraps." after hazel had left the room, constance, dispirited and sadly out of harmony with smith's simple recital of his search for dorothy, stepped out on the piazza, as though the air of the close room oppressed her. the sky was cloudy, the air raw and cold. dorothy's pet canary, with its bill thrust under its wing, rested on the perch of its cage, glum and inert, immediately before her. "poor thing!" she exclaimed tenderly. "sweet, sweet! look up, pet!" the dainty little beauty, with a throat of silky mellowness, looked curiously about, gave a "cheep" of recognition and then again buried its bill under its wing. "even my darling's pet will not be comforted." and tears stole into her eyes as she turned away from the bird. "oh, sam, i've been so anxious to hear from you! have you found my darling?" sam had approached the steps unseen by her, and when she turned away from the bird he stood directly in front of her, though at a little distance. her mind at once recalled his words, which rang in her ears as she sank to the ground on that fateful night of the reception, and it was therefore the first and most natural question uppermost in her mind when she saw him. he started back in evident surprise and answered confusedly: "well--i--i am sure, mrs. thorpe, if i had found her, i should only be too glad to--to tell you." "and you have no tidings of her? but--come in, i am sure something important brought you here." she entered the house, followed by sam, who muttered to himself, "she's conjuring tears already, but i'm proof, were they to fall like rain. i guess so!" upon entering the room he looked at her steadfastly and quizically. there was something in his look, too, that bore the imprint of effrontery. she stared at him and asked timidly with alarm in her voice. "oh, what do you know of her?" "i--i--beg your pardon, mrs. thorpe, but--well, the truth is, i called to know if you have any information of her." "how can you ask that question of me?" replied constance brokenly, while again the tears welled up in her eyes. "you see, madam--ahem! you won't be offended with me, for god knows i do not mean any offense to you, but--ahem--you see, madam, you are the unhappy cause of as fine a hearted gentleman as was ever born being a broken-spirited, a--a--blighted man!" "sam!" she affrightedly exclaimed. "what are you saying?" "this," continued he, with dauntless determination, "and i'll tell you the truth. you are the talk of the town, and they say you--you--you've secured the child from your husband." her face became ashy white as the meaning of john's absence from home dawned on her mind. she staggered, then sank into a chair. presently she looked up with a sort of dazed, wandering expression and tried to smile through watery eyes. "my cup of woe is very full, sam! please don't jest with me!" he wiped the perspiration from his brow, for he felt his resolution to accomplish what he had set out to do was fast crumbling. he rushed on, "i am not jesting. no, i guess not! i know i am paining you, but i have a duty to do which i shall do, as i have always done through my life. and as this affair occurred at my uncle's place, they say he knows more about it than he cares to tell, which he doesn't. and i have come to see if you really don't know something of the whereabouts of dorothy, as that would relieve my uncle and aunt of much embarrassment--at least--i guess so!" her lips trembled with the pathos of her reply: "did i know of the fate of my child, heaven could not bless me with a more joyful desire--to let you know, to let your aunt know, that dorothy is--is safe. as it is, i would to heaven that i were dead and with my darling." and her head fell forward on the table as a burst of heart-rending agony shook her frame. it was evident sam was uneasy and much affected by her distress. he coughed and tried to clear his throat again and again. "ahem!--you must excuse me, mrs. thorpe--ahem! but--but, lord--lord! i can't bear to hear you take on that way. ahem! ahem! i'm rough and thoughtless in my way, and it seems harsh and brutal to speak to you as i have done--i guess so!--and if any man in my hearing says you have hidden your child--why, by heavens, i'll knock the lie back through his teeth." sam had forgotten his resolution to resist the influence of a woman's tears; moreover, he felt convinced he was standing in the presence of a true, atrociously wronged and much slandered woman, and in his eagerness to undo the wrong he had done her by practically charging her with the wrecking of her husband's happiness and connivance at the child's disappearance, had lost control of that gentleness he felt due to the weaker sex, especially this bereaved woman. he stammered an apology in a soft regretful tone of voice. "i--i--beg your pardon. i--i could not help it. these expressions will slip out now and again, won't they? i guess so. i am satisfied you are deeply grieved about dorothy, and i'm interested in her, too. the fact is, i was so anxious on my aunt's account that i have behaved like a brute. now please understand me, you are not friendless, for i shall do my best for you, and if dorothy is out of water i'm going to find her. i'm off now, so good-bye!" and he was gone--glad to get away from the distress that raised a lump in his throat which all his labored coughing could not dislodge. sam had entered her presence a scoffer. he had made up his mind that her grief was as deceitful as her reputed double life. he departed, her firm friend and almost choked with disgust at his own readiness to believe the foul reports, magnified by gossiping busybodies. gradually constances' emotion subsided. she sat upright in the chair. a significant dryness had come into her eyes as she stared at the wall with profound abstraction. out of the haze john thorpe's picture gradually emerged. suddenly she exclaimed in strangely low tones, almost a whisper--tones in which a woman's life was projected on the horoscope of faithfulness, immutable as the "rock of ages": "john! john! you are breaking my heart!" then her mind began to settle upon one object--to see her husband, john thorpe. "it must be some mistake!" she muttered. "it cannot be so. john would never treat me thus. i will have smith seek him and deliver a message at once." she went to her desk and wrote a hasty note, requesting john to come home to her immediately. with the sealed note in her hand, she hurried out to find smith. she found him fast asleep on an old couch just inside the coach-house door, and remembering his tired look, softly said: "poor man! how fatigued he must be! after all, what matters it for a few hours?" and then, instead of arousing him, she took his coat off the rack and gently covered him, murmuring in a broken voice that betrayed the pathos of her trouble: "asleep, with the peace of god resting on his face. heaven bless and reward your faithful heart. sleep on." returning to the house, she sat down at the table to think of a possible something she had done to cause john's unkind behavior. a shadow darkened the doorway. she turned mechanically. a tall, grave and elderly gentleman, with stooping shoulders and bared head, stood in the entrance. constance arose. he approached her and said softly: "i beg to apologize for the intrusion. the door being open, and seeing you within, i entered unannounced." "oh, mr. williams! have you any tidings of dorothy?" "i regret not being able to bring any tidings of your child. the river has been carefully dragged for a considerable distance in front of 'rosemont.' i fear she is drowned and the body carried down to the columbia." "my poor darling!" "there is yet hope, however, that your child lives. an old cripple--a disreputable looking vagabond--was seen lurking about the grounds the night she was lost. he has not been seen since. detectives are baffled in tracing him. he may have abducted your child. it's the only hope that she is alive, though i admit, a frail one." "heaven give me strength to hope it is so. but who could be so cruel as to steal away my little darling? no, no, she is drowned!" "i have to announce a disagreeable errand," and he paused, not quite satisfied of the propriety of the moment for so serious a declaration as he was about to make; but he at length continued hesitatingly: "as--as your--legal adviser--." again he paused. constance looked at him timidly. a cold, creepy fear of something dreadful about to happen chilled her. her blanched face and beseeching eyes warned him of very grave consequences. "what is it, judge?" she whispered with parched lips, "speak out; tell me what you have come for." "are you strong enough?--i think--perhaps--i had better defer--" "oh, yes, my strength is not great--but--the suspense--i cannot bear. let me hear--what it is." he hesitated no longer. "as your attorney, i have been served with a notice of an application for a divorce, by john thorpe, from his wife, constance." with bowed head he laid the document on the table. she clasped her hand to her head, clutched the back of a chair for support, for the suddenness and weight of the blow staggered her. she, however, managed to bear herself bravely up. "and--could--he really believe this of me?" she said distractedly. "he has, at the same time, placed at your disposal in the national bank a sum of money for your immediate wants." he paused. a solemn quietness pervaded the room. at length he continued in a low, grave tone: "i am prepared to receive instructions. shall i give notice of your intention to resist his application for divorce?" still leaning on the chair for support, and without lifting her bowed head, or raising her downcast eyes, she said in a voice barely articulate with the huskiness and tremor of threatened physical collapse, "please leave me for awhile. providence has seen fit to afflict me so sorely that i must beg a little time to try to think. but, stay!" and her voice gathered a little strength in an effort to keep from breaking down altogether: "i desire to receive nothing from john. i shall not reply to his complaint, and you will return the money he has placed to my credit in the bank. now, please leave me; i desire to be alone." during his professional experience, the "judge" had been a witness to many painful scenes, and familiarity had calloused somewhat his sense of sympathy. but as he gazed upon the white, spiritually chaste face of this frail woman, a conviction that a great wrong was being done to her forced and crowded itself upon his brain. "someone must answer for it before a higher than human court," he thought, and then with bent head he left her, feeling that he would value beyond price the power to effect a little gleam of sunshine to heal her broken heart. "dorothy! dorothy!" he muttered, and he passed out from her presence with words of tennyson on his lips: "oh, for the touch of a vanished hand, the sound of a voice that is still!" after he had gone, constance remained motionless. she was strangely quiet, yet wrapt in thoughts of bitterest shame and grief, the world had little left for her to care for. a sense of gloom enveloped her. its shadow bore heavily upon her oppressed spirits, smothering by its weight the stifled cry of her heart's anguish. it was therefore with a wondrously calm voice, pregnant with tragic pathos, that she at length broke the stillness: "i am sure of the cause of john's absence now, and the very worst has come to me. what now can compensate me for the humiliation of being thought by him so shameless and debased? oh, how wretched i am!" and with a moan, she placed her hand on the top of her head. "oh, heaven spare my reason--yet--what is reason to me now? or--life? my darling is drowned. john has left me, and with them hope and happiness are gone forever." it was then a strange, uncanny, desperate flash leapt into her eyes. suddenly she withdrew her hand from the top of her head, but instantly pressed it to her brow. in a moment her appearance underwent a great change. under the continuous strain, the strands of grief and despair had at last snapped asunder and up rushed an exultation that instantly overwhelmed all opposition to a suddenly conceived and terrible purpose. she whispered with an earnestness intense as it was significant: "there is a way out." then she suddenly burst into a frenzy of pathetic joy as she thought of the phial of laudanum in the medicine chest in her room. "a passage to my darling beyond!" she did not see virginia standing in the doorway, nor did she pause as some do to take a last farewell look at earth and sky. her mind was set upon the swift accomplishment of an object. upon reaching her room, she took up the phial of laudanum and then, as she fell on her knees, locked her hands together, and her voice softened into tenderness--softened in inexpressibly sweet and plaintive tones, as she cried out in a whisper of her soul's anguish: "rock of ages, cleft for me!" she was standing in the shadow of the valley of death. strangely coincident, the inspiring notes of the "star spangled banner" softly broke upon the air from a piano in the music room below. as the grand strains swelled upward, they were met with a break in the clouds through which the sun poured down a flood of dazzling glory. at that moment dorothy's pet canary began to sing. the delicate little feathered thing, that had nestled its bill under its wing in the raw cold of the morning, felt the warm influence of the sunshine that fell upon it, and looked up, twittered, lifted its voice in surprised gladness, and then in response to the soft strains that were pealing forth from the music room, broke into song. higher and higher it swelled, cleaving the air with its exultant melody. oh! the wild soaring flight of that joyous song! through the partly closed window it burst and flooded the room with its gladness and cheer. death stayed his hand. the little silken feathered throat of her darling's pet had turned aside the "grim sickle." she heard it. out over the entrancing beauty of autumn-dyed vegetation, her sad eyes wandered--wandered wistfully over nature bathed in the splendor of the sun's radiance. she heeded the call, and then, appalled at her contemplated sin, she cowered--bowed down--lower, lower. in tones of resignation--tones tremulous with awe of the omnipotent, she said: "have pity upon me, merciful heaven!" and then very softly virginia knelt beside her, gently encircling her waist with her arm, and looked into her spiritual face with eyes overflowing with tears. in a broken voice, scarcely articulate through a great sob, she said: "oh, constance! constance, dear, i am punished enough already!" after hazel had completed her attire for a visit to mrs. harris, she descended the stairs with the same feeling of gloom and depression upon her. slow and hesitating as was her action--as though undecided as to the propriety of leaving constance, and while drawing on her gloves, she aimlessly wandered into the music room and listlessly sat on the piano stool. then, with her head turned looking out of the window, she let her fingers ramble over the keys of the instrument. then she saw virginia pass up the walk and enter the house, but after the lapse of a few moments and her cousin not appearing, hazel entered the drawing room to greet her--but too late. through the open door she heard a step on the main stairs above. hazel followed. on passing the table the divorce bill caught her eye. for a moment she paused and picked it up; then laid it down, her breath coming in gasps, for she instantly realized a crisis of a very grave moment had appeared. she ran upstairs, surmising that virginia was connected with the "divorce bill," for she had not seen mr. williams. and then she heard virginia's voice. softly she stole to the door and looked in. there, kneeling on the floor, were constance and virginia, looking into each other's eyes, constance drawn back in timid alarm, and virginia blinded with tears, clasping the hand that held the laudanum phial, her free arm thrown lovingly around constance's waist. hazel silently drew back, an overpowering emotion suffusing her eyes with tears. "poor constance! her trouble thickens fast. what will the end be?" chapter iv. rutley had found time during the frantic appearance of constance at the "fete," to threaten virginia with public exposure if she failed to keep their secret. it was that threat that induced her to pause in a momentary conceived intention to demand an explanation from her brother. the passionate earnestness--the uncontrollable fury she discovered in her brother--produced an awe, and aroused her to a sense of some terrible mistake, and of the far-reaching effect her conspiracy with rutley was likely to have. each moment, instead of exultation, increased her sorrow at the course she had pursued. between fear of publicity of the part she had played, coupled with her hatred of corway, and consequent satisfaction in her triumph at his discomfiture--at the same time alarmed at her brother's imminent danger in a probably tragic affair--all contributed to indecision, and she realized to her dismay that she had placed herself in the power of a man who had proved himself a master "iago." her intuition caused her to shrink from him. he comprehended and pressed closer. despite her powerful will and keen perception, and possession of those womanly attributes of sympathy and kindness to suffering humanity, she felt herself incapable, just then, of defying him. the cry of constance that dorothy was in the water scattered the quarreling party, which rushed to the river's edge. virginia and mrs. harris remained with constance, but rutley made it his business to keep his eyes on her and under pretense of searching the grounds, remained near by, in order to restrain her from approaching her brother. her opportunity to undo all, which under a more prompt determination would have succeeded--was lost, simply because it had taken her some time to care for constance, and also to arrive at a fixed conclusion, irrespective of the threats or cajoling of rutley--and then john thorpe disappeared. two days she diligently searched for him, surmising that he was searching for dorothy, but all her efforts to locate him were fruitless. she had just returned from a stubborn search of the hotels, when she heard the frenzied cry of, "a passage to my darling beyond." she recognized the voice and stole through the doorway, just in time to see constance pass upstairs. as virginia entered the room, she passed the table on which lay the divorce paper. the printed word attracted her attention, and at once arrested her onward course. she picked it up. "john thorpe, from his wife, constance." horror and dismay swept across her face with lightning rapidity. here, then, was the key to rutley's horrible revenge. now she knew that constance was made to stand for hazel. the document dropped from her nerveless hand, and with wildly beating heart she flew up the stairs after constance. noiselessly she opened the door. before her--on her knees, with bowed head, the phial of laudanum between her clasped hands, was the woman who had received the terrible blow intended for corway. virginia's heart seemed to still its beating. her blood seemed to be congealing to ice as she stood incapable of motion, and listened to the piteous appeal from that pure, broken heart. in a moment she understood it all--the intent--the arresting hand of fate--the startled submission of a meek and contrite spirit to the divine will, and below--the divorce paper. satisfied that constance would not again attempt an act of self-destruction, and unequal, in her present frame of mind, to the task of ministering comfort to the woman whose grief must be partially laid to her door--for it must be remembered that virginia had not in any manner contributed to the abduction of dorothy, and was as much at a loss to account for the child's disappearance as her mother--she withdrew, her mission unfilled--her atonement inconceivably harder to accomplish. she seemed overcome with a suffocating sensation. she must have air. out of the house she mechanically passed. down the steps and around the grounds--under the silent falling vine and russet and golden-colored leaves she hurried, neither looking to the right nor to the left. born on her father's willamette valley farm, yet this city home, of her childhood and of her womanhood, now so enchantingly beautiful in its autumn glory, its fragrant coying whisper had no charm to impede her onward flight, no power to lift her bowed head. she was thinking of the one within. "and it is all my fault. i feel sure of that, for it would have been impossible for rutley to have angered john so much with any other name. i must have been mad ever to have confided in him that it was constance's ring. "oh, what shall i do? what shall i do? god forgive me!" she moaned, as she sought solace under a maple. but there was no rest for her. she returned to the house. mechanically she opened the door and with one longing heartsore purpose--to seek the seclusion of her apartment--to throw herself on the couch and bury her face in her hands in a vain hope to get relief in tears. but there, just inside the door, on the hall table, she saw through moist-swollen eyes, something white. she picked it up. it was a letter addressed to her, in a coarse scrawl. she fled to her room, there she sat on a chair near the window and opened the letter. the characters were bold, but slovenly written, and almost illegible, and then somehow the light did not appear strong or bright as it should be. she bent over close to the window--no better, save that she could make out the word "virginia." becoming more interested, she turned on the electric light, and even then her eyes seemed weak, and the letters so run together as to appear blurred. she took up a magnifying glass that lay on the table, and by its aid was at last able to decipher the note. virginia, ther party as sends er this kin tell yer somethink about er party yer wud lie ter knows, perwiden yer meets me nere the top of the long steps at or eleven ternight--alone, mind yer--alone in ther city park. yerl be safe if alone. she was at once convinced that the note had a deep significance. she turned it over and over and read and re-read it again and again. it was clearly meant for a clandestine meeting--with whom? ha! the handwriting was evidently disguised, for it was quite different from that on the envelop, and the illiteracy plainly intended to deceive. nevertheless the information might be of inestimable value--perhaps john, maybe of dorothy. her mind was almost in a state of frenzy at her impotent efforts to undo the mischief she had wrought, and even this "straw" gave a certain measure of relief, by offering work for solution. "i will go!" she said aloud. having made up her mind to take the risk, her spirits lightened perceptibly. as the envelop bore no postmark, she at once plied the housemaid with questions. who delivered the letter? how had it come on the hall table? the questions were put in a quiet, indifferent manner, so as not to excite curiosity. at the usual time the maid had taken it from the private mail box, which was of iron and old-fashioned, and fastened to the porch buttress, and she guessed that the mail carrier had brought it with the other mail. virginia spoke kindly to the girl, and after casually commenting on the beautiful sunshine, returned to her room and prepared for the adventure. she utterly disregarded in her mind that the mail carrier had brought the letter. since it was not postmarked, it could not have passed through the postoffice. some one had sneaked in some time during the night or early in the morning and placed it in the box. that was her decision. chapter v. that night, heavily veiled, she entered the park, alone. she was familiar with the contour and walks and knew the location of the long steps, but in her agitation, she thoughtlessly took to the walk on the left of the main entrance. the darkness was not deep. above could be seen stray fleecy clouds, flitting athwart the vast realms of space, while the atmosphere near the earth's surface was laden with a thin vapor. down low on the horizon, above the line of hills, swung the half-moon, aglow with soft pale light, while the nearby electric arcs were scarcely affected by the haze that enveloped them. every element seemed to have conspired to make the night a fit one in its baneful purpose. as she proceeded, endeavoring to control her fears, though her heart beat wildly with misgivings, the stillness of the night was broken only by the sound of her own footfalls on the cement pavement, and ever and anon were mingled with the distant attenuated sounds of belated cosmopolitan life. at times her walk would be rapid, then slow and hesitating, almost a halt, as she approached some indefinite object, and as the clouds sped hurriedly across the face of the moon, grotesque shadows loomed up suddenly, shying her into moments of terror until discovered to be fantastic bushes or other odd-shaped growths. her sustained, keen, alert watchfulness preyed severely upon her tense nerves. at length she arrived at the place she thought designated in the note. she stepped off the walk onto the grass, and stood under the deeper darkness of a cedar. the stillness was profound; so much so that she fancied she could hear the throb of her own tumultuous heart. and to add to the unseasonable moment, the weird, uncanny howl of a jackal, confined in the park menagerie, pierced the night air and caused cold shivers to race up and down her frame. "it's a lonely spot," she whispered to herself. "and this is the top of the long walk. now the time--yet! i can see no one. i do not feel safe." just then a man moved slowly from the shadows near the fountain. he leisurely walked toward the reservoir. she watched him for a moment, until the pale moonlight again faded away, and darkness shut him from view. then, as if by inspiration, she suddenly remembered that the note directed her to the top of the "long steps." in her excitement, she had taken the wrong direction, and was then at the top of the long walk. cautiously as possible, she crept down the bank, crossed the bridge, that spanned the park's main artery, and though confusing in the darkness, she at last found her way to the appointed place without meeting or seeing anyone, but with nerves almost snapping asunder, and so fatigued that her limbs trembled. she sat on a bench near a clump of small firs to get a little rest, and while peering through the darkness, which at that point was faintly illumined by the mass of distant lights spread over the city before and beneath her, she made out the figure of a man walking leisurely on the drive below where she was sitting. she arose to her feet, and silently stepped in the deep shadow of a clump of trees, and watched him. she took him to be the same man she had seen a little while before near the fountain. as she watched him, another man, who had been concealed in the grove of trees, recently trimmed out to make way for the traditional group of indians in bronze, "the coming of the white man," and which now graces the spot--stole up with cat-like tread behind her, and then, quite close, halted, and silently stood regarding her. virginia was watching the stranger on the road, almost directly below her, with such intense eagerness as to be quite unconscious of the dark shadow behind her. "perhaps i am being watched," she thought. "i will go down the steps." she turned about, and was terrified to discover a roughly-clad man at her elbow. her heart seemed to stop its beat. "what do you mean? who are you?" she gasped. the man lifted his hat, bowed and softly said: "bees a-note a da fraid, signora de virginia. eesa nota-a do you-a da harm. i come to da meet-a you." his easy, respectful manner reassured her. relieved, she said: "then it was you who sent me the note this morning?" "he, he, he, he," he chuckled low, but exultantly. "eesa tole-a da self a-da letta would-a da fetch a-you." "what do you want--what am i--who are you?" he turned his head aside, and muttered to himself. "she doesn't recognize me as the old cripple," and evaded a direct answer by asking her: "donna you da know-a me?" "your voice sounds like"--and she thought of the old cripple who intruded on mr. harris' grounds a few nights since. "yes--what"-- and she halted, unable to frame her thoughts into words. he laughed low and gutturally. "he, he, he, he, eesa be a da fine-a artiste. make-a da boss actor--like-a salvina--bime by, eh?" "you--you--you kidnapped little dorothy," she almost shrieked, forgetting her fear, and searching him with glittering eyes. jack shore, for it was he, chuckled gleefully. "you make-a da wild-a guessa, signora, eesa not-a da old-a cripple." "you were in disguise, a beggar. i gave you money. what have you done with the child?" "what-a da child-a?" he asked, gruffly. "dorothy thorpe!" "he, he, he, he," he again chuckled, and sharply turned on her: "who tole-a you, eesa gott-a da kid?" "what did you want to meet me here for? was it not to tell me where dorothy is?" "oh, he, he, he, he," he laughed. "eesa jessa da thought-a youda like-a see me--alone--at night, signora." and he watched her from the corners of his eyes, as, with bent head, he muttered: "turnoppsis, carrotsis, ca-babbages, black-a da boots, steal-a da chil. anyting dees-a gett-a da mon. go back a da sunny italy!" "what was your motive for kidnapping the child?" she asked, without heeding his significant answer. "da mon!" he promptly replied. up to that moment he had equivocated. "you are frank," she rejoined, and then asked: "is dorothy safe?" "youse-a da bet she's a da safe," he proudly replied. "ah!" it was a sigh of glad relief that she uttered, for she believed the man's statement to be true, and with the information her spirits rose. "how many of you are there in this?" she quietly asked. "eesa not-a da beeze, jess-a da myself." "you told me you sent the note requesting this meeting. who wrote it? it was not you!" she demanded. jack was not expecting so pointed a question and was thrown somewhat off his guard by her abrupt eagerness. he answered thoughtlessly--or, it may have been, indifference to the importance. "eesa my good-a da friend." "so there are at least two of you in this 'over the road' business?" chagrined, he thought how easily he had been trapped. "hang it! i didn't mean to make a break like that." and then he exclaimed, between his teeth, for he realized too late the slip of his tongue. "see-a da here. da mon. eesa want. how much-a you-a da give to gett-a back-a da kid? speak a da quick." virginia perceived he was getting angry and restless. it was about that time that sam, who was lying on his stomach in a slight depression, peered over the rise in the ground a short distance from the two. he was a little too far away to hear distinctly, except occasional words, as their voices were pitched in a low key. "how much will i give?" replied virginia, surprised, and then her voice lowered again. "you are a poor man, no doubt, but you have your liberty, which is priceless, and i warn you of the severe penalty for the offense you are committing. it is most dangerous business." "liberty, wid out-a da mon! eesa be damn! say, signora, yous-a come-a down wid a da handsome da mon--eesa take de kid--wid da longa golda hair so nicey da shiney, and da bigg-a da brown eyes." "dorothy, i am sure!" she thought. "well, what do you call the handsome mon?" "eesa note-a bees-a da hard. eesa cheap at-a da twenty thous." "twenty thous--what!" "bigg-a da round flat dollairs!" "twenty thousand dollars!" angrily exclaimed virginia, for the moment forgetting herself, and then again her voice fell almost to a whisper. "you dare ask that from me! knowing that i have but to call and the police would hound you to prison." jack swiftly wheeled about and rolled his eyes in alarm. the word police startled him, and for the moment he verily believed they were within call, a circumstance he at once set down to his lax watchfulness, but he soon felt reassured, and, turning upon her said, sarcastically: "oh, that-a beesa a lettle a da game-a. he, he, he, he," he laughed low and gleefully, in strange contrast to the white of his eyeballs, which shone with sinister effect as he leered at her. "two play-a dees-a da trick, signora! wouldn't yous-a look-a da well bees-a compan-e-on ove-a mine, in a da pen, eh, signora. he, he, he, he," he again laughed. "eesa don-a da know some-a da ting about eesa da duc, eh! eesa don-a da hear a da game between ee mand a da signora da virginia, eh! sacremento!" he fairly ground out the last word between his teeth. virginia shuddered and then involuntarily exclaimed: "villain!" jack turned upon her swiftly, ceremoniously bowed, and again leered at her. then, with a most offensive smirk playing about his mouth, said: "tank-a da signora, my a da pard." her face burned with the red that flushed up. she felt that even the darkness could not conceal her flaming cheeks. she bent her head in humiliation and shame at the all too well merited rebuke. for a moment there followed intense stillness. she thought of what he had possibly heard at the harris reception. "his disclosure would incriminate me with rutley. still, it matters not. my duty to my god, my home and constance is to make reparation for the wrong i have done." she broke the silence in an assumed, haughty tone. "well, as you are poor and in need, i will give you five hundred dollars upon return of the child; but if you do not comply by noon tomorrow i shall inform the police." "eesa bett-a note!" he replied, with an unmistakable menace in his voice. "eef yourse da squeal on a da ma, signora--look-a da out!" and so saying, he slowly drew his finger across his throat. the action was most significant. "eesa bett-a da keep a da mum! understand-a! youse-a geeve a me a da twenty da thouse-a dollair, youse-a take a da kid--but youse-a da squeal!" and he drew close and hissed at her--"bett-a da look a for her eesa mong a da weeds in a da willamette." his attitude was so threatening, and his speech uttered with such savage earnestness, that it drove all courage from her heart. again she felt, as once before, at the harris reception, how puny a thing she was in the presence of a strong, masculine rascal. she, however, quickly mastered the momentary sickening alarm that had seized her, and assuming a bold, threatening manner, in which she astonished herself, for she felt anything but defiant just then, said in a voice low and determined: "scoundrel! if you harm that child, i, myself, will weave the rope to hang you!" jack leered at her. "so signora"--laughed, laughed low and derisively. "ha, ha, ha, signora lak-a da job, eh? eesa mak-a da boss a hang-a man, eh?" jack could not repress a smile of admiration at her courage, and his lips quivered to exclaim: "god, she is game!" "an-a deesea lettle white-a da hands-a," he sneered. "stain 'em all a da red, eh?" and he chuckled low, as though amused. "oh, ha, ha, ha." suddenly he changed his tone and again continued threateningly. "now look-a da ere. eef-a youse-a da want a kid, gett-a da mon a da quick--twenty da thous, for eesa tink a da move-a da way. may bees gett-a da organ en-a da monk, go down south amereek. eef youse-a danna da squeal, da kid bees-a da safe; but effe youse-a da tell a po-lis, eesa mak-a da me a devil," and he again drew close to her and hissed out between his teeth. "when eesa be lik-a dat, eesa does a da murda," and so saying, he thrust his hand inside his double-breasted short coat, and partially drew out a glittering knife. "eesa you da see?"--and he leaned over to her, a sinister glint shooting from the corner of his eye--"eesa slit more's a da one-a windpipe." as he replaced the knife, a low whistle sounded off toward the right. it startled him, for he muttered as if alarmed. "ha, some one is watching me." and without another word or moment of delay, glided off southward, and disappeared in the darkness. sam having seen the glitter of a knife against the dim city lights, unconsciously gave a low whistle of warning, and sprang to his feet. he believed virginia was in imminent peril. for a moment he stood irresolute, unwilling to uncover his identity to her or to in any wise have her think he had been shadowing her. then feeling satisfied she was not hurt, he sped away on the track of the italian. virginia was alone. she, also, had seen the figure of a man suddenly loom up on the right and then hasten after the supposed italian. the terror that now had seized her, the strain that gave artificial courage, so worked upon her nerves as to produce a trembling of her limbs, and to avoid a threatened collapse she sank down on the grass. her strength gradually returned, her agitation quieted and she began to think with lucidity. she had been followed by whom? most likely a detective in the pay of her brother. "thank god!" his unknown presence at a perilous moment had been sweetly welcome. "dorothy is not dead," she thought. "thank heaven for that, too; but she is in the hands of a murderous scoundrel, who would not hesitate to shed innocent blood were his own safety jeoparded." an attempt at rescue by the police would, no doubt, result in the death of dorothy. she must act alone, act at once. having arrived at that conclusion, she arose to her feet. to get dorothy home was the first thing to be done--the mother's life depended upon that. how could she get twenty thousand dollars to pay the ransom? she bent her head in thought. she had been instrumental in the ruin and disgrace of her only brother's happy home. if it was in human power to restore happiness to that home, she would do it. the italian is in desperate need of money. she could hypothecate her income; sell her jewels. "i will offer him all i can possibly obtain--then, if he will not release dorothy," and her voice took on a soft, strange, resolute calmness. "god helping me, i will take her from him, even though," and she looked at her own little white hands, "these do become stained red in the work." then she made her way out of the park, and returned to her home. chapter vi. sam had followed virginia and stood unseen within ten yards of her when that morning she sat under the maple after she had left constance. he noted how absorbed she was in thought--noted her grave, white, shocked face, and her bowed head. his sympathy went out to her. oh, what wouldn't he then have given to be able to clasp her in his arms, to comfort her--the woman he so madly loved! though free and impulsive in his manner with other women, to her he was as coy and modest and respectful as a boy of fifteen. he lingered near the premises for a time, from an impelling sympathy to be near her in her trouble, and hoping she would re-appear, but in that he was disappointed. he returned again in the evening, resolved to call on her. he ascended the piazza steps and crossed to the door, but somehow at the moment could not muster courage to push the button. after meditating for a moment, he turned and softly passed along the piazza. on reaching the south extension he halted, for the sound of a door softly closing caught his ear, and then he saw virginia emerging from the side entrance, closely veiled. in a moment sam was all alertness. he wondered at her veiled appearance at that hour, about half past ten, and at her avoiding the main front entrance. he followed at a distance and saw her enter a washington and twenty-third street car. he boarded the next one that came along. fortunately the interval between the two cars was short, there having been a breakdown on fifth and washington streets, resulting in the cars being bunched. sam stood at the front end of the car beside the motorman, and in the darkness--the front inside blinds being down--was able to keep a sharp lookout at the car just ahead. at the intersection of washington and twenty-third streets, the forward car stopped, and he distinctly saw a woman alight. "virginia!" he muttered, and as his car passed on, he saw her walking toward the park entrance. one block further along twenty-third street sam alighted, and rapidly retraced his steps to washington street. on rounding the corner, and coming into view of the park entrance, where blazed an arc light, he caught sight of her again, entering the gateway. sam briskly covered the distance, keeping well under the line of shadows. "did you notice the path a lady took, who entered the park a minute since?" he inquired of a park policeman. "yes; that way!" and the policeman waved his hand to the left. "thank you," and sam followed the direction indicated. a strange foreboding hurried him on. he was then fully aroused to something extraordinary about to happen. he walked on the grass whenever possible to muffle the sound of his footfalls, and soon was rewarded by making out the dim form of a woman some distance ahead, being still in the range of the gate arc light. there was no mistaking the figure. from that moment he never lost sight of her. to avoid suspicion of shadowing her, he took a diverging path and boldly clambered over the hill, and proceeded toward the children's playgrounds, apparently away from her. passing on and in the direction of the reservoirs, he at length stopped at the fountain. he was the "man near the fountain" whom she discovered while she was standing under the cedar. sam had stopped but a moment when, to his amazement, he discovered virginia suddenly had disappeared down the hillside. he at once followed her, and was the man she again saw on the driveway beneath her. again she disappeared, and he shrewdly suspected, into the deep shadow of the clump of firs nearby. he was straining his eyes diagonally up the slope, trying to penetrate the gloom, when a low scream of terror assailed his ears, and was quickly followed by a low, reassuring masculine voice. he determined to get near them. he threw himself flat against the bank and, shielded some by the unmowed grassy slope, dragged himself along for about fifty feet, to where the driveway, rounding westward, divided them from the long flight of steps. he passed within fifty feet of the couple, then cautiously pulled himself near the summit. the ridge was strategically of great value. it enabled him to flank them unseen. he immediately availed himself of its cover and sneaked slowly and cautiously along the side of the crest to a point which he judged to be near enough to them, and then he peered above the summit. the couple were between him and the dim city lights. he strained his ears to catch their words, and drew himself closer, inch by inch, fearing discovery, yet desperately anxious to catch the purpose of the meeting, and when he saw the glittering knife, his alarm gave expression in the low whistle. when he sprang on in pursuit of jack, it was with a determination to ascertain who he was, where he lived, and, if possible, to gain some knowledge of his purpose in this meeting with virginia at such an unseasonable time and place. the few words of low-spoken conversation he had heard gave him no clue to the real object of the meeting; but he was convinced that some grave and momentous purpose was involved to have induced virginia to keep so perilous an appointment alone. "did she make the appointment?" the thought was no sooner uttered than it gave place to another equally as suggestive, for just then thoughts raced through sam's brain with amazing rapidity. "or, rather, was she not compelled to meet the stranger by some power which he had obtained over her--some secret of her life which she feared--a deathly fear, of disclosure, and which this man knew, and its power he knew only too well, how to wield." the more he thought about it, the more the mystery, for such it appeared to him, deepened. he determined to fathom it. inured to a rough, open-air life on the texas plains, his constitution was hard and tough, and well seasoned for the job presented--and, it must be confessed, it was to his liking. sam felt his blood tingle as his enthusiasm rose to the prospect of a genuine adventure, and he hurried along, over the soft, yielding grass, to catch sight of the fellow ahead. a clump of low bushes suddenly confronted him. it was an unusually dark spot, and then, for the first time, he thought of the ugly knife the stranger had displayed, and realized that he himself was unarmed. he almost halted--wary of running into an ambush, and cautiously made a wide detour, meanwhile alert for any sudden surprise from the direction of the bush. discovering no sign of a crouching figure there, he hastened on, and finally caught sight of a moving shadow, as it crossed a faint shaft of light shot from a window of a dwelling on ford street, to his left. "ah, i guess so. that's the party," he muttered to himself, and from that moment sam was as keen on the trail as a sleuth on the scent, never losing sight of his quarry, but himself avoiding, as he believed, discovery. occasionally, as the moon cleared from an obscuring cloud, he could make out the man halting under the shelter of a fir or clump of saplings, evidently to listen for sounds of a pursuer, and then, seemingly satisfied, again move on. so far the direction of his course was toward the reservoir, but of a sudden he turned, and sharply cutting across sam's front, swiftly entered the deep gloom of a cluster of cedars, where he was lost to the eyes of the pursuer. it was plain that his man intended to avoid exit by the main gate, or by park avenue, a circumstance to cause sam keen chagrin, for he hoped by an adroit move to get a good square look at the fellow's face as he would pass under the entrance arc light. to the right, a foot path wound its way to the main gate. to the left of a cluster of dark firs stretched a comparative level, past the bear pit, and right down to the deer corral; but what park features lay beyond and between the firs and corral, he could not determine. in his effort to mislead sam, the fugitive had doubled on his track, and at that moment was but a short distance west of the starting point. sam reasoned that this man would not cross that smooth, grassy plot, nor emerge from his retreat and go down the path, but most likely would take a direct course through the cluster of firs, and under the shelter of their dark shadow strike the fence directly opposite, and so reach the barnes road, a hundred yards or so west of the park gate. it was obvious that time was an important factor. there being no possible place of concealment between his present position and the firs, he must either go back and take a circuitous route, or boldly approach by the path. he chose the latter. skirting the firs--for he dared not enter the cluster's gloomy precincts in his defenseless condition--he soon passed them and discovered a succession of odd-looking shrubs, trained to fantastic growths by the gardener. they afforded excellent cover right down past the bear pit to the deer corral fence, which ran along the brow of the hill; farther down, a second fence, which still exists, bounded the deer corral and separated the park from the barnes road. a little further along and against the upper picket fence (since removed), a mass of tangled ivy and virginia creeper foliage, revelled in wild luxuriance. the vines had seized upon and had grown about and over some dwarf locust trees, forming a series of natural bowers, rather picturesque by daylight, but at night, dismally dark and forbidding. sam hesitated, which was well for him, for under the shadow of these dark vines, rutley and jack shore had met by previous arrangement. they were silently watching him. "i cannot shake him off. he tracks me like a bloodhound," jack informed his companion, in a whisper. "the meddlesome fool!" replied rutley. "if he will not stop following you--why--he carries his life in his hands." "no, no! not that. we don't want any killing in ours, phil, anything but that. who is he?" "sam harris. i saw him follow virginia and was sure he would run foul of you." "the simpleton is harmless anyway. he is moving to the fence. see him? hist!" after studying the wild growth for a few moments, sam decided to approach it by way of the fence. there he suddenly dropped to his knees and crept noiselessly--very close beside the fence, toward the tangle. as he neared it he could make out its black cavernous recesses. twice he paused, his eyes strained with the utmost tension of watchfulness against a surprise, for he now fully believed that the man he was attempting to shadow was a desperate character. however, he crept nearer, hardly stirring a blade of grass, so cautious was his progress--so silent his movements. he listened intently, scarcely breathing, lest its sound should betray his presence. his hands gently touched a vine to part the leaves--instantly he was greeted with a hiss and a rattle, and then something glittered close to his eyes, which in the moment of his startled alarm he believed to be the glitter of a reptile's fangs. it caused him to bolt suddenly with a panicky feeling at his heart, and then it brought from jack a soft chuckle of merriment. "he's not as plucky as the girl. we must throw him off the scent at any cost," whispered rutley, "or we will be trapped." suddenly he laid his hand on jack's arm and continued with a low, sardonic laugh: "i have it, jack. you lead him down on the barnes road; i'll meet him there," and without any further delay rutley slipped down the steep slope to his automobile, which lay in the deep shadow of the canyon walls, a little further to the west, where he waited with the evil purpose in his heart for the climax. sam was no coward. he had faced dangerous situations fearlessly, but that hiss and rattle, in the stillness of a dark, lonely and forbidding place, fairly raised his hair, and lent a lightness to his feet that amazed him, when he halted and noted the distance covered in the few moments of his flight. "one of those deadly reptiles got out of the park zoo," he thought, "sneaked his way into that jungle--i guess so!" and he wiped the beads of perspiration from his face as he added aloud: "an almighty close call! but," and he looked up at the dark sky, and then around and about, and as gathering confidence returned to him, continued: "i shall not give up yet, not yet. i guess not." yet it was apparent his pursuit of the stranger had signally failed, and he stood motionless wondering what course then best for him to adopt. true, he was in a dilemma, and instinctively realized that to remain in the park was useless. so, without forming any practical conclusion, and for the purpose of keeping active, he again moved toward the fence. it was then he conceived the notion to climb over the fence and make a short descent to the gate, in order to catch sight of virginia, for she could not be far away yet, and to follow her and secretly to protect her on her return to her home. with that object in mind, he climbed the fence, and, securing a position on its top, looked cautiously about. he was some distance to the west of the tangle of vines, from which he was screened by the foliage of a small tree that grew nearby. [illustration: sam--"one of those deadly reptiles got out of the park zoo."] the gate light threw a faint glimmer along the fence, and on the barnes road in the gorge below. he peered down the steep hillside, and looked up and down the road. there being no one in sight, he let his legs slip quietly down the other side of the fence, and gradually lowered himself, without sustaining other injury than a few trivial scratches. as he brushed mechanically the debris which had clung to his clothes, he was surprised to see the figure of a man step out, seemingly from the fence itself, and slip down the hillside, and climbing the lower fence, cross the almost dry bed of the stream, close to the road, and proceed cityward. sam was sure the man, whoever he was, had not been on the corral side of the fence a moment before, and to give the mysterious appearance a deeper significance, the point of exit was about the location of the tangled vines. the appearance of the man differed from the one he had followed, inasmuch that one had on a long coat and bushy beard, the other wore a short pilot coat and mustache. for a moment sam was puzzled, and he scratched his head. suddenly he broke out in an unconscious whisper to himself, as though urged on by some supernatural agency, for afterward it surprised him when he thought of that moment: "damned if i don't think he's the same party i've been after, disguised." and he made straight for the place, as near as he could estimate, where the man had emerged. it was a few moments before he found it, but a close examination soon revealed two yielding pickets of the fence. true, just sufficient to admit a man's body sideways, but there it was, as he afterwards discovered, and perfectly screened from observation by masses of slender leaf-laded branches and twigs. the inner, bushy part being skilfully cut away. the trick employed to evade him was now palpable. the hiss, the buzzing rattle, the glitter--"ah; it was the glitter of a steel blade"--and at the thought he shivered, as with an icy chill, for he realized how dangerously near a death-trap he had ventured. as the reaction came, his face flamed with the hot blood of indignation and chagrin at the smart dodge by which he had been temporarily baffled. in the distance, down near the park entrance, was still dimly visible the retreating form of a man. sam determined to follow him. he slid and partly tumbled down the steep hillside, sprang over the lower fence, and crossed the bed of the creek and on to the road--and was so intent on his mission that he did not hear or see, until it was almost upon him, a dark, noiseless machine, approaching from the rear. he moved hastily aside to let it pass, but to his intense astonishment, the automobile followed him with evident intention of running him down. again he sprang aside, but too late. the front wheel grazed his left leg and swung him around on to the rear wheel, which hurled him violently to the ground. having accomplished his purpose, rutley at once stopped the machine, alighted, and examined sam. he was soon joined by jack, who asked, in a low voice: "have you killed him?" "i don't think so. bad gash on the side of his head, though." "dangerous?" "impossible for me to say." "just unconscious?" anxiously inquired jack. "yes; but i don't think he will interfere with us again for some time. what shall we do with him?" "take him home." "good idea," grunted rutley. "it becomes you decidedly well, jack, after being a villain, to play the good samaritan. well, take this handkerchief and bind his wound," and he raised sam's head while jack bound up the wound. "it will make old harris feel under an obligation to me." "and you can touch him for the loan of ten thousand, to square accounts," added jack. and again rutley laughed. "come, let's pack him on to the machine." chapter vii. shortly after the insult forced upon him by john thorpe at the harris reception, and finding it impossible to enjoy the spirit of the gay throng, mr. corway took his departure. disappointed in his endeavor to communicate with hazel, who deemed it discreet to avoid his presence until after the affair had been cleared up--and actuated by the purest motives, he could not but feel that he was the mistaken victim of some foul play with which fate had strangely connected him. he recalled the profound respect he had always entertained for and on every occasion he had shown mrs. thorpe. and as his thoughts of the affair deepened, his natural fire of resentment softened and died out as effectually as though he had been summoned to stand beside the deathbed of some very dear friend. and the more he thought of it, the more disagreeable and repugnant a quarrel with john thorpe appeared to him; yet his honor as a gentleman grossly insulted, forbade any other way out of it. finally he decided to consult mr. harris on the best course to pursue, and for that purpose determined to visit rosemont the next day. it was well on in the afternoon that he left his hotel for the jefferson street depot, and while walking along first street he noticed a closed "hack," drawn by a pair of black horses, rapidly proceeding in the same direction. as it passed him, he felt sure that he had caught a glimpse of lord beauchamp's profile, through the small, glazed lookout at the back of the vehicle. it was late when corway returned from rosemont, and strangely coincident, as he stepped down off the car he saw that same "hack" move off, and that same face inside, made plain by a chance gleam of light from a street lamp, that quivered athwart the casement of the door. but except for a thought of "devilish queer, unless 'me lord' was expecting some one," he attached no further importance to it, and dismissed it from his mind. he proceeded up jefferson street with head bent low, engrossed in deep meditation, for mr. harris was unable to give him any concrete advice on the matter, and he was recalling to memory every conceivable act he had committed, or words he had uttered that could have been possibly misconstrued by mr. thorpe to urge the latter to a frenzy and so violent an outburst, when he was abruptly halted by a peremptory order: "hands up!" simultaneously two masked men stepped out from the shadow of a gloomy recess of a building between second and third streets, and one of them poked the muzzle of an ugly-looking revolver in his face. at that moment mr. corway had his hands thrust deep in his light overcoat pockets, and the suddenness of the demand made at a time when his mind was in a perturbed, chaotic state, evidently was not clearly comprehended. at any rate, he failed to comply instantly, with the result that he received a heavy blow on the back of his head with some blunt instrument, which felled him like a log. his unquestioned personal courage, and his reputation of being a dead shot at twenty paces availed him nothing. he was not permitted time, short as was needed, to wrest his mind from its pre-occupied business to grasp a mode of defense, before he was struck down. he thought he had met with, what many others before him have met on the streets of portland after dark, a "holdup." when he recovered consciousness the smell of tar and whiskey was strong about him. to his dazed senses, for his brain had not completely cleared of a stunned sensation in his head, this smell was incomprehensible, and suddenly becoming startled, he cried out, half aloud: "for the love of god, where am i?" and then a recollection of the apparent "holdup" dawned on his mind. he lay still for a moment trying to trace his actions following the blow he had received, but in vain; all was a blank. it was very dark where he was lying, and he fancied he heard the swish of waters. he put out his right hand and felt the wooden side of a berth. he put out his left hand and felt a wooden wall. then he tried to sit up, but the pain in his head soon compelled him to desist. he lay quiet again and distinctly heard a sound of straining, creaking timbers. he at once concluded he was on a ship. "why! wherefore! good god, have i been shanghaied?" were the thoughts that leaped to his mind, and notwithstanding the pain in his head, he attempted to sit up, but his head bumped violently against some boards just above him, and he fell back again, stunned. he had struck the wooden part of the upper berth. he, however, soon recovered and commenced to think lucidly again. he knew how prevalent the practice of forcibly taking men to fill an ocean ship's crew had become in portland and other coast cities by seamen's boarding house hirelings, and he felt satisfied that he was one of their victims. he put his hand in his pocket for a match; there was none; and his clothes felt damp, then a fresh whiskey odor entered his nostrils. "have i been intoxicated?" the question startled him, but he could not remember taking any liquor. "no; i am sure of that, but why this odor; perhaps this berth has been occupied by some 'drunk'." a feeling of disgust urged him to get out of it at once, and he threw his leg over the side of the berth and stood upright. the pain in the back of his head throbbed so fiercely that he clapped his hand over it, which afforded only temporary relief. he then thought of his handkerchief, which he found in his pocket, and though smelling of whiskey, he bound it about his head. being now in full possession of his faculties, and feeling strong on his legs, he determined to investigate his quarters. "oh, for a light!" again he felt in his pockets for a match and found none, but he discovered that his watch was gone, and a further search revealed that every cent of his money was gone. at this time, in addition to occasional indistinct sounds of the swish of waters against the bow, he heard some tramping about overhead, as by barefooted men, acting seemingly under orders from a hoarse voice farther away. his first impulse was to shout to apprise them of his presence, but on second thought decided to remain silent for a time, or until he could determine their character. so he proceeded to grope around, first extending his foot in different directions, and then his hands. he found three berths, one above the other, and then, fearful of bumping his head against some projecting beam or other obstacle, put out his left hand as a feeler before him, and slowly worked along by the side of the berths. soon his foot struck something hard, unlike wood, for it appeared to give a little, and putting down his hand, felt it to be a coil of rope. it was in an open space at the end of the berths. a little further his foot struck some wood, and feeling about with his hand, found it was a partition wall. on rounding the partition a very thin ray of light issued from a crevice in front, and then he discovered steps. he crawled up to a door, opened it, and peered out on a pile of lumber. above it masts towered up into the darkness, with sails hoisted, but unset and flapping lazily to and fro in the wake of the breeze. it was near the dawn, light clouds almost transparent and partly obscuring the moon, drifted along in the sky, while here and there, through openings of deepest blue, glittered countless stars. the air was fresh, too, a little raw and chill, but good to inhale after the dead rank odor from which he had just escaped. an open space in the lumber pile just in front of the forecastle door, and left to facilitate ingress and egress, gave him room to stretch. the light that glimmered faintly through a chink in the door was from a lantern that hung on the fore mast, a few feet above the deck-load of lumber. by the aid of this light he looked over and along the surface of the lumber aft to where some men were dimly silhouetted against the aft sail, then swinging abeam, by a lantern on the poop. without hesitation he mounted the lumber and was immediately accosted by a gruff voice from behind: "where away now shipmate?" "that's something i should like to know," replied corway, turning around and facing the questioner. then he saw that the ship was being towed down the columbia river, of which he was certain by its width, by a steamer, and the man who had addressed him was leaning on the boom that swung over the forecastle. "you'll know soon enough when your 'watch' comes," said the man with a grunt that may have been meant for a laugh. "i say, friend," went on corway, pleadingly, "i am not a sailor, and as there must be some mistake about me being on this ship, may i ask what means were used to get me aboard?" "well, that's a rummie," said the fellow, leering at corway, and after a moment of seeming reflection, he continued: "well, i reckon it's not a mate's place to give out information, but bein' you've a sore top an' wearin' city clothes, i will say this much: you had stowed away such a bally lot of booze that you come to the ship like a gentleman, sir. yes, sir. and nothing short of a hack with a pair of blacks to draw it, would do for you, sir." "in a hack, you say!" exclaimed corway, alertly. "yes, sir; in a hack, just as we cast off from the sawmill wharf at portland." "strange! the hack i saw yesterday afternoon, and again at the depot last night, was drawn by black horses," muttered corway to himself, and after a moment of deep reflection, went on: "looks like a conspiracy to get me out of the way. i say, my good fellow, do you remember the time i was brought on board and how many were in the party?" "that's none o' my business," replied the mate, turning away. "oh, come now," said corway, pleadingly, for he believed this man could tell more about the affair than he cared to. "well, all i seen was three swabs that said they was from the sailor boardin' house, chuck you aboard about two bells," replied the mate, indifferently, as he straightened himself up. corway then noted the huge proportions of the fellow and thought: "what a terrorizing bully he could be to the poor sailors that chanced to anger him at sea." "but i never was in a sailor boarding house in my life." "oh, tryin' to crawfish from your bargain, eh?" laughed the big fellow. "it won't go; ship's bally well short-handed, long vige, too, and the capt'n had to do it!" "do what?" corway sharply snapped. "why, he pays over the money afore they'd h'ist ye over the rail. better talk to the capt'n. he's comin' for'ard now," and the mate stepped over and leaned on the bulwark. corway at once turned and moved toward the captain, who was approaching with his first officer, from amidships, smoking a cigar. "yes, i am the captain. what do you want?" "to be put ashore!" corway demanded. "i've been sandbagged and robbed, and evidently sold to you for a sailor, which i am not." "not a sailor, eh," the captain said, taking the cigar from his mouth and looking sharply at corway. "what did you sign the articles for?" "i never signed any articles." by this time corway was fully alive to his position and spoke with rising heat and ill-suppressed indignation. "oh, yes you did!" sneered the first officer, "but you were too drunk to remember it." "repeat that, and i'll choke the words back down your throat," and corway stepped menacingly toward him. the captain held up his hand warningly and looked at corway as if he was daffy, then said slowly and meaningly: "be careful, young man; that is insubordination; a repetition will land you in irons. the boarding-house master swore that he saw you sign the articles, and he had other witnesses to your signature to satisfy me before i paid him your wages for six months in advance on your order." "i signed no articles, and i know nothing about it," fumed corway. "and i again demand, as an american citizen, that you put me ashore, or i shall libel this ship for abduction." "ah, ah, ah," sneered the first officer, who was unable to conceal his ill-will to corway since the latter's threat to choke him. "give the dandy a lady's handkerchief, and he'll believe the ship's a jolly good wine cask." corway struck him square on the mouth. "take that for your insolence, you contemptible puppy," and following him up with clenched fists, as the officer stumbled back, said wrathfully: "if you speak to me that way again, i'll break in your anatomy." "here, judd," called the captain to the mate on the forecastle. "take this fellow to the strong room and keep him there on 'hardtack' for three days." "aye, aye, sir," replied judd. hearing the captain's orders, and seeing the commotion he had created, corway saw that his only chance for escape was to go overboard, and without further hesitation sprang toward the side of the ship for a plunge, but his toe caught on the edge of a warped board and down he went sprawling. the big mate jumped on him, and though he fought desperately, he was overpowered, and the last he remembered was being dragged by the collar over the lumber toward the forecastle. when he next got on deck the ship was far out to sea and bowling along in a stiff breeze. it is said that it is an ill wind that doesn't blow somebody good. so with mr. corway, for though the boarding-house toughs had nearly given him his quietus and sent him on a long journey, they had conveniently done him the effective service of quashing an encounter with john thorpe. chapter viii. when sam regained consciousness it was to find himself on a couch in his uncle's home, with the odor of ammonia in his nostrils. for a couple of minutes he lay very still, collecting his scattered senses, and then, as the clouds that darkened his brain cleared away, the events of the night dawned upon his memory. two men were in the room conversing in low tones. they were standing near the dressing-case, back of the couch, which had been drawn out to the middle of the room to facilitate examination of his injuries. one of the speakers he recognized by the voice as his uncle. the other he soon made out to be the family doctor. "then you are quite satisfied he is not badly hurt?" "so far as i have been able to examine him, yes. the concussion, when he struck the hard roadbed, produced insensibility. the cut of the cuticle covering the left parietal bone, just above the ear, is not dangerous, since there is no fracture. i do not anticipate any serious result, fortunately. it might have been worse--it might have been worse!" "quite true; still we should have more confidence in his recovery if we were certain the worst has passed." "all passed, uncle--i guess so!" spoke up sam, in cheery tones, and he sat up on the couch. "ha, ha, sam, my boy; not so fast. glad to hear your voice again, but you must rest; you must rest. you need it. the doctor insists," and mr. harris hastened to his side to urge him again to lie down. nevertheless sam arose to his feet and remarked: "all right, uncle! a little sore up there," and he motioned to the sore side of his head. "but that's all--i guess." "you must avoid excitement," cautioned the doctor. "and i advise you at once to take to your bed and remain there until i make a thorough diagnosis of your case, which i shall do in the morning." "not if i know it. not much--i guess not!" mentally noted sam. turning to mr. harris, he asked: "how long have i been unconscious, uncle, and who brought me home?" the question was put by sam with an eagerness bordering on excitement. it was noticed by both the gentlemen. "i insist that you go to bed, sam," pleaded mr. harris. "the very best thing you can do, sir," added the doctor. "of course, uncle, i shall do so to please you; but the only soreness i feel is on the side of my head, and i've often felt worse. but you have not answered my questions." "you were unconscious for about two hours. my lord beauchamp brought you home in an automobile. it seems he was returning from a spin out on the barnes road and accidentally ran his machine against you. he, like the perfect gentleman he is, immediately stopped and went to your aid. he recognized you and brought you home with all speed." "ah! very queer!" exclaimed sam, significantly. "what is queer, sam?" mr. harris interrogated, with a keen, penetrating, yet puzzled look. "why, that fellow," and sam checked himself from making a grave charge, by indifferently remarking: "oh, it seems queer to be run over," and then he looked up and continued: "doctor, i thank you for your attention; good night. "uncle, good night; i'm going to bed." "very sensible, sam; good night." "this powder is an opiate and will act to produce sound sleep, which is very essential to counter the shock your nervous system has received," said the doctor, as he laid out the potion. "take it, after getting into bed." "thank you," and sam fingered the powder gingerly. "good night, doctor." "good night, sir." as mr. harris and the doctor left the room sam stood for a moment in deep thought, then muttered to himself: "that fellow out there near midnight. no lights or gong on his machine. deliberately ran me down--and virginia about! did he know she was to be there?" he shook his head--"it looks queer." and then he lifted his eyes in a quick, resolute way. "i'll be back in the park at dawn--i guess so!" with that he flipped the opiate out of the window. chapter ix. it was in the gray of the dawn when sam alighted from the first outbound car at the junction of twenty-third and washington streets and immediately struck out for the city park. he was desirous of being the first visitor there, and he was inordinately curious to examine by the light of day the ground he had traversed a few hours previous, and particularly the spot where virginia had met the mysterious stranger, as also the tangle of vines in which he was satisfied had lurked most deadly danger. he had been urged on by an indefinable something, a sort of presentiment that quickened to impatience, his desire for an early trip to the park, and pursuing his way steadily along, afraid of no ambush now, for he was armed, he at length arrived at the spot which he recognized by the clump of firs close to the row of the esplanade benches. he examined the ground as carefully as the uncertain light would permit. discovering nothing unusual, he was about to abandon the search and make his way over to the tangle of vines, when on second thought he decided to wait awhile for stronger light. producing a cigar, he contentedly sat on a bench--the very same virginia had occupied--near a tree. sam was not of a romantic turn of mind, yet his attention was arrested by the sublime grandeur of the scene confronting him. the morning was emerging from the deep darkness of night, mild, clean and fresh. the base of the distant eastern hills was yet shrouded in inky blackness--a blackness intensified by a vast superimposed floating mass of thin fog, seemingly motionless in the noticeably still air. the billowy crest of this fleecy, semi-transparent mass of vapor reflected a mellow chastity, while the irregular points of the rugged mountain tops were sharply defined against the soft emerald, golden-pink light that streaked and massed the sky in the advance of a promising autumn morn. the huge, glistening white peaks of hood and adams and st. helens, towered in lofty majesty, clear and individually distinct above the high altitudes of the range that encompassed them, and even as he looked, a soft, rose-red tinge tipped the apex of mount hood, which appeared unusually close, and crept softly down the glacis of its snow-covered, precipitous sides. and nearer, at his feet, in a basin--the city spread out far and wide. the silvery green waters of the willamette river, cutting through the city's center, silently glided along its sinuous course to the columbia; while patches of thin mist flitted timidly about on its placid surface, to vanish like tardy spirits of a departing night. the grand panorama gave his usually buoyant spirits pause. gradually the light of his eyes changed from absorbing admiration to a reflective mood, in which the strange behavior of virginia thorpe was the predominating subject. that money, possibly blackmail, was the object of the stranger--scoundrel. sam could think of him in no other light after the night's experience. there was no doubt, for he had plainly heard her say in a loud, surprised tone, "twenty thousand dollars." suddenly the hoarse whistle of a far-off industrial establishment vibrated the air and aroused him from his deep reverie. the morning was well advanced. as the light in his eyes quickened from a pensive stare at the ground a few paces from his feet, he perceived a shred of red peeping between the blades of short grass. he picked it up. it was a narrow piece of soiled and worn ribbon, but attached to it was an old oxidized bronze medal, about the size of a silver quarter-dollar. the inscription upon its rim was in latin, but sam clearly made out one word, "garibaldi," from which he concluded its late owner must be an italian. from the smooth condition of the medal, and unweathered appearance of the ribbon, he judged it must have been recently lost. "what if it had been accidentally dropped by the man talking to virginia last night?" the idea was fraught with great possibilities. "a clue! a sure clue, as i live," and sam's enthusiasm soared with the recollection of seeing the man thrust his hand into the inside breast of his coat to show the knife, when it was quite possible the medal either became unfastened from its clasp, or being loose in his pocket, had been drawn out with the knife and slipped noiselessly to the ground. somehow sam's thoughts flew back to the night of his uncle's reception, and connected the old italian beggar loitering about the grounds with the medal. "was he the owner of the medal? and, if so, was he the same party that met virginia, and whom he had followed last night?" "heavens! could he have kidnapped dorothy?" a train of thought had been started and rushed through sam's brain with prodigious alacrity. "was the twenty thousand dollars he had heard virginia mention with surprise, a ransom?" "if virginia knew that dorothy was in the hands of the dago, why did she keep it secret? and what business had beauchamp out on the barnes road last night?" sam derided the idea of him being out there alone, for a spin. with these thoughts, and others, pregnant with momentous possibilities, he continued the search. finding nothing more, he sprang onto the path that led to the tangle of vines. there was the very spot. no mistaking it. along that fence he had crept in the darkness of night. those the leaves he had touched with his hands, and he thrust his stout cane among them, but no hiss, or rattle, or glitter of something sinister, greeted his probing now. into the gloomy recess of the jungle he made his way, derisively fearless of any possible lurking danger. he parted the overhanging foliage to let in more light. ah, it was all plain now. there close to his elbow was the artfully concealed exit through the foliage, and the pickets loose at the bottom. there the man had stood--not more than a foot of space separating them when sam's hand touched the leaves, and the glitter--well, it was the vicious glint of an ugly knife. of that sam now felt perfectly satisfied. pushing the leaves further apart to enlarge the opening overhead, so as to admit more light, he discovered several strands of hair of a brownish color clinging to the end of a broken twig in the cavity of the tangle, which he at once conjectured had been torn from the man's false beard. these strands of hair sam carefully gathered and placed between the leaves of his notebook. "maybe, maybe they'll be useful some day. i guess so," he muttered. he resumed the search, but with the exception of a few indistinct shoeprints on the soft soil, found nothing more to interest him, and squeezing himself through the aperture in the fence, he quickly emerged on the barnes road, well satisfied with his morning's work. one hour later, with his hat jauntily set on the side of his head, effectually concealing the wound, sam was walking on third street, in front of the "plaza" blocks, where several vegetable vendors rendezvous preparatory for their morning's work. several bustling women, hotel stewards and others were out early, marketing. as he wended his way through the bargain-driving throng, the loud voice of an olive-skinned huckster standing on the rear footboard of his heavily-laden wagon, attracted his attention. it was a covered, one-horse express wagon, common on the city streets, and contained a motley assortment of oranges, bruised bananas, melons and the like. he was putting in a paper bag some bananas he had sold to a woman, who stood by, at the same time talking volubly--evidently in an effort to fend off her too curiously searching eyes from the over-ripe fruit. "eesa good-a da lady. nice-a da ripe-a." "oh, they are too ripe! put in those other ones, they don't look so soft." "eesa note-a da soft-a; only a da black-a da skin. look-a," and he peeled a diminutive banana. "how nice and clean those are in that wagon over there. i think i'll buy some of them. you needn't mind putting those up for me." "sacre, tar-rah-rah! eesa beg-a da pardon, good-a da lady. take eem all for a ten-a da cent-a," and he thrust the bag of fruit into her hands. "eesa 'chink' wagon. show all-a da good-a side, hide-a da rotten side. da morrow, eesa sell-a da turnoppsis, carrottsis, cababages, every kind-a da veg-a-ta-bles. some-a time eesa black-a da boots. saw da ood. do anyting gett-a da mon. go back-a da sunny italy." he was so insistent, with fear of being made a subject for coarse remonstrance, she paid him his price and departed. whereupon he again began to bawl out in his peculiar dago dialect: "or-ran-ges! ba-nans! nice-a da ripe-a banans. ten-a cents-a doz-z. me-lo-nas! war-ter-me-lo-nas! nice-a da ripe-a musha me-lonas!" and he suddenly lowered his voice on observing sam halt in front of him. "eesa tenna cent-a da one. nice-a da ripe-a, my friend. take-a eem a da home, two for-a da fifteen-a da centa." and he handled a couple of small melons. "sacre, da damn," and his voice again rose to a high pitch, as he shouted: "me-lo-nas! ba-nans! nice-a da ripe-a da ba-nans. tenn-a cents-a doz!" the peculiar idioms of the fellow, and his manner of delivery seemed strangely familiar, and as sam moved along slowly, a pace or two, rumaging his brain for identification, he suddenly remembered the old cripple at his uncle's reception, and also, only last night, the mysterious stranger in the park. it may be pertinent to remark that jack shore had obtained most of his dago dialect from a close study of this very man. the similarity of speech and voice, therefore, was accountable for sam's mistake of identification. a moment later, among a passing throng, sam stopped and pretended to pick up a small copper-colored medal appended to a bit of soiled ribbon. he halted and ostentatiously displayed it, turning it over and over in his hands while examining it. it attracted the attention of an italian nearby, who at once claimed the medal. "if it is yours, no doubt you can describe certain marks which appear on its surface?" "i don-a have to. eets a garibaldi! giv-a da me!" "what else?" sam pressed for more definite information, for he immediately became convinced that this claimant was not the real owner. the word garibaldi attracted a second italian, a short, fat man, with huge, flat face, who was at once apprised of the find. he asked sam to let him have it for examination. sam refused to let it pass from his hands, explaining that this man had claimed it, but seemingly was unable to identify it. "i will deliver it to the officer," and he beckoned a policeman to approach. there followed instantly a lively colloquy between the two italians, the second one declaring it belonged to giuseppe--for he had seen him with it, and he turned to sam. "that man," indicating the fruit vendor, on express wagon license number , "is own it. i'm sure he will it tell-a you so," and he shouted, "giuseppe!" giuseppe heard and shouted back, "ta-rah-rah!" as they moved toward him the short man continued to address sam. "his fadder was wit garibaldi at palestrino." "giuseppe, have you lost your fadder's medal?" giuseppe had stepped from his wagon to the curb. with a surprised look he instantly replied, "no! eesa len eem to deeza fren." "when you len eem?" the short, fat man asked. "eesa bout five-six day. why for youse-a ax deeze-a question?" there was no mistaking the fact that giuseppe's frank response conveyed the truth. sam believed him. the short man again spoke. "this man pick eem up there. it belong to you. ask eem for it." "geeve it-a da me, boss." "this man has claimed it as his. yet he cannot identify it," replied sam. "now, to prove it is yours, tell me its size, and the letters on its two sides." "eesa bout as big as-a deeze." and giuseppe produced an american quarter dollar. "look-a da close. eesa one-a da side 'emanual rex.' below eet a garibaldi. in-a da middle eesa solidar holding a flag." "so far, good!" exclaimed sam, eyeing the man searchingly and committing to memory his every lineament. giuseppe continued, "eesa da odder side, 'palestrino, mdcccxlix.' in a da middle, 'liber.'" "correct!" said sam. "what color is the bit of ribbon?" asked the policeman. "eesa be da red. a leetle-a da faded," was the answer. sam was convinced that giuseppe was the real owner of the medal. a possible important discovery. and he smiled as their eyes met full, face to face. and the italian smiled at sam's open-faced frankness; but utterly unsuspecting the splendidly concealed satisfaction that prompted the smile from sam. "where does the man live to whom you loaned this?" asked sam. giuseppe appeared puzzled. he looked up the street, then down the street, but finally said, "i dunno, eesa move away las week." "where did he live?" "in-a da cabin--odder side nort pacific mill, at-a da giles lak." "what is his name?" "george-a da golda!" sam was careful to appear unconcerned, and, to avoid questions that might arouse suspicions of something "crooked"--"well," he continued, "i have no doubt the medal is yours, but it is a valuable souvenir, and as mr. golda may have something to say, i shall leave my address with this officer." he thereupon handed the officer a card, remarking, "please file it at your headquarters." then again turning to giuseppe, sam continued, "you notify mr. golda to call at the police station and put in his claim and i will be on hand with the medal at any time the authorities apprise me of mr. golda's arrival." the italian's disgust was plain and he ejaculated, "sacre da-be damn! eesa mak george-a golda fetch eem back. garibaldi geeve eet-a ma fadder." without further question, sam proceeded on his way to simm's office. that giuseppe was not the man sam was after, appeared certain, but that he was well acquainted with the fellow, there seemed no doubt. giuseppe must be watched, for he would find golda to get the medal back, as it was evident giuseppe treasured it as an heirloom. while deeply engrossed on this line of thought, sam was starting down third street on his way to detective simms' office, and had nearly reached alder street when his reverie was interrupted by a familiar voice, exclaiming, "good marnin', sor!" "how are you?" responded sam, recognizing smith. "sure, i'm failin' foine, axcipt"--and a wistful look came into his eyes--"axcipt for a sore spot in me heart. god shield her!" and he bent his head reverently. sam knew full well the object of smith's allusion, and said sympathetically, "you share in the sorrow of your house?" "indade: i do, sor! tin years ave i known her swate disposition. sure, didn't i drive her coach to the church whin she married him? and she was kind to my poor wife, too, whin she suffered betimes wid brankites. god rest her soule! she's wid the angels now! but i see yeese do be hurted!" "a bruise! an accident last night, but it's nothing, i guess! are you out for a bracer this morning?" "just a little sthrole, wid me eye open for signs." "signs of what?" "oh, the dinsity of the cratchur! sure, i do be always lookin' fer the little wan." "why don't you search the river?" suggested sam significantly; "her mother says she is drowned." "yis! poor woman! and she belaives it, too, so she do. but says i to myself, says i, some blackguard thaif has sthole the little sunbeam of her heart, which do be nearly broken entirely, so it do!" and smith turned his head away to hide the tears that came unbidden to his eyes. "do you think so?" "i do." "do you?" "i do, by me faith, i do, and ave i could lay me hands on the wan who is raysponsible fer it, sure there'd be somethin' doin'!" sam had slim faith in george golda calling at the police station to claim the medal, but he believed it possible to locate him by diligent and discreet inquiry. with that idea he beckoned smith into a lobby of an adjacent building, which at that early hour was untenanted, and produced the medal from his vest pocket. handing it to smith, he said guardedly, "i found it in the city park this morning." "sure i can't rade frinch at all, at all!" said smith, examining the bronze. "it's a garibaldi medal. i can trust you with it?" "phwat d'yees mane?" smith responded with a snap. "this," and sam added confidentially in a low voice, "circulate among the shanties and scow dwellers below the north pacific mill. show the medal, prudently, mind, but never let it pass out of your hands." "i want!" responded smith, thrusting it in his inside coat pocket. "be it raysponsible for yees hurt?" "of that--well, no matter--i fear where the fellow who lost the bronze lives--there will be found the little one." sam had spoken in a voice so soft and low and grave that it startled smith. during the pause that followed, he looked at sam in steadfast amaze. "do yees belave it?" he finally asked. "i do!" "sure, yees do be after me own hart. i tould thim some thaivin' blackguard----" "hush!" sam interrupted, "not so loud. if a fellow by the name of george golda claims it"---- "george golda!" repeated smith. "yes; if george golda claims it bring him to me. if he will not come, track him, and let me know where he lives as soon as possible. do it quietly." "sure, i will that. d'yees think he's the wan?" whispered smith, intensely interested. "we shall see," replied sam. "but don't part with the bronze. you will remember?" "i will, be me soul, i will, and be the token ave it, i'll"--and smith spat on his hands and made other significant manifestations quite understandable to descendants of a fighting nation. immediately thereafter sam continued on to simms' office, and there, closeted with the detective, related his experience. twenty minutes later, a quiet, unassuming, seedy-looking man carelessly lounged about in the vicinity of the plaza fountain, and no matter what position he occupied, or where he loitered, express no. and its driver never escaped from his sight. chapter x. the sun had traversed half the distance from the horizon to the zenith when rutley called at rosemont for information concerning the seriousness of sam's injuries, and incidentally to have a chat with hazel, for he was very fond of the girl. "we appreciate your lordship's anxiety to learn of sam's condition, and i am sure sam will express to you his gratefulness for promptly bringing him home," added mrs. harris. "i am glad he is able to be about," continued rutley, looking at the floor, "though i should imagine a few days of quiet rest after such a vigorous shake-up would be attended by beneficial results." "i am sure of it," said mr. harris; "for immediately he regained consciousness there seemed to come over him a worry about something--" "dear me!" exclaimed mrs. harris, in surprise. "i cannot conceive sam being worried about anything." "nevertheless, my dear, the boy did appear worried last night, or rather early this morning, and though he spoke and acted quite rational, still it has given me much concern." again turning to rutley, "and imagine my astonishment, too, when on going to his room early this morning i found he had gone." "he hadn't even been in bed--had evidently not undressed--just flung himself down on the couch." "you don't apprehend the wound exerts undue pressure on the brain?" queried rutley, in the most carefully studied manner, as he looked meaningly at mr. harris. "james, you should have insisted on the doctor remaining with the dear boy over night." "my dear, sam would not listen to it. i think nervousness and a gloriously fresh morning urged him to an early walk, and his return has been delayed by meeting some friends." "quite likely," responded rutley. "if sam continues to worry, i shall advise a trip to texas. the bracing air of that latitude has heretofore proven very beneficial to his constitution." "a happy idea, mr. harris," and the grave, concerned look that had settled on rutley's face relaxed and vanished in a smile of cunning satisfaction, as he thought how agreeable it would be to have that troublesome fellow out of the way. "i have crossed that country and can testify to the purity, dryness and health invigorating quality of its air. indeed, i do not think you could suggest a more wholesome vacation than a month of rollicking, free life on the texas plains." "a trip to texas may all be very well in its way, but i know something of the dear boy's malady and believe that no climatic change, temporary or prolonged, can be of the least benefit to him," impressively broke in mrs. harris. "well, well! now i do remember that when a boy sam fell and severely hurt his left knee; and so the old complaint is asserting itself again, eh? you see, your lordship"---- "dear me! how stupid men are!" interrupted mrs. harris, with much dignity. "ah! james, the dear boy's affliction is of deeper moment. it lacerates the very source and fountain of life. it is, i may add, an affair of the heart." "oh! you don't tell sam is--is--ahem, ahem!"--and to suppress a smile mr. harris coughed. "it is possible you misconceive your most estimable lady's meaning," suggested rutley, with a smile. "perhaps it is a case of heart failure." "nonsense!" "james!" quickly retorted mrs. harris, with asperity. mr. harris looked meaningly at her, then turned to rutley. "i beg your lordship's pardon. i did not mean to ridicule your suggestion. at the time i used the word 'nonsense' i was thinking of the fact, the one of love," replied mr. harris. "james! i never thought when i plighted my love to you it was nonsense!" and mrs. harris brushed a handkerchief across her eyes. "there, there, dear heart!" and mr. harris stepped to her side, tenderly turned her face upward and kissed her lips. "that day was the happiest of my life, though i have been happy ever since." "heart of gold!" exclaimed mrs. harris, smiling through her tears. "and i have never wished i had turned from that altar of our happy union." "i perceive the cause of sam's worry now, dear," and the irrepressible mr. harris turned to rutley, "you see, my lord, it is this way, a lovely young lady guest--since mr. corway's strange disappearance--is an inadvertent companion of our sam, and his troubles were brought on by the sly darts of a little fellow with wings." "wrong again!" asserted mrs. harris. "james, let me assure you in all candor that hazel brooke is not the lady our sam is worrying about, as the fair democrat can testify." just then hazel entered the room, a poem of grace; a rose glow overspread her soft cheeks, while her eyes sparkled with health and vivacity. rutley's eyes at once betrayed his admiration. the girl was quick to notice it and immediately evinced her pleasure by advancing straight to his side. "good morning, my lord. when i plucked this beauty," displaying a slender stemmed white chrysanthemum which was held between her fingers, "i instinctively felt that it was to adorn the breast of a distinguished friend, and now see where it flies for rest," and she smilingly fastened the flower to the lapel of his coat. "i shall proudly treasure it, for without doubt its chrysalis chastity is jealous of its human rival, hence the parting of the two flowers. is it not so?" questioned rutley, with the most winsome, yet grave smile he could fashion. "hazel--the lady beauchamp, sounds quite recherche," mrs. harris whispered to mr. harris. "looks as if it might be a go," he responded in like tones. "it is white and pretty," hazel murmured, casting a demure glance at her own faultlessly white dress and then naively remarked, while a serious question stole over her countenance: "i have just come from the water front, where i have been watching the men drag for poor little dorothy." "poor child! so sad to be drowned!" said mrs. harris, in a reflective mood. "or stolen!" exclaimed mr. harris. "i shall not give up hope until that old cripple is located." only hazel noticed the swift glance rutley shot at mr. harris, but she gave it no significance. "poor fellow, he feels the loss of his child very deeply," continued mr. harris. "yesterday thorpe was in one of the boats for three hours. my lord may see them dragging the river from the piazza." whereupon mr. harris and rutley went out on the piazza, leaving mrs. harris and hazel by themselves. "hazel, dear," spoke mrs. harris softly and confidentially, "there is a lady's tiara awaiting you, if my judgment is not faulty." "he seems to be a nice sort of man," replied the girl. "a nice sort of man!" remarked mrs. harris, astonished. "why, hazel! he is one of the nobility. superior, distinguished! do you note his condescending air? it is hereditary, my dear. conscious of being above us, yet every look and move indicates a study to make a descent to our level." "notwithstanding--i think--well--i prefer joe!" demurely insisted the maid. "he is not quite so polished, but--i like him better, anyway." "what! a commoner to a lord? a straw hat to a lady's tiara? why, hazel!" "that is my choice," replied the girl, quietly but firmly. hazel's calm dignity irritated mrs. harris, and she remarked with a puzzled expression of countenance, "dear me! i never could understand the fountain of your democratic ideas, hazel; and the enigma is deeper to me now than ever." hazel's reply, muttered with the same quiet dignity, was as puzzling to mrs. harris as ever. "i am an american, and i love our country too well to leave it for some foreign land." further conversation was cut short by mr. harris, who addressed hazel. "did you notice john thorpe in one of the boats, hazel?" "i think so; they were too far away to say positively," replied the girl. "well, here comes sam, and--and--yes, it's virginia thorpe!" exclaimed mr. harris exultantly turning to mrs. harris. "did i not say it was possible he had met with a friend? look how proud and joyous he seems walking by her side. no kink in his knee now. sound as a bell." "james, i beg again to correct you. sam is not lame. his malady has something to do with the charming lady by his side," remarked mrs. harris. "oh, i see. she has a pull on him, eh?" "yes, a most strenuous one, i may add, as you mere merchants speak of it." when sam entered the room, he was greeted by mr. and mrs. harris with much fervor. sam had removed his hat in the vestibule and unconsciously displayed the evidence of his night's encounter with the automobile. the sight of the plastered wound on his head caused mrs. harris to exclaim: "oh, my boy, my boy!" and she put her motherly arms about his neck. "all right, aunty!" said sam, as he lightly kissed her on the forehead. "never felt better. just a scratch. might have been worse. eh? i guess so!" and he held her at arms' length and grinned at her affectionately. "where is virginia? i am sure we saw her with you, sam!" questioned mr. harris. "she wouldn't come in, uncle. gone on down to the shore. she expressed a wish to find you there." "oh!" exclaimed mr. harris, with alacrity. "i shan't disappoint her. splendid young lady. brainy, good-looking, very fetching, eh, sam?" and so saying, he turned, bowed to rutley and left the room. "i am thankful you were not killed, and think how much we owe his lordship for having so promptly brought you home," continued mrs. harris. sam looked sharply at rutley, not having noticed him in the room before. rutley met his stare with a most affable bow and remarked, "i am pleased to see that mr. samuel harris is able to be about." there was a bit of keen cynicism, a sort of faltering regret in rutley's delivery, which did not escape detection by sam. it almost confirmed him in his suspicion that my lord had run him down in a deliberate attempt to kill or disable him. the impression caused him momentarily to withhold speech, even in his aunt's presence. the incident was noticed by mrs. harris, who at once concluded something was amiss with sam, and visions of dementia occasioned by the wound flitted across her brain. "dear me! what is coming over him?" she remarked in an awed voice. "he never acted so queer before. sam!" and she shook him and looked in his face as though she feared some distressing discovery. rutley was perceptibly uneasy under sam's steady stare and suddenly assumed a pose of freezing haughtiness, deliberately and with studied ceremony adjusted the monocle to his eye and fixed a stony stare at sam. then he turned to hazel, the very apotheosis of stilted grace and, offering her his arm, said in his most suave and gracious manner: "i shall be deeply sensible of the honor of your company for a stroll on the lawn." for a moment the girl hesitated, as though undecided between courtesy due her hostess and friendliness to my lord. observing the embarrassed expression of mrs. harris caused by sam's rudeness, she chose to accept rutley's arm, remarking, "it is so very beautiful this morning that i love to be out in the soft sunshine." then through the room they passed--passed mrs. harris, to whom rutley bent his head, passed sam, who might as well have been in the antipodes, for all rutley seemed to see of him, though he looked directly at him, through him, and beyond him, out into the sunshine, with a triumphant smile playing about the corners of his mouth. "oh, sam! you have humiliated me beyond anything i could ever dream of," said mrs. harris, whose pain and bewilderment was plainly evident. "aunty!" and sam stooped and gently kissed her forehead. "i'm sorry my rudeness got the best of me. i did not mean to offend or pain you; but i shall never apologize to that fellow. never! never!" his earnestness was so intense, so unlike his usual self, that his aunt abruptly arose from the chair and in a startled voice said, "dear me! why, what do you know, sam?" "why!"--and sam's face broke into a broad smile, his usual buoyant spirit asserting itself--"why, bless your dear soul, aunty, he's a villain!" "lord beauchamp a villain!" she exclaimed, horrified, and she straightened up in offended dignity. "sam, permit me to declare you shock me with your irreverence." "well, he gave me the jolt"---- "not another word!" and she held up her warning finger. "i perceive it my duty, a duty unhappily too long deferred, to instruct you in the art of proper form, especially when in the presence of the nobility," and so saying, she swept down the room with all the stately majesty of a grand dame. at the mantle she turned and continued, "the case being important, i shall read you a lesson on deportment by--by, dear me! i have forgotten the author's name. but that is immaterial. i shall get the book from the library. don't leave the room," and so saying she entered the library, to his great relief. sam was in a very serious frame of mind. the night's work had developed tragic possibilities, and anything of a lugubrious nature interposing in his trend of thought was dismissed at once. it was, therefore, no easy task for him to assume readily an air of nonchalance, even in the presence of his aunt, who had schooled him in the art. so the moment he was alone his thoughts plunged again into the absorbing events of the night, and presently he found himself considering the policy of making his aunt a confidant. "had i better tell her my suspicions?" he thought; "she will ask awkward questions. no, it will not do! not yet!" he was aroused from his reverie by a low, deep whispered "sst!" looking up, he saw smith peeping from behind the half open vestibule door. smith dared not enter the room for fear of disturbing mrs. harris and exciting her curiosity. he saw her enter the library and then he signaled to sam. having caught his attention, he held up a warning finger and again repeated "sst!" adding in a whisper, "ave some impartant news to tell yees." it was well that smith enjoined caution, for his eyes were expanded and aglow with excitement, and the muscles of his face, tense with serious import, twitched nervously. sam's exclamation of concern died on his lips, and he at once stepped into the vestibule, alert with expectation. softly closing the door, he said, "what is it, smith? speak low and be quick. aunty is in there"--and he indicated with his thumb the library. "sure, she's in good company, god presarve them. will yees listen, plaise?" "yes, hurry!" "whill. i flim-flammed around the scow dwellin's an' shanties on the neck ave lant betwix giles lak an' the river--just beyant the narth pacific mills, but divil a wan be the name ave garge golda cud i foind at all. sure, i was nearly dishartened entirely, so i wus, whin who shud bump forninst me but me frint kelly." "well?" grunted sam. "kelly is a longshoreman, and he understands his business, too, so he do; but he says he's too big and fat to wurruk much, an' i belaive him, too, so i do." "well, go on!" again grunted sam, impatiently. "sure, i showed him the garibaldi you gave me this marnin. 'where did yees foind that?' says he, careless like. "'i didn't foind it at all,' says i; 'my frint found it.' "'where at?' says he. "'in the city park,' says i. 'some fellow lost it last night.' "'sure?' says he, an' he looked at me hard. "'sure!' says i. 'phwat wud i be lyin' to yees fer?' "'an' phwat was the owner doin' out in the city park last night?' says he. "'divil a bit do i know,' says i. "'d'yees know him?' says he. "'faith, an' i do not; d'yees?' says i. "'indade i do,' says he. "'yees do?' says i. "'i do,' says he, 'fer a black-browed, black-moustached, divil-skinned dago.' "'where may be his risidence?' says i, not wan bit anxious, but with me best efforts to kape me heart from jumpin' up in me mout'. "'he lives in a scow cabin up beyant there, at ross island,' says he. "'he do, do he?' says i. "'he do!' says he. 'sure, ave i not talked wit him over that same bit ave bronze but yisterday?'" "'will yees show me the scow cabin?' says i. "'indade i'll do that same,' says he, 'and wan thing more,' says he. "hist!" and smith spoke very low and cautiously. "he heard a child cry--or maybe it was a cat. kelly didn't know which, not bein' interested." the two stared at each other for a moment in silence, then sam said: "how long has your friend kelly known him?" "i don't knaw--sure, i didn't ax him, but i thought it was impartant to tell yees at once. kelly is waitin' down be the shipyard. will yees come?" "i'll meet both of you there in an hour. sh! aunty is coming. mum is the word, smith!" "sure, the ould divil himself cudn't make me tell it to yees aunt." as he was leaving, smith said in a whisper, "we'll wait for yees." "i'll be along soon," replied sam, and he muttered thoughtfully, "may be something in it." chapter xi. suddenly sam became all attention, for he heard the voice of mrs. harris, who then reappeared with an open book in her hand. "the work is entitled 'chesterfieldian deportment,' by garrilus gibbs, ph.d. d. d., now, sam, i desire your strict attention to this paragraph," and she read from the book. "'nothing so militates against the first impression of a gentleman as ingratitude for a special service rendered; for example'"--and she looked at sam very significantly, as she lowered the book, "his grace was so solicitous about your hurt that, regardless of convenience and also of prior appointments, he hastened to make a personal call, rather than use the 'phone." "particularly so," sam added, provoked to grin, "when a right pretty and wealthy maid is in the corral. eh, aunty?" "that is my lord's prerogative, but i shall permit of no digression," she severely remarked. "to continue--'nothing to mind so convincingly proclaims the ignorance of an ill-bred commoner than vulgar liberty in the presence of a peer of england's realm!' you follow me?" "i guess i do, aunty," sam replied, with his characteristic side movement of the head, and then, as he stood in an expectant attitude, carelessly fingered, with both hands, his watch chain. "sam, stop fidgeting with your watch chain. it is characteristic of a nervous gawk. the very reverse of good form and quite unbecoming a well-bred, polite gentleman." "all right, aunty, fire away." and sam's eyes twinkled mischievously, as his hands fell by his side. "in order that the house of harris shall not be defamed through an act of discourtesy to one of its guests, i insist, first of all, that you give me an example of your expression of gratitude to his lordship for his great humanitarian act and kindness to you in your hour of insensibility." "ea--ah! eh!" ejaculated sam in laughing surprise, but much as he disliked to comply, he felt there was no use trying to dodge the issue. his aunt was determined and experience had taught him that in order to retain the indulgence of the "best and fondest aunt on earth," a discreet concurrence in her whims was imperative. so with an agreeable smile, he added, "all right, aunty, here goes." "for the purpose of approach, you may address me as 'my lord,'" interjected mrs. harris. "ha! that's easier, aunty," and a smile of satisfaction spread over his face. "proceed!" exclaimed his aunt, sententiously. "i beg to express to your lordship"-- "sam!" said mrs. harris, interrupting him, "you have omitted the very pith and essence of initiatory greeting." "ea--ha! how?" exclaimed sam, surprised. "by neglecting to make obeisance." "to you, aunty?" "to me. now, sam, beware of shyness. bow naturally and with unaffected ease." "all ready?" inquired sam. "proceed!" with that he bowed--bowed with a charm of grace that brought a look of pleased surprise from mrs. harris. it was evident she was already mollified. "i beg your lordship will permit me the honor personally to express my appreciation, and to tender to you my heartfelt thanks for your kind services to me last night." the smile of unaffected pleasure that brightened his face, at the knowledge that his aunt was pleased, assisted him wonderfully through the ordeal, for such he considered it. "my compliments, sam!" exclaimed mrs. harris, who appeared immensely pleased. "aw--deuced well delivered, don't che know!" they turned and beheld rutley and hazel standing in the doorway. sam's chagrin was very great, and conscious of his inability to conceal his disgusted facial expression, turned aside and muttered, "wouldn't that fizz you?" mrs. harris was evidently much gratified, for she pointedly remarked, "your lordship must now concede that our boy was not intentionally rude." as for sam, his vexation was great, and though he discreetly kept silence, the hot blood reddened his face perceptibly. he had unwittingly humbled himself to a man, who, he felt instinctively, was his enemy. just what brought rutley and hazel to the doorway in time to hear sam's expression of thanks was never explained. but it may be presumed he had some announcement to make which the unexpected apology from sam had made unnecessary. its effect on rutley was instantaneous, for his frigidity melted as snow beneath a summer sun. the monocle came down from his eye and a gracious, condescending smile overspread his face. "i am very sorry the accident happened, and i beg you to believe i have been deeply concerned about your hurt." "we are sure your lordship has suffered great mental anguish over the unfortunate affair," responded mrs. harris, relieved by rutley's condescension. "late yesterday evening," he went on, "i received information that a child resembling dorothy, and accompanied by a lady whose face was veiled, were seen entering a certain residence out near the park," explained rutley, continuing. "i beg you to understand that i entertain a deep interest in the fate of the child, and since the river has not yielded up its secret, and the voice of scandal is rife in innuendoes, i immediately set out to investigate. "unsuccessful, i had passed along the road and was returning, no doubt at higher speed than justified by the darkness of the night. absorbed in meditation, i must have temporarily been negligent of proper vigilance, when to my horror, the form of a man suddenly loomed up a few paces directly ahead." "dear me, how unfortunate!" exclaimed mrs. harris, shivering. "impossible to stop the swift moving machine, in the short space that separated us, i swerved to the right. "at that moment the man must have discovered me, for he, too, sprang to the right. the impact was inevitable. i hastened to the unfortunate one's assistance, and you may appreciate my amazement when i recognized my friend, your own relative. of course, i conveyed him home at once." "how very good of you," said hazel, with admiring eyes. "we shall never be able sufficiently to thank your lordship," added mrs. harris, "and we hope that our dear boy will not expose himself to so great a danger again." as to what sam thought of the explanation, he kept silent; nevertheless he turned half around and would have whistled significantly had he not at that moment checked himself, for fear of again embarrassing his aunt. it was at this moment virginia entered the room, insistently ushered in by mr. harris, who, profuse in politeness, said: "please do me the honor to be seated, for i know you must be fatigued." but virginia, on discovering rutley, seemed to be suddenly overcome with a timidity quite foreign to her usual self-possession, and shrank away as if to leave the room. observing her evident embarrassment and, of course, ignorant of the true cause, mr. harris concluded she had conceived him as declining her request, and he at once, in a confidential whisper, attempted to reassure her. "i can accommodate you with a check for five thousand today, and more in a week." "oh, i--i thank you very much," she replied, and though her nervousness was apparent, she managed to control herself. mr. harris gently led her to a seat, remarking in a whisper, "i'll write the check for you at once." she turned upon him very grateful eyes, but almost instantly a shadow crept across her face as she said, "the security i have to offer----" mr. harris looked pained, and lifting his hand, he interrupted her with, "don't, please don't let the security trouble you." again virginia's eyes unconsciously fastened upon rutley, who at the same time was regarding her with a keen inquiring gaze. it was the first time they had met since the night of thorpe's quarrel with corway, and although virginia had resolved to cast off all fear of his threat of incriminating disclosures, she nevertheless, while in his presence, felt a subtle influence change her rebellious disposition into a timorous apprehension. the sensation was so strange, so creepy, and at the same time so convincing, that she arose from the seat and muttered in broken accents, "i--i'll await you outside, mr. harris. the air in this room is--is so close." she had turned half around toward the door, when mrs. harris addressed her. "virginia, dear! don't go! most interesting. my lord has just related how last night he accidentally knocked sam down near the city park." virginia unconsciously repeated, "last night, he accidentally knocked sam down, near the city park." the information was so startling and her curiosity so keen that she stared at rutley and sam alternately, while they in turn stared at each other and at her most significantly. mrs. harris observed the wonderment her information had created, but without troubling her easy brains to penetrate the meaning, added, after due pause, "yes, dear--a bandaged head, as you see, was the result." "it was very dark, near midnight, and his lordship was driving an automobile fast." heedless of mrs. harris' further remarks and so absorbed in an effort to solve the puzzle that virginia thought: "what business had he out there at that time of night? did he know i was there? and sam there, too! it must have been he who followed me,"--and she shot such a swift meaning glance at him that had he caught it the effect must have been disconcerting. "queer, how late at night young men carry on their larks nowadays," broke in mr. harris with fine humor. mrs. harris was quick to correct him. "dear me! james, it was on urgent business, no less than a search for dorothy, but unfortunately unsuccessful." "i myself am also inclined to the belief dorothy was stolen. no doubt a demand will soon be made for her ransom," said mr. harris. "such a notion seems to me as far-fetched, as it is unlikely, for i do not believe the family has an enemy in the world," promptly rejoined mrs. harris. "vague insinuations of kidnapping find credence through the estrangement of the parents being given publicity," suggested rutley, in a soft, serious, yet bland manner, which brought from hazel an explosive reply, "i am sure constance had no knowledge of it." "impossible for constance to plot at an abduction of her own child, and as for john thorpe, his grief is too great to permit the faintest suspicion to rest on him," suavely admonished mrs. harris warmly. "john!" gasped virginia. she was the first to see thorpe standing in the vestibule, the doors of which had been left open. john thorpe had entered so quietly that none in the room saw him approach, and their conversation at the moment was so concentrated upon the mystery of dorothy's disappearance that none of them heard his weary footfalls draw near. he was careworn and haggard. if john thorpe felt any emotion on seeing virginia and hearing her startled voice, he gave no sign. unmoved, he coldly let his aching eyes rest on her, and then he lifted them to mr. harris. in that brief space of time, rutley saw in virginia's abashed eagerness to address her brother, a shadow of peril threaten him. the situation called for immediate action. he had previously noted his magnetic power over her and at once brought into requisition the wonderful "nerve" distinctly his heritage, and which had so often befriended him in moments of danger. under cover of the fresh interest manifested in mr. thorpe's appearance, he coolly, quietly, and without the least hesitation, quickly placed himself beside her, and whispered in her ear: "beware!" his tone was so menacing, though concealed by an unctious personality, that virginia shrank from him, yet with the low, rebellious exclamation: "scoundrel!" nevertheless, she timidly deemed it discreet to arrange a meeting with john alone. mr. harris silently grasped mr. thorpe by the hand. they had been close friends, socially and in business affairs for many years, and the hopeless, haggard, careless appearance of his long time friend touched mr. harris deeply. "poor fellow," he said, sympathetically. "you look all in." "sleepless nights and wearisome days have doubtless produced results," languidly replied mr. thorpe. "mr. harris, i have come to beg your hospitality for an hour's rest." "welcome to 'rosemont,' thrice welcome, my dear friend. i shall have a quiet room prepared at once. make yourself comfortable for a few moments until i return," and the energetic mr. harris immediately set out on his mission. "dear me!" commented mrs. harris, "if we could but unravel the mystery of dorothy's disappearance, what a relief it would be. do you think it possible the child was abducted, mr. thorpe?" "would to god i could believe it true," he gravely replied. "i am loath to believe that the mother was aware of it," interposed rutley, in his soft, lazy, drawling voice, "but"---- surprised, mrs. harris promptly interrupted him with: "dear me, have you heard that constance had intrigued for her child's disappearance?" rutley fixed his gaze on virginia, then transferred it to john thorpe as he falteringly replied to mrs. harris' question: "circumstances of a--a suspicious character tend to--a--implicate her." a dead silence followed. so silent, that sam suddenly cast an alarmed look at virginia, as though he feared she had heard him hiss--"the contemptible sissy!"--and was surprised that no response met his silent thought, either by look or word. virginia was speechless. yet she was bursting to tell them dorothy was alive, but in captivity. she remembered the terrible threat made by the italian in the park. it burned into her brain and made her tremble with anxiety lest the secret should get out and the child's life jeopardized thereby. but, how to deny the vile lie that constance was a party to the kidnapping? it was a question that baffled completely all the ingenuity that had aided her in other situations. while she was racking her brains for some guiding thought, to silence slanderous tongues, she heard john thorpe very gravely say: "my lord must be mistaken." it was such sweet relief to know that he did not believe constance was guilty of the crime that virginia unconsciously exclaimed: "thank heaven!" after john thorpe had expressed his disbelief in his wife's guilt, he slowly turned on his heel, intending to leave the room, for the conversation was painful to him and the company too closely associated with his unhappiness, for the quiet rest he so much needed. he had scarcely turned toward the door when he was halted by mr. harris, who had just entered from the hall, and announced a restful room in readiness for his immediate use. to his surprise, john thorpe turned and wearisomely said: "i thank you, mr. harris, but an important matter that i have neglected has just come to my mind. i beg to apologize for the needless trouble i have caused you." and he turned slowly and went toward the door. virginia perceived that unless immediate steps were taken, her opportunity to arrange a meeting with john would be lost. it was, therefore, with a startled cry of disappointment that she addressed him: "john! i have something"--she hesitated. thorpe halted on the threshold and half turned around. aghast, virginia arose from her seat, when rutley drawled out in his most suave accents: "miss thorpe is manifestly fatigued from over-exertion," and instantly taking her by the arm, led her reluctantly, and in timidity, to a seat on a divan, the end of which he wheeled forward, ostensibly to give her a better view of the lawn, then inundated with sunshine, but in reality to avert her eyes from the face of her brother. john thorpe gazed inquiringly for a second and then, with head bent, slowly and gravely left the house. mr. harris started to accompany thorpe, to press him to rest awhile, but on recalling his obligation to virginia, checked himself and turned into the library. sam's indignation at the vile, unkind thrust made on the character of a bereaved woman, spoke eloquently in his blazing eyes, nevertheless out of regard for his aunt's wishes he closed his teeth tightly in silence, but on seeing the pseudo lord's insistent familiarity with virginia, and noting her strange hesitant submission as he rather more than familiarly escorted her to the divan, sam's rage burst through his discretion and his manly, straight-forwardness asserted itself, in utter disregard of his aunt's warnings. rutley had evidently thrown out the base insinuation as a feeler, but the manner in which sam met it--met it squarely in the "wild west way," quickly disabused his mind of any idea he may have had that constance was friendless. "sir!" sam said; "i know but one little word that fitly characterizes your insinuation concerning mrs. thorpe," and unwilling to resist the natural gravity of his feet toward rutley, sidled up close to him, and, with a quiver of contempt in his voice, finished: "and down in texas they taught me to brand it 'a damned lie'!" sam was rewarded in a manner he little anticipated, and by the woman who had heretofore despised him, for with eyes that sparkled with admiration and lips that parted in a smile of glad surprise, she involuntarily murmured: "splendid, sam!" his silly, boyish side had vanished, and in its place his true, strong, sterling character stood revealed. in that one moment he knew that he had won from her a tribute of esteem, but he did not at that time realize that it was a long step toward the consummation of his devout desire--to win her heart. if an electric bolt had at that moment descended from the clear, ethereal blue, and wrecked the house, mrs. harris' consternation could not have been greater. "oh!" she faintly gasped. "dear me! oh, sam, how could you!" and then she staggered almost to collapse in his arms. for a moment rutley was astounded, then drawing himself up in a pose of statuesque haughtiness, again most studiously adjusted his monocle to his eye and directed at alert sam a stony stare of ineffable disdain. then he languidly drawled, without a muscle of his white, bloodless face moving: "aw, it's deuced draughty, don't-che know!" a few minutes later mr. harris beckoned virginia into the library. after delivering her the check he had promised, they together went out in search for john thorpe, but he had disappeared. had they looked more closely and further up the hillside, they might have seen a haggard man sitting in the shadow of a fir, apparently weary of the world, and pondering on the vicissitudes of life. chapter xii. in the meantime virginia had been doing her utmost, in a quiet way, to obtain the necessary amount of dorothy's ransom. conscious of an imperative demand likely to be made upon her at any moment, she had partially prepared for it by secretly borrowing some five thousand dollars upon her jewelry and income, and she had obtained five thousand more from mr. harris, who was eager to favor her, because of the obligations it would place her under to his family, particularly sam. it was useless to approach hazel for assistance, as john thorpe was administrator of her estate. however, she was in a fair way to get more on a trust deed for some real estate that was in her name--when the summons came, peremptory and threatening. she pondered over the situation long and profoundly, and having at length thoroughly made up her mind on a line of procedure, she prepared for the meeting. of delicate mould, carefully educated, and accustomed to vivacious and accomplished companions, virginia was little intended for the desperate enterprise she had determined to undertake, in the dead hour of the coming night. more than once she shuddered at the thought, but that vision of constance in the shadow of the "grim sickle," nerved her on to the rescue, and it also afforded her a sense of relief from the distress her mind endured. overwhelmed at the magnitude of the misfortune so suddenly overtaken constance, she hesitated not for an instant to risk her life in its undoing. personality, social position, beauty, youth, refinement--all were cast aside, unconsidered and unthought of in the execution of the one perilous act that confronted her. the intention to rescue dorothy may be construed under the conditions surrounding her as commendable, but in one so young and fair, it would appear hair-brained, impracticable and, worst of all, dangerously indiscreet. virginia had not been in any manner contributory to the disappearance of dorothy, and yet be it remembered, only a heroine pure and simple would dare brave the act. moreover, she had permitted constance to accompany her, thus immensely increasing her hazard and responsibility. that afternoon, thinking to cheer the mother, who was plunged in silent grief, virginia had intimated a suspicion that dorothy was a captive. instantly an unnatural calm possessed constance, and changed her sweet and tractable nature into a determined and obstinate resolution to accompany virginia. it was useless for the girl to plead additional peril. no excuse, no matter how artfully conceived or ingeniously framed, could turn constance from her purpose, to share in the danger. and what danger would not the mother brave to rescue her darling? so insistent, yet so strangely calm, as to cause a fear that the fevered excitement that burned so fiercely beneath the forced tranquility, would in a measure break out and jeopardize all--that virginia only at last reluctantly consented. but not before she had exacted a promise from constance to maintain the strictest silence. on their arrival at the foot of ellsworth street, they made their way cautiously along to a little cove above bundy's boathouse, where they discovered a small skiff with oars in row-locks. virginia had been informed that a boat would be provided for her at a certain spot, and therefore did not hesitate to avail herself of its use. whether anybody was watching her mattered little in her suppressed, excited state of mind. quietly she slipped the line and was in the act of drawing the skiff in position for constance to get in, when from afar, across the water, seemingly from the depth of the island woods, the cry of a crow penetrated the silent air. they stood still and listened--listened intently--with a vague, terrified notion that it was meant as a signal of danger. again she heard the cry, as distinct as before. constance gripped virginia's arm for support. [illustration: "virginia realized that in her own calmness and self-possession lay the surest support to her companion's strength."] "what does it portend?" virginia asked herself. "why should it come from the woods if it was a signal of her starting to cross the water. it may have been an answer to a flash from some one concealed nearby." she looked above, about, but the same darkness, the same quietness prevailed. not a leaf stirred to disturb the deep repose of night. afar off, down the river, a steamer whistled for the steel bridge draw. it startled her out of her reverie, and finally she concluded the "caw," which seemingly sounded from the opposite woods, was really at the shore, and resulted from the peculiar condition of the atmosphere. without further pause, and quietly as possible, they stepped into the boat, and at once commenced the passage. the water was calm and mirror-like, and virginia, having had some experience in handling a skiff, dipped the muffled blades with scarcely a sound. silently, slowly, cautiously, she propelled the boat along, ever and again turning her head to peer into the deep darkness shrouding the island. she headed the boat diagonally across the water, so as to strike near the middle of the island. she adopted that course in order that the cabin, which was quite invisible under the deeper shadow of the woods, would come in line between her and the harbor lights. her reckoning was correct. she had passed the object of her venture without discovering it, but as the island loomed denser and darker on drawing near, it enabled her to locate the craft with precision. she turned the boat, and keeping within the deep shadow that fringed the rim of the island, made straight for the cabin. as they approached it, the strain on constance became tense. virginia watched her narrowly, fearful for the consequences of a disappointment, and she realized, too, that in her own calmness and self-possession, lay the surest support to her companion's strength. the consciousness of that power nerved, steadied and aided her wonderfully. chapter xiii. "caw! caw!" sounded with startling distinctness in the still, dark wooded depths of ross island. for a moment the silence was intense; then it was broken again by the familiar, long-drawn out, guttural cry, "caw! caw!" of the black scavenger bird. and silence once more settled down upon the scene, and seemed deeper, thicker and more profound than before. it may have been a half a minute after the second cry when an answer, faint, though clearly audible, was echoed from a neighboring part of the woods. "come on!" quietly exclaimed sam harris, who, with john thorpe, stood beside the trunk of a fir that grew midway on the island near its north end. "an uncanny signal!" remarked mr. thorpe, in the same low tones. "yes, somehow i feel as though it betokens serious business," softly replied sam. "be careful. a thick vine here. step clear," he whispered, as they moved cautiously along. they had proceeded in silence some distance, part of the time groping their way by the aid of a match, lighted now and again, but artfully concealed, for the darkness was very deep, when through a rift in the wild growth of underbrush a man's form was seen to move. "wait!" suddenly whispered sam, in a warning tone. "there is a man ahead of us." there was no mistaking it, for as they stood stock-still in their tracks, they saw a man's form occasionally obtruding between them and an electric light that shed its rays from afar off, across the water. "do you think he is the detective?" asked thorpe, in a low voice. "wait!" and sam placed his two hands over his mouth so as to form a hollow, and called out in moderate tones: "caw! caw!" it was answered by a single "caw," low, but seemingly so near that they were startled, and for a moment felt that they were being deceived. they remained motionless and silent--sam with his hand grasping the butt of a revolver. the "caw" was repeated low, but with reassuring effect, for they now discovered that while the sound was apparently near, due to atmospheric conditions, it was in reality fully two hundred feet away. "detective simms," whispered sam. "he is waiting for us." "then let's hurry," urged his companion. the words had scarcely left his lips when thorpe's boot caught in a vine and down he went, making considerable noise as he stumbled and fell on his hip. "you must be more careful," enjoined sam, in a low tone, as he helped thorpe to his feet. "much haste, less speed, and then a little noise may endanger our success, i fear. are you hurt?" "no, thanks. let's go on," impatiently replied thorpe. as they drew near the detective, in order to make doubly sure of avoiding a trap, sam uttered in a low voice the word "hope!" it was a watchword previously arranged and provided as an additional precaution against a possible contingency of deep darkness rendering prompt recognition difficult. it was answered by the word "good," uttered in equally low and cautious tones, and which at once put them at their ease. almost immediately they met the detective at the edge of the clearing. before them, a little to the left, dimly but clearly outlined against the harbor lights, was a typical willamette river cabin, commonly known on the waterfront as a "scow dwelling," moored about fifty feet from the shore, broadside on. it was the object of their venture. so intent were they on sizing it up, and the problem of boarding it, that they were quite insensible to the magnificent panorama spread out beyond, and further to the left of portland by night. at their feet the dark, shimmering willamette silently glided along its course to the mighty columbia; the great bridges on which the street cars, in a blaze of light, swiftly crossed and recrossed the gloomy river; the darkly-outlined towering masts of the ocean shipping in the lower harbor, the great industrial landmarks that reared their lofty shadows in different parts of the city. the myriad of bluish electric lights, that shone out like diamonds in the clear, balmy night, spread out over the city and up and up, in terraces and by gradual stages, to the hills, and along the heights that stretched away north-westerly. for miles on either side of the river the lights spread out, till at length, in diminishing brilliancy, they were lost in the shadow of the distant rugged hills, whose irregular dark-wooded crests were sharply defined against the rare splendor of the firmament, then aglow with glittering stars. in fact, all the grandeur of the far-stretching panorama was neglected and lost to them in the intensity of their gaze upon the humble dwelling before them, built on a raft of logs. (booms of saw-logs are now moored abreast the cabin anchorage.) sam left thorpe and the detective and wormed his way nearer the shore, to a position where he could obtain a better view of the cabin. lying flat on his stomach, and concealed as much as possible, behind some driftwood and low, dead brush, he listened intently, and studied the situation with the practical eye of the frontiersman. he made out the cabin to be about twenty-four feet long, seven or eight feet high, with two small windows on the side which was nearest him. there being a light in one of the windows, he concluded the cabin was divided into at least two parts. the logs upon which the cabin was built projected some four feet at either end, on which was a platform, but no protecting railing. proof that the occupant was not a family man, as "scow-dwellers" with children are careful to have railings about their craft. he judged that the logs were large and water-soaked, and securely fastened together, and by their combined weight effected a certain stability and steadiness to the cabin resting thereon, during bad weather. there appeared no means of reaching the cabin except by boat or swimming, and the mud of the river bottom at that point was evidently deep. now and again he heard voices in the cabin, seemingly in altercation. but the distance was too great for him to distinguish the words. the quietness was profound except for the gentle lapping of the water, and disturbed occasionally by ripping sounds from a sawmill some distance down the river, which, if anything, added to the stillness instead of diminishing it. once he started at what sounded like a moan very near him, but it was so indistinct, so much like a faint whispering whistle, and it was immediately succeeded by the buzzing whirr of a bat as it darted about, and deep silence again environing him, that he dismissed the sound as a fantasy. he was mentally calculating upon the chances of a surprise and rescue, and in an attempt to drag himself a few feet nearer the water-line to catch, if possible, some words of the conversation going on in the cabin. he stretched out his right hand to grasp what appeared to be a piece of driftwood, to aid in pulling himself along. his hand fell upon the dry, warm body of some animal. he almost yelled aloud, so great was his fright. for a moment his heart beat madly. but the same strength of will that rushed to his aid in smothering the yell also quieted his agitation and restored his confidence. the incident had almost jeopardized the favorable prospect of their enterprise. but nothing untoward happening, he again put out his hand and touched the body. it was warm and did not stir. the animal was lying on its side, and he plainly felt a faint throbbing of its heart. he ran his hand down its legs, then along its spine to a large limb of a tree that lay across its neck. he concluded that it was a little dog when his hand felt a small rope wound tightly about the limb. his curiosity being fully aroused, he determined upon further investigation. not daring to light a match he did the next best thing that occurred to him. still retaining his prone position, sam passed his hand along the dog's spine to the fore shoulder, and under the piece of wood, to its neck. then he discovered the poor thing was in the last throes of strangulation. its breathing was scarcely perceptible. its tongue, swollen thick, protruded from its mouth. instantly his sympathy for the little sufferer became acute, and, without thinking of possible results should the dog recover quickly, whipped out his knife and severed the coils of rope about the limb. using his left hand as a lever, his elbow being a pivot, he pried up the weighty limb and with his right hand drew the dog from under it and to him. he quickly unwound the few remaining coils from around its neck, and as he did so, smiled with pleasurable emotion--for he was sure that he felt a feeble lick of the dog's tongue on his hand. a dog's life is an inconsequential thing, according to some people's way of thinking, but here was proof that under sam's rough and unpolished exterior there throbbed a heart full of gentleness and sympathy for suffering animals. he took the dog, which he then recognized as a small, shaggy scotch terrier, under his arm and stole back to the detective and mr. thorpe. in discussing the affair afterward, it was deemed probable that the detective, finding his long vigil at the edge of the woods tiresome, had unconsciously fallen asleep; though he indignantly denied it, and during that time the dog had been taken on shore and tied to a heavy piece of driftwood to give warning of the approach of strangers by night, but the poor thing had become tangled in the brush, and in its efforts to extricate itself had tightly twisted the rope about its neck, and the heavy limb had rolled over and pinioned it to the ground. in the meantime mr. thorpe and the detective were engaged in low, earnest conversation. "are you satisfied the child is my little dorothy?" asked mr. thorpe. "i am not positive, but i believe so. i have watched all the afternoon in hopes of catching a glimpse of her. once i heard a child cry." "yet the child may not be dorothy!" "true!" replied the detective, "but whether the child be yours or not, i am satisfied the little thing in that cabin is there against its will." "did you note any visitors to the cabin this evening?" "yes; a man rowed over from the direction of 'bundy's' about half an hour ago. he is in there now." "do you think the italian, his visitor and the child are the only ones there?" "i am positive they are the only ones in that cabin at this moment." "then let's wade out there," urged mr. thorpe. "careful!" cautioned sam, who had just come up. "i know the dago to be a cunning and dangerous man. we could not wade out that far any way, in the soft mud and tangled roots of that bottom. we must have the small boat." "what have you there?" it was the detective who spoke. "our first rescue. a mascot!" and then sam related the incident. "good!" exclaimed mr. thorpe. "its bark would have betrayed us." the three then held a brief consultation. shortly afterward sam retraced his steps along the trail, back to the steam launch, with the "mascot" steadily recovering, but still under his arm. chapter xiv. within the cabin, so zealously watched by the detective prior to the journey of thorpe and sam across the island, were the occupants--jack shore and his little captive, dorothy thorpe. the child was carefully and secretly guarded, and at the same time made as comfortable as the limited quarters of her captor would permit. jack shore was kind to the child, and though fully conscious of the severe penalty of his desperate undertaking should he be discovered, he nevertheless allowed her a certain freedom of the abode in which he had placed her, of course always providing for securely bolted outer doors. during the preceding night she had been secretly and quietly removed from her first hiding place to the cabin. her silence was obtained by the promise of being taken home should she be a good little girl, and not make a disturbance. but as a precaution she had been wrapped up in a manner so as completely to blindfold her, and in her childish confidence was conveyed without any trouble, in the dead hour of night, to the cabin. the interior of the cabin was divided into two rooms. the small one was used as a sleeping apartment, having two roughly-constructed bunks, one above the other. on one wall was a small four-paned window that gave light to the room. a small mirror, and a man's clothing hung on the wall, and a short, well-worn strip of carpet covered the floor. the large room served the purpose of a kitchen, dining room, pantry, laundry and general utility combined. there was a small cook stove in the corner near the dividing partition. one dishcloth and a couple of towels hung on a line across the corner of the room over the stove. a shallow box about three feet square, and nailed to the wall beside the window, served as a cupboard for provisions. a table, an old chair, a three-legged stool and a box constituted the remaining furniture. at night a lighted lamp rested on a bracket above the table, and on this particular night jack's coat hung beside the lamp. the main entrance door of the cabin was at the kitchen end, and opened inward. there was also a door at the bedroom end of the cabin, securely locked and bolted. the door in the partition between the two rooms was in line with the other doors, and had a small pane of glass, six by six inches, in the upper panel. on this eventful night dorothy was seated on the chair, her head resting on her arms on the end of the table, indifferently watching jack. he, with a cigar in his mouth and in his gray shirtsleeves, was standing in front of the table wiping a dishpan, the last of the evening cleanup. putting the pan away under the shelf, he hung the dishcloth beside its mate on the line, and carefully stretched it out to dry. then, as he sat down on the stool at the end of the table opposite dorothy, a smile of satisfaction stole over his dark, swarthy face when he surveyed the result of his work--a clean and tidy appearing room. "eesa be so nice-a da clean. so bute-a da corner. eesa like-a da fine-a house. tar-rah-rah! tink-a eesa get-a da fote-da-graph of eet a made. put eem in-a sunny da paper. eh-a da daize! what a use-a da tink? eh!" dorothy raised her head and looked at him in offended, childish dignity. "my name is not a da daize; it is dorothy!" "eesa like-a da daize a bet! what youse-a tink? eesa nicey da room, eh daize?" then the child indifferently looked at the corner with its stove and adjuncts. she had been detained in his company now--for four days, and, childlike, was intuitively quick in interpreting the broken, stumbling dago utterances of jack. "it is not so nice as our kitchen," she naively replied. "but maybe the photo will make people think you are a good cook!" "a da cook-a!--naw, eesa be damn! turnoppsis! carrotsis! cababbages! black-a da boots"-- "well, then," interrupted the child, pouting, "a rich man if you like; i don't care." "eesa mores-a da bet," and he smiled approvingly. "and a sunny-a da paper print under da fote-da-graph some-a ting like-a deeze--a da corner ova-a da dining room--maybees-a da den wud look-a da bet," he muttered reflectively. "in deeze-a home ova-a a signor george-a da golda--house-a dat, eh, a daize?" "is that your name?" she inquired. "eesa good-a da name? a daize." "may i stay in here when the photo man comes?" "sure-a daize!" "oh, good!" and the child clapped her little hands and laughed gleefully. jack looked at her quizzically, and then, seating himself on the stool, took the child between his knees. "tell-a me, da daize, what-a da for youse-a like-a da picture take-a here, eh?" "cause!" she answered shyly. "cause-a da what? speak-a daize." "i don't like to." "a daize! youse a know i bees-a da friend, speak-a." "well, then my papa would know where to find me." "i deez-a thought so. daize, youse-a tink i beez a da bad-a man. eh, why?" "'cause you promised to take me home and you have not." "well-a daize, your-a good-a da girl, and--eef-a da papa donn-a da come bees-a da morn, we'll-a go for-a da fine him, eh! now youse-a da like-a me now? eh, a daize?" "oh, i like you ever so much for that, and we'll go home tomorrow? "sure-a daize! now tell-a me some-a ting about a da virginia." "if i do you'll sure take me home tomorrow?" "sure-a daize! eesa beez a da good a da woman, eh? much a da like a you. eh, a da daize?" "oh, yes; she would do anything for me, and i love my aunt, too." "eesa look a da nicey. mose a beez a da rich, eh-a daize?" "my aunt does oil paintings, too." "eesa got a much a da mon, eh a daize?" "oh, yes; a pocket full," replied the unsuspecting child. "everybody says that she is rich, and i guess that it must be true," muttered jack, and he could not suppress a smile of satisfaction the child's information gave him. "eesa time to go a da bed, a daize. kiss a me good a da night." "if i do, you won't forget your promise?" "what a da promise?" "to take me home tomorrow." "sure a daize. i donna forget." then the child kissed him, and at the contact of her soft, warm lips with his--like a stream of sunshine, the child innocence of purest lips, pierced his heart with a shaft of kindly sympathy. "good a da night, a daize," he said in a voice soft and gentle. then he released the child and arose to his feet. it drew from her a look of steady admiration, and then she replied: "good night!" on the threshold of the sleeping apartment she turned and said: "i shall pray for you tonight, mister golda. i shall pray for you not to forget tomorrow." and she softly closed the door. as jack mildly stared at the child, the light in his eyes changed to a look far off, and there gradually stole over his face an aspect of infinite sadness, reminiscent of the days of his childhood. on resuming his presence of mind, he went to the cupboard and took from there a bottle. after removing the stopper he took a straight draught of liquor, turned low the light and tip-toed to the bedroom door, listened, and heard dorothy say: "oh, dear jesus, make george golda good; help him remember his promise to take me home tomorrow." jack was deeply moved by the child's sweet disposition, and he turned away disgusted at the despicable role he was enacting, and muttered reflectively: "good god, that i should come to this! from secretary-treasurer of the securities investment association to be a kidnapper of babes! "jack shore, the kidnapper! what a fall is here! yes, i have sunk so low as to abduct from a fond, suffering mother one of the purest gems of flesh and blood that ever blest a home. and for what? the almighty dollar! only that, and nothing more! curse the damned dollar that drives men to crime! "curse it for cramming hell with lost souls. i'll wash my hands of this whole business; i'll have no more of it; i'll take the child home!" the resolution was so cheering, so fruitful of kindly intent, and urged on by the "still, small voice" within him to do right, that he decided to fortify himself with a second drink of liquor. then a contra train of reflection seized him, and he whispered, as one suddenly confronted with an appalling calamity: "ah, ah! what am i saying? and i have scarcely a dollar in the world! have gone hungry for the want of it--and here is twenty thousand of the beautiful golden things actually in sight--almost at my finger tips!" and with the thought blank concern spread over his face, and the kindly purpose, the human compassion for his fellow being in its transient passage to his heart, again took flight and the "still, small voice" within him shrank abashed to silence. "out with this sentimental nonsense! the thorpes can stand the loss of a few thousand without a twitch of an eyelash." the sound of a couple of gentle taps on the starboard side of the cabin broke his train of audible thoughts and claimed his quick attention. the taps were repeated distinctly. he answered them with three light taps on the wall, given by the joint of his finger. then he quietly opened the door, and philip rutley, with the collar of his coat turned up closely about his face, stood in the opening. "all skookum, jack?" he questioned, in low tones, on entering. "all skookum, phil," answered jack, as he locked and bolted the door. "good! i love to look at the little darling. jack, she is a gold mine." and, so saying, rutley took the lamp from over the shelf and cautiously opening the door, peered within. "isn't she pretty?" then he quietly closed the door, replaced the lamp on the shelf, turned down his coat collar and said in a low, pleased voice: "well, old boy, our troubles are nearly over. virginia will come tonight." "alone?" queried jack, in low tones, and he looked significantly at his colleague. "yes, and with the ducats! i caused her to be secretly informed that she must meet you here by twelve o'clock this night, and prepared to pay the ransom. any liquor handy, jack? i'm feeling a bit nervous after that pull. the boat sogged along as heavy as though a bunch of weeds trailed across her prow." jack smiled, but proceeded to the cupboard and produced a bottle, together with a glass. removing the cork, he offered both bottle and glass to rutley with the remark: "old kaintuck--dead shot! the best ever. help yourself!" "that's an affectionate beauty spot about your right eye, jack," remarked rutley, taking the bottle and tumbler from him. "you haven't told me how it happened." "i was out on corbett street when that damned irish coachman of thorpe's sauntered along as though he had a chip on his shoulder, and he had the nerve to ask me if i had seen the child." "do you think he suspected you?" queried rutley, pausing with the glass and bottle in his hands. "no; it was a random shot. but it made me hot, and--well, the long and the short of it was the doctor worked over me an hour before i was able to walk." "i see," commented rutley, pouring some liquor into the glass and setting the bottle on the table. "a sudden and unexpected attack, eh! may the fickle jade smile on us tonight," and so saying, he drank the liquor with evident relish, and handed the glass to jack. jack, misunderstanding his quotation of the "fickle jade," interpreting it as meant for virginia, at once replied: "the jade may smile and smile, and be a villain, but she must 'pungle' up the 'dough.'" and pouring some liquor in the glass he drained it. jack's misapplication of the popular quotation caused phil to smile, then to chuckle. "ha, ha, ha, ha, the jade!" then he produced a couple of cigars from his vest pocket, and offering one to jack, continued: "she deserves no mercy." "none whatever," replied jack, as he took the cigar. "if she had not weakened, we should never have selected her to pay the ransom," resumed rutley. "ha, ha, ha, ha," laughed jack, as he put a match to the cigar. "her penitent mood makes her an easy mark. the price of her atonement'll be twenty thousand dollars." again rutley chuckled, chuckled convivially, for evidently the softening influence of the liquor relaxed his tensely attuned nerves. "ha, my boy, she shall not enjoy the bliss of restoring the child to her mother. i shall be the hero in this case," and he lowered his voice. "after virginia has paid the ransom, i shall take the child to her father." then he looked at jack significantly and laughed--laughed in a singularly sinister, yet highly pitched suppressed key. jack penetrated rutley's purpose at once and the prodigious nerve of the fellow caused him likewise to laugh. but jack's laugh was different from rutley's, in so much that it conveyed, though suppressed and soft, an air of rollicking abandon. "and get the reward of ten thousand dollars offered for the child's recovery." "precisely," laughed rutley. his laugh seemed infectious, for jack joined him with a "ha, ha, ha, ha. and borrow ten thousand more from old harris for being a good samaritan to his nephew, sam, eh! have another, phil," and again he laughed as he offered the glass. rutley took the glass and filled it. "a forty thousand cleanup, jack, just for a bit of judicious nerve! he, he, he, he," and then his laughter ceased, for the simple reason that his lips could not perform the act of drinking and laughing at the same time. "ha, ha, ha, ha," laughed jack, in response. "a damned good thing, eh, phil?" and he took the glass, filled it, and drank. "has anybody heard from corway?" "shanghaied," laconically replied rutley. "he's off on the british bark lochlobin. no fear of any trouble from him for several months." "how, in the name of god, did you do it?" asked jack, fairly enthralled with rutley's nerve. "oh, it was easy. fixed it up with some sailor boarding-house toughs, but i only got $ out of it all told, including his watch. but, my dear boy, that is not all i have planned in this plunge. you know i am desperately in love with the orphan?" "hazel!" exclaimed jack. "ho, that was plain long ago," and he laughed again. "she's the sweetest little girl in the world, jack, and the best part of it is, she has a cool hundred thousand in her own right." "marry her," promptly advised jack. "that is my intention, jack, and the day after tomorrow i visit rosemont to persuade her to elope with me. quite a society thrill--don't you know?" "thrill!" replied jack, astonished. "you mean sensation. hazel eloped with me lord beauchamp, knight of the garter. have one on that, phil." "oh, she's a darling, jack, and now that corway is out of the way--i think she'd like--to wear the garter," and he grinned jovially. "a garter is fetching, phil." "success to the garter! may lady hazel never let it fall; ha, ha," and jack laughed merrily as he filled the glass. "evil be to him who evil thinks. my garter, jack! he, he, he, he." there was no mistaking the fact that the two men were verging on the hilarious, and though fully aware of the importance of conversing in low tones, they continued, because they felt satisfied the critical period of their operations had passed and success was assured. again rutley laughed. "jack, i've had an itching palm today." "so have i. see how red it is with scratching, and the sole of my left foot has been tickled to fits." "the signs are right, jack. i congratulate you on your luck, and if it is as good as your judgment of liquor--it is a damned good thing." he laughed as he seized the glass. "this is the proof," and he forthwith tossed it off, and handed the glass to jack. jack's convivial spirits were quite willing. he took the glass, filled it, and laughingly said: "what is good for the devil, applies to his imp." then he drained the glass and again laughed. rutley joined in. "you make me blush! did you say your left foot tickled?" "yes!" "you will change domiciles. what do you say to secretary-treasurer of the securities investment association?" "what? resurrect the old s. i. a.?" jack replied, and he stared at rutley with amazement. "yes! thorpe and harris put us out of business. why not use their 'simoleons' to start up again?" and he chuckled with evident satisfaction. "agreed, phil! start her up with a full page ad in a sunday paper, eh? ha, ha, ha, ha--a damned good thing." "precisely! ahem," coughed rutley. "we are pleased to announce that our former fellow townsmen, mr. philip rutley and mr. jack shore have returned very wealthy." "and were received with open arms," added jack, and he laughed. "damned good joke, phil; damned good joke. have one on that!" and he turned and picked up bottle and glass from the table and offered them to his colleague. rutley always maintained a dignified bearing, yet his manners were quite unconventional, and suave, and easy, and it must be understood that neither of them on this occasion became boisterous. he took the proffered bottle and glass, poured liquor in the glass, and after setting the bottle on the table, said: "thirty days later, a-hem! we congratulate the stockholders of the reorganized securities investment association on the able and efficient management of your officers, manager philip rutley and secretary-treasurer jack shore." he then drained the glass and handed it to jack. "ha, ha, ha, ha," laughed jack, as he took the glass and poured the liquor in it, and pointedly added: "addenda! it affords us much pleasure to apologize for our former charge of wilful dishonesty against the gentlemen above mentioned. signed: john thorpe, james harris, committee." and jack drained the glass. "he, he, he, he," softly laughed rutley. "very proper, my boy; quite so!" "it only needs the measly 'yellow goods' to make it practical," suggested jack. "my dear, ahem, mr. secretary, don't let that trifle worry you. the 'yellow goods' are coming as sure as day follows night." "i hope the day will not again plunge us into night," laughed jack. "oh, don't put it that way," testily rejoined rutley. "disagreeably suggestive, you know--damned bad taste." rutley's supersensitiveness, in their present situation, was greeted by jack with a burst of suppressed laughter. "when eve tempted and adam bit, he took his medicine without a fit. have another, phil." without accepting the bottle, and seemingly without heeding the remark, rutley inquired, a bit seriously: "is the dog on guard?" "yes," replied jack, standing stock still, with the bottle in one hand and the tumbler in the other. "tied to a stick of driftwood on shore. no interlopers while snooks is on watch. why?" the question was asked rather soberly. "i received a tip that you are shadowed and trouble may come before dawn. when it comes the little one must not be here." "i agree with you," responded jack. "i've lost that medal somewhere, too." "ye gods!" gravely replied rutley, with an alarmed look. "if it falls into the hands of a detective, it may serve as a clue. curious, too. i recall now that the dog didn't bark or growl when i approached the cabin." "i wonder!" exclaimed jack. "maybe snooks has got loose and is wandering about the island. we had better make sure." setting the bottle and tumbler on the table, he opened the cabin door and stepped somewhat unsteadily on the platform. closing the door, he peered shoreward, then softly whistled. after listening intently, and hearing nothing, he called, in a low voice: "snooks! snooks!" receiving no response, and being unable to identify shapeless objects on the shore, through the darkness, he re-entered the cabin, quietly as possible, and with a concerned look on his face. "i believe the dog has got away. i'll go ashore and investigate." "i'll go with you," assured rutley. "jack, better see that the child's asleep." jack took the lamp from the bracket, opened the partition door, looked in at the sleeping child, and closed the door as gently as he had opened it. "sound asleep," he whispered. then he replaced the lamp, blew out the light, and made his way out onto the platform, accompanied by rutley. quietly they stepped into a small boat, fastened to the logs, and pushed off towards the shore. it was then jack remembered that he had not locked the door, and wanted to return for that purpose, but rutley demurred. "time is precious," he murmured, rather thickly. "besides we shall be gone only a few minutes, and it is unlikely that the child will stir in the darkness." chapter xv. they had scarcely reached the shore when another small boat came gliding noiselessly along down toward the cabin. the boat contained virginia and constance. as they approached near, propulsion ceased, and the boat drifted along. virginia turned half around on her seat, listened intently, and looked at the dark cabin, with eyes that fairly sparkled, in her effort to penetrate its interior. slowly the boat drew along the platform. quietly and cautiously they stepped out, and after fastening the line which held the boat to an iron ring which had been driven into one of the logs for that purpose, virginia took constance by the hand, which she felt tremble, and caused her to whisper: "courage, dear." then she tapped gently on the door. receiving no response, she tapped again, then tried the knob, and, to her amazement, the door opened. for a moment they stood on the threshold, irresolute. a whiff of tobacco smoke brushed their nostrils. virginia timidly stepped within, followed closely by constance. the darkness was intense, the stillness profound. "whew!" virginia ejaculated, in a whisper. "the den reeks with tobacco smoke. he must be asleep." she softly closed the door and lighted one of the matches which she had been careful to provide herself with. "there is no one here," whispered constance, in tones of terrifying disappointment. up to that time she had religiously kept her promise to observe the strictest silence, but when in the dim light produced by the match, her eyes swiftly took in the untenanted room, her heart sank in chilly numbness. virginia noted the famished, haunted look that had crept into her eyes, and as she turned away with a fresh pang in her heart, discovered the bottle and tumbler on the table. it suggested a clue, and she replied, in low tones, and in the most matter-of-fact manner, that, surprised herself, "he must be intoxicated, the beast." the coolness of the utterance had the effect, in a measure, of reassuring constance, who then, discovering a closed door directly in front, breathlessly exclaimed: "that door must open to another room." it was at that moment that the light died out. virginia stood stock still and listened. she pressed her left hand tight against her heart to still the terrible throbbing. she heard constance grope her way to the partition door. she heard the nervous fingers on the framework. she heard the latch click. "be careful, dear. oh, be careful, dear!" admonished virginia, in a whisper of frenzied anxiety--and then she heard the door pushed open. a moment of profound silence and then followed the sound of a step within. constance stood beside dorothy--with only the deep darkness and two feet of empty space separating them. who shall say that the subtle power which impelled the mother on in the dense darkness, first to the door, then to open it, and then to step within beside her child, was not magnetic intuition? virginia softly followed her to the door, produced a match and rubbed it against the casing. at that moment constance was standing inside the threshold, her right hand still on the open door latch; her back to virginia. she was looking straight ahead into the darkness. the scraping of the match caused her to turn her head. "oh, dorothy, darling!" was all that the poor heart-broken mother could utter. so sudden and great was the transport called forth by the discovery of dorothy quietly sleeping near her elbow, that her senses grew dizzy, and as she sank to the floor on her trembling knees, convulsively outstretched her hands to clasp the face of her child. it was a favor of fate that placed them at that moment alone with the child, for whom virginia was prepared to sacrifice her life to rescue. a decree that paid homage to the act of a heroine. true, the unhappy cause that impelled her to act was indirectly of her own making, and a sense of justice and remorse urged her to remedy it. nevertheless the act itself, for daring the rescue, was most heroic. when constance threw her hands out to clasp dorothy, the child awakened with a start, and at the same time the match light became extinguished. after her prayer, dorothy laid down on the bunk without undressing, as had been her custom, since in the custody of jack, and almost immediately fell asleep. her guileless little heart, cherishing confidence in his promise, provoked a smile of spiritual beauty that settled on her sweet young face--unflect by earthly misgivings. as she slept there came into her dream a vision of terraces, grown over with lovely flowers, and there were green, grassy plots and gorgeous colored butterflies darting in and out among the flowers and golden sunshine. and out from somewhere, in the serene hazy distance, came the silvery song of her own canary bird. where? and as she looked and listened, a butterfly, oh, so large and beautiful, with semi-transparent rose, pearl wings dotted and fringed with emerald gems, hovered tantalizingly near her. she was tempted to catch it, but each time, though perilously near, it evaded her tiny clutch, and so drew her on over velvety lawns and grassy slopes to a babbling brook. the prismatic winged thing fluttered over some pebbles and alighted on a slender willow twig. she stood on a stone, reached out to clutch the beauty, and just as her little fingers were about to close on it, the voice of her mother rang out in frantic warning--"dorothy! dorothy!" and then her foot slipped, and as she was falling she felt herself suddenly clasped in strong arms, and borne upward, to awake with the cry of "dorothy" ringing in her ears. for a moment or two the child lay perfectly still, then gradually to her returning senses, the room smelled of tobacco smoke, and supposing that it was her captor's hand that clasped her face, said: "oh, mr. golda, the room is full of smoke!" "hush, dear," cautioned virginia. "your mother and aunt virginia are here." "oh, mamma and aunty!" joyfully exclaimed dorothy, for she recognized virginia's well-known voice, and sitting up, said: "you've come to take me home, haven't you?" again the match light faded out. the voice of dorothy seemed to thrill constance with new energy, for, with a frantic effort, she partially recovered her composure. she struggled to her feet, and in a rapture of thanksgiving, folded the child to her heart. "oh, my darling, my darling, please god, they shall never take you from me again. no, never again." and she kissed her with a passionate joy, such as only a fond mother can feel for her helpless infant. "oh, mamma, i am so glad," responded dorothy, clasping her little arms about her mother's neck. "dorothy, dear, where is he?" questioned virginia, in a whisper. "he was in the room when i came to bed, auntie." "he is not there now. he must be away." and a prospect of getting the child away without a struggle nerved her to instant action. "come," she exclaimed, "we must go at once. don't speak, sweetheart. silence; come, constance, quick!" "yes, yes; go on," was constance's almost hysterical reply. and so, with the child in her arms and virginia pulling at her sleeves to guide and hasten her, they groped as cautiously as possible in the darkness, towards the cabin door. they had proceeded a few paces when virginia, in her eagerness, rubbed against the table; she stepped aside to clear it, and in doing so, jolted constance. it was then, under the strain of the stiffled emotions of the past few days, and the great excitement attendant on the present enterprise, together with the sudden reactionary joy of again clasping her child, that the first symptom of the mother's mental breakdown occurred. "oh," she faintly screamed, "the boat rocks," and she would have fallen to the floor had not a chair, the only one in the cabin, luckily stood nearby. she stumbled against it and sank upon the seat, with dorothy tightly clasped in her arms. unable in the darkness to comprehend the pause, virginia tugged urgently at constance's sleeve. "come along, dear, we must be quick." "very well! why don't you use the paddles?" replied constance, in an altered tone, a strange metallic ring in her voice, and with less agitation than she had recently displayed. still unable, or rather refusing herself to think anything was wrong, and with a panicky impatience to be gone from the den, virginia again urged constance to hasten. "don't sit there, dear! come along! we have not a moment to lose. shall i carry dorothy?" the answer startled her; a new terror had appeared. "don't you see that i am holding my heart tight. i cannot let go to help you. make the boat go faster. why don't you paddle." virginia's heart leaped to her throat. "her mind is giving away," she exclaimed, with a gasp. there, then, the typhoid aftermath, which had been predicted would develop in time in constance some strange and serious ailment, had found a lodgement, and now, bursting into life, lay siege to nature's most wonderful creation, the human brain. a moment of terrifying consternation followed. "what shall i do now?" virginia distractedly exclaimed. "paddle, paddle, paddle," feebly responded constance. unmindful of the reply, virginia stood as if transfixed with despair. she racked her brain for a way out. the situation was fast verging on the tragic. "i will barricade the door!" she determined. "no, he may smash in the roof or sink us; i must get them away somehow." "oh, constance, dear, try to be strong. fight down this weakness. the boat is waiting. we must escape. help me! oh, god, help! help!" her voice began in a subdued, frantic appeal, and ended in a sob of heart-rending despair for succor. like a shaft of sunshine bursting through a rift in the dark, lowering clouds of dismay, came the answer from constance: "i will! i will! let me think! oh, yes, we had better go now. lead on! hasten!" and she arose from the seat. "thank heaven. the dark spot has gone," virginia fervently exclaimed. "her brain has cleared again." how joyfully she struck another match further to accelerate their passage. "keep close to me, dear. are you tired? let me help you." and she placed her right arm about the waist of constance, the match held forward in her left hand lighting the way. they had proceeded a few steps when the door opened. she drew back with a slight, terrified exclamation: "oh!" jack shore stood in the doorway. chapter xvi. the men had been ashore, had found the rope cut in several places, and the dog gone. the circumstances were so suspicious and frought with so much danger to them, that they decided upon the immediate removal of the child. on their return toward the cabin, rutley discovered a faint glimmer of light within, and in a whisper, called jack's attention to it. "i am sure i blew it out," jack whispered, alarmed. "do you think the child awakened and struck a match?" again whispered rutley. "no; no matches within her reach. perhaps virginia has come. hello! a strange boat here." "the light moves," continued rutley, in a whisper. "i will get out here," whispered jack, and he sprang out of the boat quietly onto the platform. "take the boat to the other end of the cabin." as he opened the door, the profile of the women and child appeared, dimly outlined by the match light held in virginia's hand. as she staggered back, surprised and terrified, for the moment, jack pushed his way in, closed the door, bolted and locked it, and put the key in his pocket. then he struck a match and lighted the lamp. [illustration: "virginia drew back with a slight terrified exclamation, 'oh!' jack shore stood in the doorway."] after surveying the group, he gruffly laughed. "ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, signora make a da bold a break in a da house, eh? ha, ha, ha, ha. eesa try tak a daize from a da nicey home, eh? ha, ha, ha, ha." "yes," she replied, without hesitation or a qualm of fear in her voice. "that was my intention, but the devil's emissary has blocked it." without a trace of fear, quietly and strangely free from agitation, constance made her way to the door, and laid her hand on the bolt to unfasten it. jack took hold of her small, round wrist, turned her about and pushed her back a few paces. "note a beez in a da hurry, signora." "who are you?" she timidly asked. "ha, ha, ha, hic, eesa compan-e-on say i beez a da devil," jack laughed jeeringly. "oh, very well," she replied, mildly. "the devil is always hungry for someone. who do you want now?" "a daize, a da daize. yous a lak a me, eh, a daize?" "no, no; the devil shall not have my heart. my precious darling now." and constance shrank from him, pressing the little form tighter to her breast. "but you may have money," she indifferently added. jack smiled and bowed obsequiously. "ten-na years eesa sella da banans, turnoppsis, carrottsis, cababbages--mak a da mon, naw! now eesa steal a da kid, do anyting for a mak a da mon. da mon, da mon," he repeated slowly three times, with deep-toned dago emphasis. "then eesa-go back a da sunny italia," a phrase that escaped his lips as though shot from a rapid firer. in the meantime rutley had entered from the other door, locked it, and softly crept to the partition door, where he stood listening and noting, through the small glass panel, the situation within. scorning preliminaries, virginia said: "i have brought you all that i could get. take it!" and she laid a package of crisp banknotes on the table. jack's eyes bulged and glistened at the sight of so much money within his grasp. he eagerly picked up the package, which was fastened in the middle by a band of paper, flipped the ends of the banknotes back and forth with his finger, then proceeded to count the money. his action was business-like. without unfastening the band, he held one end of the package firmly down on the table with the knuckles of his left hand, doubled the other end back, and held it with his fingers and let each note slip back separately to a flat position on the table, until he counted them all. meanwhile virginia had gently pushed constance to the seat, and as she watched him she muttered, as though speaking to herself: "i could get no more than ten thousand dollars. if that will not satisfy him, then let fate come to the rescue, for a life hangs on the issue tonight." "turnoppsis, carrottsis, ca-babbages, ta-rah-rah. eesa fat a da pack," said jack, as he thrust the package of money inside his vest. "saw da ood, hic"--but it appearing loose and risky to keep it there, he took it out, rolled it up and forced it in his trousers' back pocket. "black a da boots, hic." still feeling dissatisfied with the security of either pocket he at last put it in the inside pocket of his coat, hanging near the lamp over the table. and then he turned to virginia. "eesa part a da mon? hic. much a beez a da tanks, signora." "you will now liberate the child?" she pleaded, in faltering speech. "ta-rah-rah! you sa fetch a me only a da half!" exclaimed jack, feigning surprise at her request. "yousa da rich. gotta da mon a plent. go, signora, get a moores a da mon. leave a daize a da here." "mr. golda, i'll not stay. i am going home with mamma!" and dorothy pouted indignantly. seeing him obdurate, and fearing the effect of a forcible separation from her mother now so fondly clasped in her arms, virginia resolved to try persuasion once more, before putting into execution the plans she had matured as a last and desperate resort. with blanched face, its very seriousness compelling attention, she said, in a faltering voice: "if your heart is human you cannot look upon that stricken mother without feeling that in the last great day the judge of all will judge you as you now deal with her." he turned from her without a word, derision betrayed in his face, contempt in his action. it, however, placed jack in a dilemma. there the mother, for whom he felt a kindly interest, quietly resting with her lost darling in her arms, yet ever and anon a scared, haunted look flitted from her eyes. he looked at the girl a moment, then broke into low, derisive laughter. "ha, ha, ha, ha. eesa fine a da lady. he, he, he, he. signora beez a da accomplice ova da conspirator to break a up a da brodder's home, eh? signora good a da lady." "ha, ha, ha, ha," and suddenly lowering his voice, said: "turnoppsis, carrottsis, ca-babbages," then paused and picked up the bottle to take a drink. "if the child goes home now," he thought, "phil gets no reward; no," and he set the bottle down on the table with a bang, without taking the premeditated drink. "no, ma sees a daize a beez a da safe. ma sees no a da harm come a daize." "i have brought you all the money i could obtain, and now i demand that you release the child," virginia said, firmly. "eesa be damn! yous a fetch a me a da mon, a da rest, ten a thous, an an--a daise beez a da liber. eesa da late a now, signora. much a bet for a youse a da go home, hic." virginia's blanched but resolute face indicated that the critical moment had arrived. then her voice quivered slightly, as with suppressed, quiet dignity, she said: "i shall give you no more." the declaration aroused constance. she looked up. "yes, oh, yes; give him more!" she exclaimed, in plaintive alarm. "he shall have a million, two million; i will get it for him." the extravagant offer, the soft, troubled, pensive stare, caused jack to straighten up and gaze directly at her. virginia's alert eyes at once caught the superstitious fear that had suddenly betrayed itself in his face. "don't you see her mind is giving way!" she exclaimed, and while he stood staring at constance, she seized the occasion as one favorable for escape. "come dear," she urged, "he will not stop us now." "it is dangerous," was the soft, helpless reply. "the clouds are thickening, and the storm will soon burst." "courage, dear, the clouds will soon roll by. come," virginia urged, half lifting her to her feet. "oh, very well, we must go," was the indifferent response. a step forward, and again that timid, startled, fawn-like terror overcame her. "oh, dear," she plaintively exclaimed, "the boat rocks; hold fast to me, sweetheart." and she halted with a swinging motion, as though her limbs were incapable of firmly sustaining her. with distended eyes. jack stared at her. "heavens!" he thought; "i cannot separate that poor mother from her child. i cannot do it. if phil wants the reward he must take the child home himself." the thought was scarcely developed when the voice of his partner rang out from the other room, hoarse, disguised, and peremptory: "what's the matter with you? separate them! take the kid and turn the woman out." then it was virginia realized that she had two men to deal with instead of one. undaunted, her courage arose to the occasion. she had come prepared for trouble of a most serious nature, and in her determination to succeed, it mattered little, now that she had shaken off the first trembling of fear, whether one or more men stood in her way. she stepped over close to jack, bent forward and looked up sideways in his face, a magnetic fire scintillating from her eyes that seemed to pierce his inmost thought, and slowly drew his gaze to her. under the spell jack forgot his assumed character, for once he forgot to use the dago dialect. "don't look at me in that way; it was not all my work," he said, apologetically. he had spoken in plain english. yet in virginia's tensely excited frame of mind it passed unchallenged. "you acknowledge a share in it. and if you lay a hand on her child, i'll call down upon you the blasphemy of a madhouse." the art she employed to play upon his heightened imagination was intensely eloquent, and exquisitely enacted. on the impulse of the moment the threat served to unnerve him completely and had jack been the only one to deal with, their escape at that moment would have been certain. a prey to his own secret superstition, though openly ridiculed theosophy, jack stood spellbound, his fear distorted by the influence of the liquor he had drunk. true, rutley had braced him some, but virginia threw about him a glow of such awesome consequences that he again weakened and unconsciously repeated under his breath: "the curse of a madhouse! oh, i can't do it! i'm a bit human yet." then came a second roar from rutley, impatient and contemptuous. "separate them, you chicken-hearted knave! separate them, damn you, and be quick about it, too!" a slight jar at that moment struck the cabin. jack came out of his semi-trance with a shudder and, recovering his nerve, seemed to be disgusted at his momentary weakness, and forthwith he attempted to get between the women and the cabin door, addressing the child: "a daize a mus stay a dare. yous a lak a me, eh a daize?" "wretch, stand back!" virginia commanded. she realized that the supreme moment had come. jack leered at her. without further heed he addressed the child: "a daize, yous a da know i beez a kind to you," and he took hold of her arms. "let a da go eesa say hic. let a da go da kid." "no, no!" constance cried, as she resisted his effort to separate them. "you shall not have my darling! you shall not take her again." "take your villainous hands off!" ordered virginia, and at the same time she dealt him a stinging blow in the face, which caused him to loose his hold on dorothy and stagger back. at that moment, too, he was startled by footsteps on the roof. he paused with a confused idea whether the sound on the roof had not really emanated from rutley in the other room. concluding in favor of the latter, he continued: "yous a da defy a me eh, hic, sacramente! eesa mak a da let a go da kid, or eesa break a da arm." meanwhile virginia had placed herself between constance and jack and, drawing a revolver from under her jacket, leveled it at him. utterly reckless of her own danger, and her eyes ablaze with daring she exclaimed in a voice low and thrilling with intense determination, "stand where you are, you vile epitome of a man! dare try to bar our way out, and witness heaven, i'll rid the earth of a scoundrel too long infesting it!" a quaking pause followed, more trying to her nerves than the peril of the situation itself, and she backed toward the door. her action provoked an exclamation from jack. "god, the girl's game!" he stood mentally measuring the space that separated them, while a cunning leer developed on his face. he was about to spring, when sam's shuffling on the roof became distinct. "another accomplice! god protect the child!" murmured virginia. and then in the moment of her dismay, jack sprang forward and grasped her pistol hand. she fired, but the excitement had unnerved her, and the bullet went wide of its mark. in the struggle that ensued he forced her down on her knees, wrenched the weapon from her hand. as he was placing it in his pocket, it slipped from his grasp and slid along the floor, where it lay beyond his reach, near the partition door. then he leered at her, and pinioned her hands behind her. "now kiss a da me." notwithstanding the danger of her position, she managed to suppress her terror, and she exclaimed defiantly, "never!" and with one concentrated desperate effort in which all the suppleness, strength and agility of youth were called into action, succeeded in breaking his grasp, and sprang to her feet. deprived of her revolver, yet she had foreseen such a contingency, and had provided a last means of defense. she produced a small dagger from her corsage. her fingers tightened convulsively around the handle, and she said in a trembling voice: "back, you ruffian! the point is poisoned! beware!" the action was so quick, and the blade glittered aloft with such deadly intent, that jack leaped back. meanwhile rutley's attention had been absorbed by the struggle going on between jack and virginia, but when he heard the footsteps on the roof his alarm became manifest. "i must get the child at once, or all will be lost," he muttered. hastily taking a handkerchief from his pocket, he tied it about the lower part of his face, then he swung open the partition door and entered, the same instant that jack had forced virginia to her knees. without a pause, he promptly made for constance, grasped the child and tried to tear her from her mother. constance, too affrighted to scream, resisted with all her might. "let go, damn you--let go, or i'll drown her!" and with savage hands he wrenched dorothy away from her. trying to escape with dorothy in his arms, rutley confronted virginia. "release her!" she demanded. he looked at the dagger, quivering ominously in her hand, and dorothy dropped from his nerveless hands and he jumped back beside jack, hoarsely exclaiming, "god, she's a tartar!" "run to your mother, dorothy! to the boat, constance, quick!" urged virginia, as she stood erect, fearless and tragic between the men and their prey. "are we curs to be daunted by this oregon girl, this slip of a woman?" exclaimed rutley hoarsely. "beware! the edge is sharp, the poison deadly!" cautioned virginia, in a voice that thrilled and which left no doubt as to her determination to use the weapon to the limit of her ability. jack laughed--laughed low, hoarse and sarcastically. "he, he, he, he, he. scarce da fine a lady--wid a da white a nice a hand. mak-a eem all a da carmine, eh? he, he, he, he, he, he." she made no reply, yet there darted from her eyes a lightning flash of desperate purpose. rutley clearly understood the sign and, leaning over close to jack, whispered: "we must get the knife from her at all hazards." "signora, good a da lady, eh! mak a da bloody fista, eh!" jack leered as he concentrated his gaze upon the girlish form drawn up to her fullest height before him. again he laughed low and hoarsely: "ha, ha, ha, ha! eesa know a da way to fix 'em!" swiftly opening the partition door, he thrust in his hand, pulled a covering off from the bunk, then after closing the door, he proceeded rapidly to tie the corners together, muttering meanwhile, "eesa mak a da loop, lak a da bag. see! ha, ha, ha, ha!" to virginia the trap appeared so simple and ingenious, its application so promising of success, that as she watched its preparation her heart leaped to the opportunity presented as a last chance. "attack them now--attack them now!" urged her judgment with startling force. louder it seemed to grow, till at last, maddened by the very repugnance of its conception, a sickening sense of fear overpowered her, her nerves suddenly collapsed, and she seemed to lose the power of action. having completed the snare, which had taken only a few moments to prepare. jack bent forward, showing the white of his teeth as a wolf of its fangs when about to spring on its prey. "now together!" he whispered. virginia saw her danger and realized the crisis of all her efforts to make atonement for the wrong she had caused constance was at hand. again the affrighted despairing cry burst in an audible whisper from her lips. "help! help! oh, god in heaven, help!" just what jack would have done in his fury it is impossible to say, for the liquor had frenzied him, and virginia's stubborn resistance had aroused in him a latent devil. his intention, whatever it may have been, was frustrated by sam, who at that moment smashed in the window, covered him with his revolver and shouted, "throw up your hands!" the crash of broken glass arrested jack's attention, and upon looking around he discovered the muzzle of a large caliber revolver thrust through the broken window and leveled straight at him. so sudden was the surprise, so unexpected and imminent the danger, that he automatically flung up his hands. upon crossing the island, after leaving thorpe and the detective at the edge of the wood, sam had immediately boarded the launch, and stowing the dog in a comfortable position on cotton waste in the "fo-castle," directed the engineer to proceed to the north end of the island. on arriving at the point agreed upon, aside from the cabin's range of city lights, sam got into a small boat, provided for the occasion, and pushed ashore, after having conveyed thorpe and the detective on board the launch. a consultation was held, and it was arranged that the detective and smith, who had remained in the launch, should go in the small boat, assail the south door and cut off escape in that direction, while thorpe and sam in the launch would take a position at the main door of the cabin. after securing an axe from the launch, the detective and smith proceeded as quickly as possible on their mission. instead of rowing, they paddled along, indian fashion, the dip of the blades scarcely disturbing the silence that enveloped them. the launch steamed slowly along in the boat's wake, and just as noiselessly, and was the first to touch one of the logs which supported the cabin. they heard voices within that seemed feminine and familiar to both sam and thorpe, though uncertain on account of the low tone. as prearranged, sam stealthily clambered up on the roof and crawled to the starboard side, where he lay flat on his stomach, and peered head down, in through the loose curtained four-paned window. what he saw prompted him to instantaneous action, and the crash of broken glass followed. rutley immediately grasped the situation as one fraught with the gravest peril. he saw that sam's revolver covered jack, and saw, too, that a few feet nearer the partition door would place him in a position out of line of sam's aim, as the small cupboard, beside the window, formed an angle that sheltered that part of the room. on the instant, therefore, he leaped toward the partition door. as he sprang toward the door, his eyes fastened on jack's coat. to secure the package of money from its pocket was, for his deft fingers, but the work of a moment; then into the sleeping room he darted and closed the door. while jack's hands were up, thorpe called from the outside to open the door. at the same time he shook it violently, and began to batter it with the axe. during this time constance stood with her back to the wall, her arms straight down by her side, with the palms of her hands flattened against the boards, as one seeks support at times on a ship at sea. she appeared insensible alike to fear or position. yet the horror of the affair shone in her distended eyes. "the boat rocks, the storm is upon us," she muttered. at the moment smith commenced to batter the other door of the cabin, jack took the chance, and sprang to one side, out of line of sam's revolver. "it's the police!" he exclaimed wildly, and in the panic that seized him he quite forgot his assumed character. he picked up the revolver that he had wrenched from virginia, and which lay upon the floor, and his attitude became so threatening and malignant as to cause her to utter a slight terrified scream. even dorothy's large innocent eyes blazed, and she struck at him in defense of virginia. "mr. golda, you're a bad, bad man." the child's voice raised in jack a "forlorn hope," for he muttered, "dorothy shall be my guarantee of escape." simultaneously the door flew open under thorpe's blows, and he stood in the entrance. "oh, papa, papa!" cried dorothy, as she ran toward him. seeing his opportunity, jack desperately clutched the child with his left hand. swinging dorothy in front of him, and before her father, he pointed the revolver at her head, and in that position addressed him in a sort of screeching yell, "stop!" thorpe stood horror-stricken. his heart leaped to his throat. "my god! madman, what will you do?" he hoarsely exclaimed, and motioned as if to rescue the child. with a tighter clutch, and a more maddening menace, jack again addressed him, "stop, not a step nearer!" and to emphasize his purpose, he placed the muzzle of the revolver close to her head. observing the desperate peril in which dorothy was placed, and with a courage born of horror and despair, virginia stole to jack's back, and with a wild frantic scream of "save her!" seized his pistol hand between both her own, and in the struggle that immediately ensued, and in which all her strength was exerted, the weapon fell to the floor. and then sam tore open the broken window, swung himself through to the floor, and instantly grappled with jack. virginia's attack forced jack to release dorothy, who was immediately gathered in her father's arms. "safe, my blessed child, safe!" he fervently exclaimed. and then poor virginia, courageous, strong-minded, kind-hearted, passionate virginia, having sustained the frightful nervous strain till the last moment, swayed, and sank to the floor in a swoon. meanwhile constance stood beside the cabin door, staring at the men in a dazed and vacant manner. she had heard virginia, and repeated mechanically, "save dorothy!" and now repeated after mr. thorpe, in tones as though a very dear voice had kindled a spark calling back loving recollections. she drew her hand across her brow, as though trying to clear away some web that obscured her memory, and stared at her husband like one suddenly awakened from a dream. a moment after and she whispered with awe in her voice, "john! john!" almost immediately rutley had returned to the room without the child, but with jack's money, the door near him was being battered. he at once concluded that the game was up, and his own safety necessitated an immediate escape. how? he must decide at once. how many surrounded the cabin? ha! if he only knew, and then the hatch occurred to him. he knew the big logs upon which the cabin was built raised it some ten or twelve inches above water. there lay his way--out--quick. he lifted the cover, and silently sank beneath the floor between the logs. then he let the trap door fall back in position above him, just as the cabin door gave way and the detective entered, followed by smith, who handled an axe. it was then that constance seemed to recover suddenly her reason, for she rushed toward her husband with outstretched arms, exclaiming in a voice fraught with rapturous thanksgiving, "john! john and dorothy!" an inexpressible joy shone in her eyes. but her advance was met with a cold, stern frown and a backward wave of the hand. not a word escaped him. for a moment she stood irresolute; then she passed the tips of her fingers across her brow again and again--"oh, this horrible dream that i cant' shake off!" again she seemed to recover her reason and her voice, soft and sobbing, said, "john, you don't believe me shameless and debased, do you? you can't believe it, for it is false, false, i say! and the boat won't clear from it! let me help"--and her voice hardening, she went on--"give me a paddle. we must escape. save dorothy!" and she threw out her hands to him appealingly. a swift compassionate look swept across thorpe's face. the first doubt of his wife's guilt had seized upon his brain, and he said chokingly, "my god, is it possible my wife is innocent?" he had half turned around to her, but on remembering the ring, his face again set stern, then without another word he waved her back with a single motion of his hand. but the sound of his voice had once more stirred up a filament of intelligence and she sobbed, "john! john!" she got no further. she saw him turn away and, placing her hand to her side, trembled, and with a moan on her lips, sank down beside virginia. and at that moment the detective appeared in the partition doorway and was followed closely by smith, who, upon seeing the prostrate woman, senseless on the floor, at once concluded a foul crime had been committed, and exclaimed, with horror and rage on his face: "oh, the murtherin' blackguard!" in the struggle jack broke from sam and stooped to pick up the revolver. but sam, coached in texas, had him covered with his own revolver in a twinkling, and with the characteristic side movement of his head, said with a grin of satisfaction, "if you touch it, i'll send a bullet through your brain!" chapter xvii. after jack shore had been securely handcuffed, and after a hasty but bootless search for his partner in crime, detective simms hustled him into the launch, and desiring to get him behind the prison bars without delay, ordered the engineer to run the boat across the river at once so as to avoid any attempt at release by possible confederates. a hasty examination of both constance and virginia convinced mr. thorpe that they were not seriously hurt, and were rendered senseless only by a shock of great mental excitement. to remain until after their recovery would only add torture to a painful situation; he therefore made them as comfortable as the limited means at hand would allow, and then taking dorothy with him, boarded the launch, leaving sam and smith to watch over and care for his wife and sister until the arrival of a physician, whom he intended to dispatch to their aid as quickly as possible. dorothy objected to leaving her mother, but was sternly overruled and awed into submission by her father. ten minutes after her rescue the boat was speeding toward madison street landing with john thorpe and dorothy, jack shore and detective simms, taciturn and grave. as the boat drew away, both sam and smith silently contemplated the two insensible women on the floor. for some moments neither spoke a word, profoundly absorbed in a grave contemplation of the questionable necessity of the two women undertaking so dangerous a mission. to sam it appeared plain they had very recently learned of dorothy's place of captivity; but why they had not imparted the information to some of their male friends, why they had kept her place of concealment secret, and why, also, they had undertaken her release just prior to the arrival of her father on the scene, was a mystery. it only resulted in a suspicion that they had somehow heard of john thorpe's premeditated attempt at rescue, and were alarmed lest dorothy should fall into his hands. smith's mind was not of an analytical nature; in fact, he did not think their presence was attributable to anything other than a mother's natural heart-breaking longing to recover her darling as swiftly as possible, and in the enterprise virginia had joined her. and as he thought of the indifference and cruel desertion of john thorpe with her child, for whom she had made such a sacrifice, a solemn, serious look of sadness gathered on his face and deepened into contempt and anger. and the compassion in his heart welled up and at length broke from between his lips, in unconscious mutterings. "sure, he tuk her darlint from her an' left her lyin' there, too, so he do, on the hard flure, wid her sinses gone out from her hid complately. the heartless man!" "the trouble between them is serious," sam replied, as he knelt down beside virginia and commenced to chafe her hands. "sure, don't i know it, so i do!" rejoined smith, as he followed sam's example and set to chafing constance's hands between his own. "an' he's broke her heart entirely, so he ave," he went on, "an' her hands do be numb wid no life in thim at all." then he was silent for a time and worked industriously to bring back into her hands the warmth that had fled. suddenly he asked sam in an eager, anxious whisper, "do yees belave she'd do wrong?" "no!" sam promptly replied. "naither do i. indade she's as swate an' innocint a lady as wan ave hivin's angels. sure, she cudn't do wrong at all, at all." "not at all!" responded sam gravely. "an' the mister shud ave better sinse than to trate her so unkind, don't yees think so now?" "thorpe is a damned fool, i guess!" sam answered gloomily. "indade, i do belave it, too, so i do!" again there was silence. again it was broken by smith, who said in a low, confidential tone: "i'll tell yees, i belave it do be some attracious divil ave come betwain thim." "you do!" sam snapped at him, as though he interpreted smith's allusion a direct reference to virginia. "indade i do, so i do!" "why do you think so?" sam asked, a tinge of annoyance at smith's persistence still appearing in the manner of asking. "isn't she an angel? an' it's only the divil cud sipporate an angel from her husband. sure, man, dear, what more do yees want to prove it?" a twitching of virginia's eyelids at that moment caught sam's attention. it was nature's first harbinger of approaching consciousness. he held up his hand for smith to be silent. the twitching, however, ceased, and her eyelid remaining closed, again became motionless. "a false alarm!" he muttered, and proceeded to chafe her hands more industriously than before. it was evident that sam liked the occupation; for this young lady had unconsciously woven a mesh of enthralling servitude about his heart, and his idolizing; passionate fondness had at last been rewarded by unexpectedly finding himself permitted to caress her at will; to stroke her hair, to contemplate her fair face, to press her hands between his own. sam shrewdly suspected that virginia was somehow the cause of thorpe's estrangement from his wife, but wherefore and why, were parts that she alone could explain, and her lips were sealed. that she was also mysteriously connected with the abduction of the child, he felt was a moral certainty. and her meeting with the italian in the lonely park at dead of night could have offered no other solution. it had acted as a temporary restraining factor upon the ardor of his love and admiration. but now, as she lay so still and insensible in his care and protection; now, as he gazed on her fair features, all his doubts of her chastity and loyalty to those she loved vanished, and an all conquering fondness suddenly burst in a flood of radiance upon him, sweeping away all his misgivings before it, irresistible and impetuous as the flight of an avalanche. it was very quiet at that moment; so still that the rippling water, as it lapped along the logs which supported the cabin, sounded very distinct. smith imagined he heard a splash, and assuming a listening attitude, said cautiously, "phwat may that mane?" after a pause, sam alertly remarked, "we have not kept a lookout. what if the dago's partner should steal in on us?" smith's eyes blazed with anger. laying constance's hand down, he sprang to his feet. "be the power ave justice," he exclaimed between his teeth, "sure, an' it do be a divil ave a bad job the rogue'll take on, to boord us now." "if you see anybody lurking near, call me," said sam. "niver yees moind! just lave the thavin' blackguard to me! i'll attind to him!" smith answered, a savage joy betrayed on his face, and, seizing hold of the axe, he crept softly to the door. after listening a moment, he opened it and stepped out, closing the door behind him. again there was silence. again sam tenderly smoothed away virginia's abundant silky black hair from her face, and fondly chafed her temples. and as he thought of her swift recovery, a recovery that would place a great gulf between him and this one girl who could make him the happiest being on all god's green earth, he muttered; "oh, for one touch of those ruby colored lips--even if it be stolen." virginia's face was very close to him, and as he looked at her he detected a faint warmth in her cheeks; noted the fine mold, the delicate tracery of blue veins through her clear white skin--the temptation was very great. his heart thumped wildly and then--unmindful of the impropriety, or unwilling to resist the natural inclination of his arm to slip under her full, round, snowy neck--raised her head and touched her lips with his. the contact germinated a magnetic spark that raced through her veins and instantly awoke her to life. she sprang to her feet, the red blood of active youth flushing her face to crimson. for one moment she looked indignant, fully conscious of the liberty he had taken. sam bent his head abashed, and said apologetically--said in tones and manner that left no mistake as to his honest love and deep respect for her--"you looked so beautiful that--really now--i could not help it--forgive me!" her mobile face, that had set in a shock of alarm, indignation and scorn, softened and, as the events of the night flooded her memory, changed to a smile. for one moment it loitered in her eyes and on her lips, and then again changed to a grave, serious look that developed tears in her beautiful blue eyes. she held out her hand to him. were his eyes deceiving him? could he believe it? yes, and he stood dazed with overpowering joy that she was not offended at the liberty. he took her hand and gently carried it to his lips. then she turned to the aid of constance, knelt beside her, felt her hands, her face, her neck, and asked him. "who was so mean to strike her down?" for answer he sadly shook his head, and replied gravely, "she sank to the floor after john thorpe refused her." then bitter tears trickled down virginia's face as she continued to chafe her hands; but finding her efforts to restore warmth were unavailing, the same gripping at her heartstrings again possessed her. she raised her eyes to him, a frantic pleading in her voice, "help me, sam; oh, help me bring back the life that has nearly fled!" "help you!" he repeated proudly, as he stood in front of the girl who had for the first time asked of him a favor in her distress, the favor of a "good samaritan." and then, looking straight at her, he said, very seriously, as he knelt and took constance's other hand, "the strength that god has given me is at your service, now and forever!" she understood, and he noted with pleasure that no swift questioning glance of anger, no look of weariness and turning away, as once before, followed his magnanimity. at that moment smith, who stood on the platform just outside the cabin door, was heard to say in a loud voice: "move on there! the channel be over beyant, in the middle ave the water! kape yees head more sout be aste!" then he was heard muttering indistinctly, with only such disjointed words as "blackguard," "whillip" and "divilish rat," clearly audible. it was soon, however, followed by angry words delivered in an aggressively belligerent voice: "be hivins, don't yees come near us! kape off, sure, d'yees moind, yees blackguards, or i'll put a hole through yees bottom that'll sink yees down to the place where yees do belong, so ye do!" suddenly changing his voice to an anxious tone, said, "phwat d'yees want? phwat's that? doctor, sure! praise be to god! oh, we've been waitin' for yees, doctor dear, till our hearts do be broken entirely. be me soul, it's the thruth; not wan bit more nor less. come, dear, yees do be wanted quick!" a lurch at the cabin told that the launch had arrived. the door was hastily opened and smith pushed the doctor in. "there they be, sure, lyin' en the flure wid no sinse in thim at all, at all. do yees be quick, doctor, and hivin'll reward yees!" skillful application of proven restoratives, however, failed to produce sensibility, and the doctor considered the case so grave that he ordered constance be removed to her home as quickly as possible. she was, therefore, tenderly taken on board the launch and conveyed home. the sun's rays had burst through and dispersed the early morning mists before constance recovered from the shock, but, alas! with the shadow of a wreck enveloping her. chapter xviii. the next morning sam determined upon a personal interview with the prisoner. upon arrival at the county jail, where the prisoner had been transferred, sam encountered smith, who was standing on the curb talking to a policeman. "how dy yus do, sor?" was smith's greeting. "getting along as fast as could be expected," he answered. "it do be surprisin' the number ave blackguards there do be infesting the straits ove portland after dark these days. houldups, an' 'break-o-day johnnies' an' 'shanghoin' an'--an' kidnappin'--an' what bates me, all the worrk to be had at good wages the while--whill wan ave the rogues do be off his bait for a time, so he do!" "sure, smith, no mistake about that," sam laughed. "we slipped it over him in fine shape last night. have you seen him this morning?" "indade oi 'ave, sor, and he's the very wan that run the soule ave his plexis ferninst me hand the other day for spakin' disrespectful ave a lady." "i came to see him," sam said, with a smile at smith's chivalry. "indade! sure yees'll not recognize him as the wan we tuk last night at all, fir the color ave hair do be turnin' from black to a faded straw, so it do." "through terror of his position, i suppose." "not wan bit, sor. it came out in the wash. it do be this way. yees see, the orficers cudn't get him to spake wan worrd an' no sweatbox or other terror ave the force did he fear, at all, sure! so they turned the water on him, after takin' off his clothes with the aid of two 'trustys,' and it was raymarked by the jailer that his skin do look uncommon fair, an the hair on his limbs was a sandy color, an' not black, like the hair on his hid, and his mustache oily black, too, so it do." "artificial coloring," suggested sam. "sure, that's jist phat the jailor sid, the very same worrds, although do yees naw the color blend av his nick from the color bone up was a beautiful bit of worrk, as nate an' natural as anything yees would want to see." "he is possibly an italian artist." "sure, he's no italian at all, fir the trustys soaped an' lathered an' scrubbed all the dago off ave him. he raysisted loike a madman, but it was no use, and whin they held him under the shower bath his heavy black mustache fell off onto the floor. wan ave the trustys picked it up and said, says he: 'by jimminy, he's no dago at all; he's a scoogy.' an' i say so, too, so i do. and the jailer raymarked it was just as he expected, and then he tould them to get the scoogy into his duds." "i will try and get permission to see him." sam then entered the office, followed by smith. they were readily allowed to see the prisoner, and upon approaching his cell, sam recognized him at once, and the sheriff wrote on the record, opposite the name of george golda--"alias, jack shore." an hour later sam harris was closeted with detective simms, in his office. "i believe the fellow who escaped from the cabin last night," said sam, "was jack shore's partner philip rutley, otherwise known as 'lord beauchamp'." "why do you suspect the lord to be philip rutley?" inquired the detective. "because they were partners in business, and inseparable chums socially," replied sam. "and where one was to be found, the other was not far away." "you say he got ten thousand dollars from the bank on your uncle's indorsement?" inquired the detective. "yes," replied sam, "and tomorrow afternoon he is to be uncle's guest at rosemont." "well, tonight my lord will attempt to leave the city, but he will find it impracticable," remarked the detective, dryly. "i desire you to keep strictly mum on this matter for twenty-four hours, and i promise you positive identification of his lordship." later, detective simms, smoking a cigar, sauntered carelessly into the "sweatbox," where jack shore was still confined, and dumb as a stone statue on the question of kidnapping. after silently looking at jack for a time, he said with a smile: "if you had been shrewd you would not be here. you were sold." "then i am either a knave or a fool?" interrogated jack, carelessly. "to be frank," laughed simms, "you are both. a knave for trusting rutley, and a fool for doing his dirty work. i suppose you will think it is a lie when i say he 'tipped' us to the cabin for the ten thousand dollars reward offered by mr. thorpe for recovery of the child, and a promise of immunity from imprisonment." "who is rutley?" nonchalantly asked jack. "why, your partner; that fellow who has been masquerading as a lord." "lord who?" "come, now," simms laughed. "why, me lord beauchamp! surprised, eh?" and again simms laughed and looked at jack questioningly. "well," he continued at length, "you must be a cheap guy to believe that fellow true to you. see here, he gave the whole thing away. don't believe it, eh? well, i'll prove it. we knew the time miss thorpe was to be at the cabin. we knew the dog was on watch and removed it. we knew the exact time rutley was to be with you, and arranged for him to get away without your suspicion. why, our man was waiting with a boat as soon as he got out of the cabin." "did he get away?" it was the first question that jack had asked, though non-committal, in which simms detected a faint anxiety. simms was the very embodiment of coolness and indifference. "not from us, no; but he is out on bail." that assertion was a masterstroke of ingenuity, and he followed it up with the same indifference. "would you like to know who his sureties are?" jack maintained a gloomy silence. "just to convince you that i am not joking, i will show you the document." and simms turned lazily on his heel and left him. returning a few moments later with a document, he held it for jack to look at. "do you note the amount? and the signatures?--james harris, john thorpe. you must be familiar with them," and the detective smiled as he thought of the trick he was employing to fool the prisoner, for he had himself written the signatures for the purpose. "jack's breathing was heavier and his face somewhat whiter, yet by a superhuman effort he still maintained a gloomy frown of apparent indifference. "the reward was paid to him this morning," continued the detective, between his puffs of smoke. "how much?" asked jack, unconcerned. "ten thousand dollars!" "quite a hunk!" jack said, carelessly. for he thought of the package that rutley had deftly abstracted from his pocket in the cabin, and he was glad of it, for it would be used in his defense. and then he muttered to himself: "this 'duffer' is slick and thinks he can work me, but i'll fool him." "the fellow is pretty well fixed," continued the detective, as he eyed jack inquisitively. "clear of this case with twenty thousand dollars in his pocket." "what!" exclaimed jack, for the first time amazed, and then checking himself, said negligently: "i understood you to say the reward was ten thousand dollars?" "so i did. ten thousand reward and that ransom money of miss thorpe's." "the devil he has!" jack was beginning to waver. he thought of rutley holding back the "tip" that he was shadowed, and also about the dog not barking at his approach, for some time after he had entered the cabin. either of which incidents, had it been mentioned immediately upon entry, would have made escape possible. it seemed to corroborate the detective's assertion--that he was sold. his jaws set hard. "can you prove that to me?" "sure!" chapter xix. on the afternoon of the second day following the rescue of dorothy, mr. thorpe, accompanied by his child, visited mr. harris by urgent invitation. the trees were still dressed in their leafy glow of autumn glory and, with the luxuriant green velvety grass of the lawn, invited a pause for contemplation of the entrancingly serene and happy condition earth intended her children to enjoy. above was a clear, infinitely beautiful blue sky, through which the radiant orb of day poured down its golden shafts of light in masses of exuberant splendor and warmth. it was an environment singularly touching and persuasive in its appeal to human nature for "peace on earth and good will toward men." as john thorpe and his child walked up the path toward the house and arrived near the spot where his quarrel with mr. corway had taken place, just one week previous, he could not but halt, sensitive to the insidious influence so softly streaming about him--so gentle, yet so powerful in contra-distinction to the unhappy change that had so recently come into his life. oh, for something to banish the bitter memories conjured up as his gaze riveted on the "damned spot" where his wife's inconstancy had been told to him. and as he looked, a far-off dreamy stare settled in his eyes, as there unrolled before his vision the sweet bliss of happy years fled--gone, as he thought, never to return. "oh, god!" he exclaimed, overwhelmed with sudden emotion, and he clapped his hand to his forehead as an involuntary groan of anguish welled up from his heart. his composure slowly returned to him, but the eroding effect of his smothered anguish would not obliterate, and he found himself thinking, "it was unwise to come to this place--here where memory is embittered by recollections of what has been. terrible revelation! terrible! yet--i could not have been brought to credit it but for the evidence of my eyes." these words seemed to startle him with a new light, for he paused, and then in a voice almost reduced to a whisper, fruitful with eager doubt, said, "what have my eyes proved to me? is there room for a possibility of a mistake? no, no! the ring is evidence of her guilt. oh, constance, when i needed you, the world owned no purer or more perfect woman; but now--fallen, fallen, fallen!" while deeply absorbed in sad reflection, dorothy stole to his side and, looking up, wistfully, in his face, said: "dear papa, isn't mama here, either?" the question from the child, uppermost in her mind, aroused him from his heart-aching reverie. he looked at her sternly. "mama," he repeated; "child, breathe that name no more! banish it from your memory! oh, no, no, no! i did not mean that!" and he turned his head aside with downcast eyes, shocked and ashamed at his passionate outburst in the presence of his little child. he sat down on a bench and put her on his knee, and as he did so became conscious of the child again looking wistfully in his eyes. "well, you are sorry for leaving mama in that old cabin, aren't you?" it forced him to turn his eyes away from her, and with a tremor of pain in his voice, muttered: "twenty times the child has said that to me today," and, turning to her, he said gently and with infinite compassion: "dorothy, you are too young to comprehend. it is my intention to remove you from the home of your birth, to take you east, and educate you there. now, don't trouble me with questions, dear," and he kissed the fair young brow and, looking into her sweet innocent brown eyes, he saw reflected in them her mother's. then he turned his head aside and muttered: "so much like her mother! oh, constance! constance! my judgment condemns you, but my heart--my heart will not leave you!" down from the house leisurely strolled mr. harris and hazel. "his grace has just communicated to me the most amazing information about virginia. it is so absurd that i felt quite angry with him for mentioning it," hazel said quite seriously. "and what did he tell you?" inquired mr. harris. "if it is no secret?" "he told me that it is common talk that she was found in the cabin with constance at the time of dorothy's rescue by her father, having just rewarded the italian for abducting the child, and that they both swooned when uncle found them there." "lord beauchamp must have been misinformed," broke in mr. harris, with a grave face. "if such were the case sam would have told me. all idle tattle--mischievous gossip!" "ah! mr. thorpe and dorothy!" "oh, darling!" exclaimed hazel, and she gathered the child in her arms, kissed her, and flew off to the house with her. "well, john, i am glad to meet you again," shaking his hand, "though to tell the truth, i did not expect you." "it has cost me bitter memories, mr. harris." "i have long since discovered," continued mr. harris, "that while time cannot heal a deep-rooted sorrow, it softens many of its asperities. when do you depart for the east?" "i have made arrangements to leave tomorrow." "you are doing just what would prompt any man in like position to do. i trust we shall hear from you occasionally." "it is now my purpose, after arranging for dorothy's education, to travel abroad for an indefinite period, but i shall endeavor to keep in communication with you." linking his arm in that of his guest, mr. harris said: "come, john, let us join mrs. harris on the piazza. she is anxious to have a chat with you." turning in the direction of the house, to their surprise they confronted virginia. mr. thorpe at once withdrew his arm from that of mr. harris, and stepping aside with an offended dignity, remarked reproachfully: "i was not aware of having merited the honor you do me." mr. harris threw up his hands deprecatingly. he understood the purport of the allusion and was dumb. he had been quite unaware of the presence of virginia, and knowing of the estrangement between brother and sister, felt embarrassed. he was rescued from his dilemma by virginia, who addressed him in a grave voice. "please leave us, mr. harris." his respect and esteem for her was sincere and great. her good sense and becoming modesty had often impressed him as a woman of sterling qualities. utterly disbelieving and discrediting the insinuations and innuendoes which rutley had set afloat to his own advantage concerning her antagonistic relation with her brother, he conceived her to be the unhappy subject of a combination of circumstances over which she had no influence. a prey to anxiety, she retained little of the color and less of the vivacity formerly so conspicuously her heritage; yet her broad brow glistened white with an intellectuality that beautified her with spiritual chastity. he was struck, too, with her very serious and pallid face, and his heart went out to her. he bowed low in answer to her request, and without a word gravely turned away and left them. john thorpe saw that virginia was suffering from some great mental strain, nevertheless he chose to appear icily indifferent. he attributed her contrite appearance to the fact that he had surprised her and constance in the cabin with the abductor of his child. he could conceive of no reason for them being there other than collusion with the italian, for he believed they were cognizant of dorothy's place of imprisonment all the time, and while it was possible the italian held the child for ransom, they kept her place of concealment secret, under the belief that she was safer from seizure by thorpe than at home or with friends, and also that it would draw the sympathy of acquaintances to constance, and though dorothy told him in her childish way that virginia had given george golda money, a minute search of his clothes and about the cabin failed to disclose it, and john thorpe interpreted her defense of dorothy as an unexpected contingency arising from the frenzied fury of the italian to save himself from capture when he found escape cut off. when virginia swooned, it mercifully relieved her from a most embarrassing and painful position. such were his thoughts as he directed a stony stare of freezing haughtiness upon her--the woman, his sister, whom he now regarded as beyond the pale of blood relationship. "i did not expect to meet you here," he said in a voice grave with a sense of the worry from which he was suffering and from which wrong he could not, no matter how he reasoned, disassociate the name of his sister. "i have tried to find you--to meet you--to--in short, to demand an explanation of this affair; but until now i have been unsuccessful." she spoke hesitatingly and with a slight tremor in her voice, otherwise there was no indication of the great emotion that she was laboring under. in short, her demeanor, while firm and of simple dignity, was of the gravest character imaginable. "you have broken all ties between us," he answered slowly. "john, john! don't turn away! stop!" and she held up a warning finger as, stepping in front of him, she barred his way. "you shall hear me. for i believe what i have to tell you is of the utmost importance. but first, what cause have you for divorcing constance?" "you ask that question?" he slowly emphasized. "yes, i ask that question," as steadily and definitely she regarded him. "if on my return from china you had not concealed from me her infatuation for that man--that fellow corway--this unhappy trouble would have been over long ago." "i have concealed nothing from you! john, i am sure it is all a mistake." "all a mistake?" he angrily repeated. "you concealed nothing from me! when her notoriety was of such common gossip that strangers were familiar with details!" "if you had not degraded constance by so meanly believing the palpable artifice of a--a stranger," quietly and gravely replied virginia--"if you had but given her an opportunity to defend herself, you would have found no cause for divorce; no cause even to fear the tainted breath of scandal could ever attach to constance. oh, john, it is all wrong! constance is innocent! she has never been untrue to you!" excitedly he turned to her, his face ablaze with the fervor of his amazement, as he repeated: "innocent--constance! constance innocent!" "yes," promptly responded virginia. "i who know it, swear it is true--swear it is the truth in the sight of that high throne before which we shall all stand in the judgment day. "it was i who originated the dreadful insinuations against mr. corway." "yes, yes! that may be true--but--" and thorpe's manner again relapsed to a heart-aching resignation, as he sadly added: "he wore my wife's ring!" "yes, that is true, john, but unknown to her and most assuredly without her consent," eagerly asserted virginia, and she related the manner corway obtained the ring, and how she subsequently had indiscreetly informed beauchamp it was "your gift to constance." those of poor wayward humanity who, in moments of great passion have done a great wrong, know what torture is silently endured as day and night, in moments awake and in dreams asleep, the crime haunts them, and knocks, knocks, knocks, without ceasing, upon the soul's door for release of the secret. such were virginia's feelings, and the sweet happiness experienced when she confessed her sin shone in her face with convincing truthfulness. john listened to her with ever increasing amazement, and when she had concluded, his cold, austere demeanor had perceptibly softened. yet thorpe breathed hard. "you vilified corway's character and i have heard recently of his--of her mad infatuation for him and of his frequent visits to our home while i was away in china." "the source of your information was a lie. you received it gratuitously from beauchamp, did you not?" "i have not mentioned the source of my information. why do you think he was my informant?" "because he hated corway." "and you conspired with him to ruin my home," quickly interrupted thorpe, and again coldly turned from her. "you shall hear me!" and virginia insistently gripped his coat sleeve and turned him toward her. "i have sought you too long to explain this unhappy affair, and now that i have found you, you must hear me out." smothering his impatience, thorpe said: "well!" "i loved corway, oh, so fondly!--but, alas, too well, and i allowed myself to cherish the belief that in his endearing manifestations he reciprocated my love. but on my premature return from the farm, i unexpectedly heard him declare his passion for hazel. then an all absorbing desire for revenge possessed me. "i resolved to break their engagement and first endeavor to estrange him--from your friendship. to accomplish that end i traduced his character and created a suspicion that his attention to hazel was insincere and mercenary, expecting that after corway was denied access to your home, i could smooth over the unpleasantness between you and hazel and eventually annul his betrothal to her. but your informant juggled the names, made constance the subject of corway's affection instead of hazel, and led you to believe the ring was a love token from her to him." "he insisted and repeated that constance was the guilty one and not hazel," dubiously commented thorpe. "i understand now, it was out of revenge," she laconically replied. "revenge! what wrong have i done lord beauchamp?" questioned thorpe, amazed at virginia's disclosures. "you will understand when i disclose, as i have recently learned that he is philip rutley, masquerading as lord beauchamp." "god of our fathers!" exclaimed thorpe, clapping his hand to his white forehead, to still the pain of sudden doubt of his wife's inconstancy, that had seized him. "what punishment is this inflicted on me?" then turning to virginia with fierce light in his eyes, he sprang at her. in one bound he clutched her by the wrist, glared in her eyes, and said: "and you, my only sister, have known all this and permitted him to wreak his vengeance upon my innocent wife, who never bore him malice, or did him wrong by thought, word or deed." "i did not think that harm would fall on constance." yet even before she had finished speaking, a change came over thorpe, and his grip on her wrist loosened. a victim of doubt and suspicion, his moods were as changing and variable as the coloring of a chameleon. apparently he was not yet satisfied of the complete innocence of his wife or of the truthfulness of his sister, for he said, in a voice saddened by reflection: "that does not explain your connection with the abduction of dorothy." "i have them with me," she muttered, appreciating the importance of clearing herself. "yes, they are here," and she hastily produced from her corsage an envelope having had the foresight to preserve them as most precious testimony in case of need. the moment had come and found her prepared. handing him the two notes, with a winsome expression of thankfulness, she said: "read them, john, this one first, and you will know why i was in the cabin." she had handed to him the two notes received from george golda, though in reality they had been penned by his colleague, rutley. the first note asked for a meeting in the city park. the second demanded the amount of ransom that night on penalty of removal of dorothy. "the time was urgent in the extreme," she continued. "unable to secure the amount of ransom demanded, i resolved to go alone to the cabin, determined to rescue dorothy." "you entered then." "but you were not alone; constance was with you," he corrected. "when i told her my purpose, she pleaded so hard. oh, so hard to go with me, that i could not deny her. i have told you all." john thorpe was not the only listener to virginia's pleading. intensely interested, neither of them noticed sam harris approach, and with him the little scotch terrier, which had completely recovered from its painful experience on the launch at ross island. when he first caught sight of them confronting each other, he gave a low whistle of surprise, and then, as he drew near to address them, involuntarily he heard her last words. his eyelids twitched with pleasure as he listened to the idol of his heart vindicate constance. smothering a cry of joy, he turned and at once withdrew, muttering to himself: "lord, how light my heart feels! virginia is doing the right thing now, i guess. come, doctor"--the name he had given to the dog--"we'll leave them for awhile, eh?" and the brown eyes of the grateful canine looked up at him with almost human intelligence and affection. john thorpe's demeanor had undergone a great change in the few minutes he had listened to virginia. his frigid haughtiness had softened, through successive stages, to a gentleness bordering on compassion. "i will take care of these," said he, in a voice of tenderness, as he placed the notes in his pocket. "but, oh, god in heaven! what shall i say to my beloved wife?" "you believe me, john?" virginia cried, in a tone of heartfelt thankfulness--her eager gaze fastened on his face. her pleading touched him deeply. he took her in his arms, gently kissed her fair brow, and in a broken voice, said: "virginia, we are only human, with human failings; but in your honor and truthfulness of this dreadful affair, god bear witness to my faith!" a devout joy flushed the pallor of her beautiful face, as she responded with a thankful heart, purified as gold with fire: "my prayers are answered, and my brother is himself again." "yes, virginia," he continued, with the fervor of family pride, as he thought of the part she had taken in dorothy's rescue--"and in that book which shall be opened in the last great day, there will be pointed out by the recording angel--my sister's atonement." then, without releasing her, he went on in an altered, anxious voice: "and my darling wife! where is constance? tell me, virginia, that i may go to her at once and plead her forgiveness." "what shall i say?" she whispered, awestruck, caught in a moment of forgetfulness of the woman who suffered for it all. "i must not tell him where she is. no, no, no! not yet!" and she battled to subdue her agitation that she might invent some plea to postpone the meeting with his wife. "not now; not now, john," and drawing away from him, unconsciously put out her hand as though to ward off some impending evil. "why not?" he asked in surprised tones. "i must see her. i must know where my darling wife is at once!" a flash of pain shot athwart the girl's features as she muttered under her breath: "oh, dear! what shall i tell him, what shall i say? what shall i do now?" thorpe hastily stepped forward to her assistance, and with concern in his voice, said: "virginia, you are ill!" "let me rest for a moment or two"--trying her utmost to appear unperturbed, and as she sank on a bench, continued brokenly: "i shall be all right presently. the long walk--the terrible strain"-- "my dear sister, you need assistance," interrupted thorpe. "you must let me help you to the house and obtain proper care for you," and he tenderly attempted to lift her to her feet. "no, no, no!" she quickly responded; "i--shall be better in a few moments. just a little--quiet rest, john, and alone, please. i shall soon be well again." "as you desire, virginia; but i shall tell mrs. harris." "no, no, john! don't tell her! i wish to be alone for awhile." "very well, dear; as i have a message for mr. harris, shall seek him at the house; but i will return in a few moments," and then, considerate for her wish to be alone, he left her. helpless to resist the impetus of her consuming desire to reunite john and his wife, constance, she yet dreaded the aftermath of the shock his discovery must surely produce. virginia knew not which way to turn or what course to pursue. "oh, auntie! auntie! i'm so glad you've come. mamma is coming to see me, too. isn't she?" and dorothy, having caught sight of virginia, ran to her, and then, not to be denied, in her childish way climbed up on the bench beside her and affectionately clasped her little arms about her neck. "papa doesn't like her," she proceeded, in a low, serious, confidential manner, "and wants me not to like her, too. but i shall like her. i shall always love-dear mamma-as-long-as-i-live!" the last few words were uttered in a quivering voice, but with a decision that appeared marvelous in one so young. folding her arms about the child, virginia fondly looked into her eyes. "god bless you, sweet, winsome soul!" and then they kissed. "aunty, won't you take me to mamma?" pleaded the child. a ray of light had at last unexpectedly illumined a path for virginia to pursue. suddenly releasing the child, she arose to her feet and said, with animation: "some good may come of it. i will seek mrs. harris and have her detain john while i bring constance--and dorothy together--before he meets her. yes, darling," she said, taking dorothy's hand; "you shall see your mother." chapter xx. on a low point of land formed by a bend in the willamette, a couple of boys were playing at what is termed "skipping." the exercise consisted in throwing a stone so as to make it skim along the surface of the water in a series of long skips, the greater number of skips attesting the skill of the thrower. the surface of the river was very smooth and placid, which was a factor in tempting the boys to the exercise. they had been at it for some time and, boy-like, in their enthusiasm, had overdone it, and consequently were beginning to fag, when one of them suddenly spied an exceptionally smooth, round flat stone, suitable for the purpose, and stooped to pick it up. the other boy, a short distance behind him, seeing his opportunity, cried out in a frolicksome spirit: "hi! gene! hold, there." and he immediately ran and, placing his two hands on the stooping boy's back, lightly leaped over him, straddle fashion, and then himself took a stooping position further on, subject to a like performance. at once the sport known as "leap-frog" was entered into with zest by the boys. it carried them some distance along the river shore, and they were so engrossed with the new exercise, which sustained in their case, at all events, the old adage that, "a change of occupation is a good recreation," as to be entirely oblivious of approaching a solitary woman dressed in sober gray, sitting on a stump of driftwood near the water's edge and gazing vacantly on the river. one of the boys, named gene, big-limbed, loose-jointed and clumsy, in doing his turn, and while astraddle the "frog," lost his balance and tumbled sideways, dragging the under boy over with him. the smaller boy, named spike, got to his feet first, and with a fire in his eye, angrily said: "youse do it again and i'll smash you one." "i couldn't help it. it was your fault, anyway, why didn't you hold steady," replied gene. "you big lubber; youse done it on purpose." said spike, rubbing his shin. "i'm not going to play any more," and as he turned away, muttered to himself: "i've a notion to soak him one." "oh, look!" cried gene. "a woman's agoing in swimming with her clothes on!" the boys at once forgot their differences, drew close together and watched her with much curiosity. "say, but the water is cold. i was in yesterday and couldn't stay a minute," said gene. "gee, but i got my clothes on quick! i was near froze." "she's skeart already; see how she's looking about--must-a lost somethin'." "let's ask her," said gene. "youse shut up, won't you." "she's saying something. hear?" "sounds like 'dorothy,'" said spike. "look at her dig them hands in the water." "say, she's crazy, sure!" whispered gene. at which they drew back awe-struck, yet fascinated by the grotesque buffoonery inseparable from the insane. "somebody'd better go and phone the cops," whispered spike, excitedly. "she'll get drowned, and then we'll get in a bar'l of trubble." "i'll go," said gene, half frightened, and glad of an excuse to get away from the uncanny spectacle. "who's got a phone near here?" he asked. "up at the big house, yonder. harris'. they's got one, but youse don't want to leave me here alone with that crazy woman. she's coming ashore. kin youse hear what she's saying?" they listened intently. "i'm sure i saw her," she said in tones strangely pitiful. "her golden hair floated on the surface like a silken mesh--then sank down, down--ah, there it is again." and she outstretched her hand and tried to grasp something. "gone again! oh! i wish someone would help me get her. i am so tired and the river is so deep and cold," and as she stepped out from the water onto the shingle, her frame shivered as with a chill. she sat on the stump of driftwood, fatigued by exertion. "let's go and talk to her," whispered gene. "youse better not. youse can't tell what them crazy people will do sometimes. they ack queer mighty sudden." "say! she wouldn't hurt anything. ain't she nice looking! i'll bet she was kind when she was all right," said gene. "talks of golden hair. must be her baby drowned has made her crazy," said spike. "i'm going to speak to her, anyway," and so saying, gene boldly approached her. "say, lady! what are you looking for?" he asked, as he timidly stood in front of her. "dorothy," she softly answered, and then slowly shifted her wistful eyes from the water to the boys. "whose dorothy?" asked spike, with an air of quiet respect, as he joined gene and stood in front of her. "the sweetest babe in all the world. see, in this--her likeness," and she drew from the bosom of her dress a medallion and held it for the boys to look at. "sure! she's a beaut!" exclaimed spike, admiringly. "say, that picture is just like you," remarked gene, looking over the medallion at the face before him. "yous dress is wet, missus," said spike. "were you looking for your baby there?" queried gene, nodding toward the river. she suddenly arose to her feet and listened, meanwhile tenderly replacing the medallion in her corsage. "i must not rest longer. the storm will soon be on us. the boat rocks." she paused in a listening attitude: "her voice! i hear it again. she is calling, 'mamma, papa, help! save me!' there! there!"--and she pointed over the water. "see that golden web glistening in the sunshine. it's her hair. she's beckoning me! give me the paddles!--the paddles, quick!" and then she cried out with a gasp that sounded very much like a sob: "save dorothy!" chapter xxi. when john thorpe left virginia in search of mr. harris, he found him in conversation with sam, at the foot of the piazza steps. above them, on the piazza, was seated mrs. harris. "i understand," remarked mr. harris to sam, "that there was another man in the cabin, but somehow he escaped." "there was another man there," replied sam, "but he went down through a trap door in the floor, uncle." "did he drown," questioned mr. harris. "oh, no! the logs raised the floor of the cabin about a foot above the water. he got away between them and swam ashore. we didn't find it out until he had made good his escape." it was then mr. thorpe addressed mr. and mrs. harris. it being the first opportunity presented to perform a duty, that was clearly incumbent on him, and without further hesitation, he said: "mr. and mrs. harris and sam, who heard me abuse mr. corway on this ground last wednesday night, i wish now to recall what i then said. if an entire misapprehension of facts can be an excuse for the animosity with which i then spoke, i am anxious to apologize for my behavior, as circumstances have made me aware how unjust were my aspersions. i regret that mr. corway is not present to receive my apology and to shake hands with him, for there is not a man in oregon for whom i have greater respect." mr. harris was unable to conceal his gratification at the sudden ending of an unpleasant dilemma, and exclaimed: "john, i heartily congratulate you on the agreeable termination of an ugly affair." "dear me! i am really delighted," added mrs. harris, who, having gotten up from her chair at the first few words uttered by john thorpe, and leaning forward on the piazza railing, stared at the men below in rapt attention. and sam joined in the general joy by exclaiming, with a broad grin and a whirl of his hat: "whoop! let's celebrate the burial of the hatchet, eh, auntie." "how vulgar," quietly remarked mrs. harris, as she straightened up, and with severity plainly graven on her face, said: "sam, i desire a word with you after dinner." "ya-ah! may good digestion wait on appetite, eh auntie! i guess so," replied sam, with a roguish twinkle of his eye and the inimitable side movement of his head. "dear me," continued mrs. harris, "i may as well be resigned to the inevitable, for i fear the 'texas brand' will never groom out." "i must go home," exclaimed mr. thorpe. "my impatience to meet constance is consuming me. mrs. harris and gentlemen, pray pardon my haste," and, lifting his hat, he withdrew. then sam related in detail the bath and discovery of jack shore at the jail. "fact, uncle," he continued, "a regular fiend." "what! jack shore, of the securities investment association!" exclaimed mr. harris, with surprise. "the same identical chap, uncle." "dear me; who was his confederate?" questioned mrs. harris. "we have yet to discover, but suspect a certain person well known to you." "whom do you suspect?" sharply demanded mrs. harris. "a much-honored member of society," replied sam, with fine sarcasm. "but we must have his name," insisted mrs. harris. she was promptly supported by mr. harris, who said: "by all means, we must know who he is." "my lord beauchamp!" sam answered, with emphasis. "dear me," gasped mrs. harris. "what a shock!" and then, recovering herself, she repeated doubtfully: "lord beauchamp an imposter?" "he's a villain anyhow, auntie!" exclaimed sam. "the same 'gent' who ran me down when i was tracking the dago up there near the city park--thought he put me out of business." "what proof have you that he is an imposter?" demanded mrs. harris, sternly. "yes, proof, proof! that is what we want!" exclaimed james harris, visibly agitated. "to satisfy himself the detective cabled our ambassador at london to make inquiry. this morning he received a reply." and so saying, sam took from his pocket an envelop containing a cablegram and handed it to mr. harris, with the remark: "uncle, the detective turned it over to me at noon." mr. harris took from the envelop the cablegram, and adjusting his eyeglasses, read aloud: "there's only one lord beauchamp in england's peerage, and he, with whom i am personally acquainted, was at the embassy yesterday." it was signed "white." then mr. harris looked over the paper in his hand--over the eyeglasses into nothingness, with an expression on his face of deep chagrin, and in a low voice, as though muttering to himself, indiscreetly said: "damn the luck! the fellow is into me for ten thousand dollars." the words had scarcely escaped from his lips when mrs. harris, her eyes staring with astonishment, sharply exclaimed: "ten thousand dollars! why, james henry, you must have been hypnotized!" it caused sam to smile, and remark with a look of reproach: "auntie!" "he came to me with a plausible story and many regrets, unexpectedly ran short of funds; produced a cablegram purporting to come from his brother, the duke villier, only yesterday, authorizing him to draw for two thousand pounds. to oblige him i indorsed the draft, went with him to the bank, and it was immediately honored. i will phone for a policeman at once," and mr. harris turned away to put his purpose into effect, when sam intercepted him. "stay, uncle; i have taken upon myself the duty of swearing out a warrant for his arrest, and in order there shall be no possibility of his escape, i have arranged with detectives, having jack shore in charge, to identify and arrest him." "james, do not wait a moment!" impatiently exclaimed mrs. harris. "have him arrested at once." "auntie, he cannot escape the officers, who are concealed, waiting signal," sam assured her. and then, as if fate had so ordered, the object of their anathemas--in the company of hazel, complacently sauntered from the tennis lawn, and, rounding the angle of the house, suddenly appeared close to the group. "it was so stupid of me. i am sure your lordship did not enjoy the game at all," said the girl. it was at that game of tennis that rutley found opportunity to propose marriage to hazel, for he believed that she was so disappointed at corway's disappearance, and which he took care to insinuate was through cowardice, and that she was so impressed with his rank, wealth and manners, that it would be easy to persuade her; but he found the girl repelled his advances so firmly and decisively that he at once abandoned the idea of attempting to entice her to elope, and abruptly ended the game. and so, because of his love for this girl, he had delayed his purpose to escape from the city, and jeopardized his chances accordingly. when rutley's eyes first rested on james harris, he involuntarily started at the change in his looks, but though seemingly perturbed for an instant, his self-possession never really deserted him. straight on to the broad steps he strode with a suavity of manner quite in keeping with his usual phlegmatic bearing. whatever distrust or apprehension may have troubled his thoughts, no exterior indication was visible. his face was impassive and inscrutable as the "sphinx." his nerves were steel, his acting superb. "i find in miss brooke an expert tennis player," he said, addressing mrs. harris, who was leaning forward, her hands resting on the rail, staring at him. "it's an outrage, sir! a damned outrage!" explosively exclaimed mr. harris, who was unable to control his indignation. still unperturbed, rutley turned to mr. harris and said: "i quite agree with you, sir, for the scandal is deplorable, and corway should be punished." turning to mrs. harris, he continued: "indeed, mrs. harris, you americans seem to excel in most everything where skill and brains are essential." there was not a flaw or tremor in his voice to betray an uneasy mind or prescience of a coming storm. it was then, however, he realized that something was wrong, for he noticed that they were looking coldly at him. slowly drawing himself up with a haughty bearing, he carefully adjusted the monocle in his left eye and turned slowly about as he stared at each of them, and said in slow, sharp, biting accents: "it's deuced--draughty--don't--che--know!" "yes, quite chilly, isn't it, old chappie! i guess so!" declared sam, patronizingly. "i demand, sir, the return of ten thousand dollars that you swindled me out of yesterday," said mr. harris, with indignation flushing his face. "and i demand, in the name of the law, ten thousand dollars that you stole from--a--george golda, while in the scow-dwelling night before last," said sam. still unperturbed, rutley merely shifted his eyes from one to the other without moving his head or a muscle of his body, much in the manner of an automaton, and answered with a drawl: "aw, a money swindle! and a--a--theft of money from a scow-dwelling! really, gentlemen, this is--a--a--a--deuced good joke!" and then he laughed, laughed in a shrill, screechy falsetto key, unnatural, and chilling as an icy breath from the arctic. "this is no joke, sir, as you will soon realize." "you have been detected. your villainy is exposed, and your damned rascality is at an end," said the irate mr. harris. "for twenty years in the pen at salem, eh, old chappie!" said sam, with a grin of satisfaction. "curse the luck," muttered rutley to himself. "what a fool i was not to have vanished last night. it's deuced ugly, don't-che know," he continued aloud, in the same cutting accents. "let me warn you, gentlemen, there is a limit to one's forbearance!" "you are a cheat, a villain, an imposter!" fumed mr. harris. "and there is the proof," and he flourished the cablegram in rutley's face. "you are imposing on the public under the cloak of an assumed title, and unless you immediately hand over to me ten thousand dollars i shall give you into custody." "of the officers of the law, eh, auntie?" and as sam uttered the last words, up went his right hand extended straight with the index finger pointing aloft. it was the signal agreed upon for the officers to appear, and forthwith they emerged with jack shore between them, and smith following, from a vine inclosed arbor, partially concealed by a group of trees a few rods down the hill. pretending not to notice the approach of the officers and their prisoner, sam grinned at rutley and banteringly said: "come now, own up, you intentionally put me 'out of business' with the automobile. but it was a bungled job, wasn't it, old chappie?" rutley yielded not an iota of his haughty bearing. totally unsuspecting the near approach of the officers from behind, he directed a frigid, steady, contemptuous stare at his accusers, and with an air of puzzled understanding, said: "what is the meaning of this insult to my honor? i again warn you, gentlemen, of your liability for libel." "law is a venturesome sport, my lord," ironically exclaimed sam. "let me introduce mr. george golda"-- rutley leisurely turned and stared at jack. --"alias, jack shore," continued sam, with a laugh. "well, my poor man. what is your mission?" interrogated rutley. jack stared steadily at rutley, but kept silent. "ha, ha, ha, ha, ha," derisively laughed rutley. then turning to the group, said: "what new joke is this, gentlemen?" again he turned toward jack in pretense of a closer scrutiny. that rutley was surprised was quite evident, and he stepped forward with some object in view. mr. harris seemed to imagine some purpose in rutley's movement, and stepping in front of him, said: "hold, your little game is up!" "i guess so," quickly added sam, who stood ready to assist. realizing he was at bay, rutley recovered his self-possession as quickly as he had lost it. again he laughed in that high-pitched, screechy key of ineffable disdain. "he, he, he, he," and turning to mr. harris said, sarcastically: "the idea! you, a retired merchant, a successful business man; experienced in the qualities of keen perception, of fine discrimination, of the most perfect discernment and adroitness, to support this outrage," and he waved his hand toward jack. and again drawing himself up erect, haughtily fixed his cold gray eyes steadily on mr. harris, and continued in a drawl: "it's deuced ugly, don't-che know; deuced ugly, by jove." while rutley had been speaking, virginia appeared on the scene. "ha, virginia," sharply called out mrs. harris, and she beckoned to her to hasten. "now we shall prove his villainy." "ha, ha," sneered rutley. "now you shall realize how foully you have slandered me. the lady will prove that i am lord beauchamp." as virginia approached near, mrs. harris being unable to contain her impatience, again addressed her: "virginia, dear! can you enlighten us as to that man's identity?" rutley tried to catch her eye, and at last, having succeeded, lifted his eyebrows meaningly, then nearly closed his eyes as he fixed on her a stare of glittering concentration. "madam," he ejaculated significantly, "beware! these gentlemen and ladies have dared to question my right to the title of lord beauchamp, and i have assured them that you know me, of course you do, and will tell them so." his manner was confident and insinuating, but he had over-rated his power of hypnotic influence over the girl. she looked at him steadily, in which freezing haughtiness, contempt and pity were commingled. her fear of him had passed. she did not falter now. "yes, i know you; and you are known to all present, but, unhappily, not as thoroughly as you are known to me." "who is he?" demanded mrs. harris. "beware!" cautioned rutley, "for what you say you must prove in a court of law." defiant, the girl spoke, her enunciation clear and faultless. "his name is philip rutley, and he is masquerading as my lord beauchamp for fraudulent and unlawful purposes." "ha, ha, ha," laughed rutley, sarcastically. "delightfully refreshing, gentlemen." "oh!" came from hazel, and then, as if doubting the announcement, exclaimed: "but the color of rutley's hair is on the pumpkin order." "when the dye is washed out it will be on the pumpkin order again," laughed sam. "he of the investment company?" questioned mrs. harris, with a puzzled expression of countenance. "the very same chap, auntie," said sam. "dear me, such ingratitude!" and mrs. harris looked disgusted. "why, the rascal promised never to return if we would not prosecute him." "he, he, he, he, how very funny," derisively laughed rutley, in that high-pitched, screechy falsetto key he was so well trained in, and at times he nervously stroked his vandyke beard. "i shall at once bring an action at law against you for malicious libel," upon which he started to pass mr. harris. his purpose was understood and frustrated by sam, who promptly seized him by the collar. "i guess not!" "well done, sam!" exclaimed mrs. harris. "take your hands off!" demanded rutley, who began to scuffle violently with sam. "hold him fast, sam," cheerfully encouraged mr. harris, who rushed to sam's assistance, followed by smith. "i guess so." at that moment, by a dexterous movement, rutley slipped out of his coat, swiftly turned, and exclaimed: "damn your eyes, take that," and violently struck at sam, who adroitly dodged the blow, dropped the coat and squared up to him. "i'm your huckleberry; i guess. good time to square that little run-down now. come down the hill out of the sight of the ladies." "i'll go wid yees," volunteered smith. "sure, an' i'll see fair play, an' may the divvil take me lord." mr. harris picked up rutley's coat and there fell out of one of the pockets two packages of banknotes. he let the coat fall and picked up the packages. flourishing them about his head, he laughed--"ha, ha, ha, ha." the detective turned to jack and said, quietly: "you wanted the proof: there it is," and he pointed to the money held by mr. harris. "he will be pinched, but mr. thorpe is to secure his release." "why, there are twenty thousand dollars here!" exclaimed mr. harris, examining the packages of money. "now you believe me, don't you?" said the detective to jack. "yes," replied jack, "you were right," and then he stepped forward alone, close to rutley, and with a sneer on his face, confronted him. "so, my noble partner! you gave me the kiss of 'judas' for ten thousand shekels, eh?" rutley was amazed, but maintaining his imperturbability, exclaimed: "you propound a riddle, my poor man. i don't know you." "ha, ha, ha, ha," laughed jack, bitterly. "the riddle should be plain with the key in your keeping. but i know _you_, me lord beauchamp, alias philip rutley. now, damn you, take the medicine your treachery awards you." rutley straightened up, his mortification was very great. naturally astute, shrewd and alert, for once he had been caught napping. with distended, staring eyes, he whispered, aghast: "jack, jack," and then, recovering himself, composedly said: "a--my poor fellow, you are mistaken; i don't know you," and then he swung himself about and laughed in that peculiar, high-pitched key--"he, he, he, he; he must be crazy." "crazy, eh!" and jack laughed low, hoarsely and derisively. "ha, ha, ha, ha. the detective told me you had sold me for the reward offered for recovery of the child, but i would not believe him. now! i know he told the truth. for the proof is there," and he pointed to the money in the hands of mr. harris. "the proof that you betrayed your partner"-- "you lie! you lie! damn you, you lie!" exclaimed rutley bitterly, as he swiftly turned to jack, and then muttered to himself: "ye gods, i have been trapped by a fluke." then, with marvellous nerve, declared: "oh, this is preposterous; i will immediately bring some friends and prove that you malign me," and so saying he turned to move off. "detective simms, he is your man; arrest him!" said mrs. harris. on seeing his chance of escape lessening every moment rutley abandoned all idea of further defense, and made a grab for his coat. quick as was his action, he could not outmaneuver sam, who promptly threw himself upon rutley's back, and locked his arms about him, pinioning him as in a vice. and while in that position the detective slipped on the handcuffs. on releasing him, sam turned with a broad grin of satisfaction to his aunt--"how is that for the texas brand, eh, auntie?" he got for his answer a smile, and an exclamation that pleased him immensely. "splendid, sam." "the neatest bit of work done since his partner tried to find a soft spot on carbit strait pavement," added smith, with a look of admiration. in the meantime mr. harris had been examining the packages of money, turning them over and over, looking first at one and then at another. of a sudden his face lit up with a smile, as he exclaimed: "why, this is mine; the identical package that he obtained from the bank on my indorsement. i can swear to it. but this?" and he looked meaningly at virginia. "it looks like the package of notes i gave the italian for dorothy's ransom," she replied. "he never sold me after all," muttered jack, who became painfully astonished on hearing mr. harris declare that rutley had obtained one of the packages of money from the bank on his indorsement. and as the plan by which he was tricked into betrayal of his accomplice became evident, his chagrin deepened to grief. he turned to rutley and said, brokenly: "phil, i take it all back," and then he muttered absently as he realized the futility of regret. "but it is too late--i have been tricked into a confession." "the jig is up," replied rutley. "i shall take my medicine like a man." "that money must remain in the custody of the police until the court decides for the owner," said the detective. "certainly," affirmed mr. harris, who handed him the two packages. "this one is mine, and contains ten thousand dollars. and this contains a like amount and belongs to miss thorpe. i shall apply to the court for restitution tomorrow," remarked mr. harris. "very well, sir. now please hand me that coat and we will go," said the detective. mr. harris picked up the coat and handed it to the detective. "keep it, old man," advised rutley, with lofty disdain. "keep it as a memento of how you were once charmed by one of england's nobility," he laughed derisively. "i will have no gift from a thief," indignantly exclaimed mr. harris, as he handed over the coat. "officers, away with them." "good-bye charles, reginald, de coursy, west-ma-coate cosmos, me lord beauchamp. fare thee well," said sam, with a grin. it was at that time that the little scotch terrier began to sniff at jack's trouser legs inquisitively. the dog had wandered near him, attracted by the sound of his familiar voice, and though it evidently scented something intimate, could not recognize his former master in the changed appearance resultant on his enforced bath. and so the dog sniffed and sniffed while the glint of its upward turned eyes ominously resented any friendly overture. jack had noticed the dog about, and now that it was sniffing at his leg, he softly spoke to it, saying: "good-bye, snooks," whereupon to his surprise the dog growled at him. again he said, soothingly: "good bye snooks," putting out his hand to fondle it, but the dog, in one of those singularly unsympathetic moods rare to its nature, would have none of him, and barked at him furiously. it was the finishing stroke to his shame and degradation. "an outcast, a stranger, so low i have fallen that my own dog barks at me." "come along," urged the detective to rutley and jack. but rutley halted and turned to hazel, with the same marvellous air that had won for him confidence in critical moments of "my lord's" career. "ta, ta, pet," said he, in his softest blandishment to hazel. "that was a ravishing kiss you gave me in the conservatory awhile ago. ta, ta," and he threw her a kiss with his free hand and followed it with a tragic scowl at sam. "the horrid man," indignantly exclaimed hazel. "good-bye, virginia," and he smiled patronizingly at her. "you 'peached' on your pal, but rogues do that sometimes. tra-la." "officer, away with them," ordered mr. harris, with disgust. "get a move on, old chappie," said sam. "come along," urged the detective. but rutley balked, and looking at mrs. harris, laughed, the same high-pitched, uncanny laugh he had used previously. "i had almost forgotten you, auntie," he drawled in his most suave and engaging manner. "you know that it is bad form to take one's leave without saying 'adieu,' and believe me," and he again laughed, "i thank you for your lavish reception in honor of the fake lord." "officer, away with them," stormed mr. harris. though rutley was forced away a step or two he still kept his eyes fixed on mrs. harris, and managed to hold his ground long enough to add, ironically: "adieu, auntie! ta, ta!" "march yees blackguards, march," said smith, pushing the men along. "how very rude! i have never had anything so scurrilous said to me before in my life." "he wasn't a real lord, auntie. only tried to act like one, eh, i guess so," and sam inwardly chuckled at the balm he offered for her discomfiture. "sam, you had better assist the officers to the railway station," suggested mr. harris. "oh, quite to my fancy, uncle!" and sam immediately proceeded after the detectives and their prisoners. the silence that fell on the group as they watched the prisoners move down the hill was broken by hazel, who, turning to mr. harris, said: "it was clever of sam. indeed, uncle, it seems to him is due the honor of breaking the spell of a pretender." "i am satisfied now that my lord will serve a 'spell' with his partner in the state penitentiary," replied mr. harris. "a fate that deservedly overtakes adventurers and imposters," remarked mrs. harris. "and a most pungent warning to the frantic race society runs to entertain titled swindlers!" added mr. harris, gravely. at that moment sam hurriedly reappeared and approached mr. harris, who hastened to meet him. "what is wrong, sam?" "has he got away?" was the anxious inquiry. "i guess not, uncle," replied sam, who seemed excited, and then nodding his head toward the river, said, in an undertone. "something out of gear down there. a boy just told me a woman was wading in the water trying to find her drowned baby--and--and i thought"-- "what! who do you think she can be, eh? it cannot be"--and they exchanged significant glances. sam tapped his head impressively. "the boy said she plunged her hands in the water, talked queer, and heard her call 'dorothy.'" "if it should be her! good god! and john must be hereabouts, too. let us go to her at once. quietly, make no fuss. come along," and mr. harris turned hastily. "what is the trouble now, james?" called out mrs. harris. "no time," was all the satisfaction she got, and the two hastened down to the shingle. "dear me! something serious has happened, i am sure!" and seeing a boy standing irresolute on the walk, addressed him: "here boy, do you know what is going on down there?" "a crazy woman," the boy answered, drawing near. "she's wading in the river." "poor thing!" sympathetically exclaimed mrs. harris. "what is she wading in the river for? did you hear her speak?" "yes'm, a little; but i was afraid and didn't stay but a minute. i came up to phone the police." "dear me! what did the poor creature say?" "she said her baby was drowned. i'm pretty sure she called it dorothy." an agonizing shriek of "constance!" broke from the three women simultaneously, and horror and consternation was depicted on every countenance. "almighty heaven!" exclaimed virginia, whose face had blanched at the news. "she has followed me here. i'll get some wraps, for poor constance must be chilled through and through," and with that she hastened into the house. "virginia, dear!" mrs. harris called after her, "you will find wraps in my room." hazel had already started toward the river, and noting the girl's impatience, she went on: "hazel and i will not wait for you." as mrs. harris followed after hazel, she kept muttering: "dear me! what a shock! what a shock to one's nerves!" chapter xxii. the officers, with their prisoners, had reached the railway track, and were leisurely walking toward the little station when a commotion in a group of people on the shingle, a couple of hundred yards ahead, attracted their attention. smith, who had accompanied the officers, started to investigate. he had proceeded but a short distance when his movement was accelerated by seeing mr. harris and sam hastening down the slope toward the little group before mentioned. upon arrival at the station, one of the officers, simms, hurried forward to ascertain the cause of the trouble, for evidently something serious had happened. the two prisoners were thus left, handcuffed, it is true, but under guard of only one officer, whose attention was also attracted by the excitement ahead. the officer gave his prisoners little attention, for he believed they were perfectly secure, as jack's right wrist was handcuffed to the officer and rutley was linked to jack. rutley soon found that he could "slip the bracelet" and, nudging jack, displayed his free hand. jack gave him a significant wink, at the same time gently nodded his head for him to "break." for an instant rutley was tempted to strike down the unsuspecting officer, and attempt to release jack, but the chance of detection in the act, and inviting instant pursuit was so great, that he decided to try to escape alone. silently he stepped apart; farther, then he slipped behind the station. a swift, noiseless dash to a culvert, through it and up along a small ravine, soon put him out of sight of the officers. his last view of them convinced him that they were still unmindful of his escape. arriving at a considerable elevation, to where a clump of brush concealed him from the view of those below, he paused and took a hasty glance around. the sweep of the slope was too clear and unobstructed for any possibility of escape to the woods that covered the hill a couple of hundred yards distant, without him being seen. his determination was daring and instant. he would enter "rosemont house," seek a hiding place, secure some sort of disguise, and in the night effect his escape. following the depression he soon appeared on a level with the house. taking advantage of such cover as was afforded by shrubbery and hedges, and cowering close to earth, he quickly traversed the space that had separated him from the house. throwing himself prostrate among some ivy that grew in thick profusion along the basement of the south side as a protection from the winter rain, he lay there effectually concealed and listened with tense nerves for sounds of pursuit. the silence was unbroken save for the spasmodic whirr of a lawn mower on a distant part of the grounds. having recovered his wind, he looked up. above him was an open window, but screened. if he could enter by that window he might gain the loft without discovery, and once there he felt satisfied that a good hiding place could be found. the front entrance would be easier, but the risk of being seen crossing the piazza was too great. he decided to try the window. arising from his concealment, and refreshed by his short rest, enthusiasm bounded through his veins. "i will get away yet," he muttered between his clenched teeth. "i saw the women following harris down to the shore and the house must be deserted by all save the servants, and they are likely in the kitchen." another swift glance at the window, and mentally estimating its height from the ground, he felt certain that an entrance through it was practicable. there was no time to be lost. the "water table" afforded a footing, and by the aid of an iron trellis erected to support a climbing vine, he reached the window. there an obstacle was encountered. he tried to raise the screen, but it would not budge. in his exasperation he nearly tore his finger nails off trying to raise it from the bottom. realizing that he was becoming excited he at once forced a calmness which he deemed highly essential, if he was to succeed. every moment, too, was fraught with danger of discovery. pushing his hand against one side of the screen edgewise in an attempt to loosen it, the thing suddenly fell in. the thick carpet smothered the noise. he had unwittingly pressed against the edge that inclosed the springs, and in so doing released the other edge of the screen from the groove. noiselessly he sprang inside. it was the library. he turned and cautiously scanned the hillside. no persons were in sight. then he quietly replaced the screen. his daring coolness and nerve were now under full control. he stole out of the room, into the hall, with every sense alert to avoid discovery. his goal was the attic. he knew that the only way to reach it was by the service stairs, which he could use from the second floor. before him was the main stairs. without a moment of hesitation he leaped up the soft, thick, velvet-covered steps, his footfalls as silent as the tread of a cat. a door was ajar on his left; he cautiously pushed it open and entered. he saw at once that it was sam's room. he glanced about, then opened a dresser drawer. "ha, a revolver!" it was the work of a moment to examine the magazine. "empty!" he exclaimed, with disgust, and was about to replace it when, on second thought: "it may do for a bluff." another hasty look and he picked up a hunting knife, which he also appropriated. a slight noise at that moment startled him and caused him to look around alarmed. he slipped behind a door for concealment. after a moment of tense suspense, and the quietness continuing unbroken, he stole out of the room. so far everything was in his favor. further along two doors, a few feet apart, were open. he had passed one on his way to the attic stair, when, of a sudden, he heard a slight sound, as of a person moving lightly in the room. he instantly turned aside and passed through the second open doorway. virginia stood before him. she was at that moment hastening from the room, absorbed in thoughts of constance. with a stifled, painful cry of "oh!" she shrank from him in a vague terror. her face paled and her eyes expanded in manifest fright. speech deserted her. the power of motion fled and the shawl intended for constance fell from her arm. she appeared paralyzed. rutley softly closed the door behind him and locked it and put the key in his pocket. the dressing room door received the same attention. then he turned to her. he was surprised to meet her, but observing the terror his presence inspired, he at once determined to force her to aid him to escape. he misjudged her character. for one moment he stood silently watching her. all the sharp intensity of his gaze concentrated on her frightened eyes; then he laughed low and gloatingly--"ha, ha, ha. the girl that took on cold feet and betrayed her pal! i meant to say 'colleague,'" he corrected, with a sneer of apology. the smirk of his offensive stare and more offensive words irritated. she began to recover from her sudden fright and became immediately aware that her present situation required not only coolness but the most adroit handling. she accordingly nerved herself for the encounter. again he leered at her, and continued in the same soft, guarded, but suave voice: "to be caught alone and in a trap with her intended victim is one of the dispensations of an inscrutable and just providence." virginia was regaining her self-possession every moment now. courage was surging through her nerves in increasing power. her eyes commenced to blaze. "your effrontery is offensive. your meaning an enigma!" she indignantly replied. "indeed! then i'll make it plain," he hissed. "i want you to cover my flight for liberty. "you see i have escaped," he went on rapidly. "the officers are baffled--my trail so far is undiscovered." "you mistake!" she corrected, with surprising coolness and decision. "by the dispensation of an inscrutable, but just providence, the blackguard's trail is blazed--the trap is sprung and you cannot escape!" rutley's eyes snapped fire. he saw that a policy of sneering and bullying persuasion to aid him would fail ignominiously. he must use force. his aspect became black and threatening. "damn you!" he hissed. "see here, moments are precious. the game too desperate. beware! you must find a place of concealment for me. the loft has storerooms. come, and in the darkness of tonight you must aid me to clear from the premises." "never!" she resolutely exclaimed, her eyes ablaze with indignation. "soft! not so loud, my fair partner," rutley cautioned. "you led me into this scrape. you must help me out of it." "let me pass!" and she motioned for him to stand aside. he did not move. "do you deny me?" she said, sternly. "not so fast, my dear. i intend to keep you near me, as a hostage for my escape. no harm shall befall you if you are tractable," he went on. "and i again warn you that you must speak guardedly and softly or i shall be compelled to gag you and bind you and carry you to a place of concealment. oh, i'll see to it that you shall not have the satisfaction of betraying my hiding place." "incarnate monster; dare you imprison me?" "only for a few hours, until the dead of night blackens all objects alike--then i shall go forth, leaving a note to announce your hiding place. do you prefer to be hidden in a trunk, or shall it be among the old rummage in the loft?" though his manner of address was faultlessly polite, his face was as colorless and impassive as marble, and his voice low, calculating and cold. virginia paled as she took in the meaning of this purpose, and her voice quivered with a note of fear, as drawing her slender form erect in semblance of defiance she said: "would you strike down a defenseless girl?" "i am troubled with no qualms of conscience when dealing with an enemy, be that enemy man, woman or a scorpion. come! we have wasted too much time already." he stepped lightly toward her. virginia anticipated his move and placed the table between them. many small articles incident to a lady's toilet were on the table. rutley perceived that should the table be upset in a scuffle, he could not hope for time to gather up and rearrange the toilet articles, and then the spilt powders and perfumes on the carpet would surely indicate a struggle having occurred in the room. virginia was also alert to the importance of the table in the situation. her fine instinct of the purport of his thoughts quickened her measure of defense. she grasped the edge of the table with both her hands. rutley saw her purpose, drew back and side-stepped. virginia also side-stepped, but kept close to the table and directly opposite him. she realized that the danger of her position was very great. in the cabin she had been armed and prepared for an extreme emergency. now she was without defensive weapons of any kind save her native wit, her courage and the table to which she clung. never taking his eyes from her, rutley stood for a moment, indecisive and silent. yet his mind was working furiously. "a woman stands in my way," he inaudibly muttered with clinched teeth. "time is pressing. i will force her into submission!" the intense strain on his nerves drew a cold dew of perspiration that glistened on his brow. slowly he drew the revolver from his pocket. slowly he raised it and pointed it at her, then hissed, as he glared at her: "remove your hands from the table and assist me to escape." virginia again drew herself erect, her eyes sparkling with defiance and her face aglow with courage. "i know my death would only add one more crime to your record," she said, with a faint quiver in her soft voice, and after a slight pause, she went on more steadily: "but you dare not shoot and your threats are vain." as he gazed on her slight form drawn erect; those pure, brave, steadfast, blue eyes; those features, delicate and tense with a sense of the danger of her position, she affected him strongly; thrilled him with an admiration which, with all his virile power and hardened senses, he could not mask. "you are daring a desperate man," he resumed. "one who means to halt at no crime to secure his flight to liberty." the softened expression of his features, softened in spite of himself, led virginia to think that his words were not meant to be taken too seriously, and so hope and fear alternated with amazing swiftness on her expressive face, which at last settled into a look of credulity and prompted her to hazard a smile at his threat. "beware!" he hissed, struggling to appear fierce. "do not mistake me!" "oh, no; i do not mistake you," she replied, again smiling faintly, "for i know you are too much of a man to redden your hands with the life of a puny, defenseless girl." the artless play of her features to entice him from his desperate purpose was exquisite, and not without temporary success. "her witchery is unnerving me," he silently muttered, as he felt his will-power was dominant no longer. as their eyes remained fastened on each other he felt an awe seize him, and he for the moment forgot his design. he drew back and said, almost submissively: "god, you are brave, and beautiful as brave. i can't harm you." and he slowly lowered the revolver. even then a sudden recovery from his weakness developed a new plan of attack. virginia's unerring instinct, however, warned her to mistrust his flattering declaration. "it's a subterfuge," she thought, "cunningly devised to draw me away from the table." she remained silent, but more watchful, if possible, than before. on abandoning a bullying policy, rutley had moved step by step toward the table opposite to virginia, and finally placed his left hand on it. his assumed admiration was well sustained and his changed line of persuasion, though its sincerity she doubted, promised in the end success. "the wrongs i have done," he continued, "had better not have been done, i acknowledge, but they are mended. worse might have been. our meeting in this room was accidental. my presence in this house is known only to you. will you aid me to escape?" "aid you to escape!" she repeated, in tones that had lost their agitation, and which now seemed natural and only to carry a note of indignation. "you, the man who nearly wrecked my brother's home, betrayed his trust and would have robbed him of his life. you, the man who kidnapped his child, caused his wife to lose her reason, and whose death may yet add murder to your other crimes--dare ask me to help you escape?" "yes," he slowly replied. and feeling that his hand rested firmly on the table, he began cautiously to lean forward, meanwhile saying in a soft, insinuating voice: "i dare ask you to help me escape, for i mistake if in a nature where such courage and gentleness exist there beats a heart irresponsive to the cry of distress. "i am down, and standing on the threshold of a long term of imprisonment. again i appeal to you and offer this weapon as a pledge of good faith," and he laid the revolver on the table. the tension on virginia's nerves relaxed, her voice became steadier, calmer and more natural. "why did you vilify the character of constance, a frail, innocent woman, whose piety and goodness made her incapable of doing you harm by thought, word or deed?" "revenge on thorpe," he replied, "for closing my office." as the words slowly issued from between his lips, his weight on the table increased--he felt his control of it was now sure. virginia's eyes searched him thoroughly, and aside from the fact that flattery was distasteful to her, his cold, calculating, unemotional eyes glittering with a sinister purpose, startled her and confirmed her impression of his insincerity. to maintain a safe distance, but still clinging to the table, she instinctively drew backward, suspicious of some sudden movement, but she made no effort to secure the revolver. rutley noticed the change and coolly pressed forward. virginia drew further backward. she saw through his artifice and once more began to fear him. the strain on her nerves was becoming severe and her countenance warmed with contending emotions. he had pleaded for aid to escape and expressed himself as sorry for his misdeeds. yet she believed his protestations were not sincere. nevertheless, considering how much she was in his power, the great scandal his testimony in court would create, the complete undoing of all his wicked schemes, and the possibility of him leading a better life, was fast weighing in his favor, besides only brute revenge would be gratified by his long imprisonment, and his punishment, therefore, only an empty satisfaction. rutley read her thoughts and a cunning smile played about his mouth. he never really intended to trust his liberty in her keeping, and since she was the only person with actual knowledge of his whereabouts, he did not propose to jeopardize his chance of escape by allowing her freedom. for his own safety, he was bound to conceal her as well as himself, at least until darkness set in. his humble appeal was but a ruse to gain her sympathy, and his simulated penitence for his wickedness was an artifice, but it succeeded in touching the tender cords of the girl's heart. her vigilance abated. her hand slipped from the table. she straightened up and cast her eyes to the floor, as one often does when mentally absorbed in weighing the potency of some great question. the moment he had maneuvered for, and waited for, and watched for, had arrived. the spring of a cat upon an unsuspecting mouse could not have been swifter, more sudden or unerring. the cloven hoof was revealed. before she had time to even guess at his purpose, his hand was upon her mouth, while his other arm was thrown around her form, binding her arms to her sides. he forced her into a wicker chair that stood conveniently near and held her down sideways with the aid of his knee. this method permitted him to withdraw his arm from around her form and to snatch a doily from the table which he quickly wadded and forced into her mouth, gagging her effectively. then his eyes swept the room for something that would serve as a cord to bind her. [illustration: rutley--"i could even kiss those red, ripe, cherry lips."] on the floor, distant a couple of yards, lay the shawl that virginia had let fall from her nerveless arm when rutley entered the room. he wriggled the chair toward it, and by extending his foot drew the shawl to his grasp. it was a summer shawl, of generous proportions. the fabric was silk-wool mixture, of fine network weave, and consequently light and strong. twisting it into a rope he bound her arms and limbs, meantime saying in a low, guarded voice, and with the utmost sauvity and coolness: "i'll not be ruder or rougher than is necessary, my beauty. there! now you are secure. i could even kiss those red, ripe cherry lips without fear of protest, but i'll not contaminate them by contact with those of a blackguard. no, no! don't thank me for that, honey dear, for i'm content to witness your mute appreciation of my motive." after he had bound her, he drew back a pace or two and critically surveyed his work. "you must pardon me, dear heart, for deeming it prudent to make that gag a little more secure," and taking a handkerchief from his pocket he bound it over her mouth, knotting the ends at the back of her head. "rest assured, brave little girl," he resumed, in that same low, hissing voice, "i'm not a sneak thief, a burglar or a rake, though i do aspire to membership in that proud and great american order 'the honorable grafter'." having completed gagging her, he stood off a pace and chuckled. "there, i think that will do!" in the silence that followed rutley was startled to hear a low, cautious voice on the lawn below say: "he is either in the house or up there in the timber." "they've tracked me here," rutley viciously hissed, his manner changed to intense alertness. he grasped the revolver and went on, "while i have been dallying with you, precious time was lost, damn you! i'll see that you don't stand between me and liberty again!" virginia was again terrified and helpless at a moment when aid of the most determined and daring character was within call. then a second voice said: "the officers do be kapin' a lookout down be the river, and if he's in the water, sure they'll nab him. d'yees think he'd likely be up on the hill top in the brush?" "i cannot say," replied the first voice, "but it looks to me as though he could not have crossed that open space unseen." both of the men had spoken in low and serious tones and were recognized by the intent listeners in the room above as sam and smith. they were evidently baffled and in a quandary as to the direction rutley had taken after escape from the officer, and approached the house to warn the servants of rutley's escape. "maybees," resumed smith in the same low, cautious voice, "he whint up the hill be way ave the ravine, over beyant there." sam made no reply. he had caught sight of the profile of virginia's face. her eyes, terrified and tensely drawn, were askance and looking in his direction. the handkerchief over her mouth he first mistook as an evidence of physical suffering. he stepped back a pace, thinking to obtain a better view. he was disappointed. what he had seen was a reflection of her face in the "dresser mirror," that by some strange chance had been adjusted at an angle which deflected objects downward. he had aimlessly halted at a point directly in line of the reflection cast by the mirror over the casement, and upon looking up saw through the screened window the reflection. those terrified eyes he had seen, suddenly set him in a ferment. "probably--by god!" he muttered under his breath. "phwat be yees lookin' at? sure, i can say nothin'," exclaimed smith. "i'll just step in the house and 'phone for a sheriff's posse to search the timber, and prevent his escape from the hill. you wait near-by for me." sam had spoken loud as a ruse to deceive rutley, for he felt morally certain that the cause of that frightened look in virginia's eyes was the presence of the man he was after. "sure, i will that, and kape me eyes on the ravine, too." as sam started for the front door, smith stalked about, with a stick in his hand, warily glancing from side to side and ready to fight on the instant. rutley prepared for a struggle, for he believed that sam would ramble through the house. "virginia must be concealed, but where?" he could not carry her to the attic, for sam might meet him with her in his arms. "ah, the closet!" thrusting the revolver in his pocket, he swiftly opened the door. then he placed a chair within for her comfort, and without further hesitation gathered her in his arms and carried her to the closet. after seating her on the chair, and while drawing some of mrs. harris' skirts about her, he said to her in a low voice: "after i dispose of that meddlesome fool, i'll carry you to the loft and doubtless we'll find room in one of the large trunks stored there to conceal you; and i warn you, on peril of your life, to sit still!" he then cautiously closed the door. his next step was to remove the revolver from his pocket and carefully examine it. "it's a desperate bluff, but i'll try it." there were two doors to the room other than the door of the closet; one opened into the hall, the other into a large bathroom and through to the bedroom beyond. he took the keys from his pocket and unlocked both doors, which he had fastened on meeting virginia, and then placed the large cane arm chair, which he piled with cushions, to the right side of the table and a few feet from the hall door. his movements were swift, silent and deliberate. down behind the back of the chair he crouched and watched both doors with tigerish steadiness. he had barely taken his position when footsteps were heard in the hall. they passed the door, then returned, halted, and the next instant low taps sounded on the door. simultaneously the closet door back of rutley cautiously opened and virginia stepped forth gagless and free. she had been more frightened than hurt or helpless, and had not discovered it until imprisoned in the closet. left to herself, she immediately struggled to free her limbs from bondage. one foot was unexpectedly loosed and then the other. her hands quickly followed, and the twisted shawl fell to the floor. rutley had depended partly on her fear of him to remain passive, for the shawl was not long enough to permit her limbs being bound together and securely tied with a knot. having freed her hands, it was the work of a moment to remove the gag from her mouth. she stood motionless and silent save for the palpitation of her heart, which seemed thunderous in its beat. rutley had not heard her, his attention being wholly absorbed by the sounds in the hall, and being back of him, she had time to quiet her agitation and analyze the situation. again low raps sounded on the door. "what shall i do?" she inaudibly muttered, "for to aid me sam will walk in to his death. oh, heaven inspire me!" as the hall door slowly opened, she tried in her agony to shriek a warning, but not a sound escaped her lips. terror and apprehension had for the moment bereft her of voice. suddenly, like a divine flash, she remembered jack shore's blanket device in the cabin at ross island. she turned half around, silently stooped and picked up the shawl from the closet floor. she was very nervous and her agitation caused a trifling delay, which to her appeared hours, in untwisting the wrap and spreading it out, suspended on her two hands before her. sam cautiously appeared around the door. he was keenly alert, for he fully expected an encounter with rutley, being quite satisfied that no other person would dare to gag virginia, but when in that swift glance he saw her only in the room, and she with the gag removed and fingering a shawl, his surprise was so great that he forgot his caution. he pushed the door open wider and entered the room. his lips parted to speak. that instant rutley said sharply, "hands up!" sam's hands went up, and he looked into the muzzle of a revolver, pointed at him from behind the chair. rutley stood up. at almost the same moment virginia swiftly approached from behind and threw the net over his head, and shrieked, "help! help!" in the furiousness of his rage to throw off the shawl, rutley's hands became entangled in the net, and he shouted, "oh, hell!" sam sprang upon him and wrenched the revolver from his hand. then, as he leaped back a couple of paces, said to rutley: "hands up! it's my turn now, old chappie!" rutley paid no heed to the command and at last cleared from the net with a snarl. "he, he, he--a devil is toothless when hell is without fire!" then with a fiendish leer, drew the knife from his breast pocket. "damn you!" said he, crouching for a spring on sam, "you've crossed my path once too often!" swiftly sam looked at the revolver and exclaimed with deep chagrin, "empty!" he, however, gripped it by the muzzle and prepared for the encounter. the men slowly circled each other for an opening. suddenly they clinched, and in the struggle sam was fortunate to seize rutley's knife hand. it was then that virginia again proved her great courage and resourcefulness. watching her chance, she hooked her left forearm under rutley's chin about his throat, and simultaneously pressing her little right clenched fist against the small of his back, pulled his head backward, and screamed, "help! help!" [the act is a form of garrotte used in asylums and when resolutely applied quickly reduces the most powerful and refractory subject to submission.] the suddenness of the attack and from such an unexpected quarter, accompanied by the choking pressure on his throat, caused rutley to loosen his grip on the knife, which fell to the floor, and he exclaimed with a gurgling sound, "oh, god!" sam instantly locked his arms around his body. rutley was powerless. his arms were firmly bound to his sides in a grip of iron. meantime smith stalked back and forth looking for trouble. he had arrived in front of the main entrance when the cry of "help, help!" broke upon the still air. it proceeded from the second story of the house, and he at once recognized it as the voice of virginia. "by hivvins, the girl do be in throuble!" he muttered anxiously. "ave it do be the blackguard we be lookin' for--sure!" and without further hesitation, smith rushed up the steps and into the house. again the cry of "help!" rang out. "i'll help ye, darlint, be me soul, i will that. hould him for wan minnit, and i'll attind to him. oh, the skulkin' blackguard! 'e do be a bad divil, so 'e do. just lave him to me, darlint; lave him to me, and i'll settle his nerves wid this bit of fir." by this time smith had mounted the stairs, when he was again startled to hear her cry: "help! oh, hasten, or blood will be shed!" "i'm comin', darlint. hould him wan minnit and i'll attind to him." upon entering the room, he at once seized rutley's hands and twisted them behind his back. "a bit of stout cord, miss, is what we want to bind the divil." "hold him!" and she flew to the linen closet. "hould him, is it!" exclaimed smith, with a laugh. "sure, miss, yees nadn't hint that to me at all, at all. indade, miss, it's a nate bit ave wurruk well done, and i do be proud of yees, too, so i do." virginia soon entered the room with a stout piece of cord, which she handed to sam, saying, "oh, i'm so thankful for your opportune arrival!" on seeing rutley thoroughly secured, and her excitement subsiding, virginia expressed her gratefulness to sam and smith for rescuing her from what she believed to be a terrible fate, then snatching up the shawl from the floor, flew down the stairs with a cry of pain on her lips for constance. having at last securely bound rutley's hands, sam signalized the event with a broad grin. "there, old chappie! i don't think you will break away a second time." "sure, ave 'e do, 'twill be after this bit of arigin fir's been splintered on his hid," answered smith. rutley made no reply. he seemed absorbed in thought, and though chagrin and disgust on his face betrayed a sense of his plight, no expression of bitterness escaped him. his dauntless, debonair spirit was still unbroken. "i had her bound and shut up in the closet," he muttered to himself. it was an involuntary exclamation in an undertone, and at the moment he seemed quite oblivious to his position. "yees did!" explosively exclaimed smith. "the likes of yees, a dirty, thavin' blackguard, to bind the young lady and shut her up in a closet! sure, if i had seen yees do it, there'd be somethin' doin'." and smith flourished his stick in a threatening manner. "the sissy is no match for a fool-killer," grinned sam, as he wound the cord several additional turns around rutley's arms and body. "outclassed by a slip of a girl," rutley muttered abstractedly, and enslaved by her witchery; "surely hell hath no cunning to match her genius for strategems!" "indade, the divil's imp is azey mark for the wit ave an arigin girl, an' be the token ave it, yees'l go back and jine yees mate with the bracelets," said smith ironically. "aunty is coming!" exclaimed sam in a listening attitude. "we must get him out of the house at once!" "march, yees blackguard, march!" promptly ordered smith, laying his hand roughly on rutley's arm to urge him along. "hands off!" sharply exclaimed the latter, shaking smith's hand off and regarding him with a haughty stare; then, in a cutting high-pitched voice, he went on: "no liberties, flannel-mouthed cur--scat!" "he is game," muttered sam. the stigma uttered in tones of withering contempt fairly lashed smith into a foaming passion. he instantly dropped his stick, tore off his coat, spat on his hands, and while squaring off to rutley, pranced about, beside himself with rage, and when he at last found speech, he said explosively: "flannel-mouthed cur, is it yees be callin' me? sure, oi'll attind to yees blackguard. och, sure oi wouldn't strike yees wid yees hands tied, ye murtherin' villain! oi mane to be fair wid yees, too, so oi do, though ye little desarve it, and be the token ave it, oi'll sit ye free to recave the batin' that will make yees respect my nation!" and in the heat of his rage and quite forgetful of place and environment, furiously untied the knot sam had made to fasten the cord which he wound several times around rutley's body, and then giving it a vigorous pull, sent rutley spinning around like a top. the thing was done so quick that sam in his surprise was unable to check smith, and had difficulty in restraining him from untying rutley's hands also. "hold, smith! have it out with him some other time, not now or here," he said, laying his hand on smith's arm, and then observing smith with an angry stare, directed at him, sam grinned and went on mockingly: "his lordship wants you to keep your hands off." "'e do, do 'e?" replied smith, his anger abating, and breaking into a hoarse laugh; "sure, oi would not touch yees at all, at all except wid a pair ave steel nippers." then he put on his coat, picked up the stick and commenced to poke rutley toward the door, saying meanwhile, much to rutley's frowning mortification, but helpless resistance: "march, yees blue-blooded gintleman, with the appetite for a pinitintiary risidence. march, yees thavin' ruffian, march!" scowling and turning, yet maintaining his always haughty bearing, rutley passed "off the stage" by the back stairs, accompanied by his guards, but as sam had declared, "game to the last." in order to avoid creating excitement by appearing within view of the little sorrowful group, now near the front of the house, they placed him in a vine-covered arbor, which was convenient and, leaving smith to guard him, sam hurried off to inform the officers of their capture. chapter xxiii. down on the beach they found her--the woman upon whom the blow had fallen so cruelly, and from whom the "grim sickle" had so recently turned aside. she was sitting on a low grassy knoll, gentle and pensive, a vacant stare in her sweet brown eyes as they wistfully scanned the surface of the water. "oh, heavens! we must get her to the house at once! go, sam, bring the carriage down. haste, haste!" urged mr. harris. and then john thorpe saw her. absorbed in deep meditation of his wrong to his innocent wife, ashamed and sorrowful, he was proceeding to the little depot, when, observing the frantic rush down the slope, and desiring to ascertain its cause, yet with an indefinable panicky feeling that seemed to freeze the very blood in his veins, he followed on. without an instant of delay, in a moment, he had leaped to her side, tenderly clasped her to his heart, and with a voice trembling with emotion, said: "oh, my darling wife, my pure, sweet, injured constance! forgive me! it was all a terrible mistake!" "i must go now. the storm is nearly over. i know that she is in the water, and the lilies are hiding her from me. but i shall find her. give me the paddles. save dorothy." constance had spoken in a soft, quiet voice. it had no touch of bitterness, no plaint of sadness; yet the yearning note of a heart dry with most intense grief was there--sounded on the chord of dethroned reason. when she began to speak, he looked into her eyes with an eager, appealing tenderness, expecting a responsive, forgiving tear, but instead he met a gentle, strange, vacant stare. as she proceeded he held her from him at arms' length, bewildered and confused for the moment in his interpretation of her meaning, and then the truth burst upon him. shocked and horrified, he cried out in the anguish of his heart, "merciful heaven, she is mad!" and then his eyes fell on her wet garments. "god forgive me, darling! i know you never can!" he said in a voice made husky with a great sob that rose up in his throat. without further delay, he gathered her unresisting form in his arms and tenderly bore her up to the house. the grave little procession followed. he had arrived with his precious burden close to the great steps of the piazza, when she struggled from his arms, and stood half turned about, her wistful brown eyes looking blankly at him. it was then that virginia appeared on the piazza, her face deathly white and her eyes still bearing traces of the terrifying ordeal she had so recently gone through with rutley. on seeing constance, down the steps she flew and folding the shawl about her stricken friend's shoulders, clasped her arms about her and said chokingly: "oh, why have you followed me, poor suffering heart?" "i'm so cold," was all constance said, and she shook as with an ague. "oh, this is too appalling to be true! speak, dear! throw off that meaningless stare, and assume intellect's rightful light," beseeched thorpe, and as he paused and gazed upon her sweet pensive face, awaiting recognition, great tears welled up in his eyes and silently rolled down his cheeks. again he spoke to her: "constance, do you not know me?" and then he turned his head away with an indescribable sickness at heart. "yes! oh, yes! i know you! you want ransom money for my dorothy. very well, you shall have it!" and she thrust her hand into her corsage, and took therefrom some scraps of paper, a few of them falling on the grass. "there are ten thousand"--and she handed the papers to him, in a manner so gentle yet so full of unaffected artfulness, that he took them, while his heart seemed to still its beat and sink leaden and numb with the torture of his own accusing conscience. "you shall have more," she continued with plaintive assurance, "all i can get." then her eyes fell on the scraps of paper on the grass. she picked them up and pushed them with the others into his hand. "there are more thousands. take it all for my dorothy--my darling! now give me the paddles, the paddles! where are the paddles? hasten, save dorothy!" there were no dry eyes in the little gathering of friends--all friends now--who heard her, and even sam, who had halted on his way to the officers, was forced to turn aside and wipe his eyes and remark in an unsteady voice: "i don't know what makes my eyes water so." "god help me!" exclaimed virginia. "henceforth my life is consecrated to watch over and care for her." "i am equally guilty," solemnly continued mr. thorpe. "i should not have acted with such anger. this is the blackening left by jealousy's burning passion, the essence of which will cling to my soul long after my heart becomes insensible clay." "it is not insanity of an incurable kind," gravely remarked mr. harris. "i have closely watched her facial expression and it appears to me the trace of reason is not entirely gone. i think she is delirious, and i have read that when persons are delirious some slight token, perchance a flower, a chord of melody, a face, a name, brought forcibly to bear on the mind may recall it to moments of reason. if it is so, then her intellect will recover from the shock. we will bring this to proof, mrs. thorpe," he proceeded, "look at these friends about you; do you not remember any of us?" "i must not rest longer," constance said suddenly; "i thought i had her once, but the water was so deep i could not reach her." "we must get her into the house and into bed at once," said virginia, clasping her tenderly about the waist. "dear me! yes, i am sure her wet garments will jeopardize her health," said mrs. harris in support of virginia. but constance resisted, and in doing so sat down on the bench. hazel addressed her: "constance, do you not know me? do you not remember hazel? try to think, dear constance, you surely cannot forget me!" she slowly shook her head and said plaintively: "the storm is over. make the boat go faster. we must be quick. there, she is calling--'mama! papa! mama! help!' listen, virginia, dear, do you not hear her?" and sure, enough, the voice of dorothy was heard, saying: "oh, sam! where is mama? tell me." and around from the conservatory, with a snow white aster in her hand, ran the child, followed by sam, who, fearing the child in her rambles was likely to discover the presence of rutley, induced her to appear on the front lawn by telling her that her mother was not far away. the child did not stop, but continued right up to her mother and clasped her arms about her neck. "oh, mama! dear mama! i'm so glad you have come! aren't you going to kiss me?" receiving no immediate response, the child unclasped her arms and drew back a pace offended. "that voice!" said constance, startled. she drew the tips of her fingers across her forehead, very much like one clutching at the filmy shreds of a vanishing dream. "oh, the boat rocks!" "mama, aren't you going to speak to me?" and tears began to gather in the child's eyes. again constance started, and her frame trembled, as her eyes rested on dorothy. she raised her hands slowly and covered her face. again she removed her hands and muttered: "it's a spectre--a thing unreal which haunts me. leave me. pity me, oh, pity me, shade of my darling! you pain me! you make my heart ache! go, go!" dorothy wept, and turning to virginia, said: "mama won't kiss me, nor speak to me," and the heartbroken child buried her head sobbing in the folds of virginia's dress. constance pressed her hand over her heart and muttered: "oh, john, i have been faithful to you, yet you doubted me--spurned me on that dreadful night i found dorothy! she is gone from me now--gone, gone, gone!" and she bent forward, covering her face with her hands, and sobbed bitterly. "thank heaven!" exclaimed virginia, "reason's floodgates have opened at last." sam again turned away to wipe his eyes, saying, "i cannot think what makes my eyes so sore." and john thorpe exclaimed, with trembling lips, "my god, have mercy! i cannot bear this!" and he, too, turned as though to walk away. mr. harris held up a warning finger for him to stay. "my poor mama!" and dorothy again went close to her, comprehending in her childish way that her mother was sorely distressed. the sound of the child's voice caught constance's attention. she lifted her head and fixed her eyes on dorothy. then she fell forward on her knees, stretched out her hands and murmured: "not gone, still here!" she touched the child's hands and uttered a low cry, continuing in quavering accents of fear, of hope, of joy: "solid flesh; warm, pulsating life!" and she gently clasped the child's face between her two hands. "you cannot be a phantom! in the name of heaven, speak!" "indeed, mama, i am your own dorothy. aren't you going to kiss me?" and the child again entwined her arms about her mother's neck and looked into her eyes with a wistful appeal. "dorothy, my darling dorothy, alive!" it was a moment of absorbing interest. for an instant she held the child at arms' length, with eyes devouring her lineaments. then in a rapture of joy and thanksgiving she folded dorothy to her heart and kissed her again and again. "oh, heaven, i thank thee!" were the only words she could utter, as she strained the little form tighter to her heart. and as she looked upward, and the mist cleared from her eyes, she saw john bending toward her--saw him lift his arms and outstretch them to her--saw his lips part, and heard him say, as though his heart were in his mouth, "constance, forgive me!" oh, such sweet relief! her gaze was steadfast for an instant, then arising to her feet, she fell on his breast and clasped her arms about his neck and sobbed, "john! my own dear john! i've had such a horrid dream!" he folded his arms about her and pressed her very close to his breast, and as his lips tremulously touched her forehead, said with heartfelt fervor: "god grant that we may never part again. no, nevermore, my darling constance." "thank heaven, she was only delirious!" fervently exclaimed mr. harris. "i guess so, eh, aunty?" and sam, with a look of immense satisfaction, suddenly threw his arms about virginia and gave her a tremendous hug, and to his inexpressible joy and amazement she reciprocated his caress. "noble sam, my hero, you have won my heart at last!" her words were of tremendous meaning to sam. his joy knew no bounds. he looked over to his aunt, amazement, intense satisfaction and admiration sparkling in his eyes. "at last, eh, aunty!" and then his lips touched virginia's in a kiss of undying fidelity. chapter xxiv. the exposure and wet garments, which constance had worn during the most critical period of her delirium, had the customary effect. she had been quickly ushered into the house, the wet clothes removed, her limbs and feet chafed by tender hands, and under the influence of a stimulant, and warmly wrapped and in bed, the poor, worn, exhausted soul soon fell asleep. she awoke six hours later in a raging fever. the doctor had anticipated that something of the kind would happen, and was in the house at the time of her awakening. in so fragile a constitution, weakened by grief and trouble, it was not strange that the fever made prodigious headway, and swiftly reached its height. the crisis arrived several hours after the attack. she lay very still, apparently on the confines of death. the most profound stillness pervaded the room. the doctor, watch in hand, held her wrist and noted her pulse. its beat was so feeble that only his experienced fingers could detect it at all. john thorpe stood at the side of the bed opposite the doctor, bending over and watching her half open lips with an intensity of anxiety impossible to describe. beside him stood dorothy, with tears trickling down her face, for the child, though too young to comprehend its meaning, was affected by the solemnity of the scene, and by her aunt's quiet grief. virginia was kneeling at the foot of the bed, her face buried in her hands, in an endeavor to stifle her sobs, while mrs. harris looked ruefully out of the window. several times the doctor moved only to place his ear close to constance's heart, and again he would place his hand there and press gently. now and again he moistened her lips with a piece of ice and cooled the damp cloth on her hot brow. at a moment when least expected, she moaned and then her chest heaved with a light breath. quietly she opened her eyes and looked slowly around. there, before her, stood john and dorothy. her eyes rested on them. she recognized them and smiled faintly and said feebly, scarcely above a whisper, "dorothy, darling, and john!" "safe," announced the doctor, and his face, beaming with confidence, carried joy to the little group of anxious watchers. chapter xxv. one day, shortly after constance had started on the road to recovery, and before she had been removed from "rosemont" to her home, virginia, hazel and sam were grouped on the piazza discussing in low tones the probable sentence of rutley and jack shore. sam held the morning paper in his hand, which he casually perused. virginia was particularly happy and vivacious, and indeed, had she not reason in the reconciliation of john thorpe and constance; the rescue of dorothy; the recovery by constance of her reason, so threatening and dire in its flight, and the passing of that awful consuming fever that had seized upon the frail mind and body of constance--was productive of such devout and fervent gladness that she felt at peace with the world. even that old bitterness, so virulent and overpowering toward corway, had gone out from her heart completely, and as she pondered on his sudden disappearance, the thought that he may have come to a violent death caused tears to spring into her beautiful eyes. it was a mute but an inexpressibly sad testimony to the final closing of love's first dream. at that moment sam exclaimed, "well, what do you think of this?" and then he looked over the paper and grinned at hazel knowingly. the girl stood his stare for a moment, then impatiently said, "why don't you read it?" and sam read: "the item is headed, 'a bottle picked up at sea. as the bar tug hercules was cruising beyond the bar, farther out than usual, last tuesday, captain patterson espied a bottle bobbing about in the wash of a swell and picked it up. on being opened, it was found to contain a sealed message to a young portland woman, with instructions for the finder please to deliver at once. "'the bottle had been cast overboard september th, from the british bark lochlobin, two days out, bound for sydney.'" expressions of wonder and speculation from the young ladies were scarcely ended when a messenger boy was seen approaching. at the foot of the piazza steps he produced two letters and, tipping his cap to the group above, enquired for miss hazel brooke. yes--a message from the deep. he delivered one of the letters which he held in his hand to hazel, and then said: "the other letter is for miss virginia thorpe," which the housekeeper at mr. thorpe's home, where he had first enquired for miss brooke, had asked him to deliver at rosemont, too. the boy touched his cap respectfully and left. sam accompanied him a short distance, and slipped a gold piece into his hand. the boy thanked him, and took his departure whistling. meanwhile hazel opened the letter, and her eyes raced over the contents; then she fairly danced with joy. "oh, such good news, virginia!" she exclaimed, without taking her eyes from the letter. "it's from joe. poor joe! he was sandbagged or shanghaied, whatever that is, but he is well now, on a ship bound for australia, and will be home in about three months." but the glad message to one fell on the unreceptive ears of the other. virginia had also opened the letter addressed to her. she had noted the bold letters and familiar writing, glanced at the postmark, and noted its date; dated at portland over two weeks past; but, undeterred save by a slight fluttering at her heart, she read: "dear virginia: for some time past; in fact, since our hasty engagement, i have been searching the depths of my heart, to see if my love for you is genuine, and i am sorry to say that i have found the love i had rashly expressed is not deeply felt, and in spite of all my determination to think only of you, my heart would stray to another. "dear virginia, i implore you to consider me a trifler, quite unworthy of the exalted love that is in your noble nature to bestow; and i beg of you to release me from our engagement, which, if insisted on being maintained, must result in a life of unhappiness for us both. let us be to each other as brother and sister, and i shall ever bless you and pray for you. "joseph corway." she did not tear the letter to shreds, nor stamp it under her feet. she stood with it in her hand, which slowly fell down by her side, while a look of sadness and of reminiscence stole into her eyes. and she commenced to experience, too, the greatest difficulty in restraining a dewy profuseness that would arise and cloud her sight. she had thought that her heart was steeled against any expression of tenderness for him that might assail it, but she discovered that she was still a young girl with a girl's emotions, impossible of subjection. an overpowering desire to be alone until she could master her emotion and clear away the mist from her eyes caused her to descend the steps. the sense of motion steadied her, and it enabled her to think and to say unconsciously, half aloud to herself, "if father had burst his cerements and arisen from his grave to tell me this, i should have refused to believe him," and with the thought of what constance had suffered, a moan unconsciously escaped her. here, then, was the key to virginia's transformation. this delayed letter--cruel, it was true--was addressed to her at the farm three days before her sudden return home, and had as slowly followed her, for rural postal facilities were at that time dependent on the farmer going to town for his mail. hazel heard the moan, and looked up from the note which she had read and re-read, and kissed time and again. she saw virginia in apparent pain, and at once flew down the steps, crying, "oh, virginia, dear! what has caused you so much grief?" and she sought to caress her. but virginia, with an effort subduing her emotions, drew away, answering, "nothing, dear, nothing; it's all past, all gone now!" sam came up just then. he cast a swift glance at her distressed face, and then to the letter which she held in her hand, and surmised that it had to do with her trouble. his first thought was, "damn that messenger boy!" he, however, made no attempt to break in on her mood. virginia returned his look almost defiantly at first, as though his questioning glance was rude, but the little cloud quickly vanished, when hazel said, "something serious, dear? won't you let me share your trouble?" "oh, no! it's all past, all gone," she answered firmly. "i'm quite strong now, and to prove it, we will have a little bonfire. sam, have you a light?" quietly sam produced a match-box from his pocket, took a match, lighted it and handed it over. virginia applied the fire to the letter. as it burned down to the last bit, which she dropped from her hand, and disappeared in smoke, she looked up and as her eyes fell on the transcendently beautiful autumn vista, and then rested on sam's strong and at that moment deeply apprehensive face, there gradually came into them a steadfast look of admiration and loyalty. sam caught the wondrous expression. he stepped forward, his arms opened, and she fell on his shoulder, her arms about his neck. "will it ever return, darling?" he said soothingly. "never again, sam," and as she turned her face up to him their lips met in a seal of absolute trust and affection. chapter xxvi. philip rutley and jack shore were duly arraigned for abduction and felony, tried and convicted on both counts, and each was sentenced to a maximum penalty of twenty years in the state penitentiary at salem. even then rutley's penchant for conspiracy asserted itself. one afternoon, just four months after the prison doors closed on them, the inner corridor guard was killed, a second overpowered and knocked unconscious. so swiftly and silently was the work done that before discovery six convicts had escaped to the outer court. there, however, on a general alarm being sounded, three of them were shot down from the walls. the others surrendered. one of the convicts who was shot and died almost instantly was philip rutley. when last heard of, jack shore was still serving his time in an industrial department, devoting his talents to the manufacture of stoves, and reducing his sentence by good behavior. the first act of mr. thorpe after his happiness had been restored was to recognize substantially smith's invaluable service to the family. sufficient to say that smith was presented with a ticket good for one first-class passage to the "emerald isle" and return, and in addition to his four months' vacation on full pay, a goodly sum in cash for incidental expenses. that smith appreciated mr. thorpe's generosity, is begging the question. on arrival in the old country, he found conditions had changed since he left there thirty years ago. the old haunts of his boyhood days had been transformed. the old folks had long since departed this life--"god rest their souls!" his friends and acquaintances had disappeared from the county or were no more--strange faces everywhere--all had changed save the old parish church; that alone remained undefined by the ravages of time. "and now, my duty done, oi'll go back to america." on taking his farewell, sad and impressive thoughts occupied his mind. "shall i niver see the ould sod again, the dear ould land that gave me birth, the grain ave its hills, and the dear little shamrock--long life to it." and as a mist gathered in his eyes, he reverently knelt, lower he bent, till his lips touched the grassy ground, which he lovingly kissed. "farewell, an' may it plaise god to bring yees from the gloom ave tribulation into the sunshine ave happiness and prosperity. farewell, dear ould erin, my heart'll be wid ye always." the end. about the book: title: an oregon girl subtitle: a tale of american life in the new west author: alfred ernest rice illustrator: colista m. dowling original publisher: glass & prudhomme co., portland, oregon, original copyright: , by alfred ernest rice transcriber notes: italic type is indicated by the use of underscores (_). other changes are noted at the end of the text. [illustration: c. f. adams. o. c. yocum. j. m. keene. c. h. gove. n. w. durham. w. g. steel. j. m. breck, jr. ] the mountains of oregon by w. g. steel, fellow of the american geographical society. portland, oregon: david steel, successor to himes the printer, - / second street. . copyright, , by w. g. steel. preface. this little volume has not been written with the expectation of accomplishing a mission, or even attracting general attention, but simply to put into permanent form a small portion of information that is constantly appearing in newspaper articles. such information usually comes from abler pens than mine, but it is all the more pity that it is not in proper shape for future use. if it amuses, entertains or instructs those who peruse it, its aim will be accomplished, and its author satisfied. there is, however, a word of explanation due for the manner in which it is arranged. it was not begun with the intention of publishing a book, but in response to numerous requests received for descriptions of crater lake and mt. hood. as it was impossible at the time to answer them satisfactorily, it was decided to print a letter on each subject, and issue as a small pamphlet. before this was accomplished the discovery was made that the space allotted was entirely inadequate, so, acting on the advice of friends, this form was adopted; too late, however, to prevent the present arrangement. w. g. s. contents. page crater lake exploration department, oregon alpine club game protective department, oregon alpine club illumination of mount hood josephine county caves mount rainier night on the summit of mount rainier oregon alpine club oregon alpine club, constitution oregon bibliography our mountains in war photographic department, oregon alpine club preface presidents of the oregon alpine club statement of rev. peter stanup thoughts on the name tacoma topical index what they signify illumination of mount hood. mount hood is located in the cascade range in oregon, twenty-five miles south of the columbia river. it is about twelve thousand feet high, and is visible over a large part of the state. above an elevation of five thousand feet it is covered with perpetual snow. it stands sixty miles east of portland, a monument of beauty, and the pride of oregon. in the spring of the idea originated of illuminating it with red fire. an effort was made to carry this into effect on the following th of july, but failed for the reason that, instead of staying with it over night, a system of clock work and acids was devised, which was perfectly willing to do the work assigned, but an ugly avalanche came along at four o'clock in the afternoon, broke the bottles of acid and set the whole thing ablaze. in , the celebration committee of portland, decided to make the trial, and placed the matter in charge of the writer, who was accompanied by n. w. durham, correspondent of the _oregonian_, o. c. yocum, photographer, dr. j. m. keene, j. m. breck, jr., c. h. gove and chas. f. adams. more agreeable, determined and competent associates i never met. breck was a cripple, finding it necessary at all times to walk with a crutch, yet, a better mountain climber is hard to find. everything being placed in readiness, we left portland at o'clock a.m., friday july st, and reached government camp at o'clock in the afternoon of the second. from this point, the mountain rises to the north in all its beauty and grandeur, with timber line apparently within a few rods, instead of four miles, the actual distance. here the wagons were left, and two horses were packed with blankets and provisions, and our journey was resumed as soon as possible. it was necessary to cross two small streams, over both of which the bridges had fallen, so we were compelled to carry logs and fill in until it was possible to get the horses over. about nine o'clock, finding that we could not reach timber line, it was decided to camp on some friendly rocks near at hand. here we found the trees thickly covered with a long, dry moss, which afforded excitement for the evening, for, no sooner had the inner man's longings been supplied, than lighted matches were applied to the moss, which blazed furiously until it died out in the distance, simply for the want of material. the scene, while it lasted, was indeed brilliant, and accompanied by a roar that seemed but the echo of thunder. already exhausted, after three hours plodding through snow knee deep, we sank to rest and slept soundly until four o'clock. at five we were on our way, somewhat surprised to see that the snow remained as soft as on the evening before. in addition to the difficulty of sinking each step nearly to our knees, each man was loaded with fifty pounds of blankets, provisions or red fire, while three tugged savagely at a heavily loaded toboggan. at noon we lunched at timber line. it was hardly a sumptuous repast, but answered every requirement, there being canned boston brown bread and beef tea, mixed with snow and seasoned with smoke. not a dainty dish, to be sure, but "the best the market afforded." after lunch we dragged our weary way along, among other difficulties encountering a bitter cold wind, blowing directly from the summit with fearful velocity. slower and slower we moved, until three o'clock, when two men fell in their tracks utterly exhausted. here was a "pretty kettle of fish." barely seven thousand feet up, with five thousand feet more above, and only one day in which to climb. it was finally decided to make camp on the nearest rocks, abandon all idea of reaching the summit, then, on the day following, find the best place possible for the illumination. two thousand feet above timber line we camped on rocks, over which the cold wind swept, penetrating to the very marrow. of course it was impossible to have a fire, and at night it was necessary to pile large stones on our blankets to keep them from sailing down the mountain. hats and a few other things were anchored in like manner. the "glorious fourth" was ushered in, clear and cold, while a patriot in the party, not to be outdone by uncle sam, saluted the rising sun with a deafening round of fire cracker artillery. at five o'clock we started on our upward march. every thing was left behind except one hundred pounds of red fire, three overcoats and a few crackers. at : a.m., bare rocks were found to the west of the summit, in what was considered a good location, and at an altitude of about ten thousand feet. here our burdens were cast at the foot of the cliff, and all hands, except keene and myself, returned to government camp. by noon the wind had died down entirely, and the day became very pleasant. while waiting at this lonely station for the appointed hour of illumination, a panorama was spread before us, of a scope and magnificence that cannot be appropriately described, but must be seen to be appreciated. yes, and it remains for those who love the beautiful and grand sufficiently to scale mountains, to toil on day after day, patiently waiting for the time that is sure to come, when the glorious pages of nature will be unrolled before them. then, "it seems by the pain of ascending the height, we had conquered a claim to that wonderful sight." the scene embraces millions of acres of land in eastern oregon, extending from the cascades to the blue mountains, a distance of over one hundred and fifty miles. the entire range of the cascades lies before us, showing the foothills of both eastern and western oregon, and the increase in height toward the center. for miles upon miles to the south, cross ranges, running from east to west seem piled one upon the other, and to their tops is added a covering of snow, changing the solemn, otherwise unbroken, dark green, to a variegated picture, not only of grandeur, but beauty. to the left of the centre stands jefferson, similar to hood as seen from portland. next come the three sisters to the left of jefferson, while still further stands snow butte. almost in front of jefferson is washington, while to the right mclaughlin looms up in southern oregon, two hundred and fifty miles distant. changing the view to western oregon, we see mary's peak over one hundred miles southwest. the willamette valley can be seen through its entire extent of many miles, while here and there we catch glimpses of the river flowing on to the lordly columbia. along the western horizon extends the coast range, while in one little spot the mountains break way and give us a vista of the ocean. in the immediate foreground lies the base of old hood, white with snow for five thousand feet below us. to witness a scene like this many a man would circle the globe;--and yet, imagine a sunset upon it. at : p.m. clouds drifted from the north and hung on the points of the range a mile below. slowly the sun sank to rest, while the clouds hovering over the western horizon became brighter and brighter, until it seemed that the very gates of heaven were thrown wide open, and over a scene of unrivaled grandeur was spread another of marvelous magnificence. as if nature was not even yet satisfied with such dazzling beauty, suddenly the smoke that had gathered far below us, shutting out the great columbia, was drawn aside and the waters of that river seemed, through the thin smoke remaining, like a stream of molten gold, visible in an unbroken line, winding from the mountain to the sea a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. then, too, as we looked, just beneath the setting sun, the pacific ocean came to view, while the sun was setting in the mouth of the columbia, reflecting its ruddy glare in the ocean and river at one and the same time. to the right could be seen cape disappointment, while to the left point adams showed with equal clearness. so closed the day and the night came on. far above the few clouds that lurked beneath us, threatening the success of our experiment, the atmosphere was so perfectly clear that we thought its equal had never been seen. promptly with the departing day the full moon arose in all its beauty, changing the day's brilliance to a subdued halo of glory. about seven o'clock the wind blew furiously, almost carrying us from the rocks to the snow beneath. although clad for a land of wintry blasts, it was necessary to pace back and forth, swinging our arms and jumping to keep warm. at eight o'clock the wind died down, and we became comfortable without exercise. our spirits were low, however, for it seemed that the entire country was covered with a thick veil of smoke, and our labor was to be in vain. suddenly at : we saw a red light in the direction of portland. it was the signal for a complete revolution in our feelings. we danced for joy. yes, we screamed and halloed until we were hoarse. did all sorts of silly things, for now we _knew_ our fire would be seen. following the first light came another, and still others, and in our mad excitement we took a handful of red fire and burned it on a rock. "thereby hangs a tale." the members of our party at government camp were gathered around a cheerful fire telling bear stories and waiting patiently for the appointed time, when they were startled by a brilliant light from the mountain, showing through the trees in front of them. instantly they scattered, every member forgetting his companions in a wild scramble for a good view. in this sudden stampede, one member, who is hard of hearing, climbed a tree, where he remained until the others began to assemble. as one of the drivers, a hardy son of erin, passed the tree and heard a rustling in the branches, he glanced up, saw a large, dark object, took it for a bear and gave the alarm. instantly all hands gathered around the tree, every one armed with a club, which he swung like the arms of a windmill, at the same time shouting for some one else to get a gun. the man up a tree, not understanding why the commotion should extend so long after the burning of red fire, started to go down, but, was met with such a lively rain of clubs that he beat a precipitate retreat. at this point, a gun arrived and every fellow wanted to shoot the bear. bruin, at last comprehending the situation, chimed in with: "you fellows let up with your durned foolishness, will you." soon after the red fire and rockets at portland were noticed, others were seen at prineville, seventy-five miles to the southeast, and also at vancouver, w. t. these were watched with the most intense interest, until the time arrived to make our own novel show. the red fire was placed in a narrow ridge about ten feet long, and at right angles with portland. holding my watch before me, promptly at : we applied the match with the result as shown by the following account in the _oregonian_ of the next day: "the celebration closed with the illumination of mount hood, the grandest and most unique event of the day. precisely at : , the time appointed, just as the fireworks display was over, a bright red light shone away up in the clouds above the eastern horizon, which was greeted with cheers from the thousands congregated on the bridge, wharves, roofs, boats on the river and on the hills back of town, and with vigorous and long-continued whistling from every steamboat on the river. "the mountain had been plainly visible all day, but toward evening a curtain of mist and smoke shut off the view at the base, and as twilight fell, the curtain rose higher till at last only the very peak could be seen, and as night came on, even that disappeared from view. many gave up all hope of seeing any sign from the mountain. but many thought that the obstructions to a view of the summit were very slight, and if the party had reached the peak, the light from one hundred pounds of red fire would be able to pierce through them, and so it proved. it lasted exactly fifty-eight seconds. this was the most novel and the highest illumination ever made, and was seen the farthest and formed a fitting close to the celebration of ." immediately after the illumination we started down the mountain, following our previous trail in the snow. just after midnight, while lunging through the snow, we suddenly lost our footing and were no little astonished to find that we had fallen into a crevasse. it proved narrow and shallow, however, and all things considered, we extricated ourselves with remarkable celerity and passed on down the mountain side, only to get lost in the timber below, and wander around until daylight, when we found camp and soon after were homeward bound. crater lake. one of the world's great natural wonders. a trip to crater lake is, to a lover of the grand and beautiful in nature, an important event, around which will ever cluster memories of unalloyed happiness, thoughts of little adventures and weird experiences that go to make life worth living. it is situated in the northwest portion of klamath county, oregon, twenty-two miles west of north of fort klamath, and about eighty miles northeast of medford, which is the best point to leave the oregon & california railroad. the jacksonville and fort klamath military road passes the lake within three miles, and the road to the very walls of it is an exceptionally good one for a mountainous country, while in near proximity may be found remarkably fine camping grounds. the indians of southern oregon have known of it for ages, but until recently none have seen it, for the reason that a tradition, handed down from generation to generation, described it as the home of myriads of sea-devils, or, as they were called, llaos; and it was considered certain death for any brave even to look upon it. this superstition still haunts the klamaths. while a few of the tribe have visited it, they do so with a sort of mysterious dread of the consequences. it was discovered by a party of twelve prospectors on june th, , among whom were j. w. hillman, george ross, james louden, pat mcmanus, isaac skeeters and a mr. dodd. these had left the main party, and were not looking for gold, but having run short of provisions, were seeking wherewithal to stay the gnawing sensations that had seized upon their stomachs. for a time hunger forsook them, as they stood in silent amazement upon the cliffs, and drank in the awe of the scene stretched before them. after partaking of the inspiration fostered by such weird grandeur, they decided to call it mysterious, or deep blue lake. it was subsequently called lake majesty, and by being constantly referred to as a crater lake, it gradually assumed that name, which is within itself so descriptive. at times when gazing from the surrounding wall, the skies and cliffs are seen perfectly mirrored in the smooth and glassy surface over which the mountain breeze creates scarce a ripple, and it is with great difficulty the eye can distinguish the line dividing the cliffs from their reflected counterfeits. the lake is almost egg-shaped, ranging northeast by southwest and is seven miles long by six in width. the water's surface is six thousand two hundred and fifty-one feet above sea level, and is completely surrounded by cliffs, or walls, from one thousand to over two thousand feet high, which are scantily covered with coniferous trees. to the southwest is wizard island, eight hundred and forty-five feet high, circular in shape, and slightly covered with timber. in the top is a depression, or crater--the witches' cauldron--one hundred feet deep and four hundred and seventy-five feet in diameter. this was evidently the last smoking chimney of a once mighty volcano. the base of the island is covered with very heavy and hard rocks, with sharp and unworn edges, over which scarcely a score of human feet have trod. farther up are deep beds of ashes, and light, spongy rocks and cinders, giving evidence of intense heat. within the crater, as without, the surface is entirely covered with volcanic rocks, but here it forms one of the hottest places on a clear day in august, it has ever been my lot to witness. not a breath of air seems to enter, and the hot sun pours down upon thousands of rocks and stones that reflect his rays with an intensity that seems to multiply beyond conception. here, however, we determined to lunch--and did--but one such experience will last a long time. directly north of the island is llao rock, a grand old sentinel, standing boldly out on the west side of the lake and reaching up over two thousand feet perpendicular. from the top of it you can drop a stone and it will pass down and grow smaller and smaller, until your head begins to swim and you see the stone become a mere speck, and fade entirely from view; and at last, nearly half a mile below, it strikes the unruffled surface of the water and sinks forever from sight in the depth of a bottomless lake. there is probably no point of interest in america that so completely overcomes the ordinary indian with fear as crater lake. from time immemorial, no power has been strong enough to induce him to approach within sight of it. for a paltry sum he will engage to guide you thither, but, before you reach the mountain top, will leave you to proceed alone. to the savage mind it is clothed with a deep veil of mystery, and is the abode of all manner of demons and unshapely monsters. once inhabited by the great spirit, it has now become the sheol of modern times, and it is certain death for any proud savage to behold it. this feeling has, to a certain extent, instilled itself in the mind of such whites as have made it their mecca, until every stray log that floats upon the water is imagined to possess life, and may possibly be a monster. exaggerated accounts of different points have been given and implicitly believed without a question or reflection. it has been claimed that the crater was eight hundred feet deep, while by actual measurement we found it to be scarcely a hundred. the island was said to be fifteen hundred feet high, but an accurate measurement placed it at just eight hundred and forty-five feet. from allen davey, chief of the klamath tribe, i gleaned the following in reference to the discovery of crater lake: a long time ago, long before the white man appeared in this region to vex and drive the proud native out, a band of klamaths, while out hunting, came suddenly upon the lake and were startled by its remarkable walls and awed by its majestic proportions. with spirits subdued and trembling with fear, they silently approached and gazed upon its face; something within told them the great spirit dwelt there, and they dared not remain, but passed silently down the side of the mountain and camped far away. by some unaccountable influence, however, one brave was induced to return. he went up to the very brink of the precipice and started his camp fire. here he laid down to rest; here he slept till morn--slept till the sun was high in air, then arose and joined his tribe far down the mountain. at night he came again; again he slept till morn. each visit bore a charm that drew him back again. each night found him sleeping above the rocks; each night strange voices arose from the waters; mysterious noises filled the air. at last, after a great many moons, he climbed down to the lake and there he bathed and spent the night. often he climbed down in like manner, and frequently saw wonderful animals, similar in all respects to a klamath indian, except that they seemed to exist entirely in the water. he suddenly became hardier and stronger than any indian of his tribe because of his many visits to the mysterious waters. others then began to seek its influence. old warriors sent their sons for strength and courage to meet the conflicts awaiting them. first, they slept on the rocks above, then ventured to the water's edge, but last of all they plunged beneath the flood and the coveted strength was theirs. on one occasion, the brave who first visited the lake, killed a monster, or fish, and was at once set upon by untold numbers of excited llaos (for such they were called), who carried him to the top of the cliffs, cut his throat with a stone knife, then tore his body in small pieces, which were thrown down to the waters far beneath, where he was devoured by the angry llaos--and such shall be the fate of every klamath brave, who, from that day to this, dares to look upon the lake. my first visit to crater lake was in , at which time the thought was suggested by capt. c. e. dutton, of having the lake and environs drawn from the market. promptly acting on the suggestion, my friend, hon. binger hermann, was sought and a movement started looking to the formation of a national park. in response to a petition forwarded to washington and ably advocated by congressman hermann, the united states geological survey, under capt. dutton, was ordered to examine the lake and surroundings during the summer of . in this expedition it was my good fortune to have charge of the sounding, which afforded me a pleasure unsurpassed in all my mountain experience. that an idea may be had of the difficulties to be overcome, suffice it to say, boats had to be built for the purpose in portland, transported to ashland, three hundred and forty-one miles by rail, and carried from there to the lake on wagons, one hundred miles into the mountains, where they were launched over cliffs one thousand feet high. on the first day of july, i boarded the train for ashland, where i met capt. dutton, and we were joined immediately afterward by capt. geo. w. davis, one of the most eminent engineers of america, and ten soldiers. on the th, we started for the lake, preceded by capts. dutton and davis, who were followed by a four mule team, bearing a first-class lap streak boat, which in turn was followed by three double teams, horsemen and pack train. of our largest boat, the cleetwood, we all felt justly proud, as it was certainly a beautiful model, four-oared, twenty-six feet long and competent to ride almost any sea. when passing through phoenix, the typical and irrepressible critic came to the surface, in the shape of a lean, lank, awkward, ignorant country boy of, say, eighteen summers. with hands in his pockets, he aided the single suspender delegated to hold his breeches in place, and when shifting a monstrous chew of tobacco over his tongue, informed his audience (of half a dozen small urchins) that "that 'ere boat won't live in crater lake half an hour if a storm comes up. it ain't shaped right. jist see for yourself how sway-backed it is. it must have been made by some feller as never seed a boat afore." this brings to mind the fact that a critic is a person who finds fault with something of which he is densely ignorant. the entire distance from ashland--ninety-seven miles--was accomplished by slow, easy marches, every precaution being taken to provide against a mishap, and no incident occurred of special importance. soon after reaching the foothills, we encountered sliding places and short turns in the road. as the wagon containing the cleetwood was top heavy and coupled twenty feet long, it was impossible to turn on an ordinary curve, hence it became necessary at times to drive as far as possible, then let ten or fifteen men lift the hind end of the wagon around by main strength. when a sliding place was reached, the men would hang on the upper side, or attach ropes to the top and hold it, thus preventing an upset. on tuesday we succeeded in reaching the foot of the last grade, and on wednesday morning began the ascent. here was the rub. the hill is about a mile and a half long, very steep, sliding, rocky, and filled with roots and stones, added to which were great banks of snow, packed solid by constant thawing. progress was slow and tedious, a roadway having to be cut in places, while men with picks, axes and shovels dug up rocks, cut down trees and shoveled snow, besides building up or cutting down one side of the roadway. at o'clock on wednesday the th, the boats were landed on the walls of the lake, having traveled four hundred and forty miles from portland, with scarcely a scratch to mar the paint. thursday morning the work of launching was commenced by covering the bottom of each skiff with inch boards, firmly secured, as also a shield in front of the bow. they were carried to the lowest place to be found in the cliffs, probably about nine hundred feet, vertical measurement, where a canyon descends at an angle of thirty-five or forty degrees, when a three-quarter inch rope was attached and in turn passed around a tree on the summit, where a man was stationed to manage it, directed by signals below. one was lowered at a time, accompanied by four men to guide and handle it. besides this, men were stationed at different points to signal to the top, and thus regulate the paying out of rope. every effort was made to send all loose stones on ahead, to prevent accident from above, yet, before the first boat had proceeded three hundred feet in its descent, a boulder came rolling from near the summit with increasing velocity, and before any one realized the danger, had struck a rock in near proximity and bounded over the skiff, passed between the men and within an inch of one fellow's head. before the descent was completed, the boards were torn from the first boat; but extra precaution was taken with the second one. about two-thirds of the way down a perfect shower of rocks came tumbling from a cliff to the left, but, strange as it may seem, they either bounded over or around the men and boat, so that no damage resulted. at three o'clock the first skiff reached bottom somewhat scratched, but not injured in any manner. the second one was placed in the lake entirely uninjured at six o'clock p.m. our tents were pitched in a beautiful spot. in the immediate foreground to the north lies the lake with its twenty odd miles of rugged cliffs standing abruptly from the water's edge. to the left is wizard island, on the top of which rests the witch's cauldron, or crater, like a great flat top; beyond stands llao rock, solemn, grim and grand, over two thousand feet perpendicular, while still beyond stands mt. thielsen, the lightning rod of the cascades. just to the east of the lake is mt. scott, partly covered with snow, while close to the camp on the east, is a high cliff known as cathedral rock, running far down to the right and at last disappearing below the tree tops. to the south the scene was varied by a wide range of mountain tops, stretching far away to california, chief among which is snow-capped and beautiful pitt. just to the left the rough mountain view is changed to a charming plain, in the midst of which is a broad expanse of water, which proves to be klamath lake, about thirty miles distant. thursday evening, dark and threatening clouds were suddenly seen to approach from this point, accompanied by vivid flashes of lightning and loud peals of thunder. a few large drops of rain had fallen, when there was a sudden outburst of joy in camp, as every one glanced at the sides of cathedral rock, which were suddenly illuminated by a light of deep orange. to the west, the sun was slowly sinking to rest, when a glowing light spread itself over the dark clouds, which became brighter and still brighter. looking beyond a scene of unparalleled magnificence was spread before us. through the center hung long fleecy clouds lighted to a deep orange, while above, like a great curtain, was spread a belt of olive green. here and there were tints of crimson, the delicacy of which no artist could approach. above and parallel with the horizon stretched a long rift, in clouds rendered marvelously rich in gold and garnet, through which the blue sky beyond was visible, slightly obscured by light, fleecy clouds of silver. during all this magnificent sight the electric storm raged in the south with unabated fury, flashes of lightning and peals of thunder adding solemnity to a scene of wonderful brilliance. the th was spent in preparing the cleetwood for her final plunge over the cliffs in search of water. a sled was made of very heavy timbers, on which she was placed, keel up, then lashed and braced in every conceivable manner until, in fact, she seemed a part of the sled itself. guy ropes were placed on each corner to guide it, in connection with a heavy handspike. saturday morning the actual work of launching began, by sliding the boat over a snowdrift in a canyon that slopes to the lake at about an angle of fifty degrees. the cliff is probably one thousand feet high at this point. the sled was attached by block and tackle to a tree on the summit and lowered nearly half way, when the bearing was shifted as far down as possible and a new start taken. leaving the summit at : a.m., it required the most persistent work and constant care of fifteen men eight hours to reach the lake. in the bottom of the canyon flows a stream of water that contributes very materially to the danger of such an undertaking, as constant slides of rocks are thus caused. when the bottom seemed to be reached it was found that there still remained a sort of jump-off, or slide, into the water, perpendicular and about fifteen feet high. the water, at this point is very deep, and the question arose, "how shall we launch the boat now that we have got it here?" it was simply turned right side up again, lashed to the sled and let partially down with the bow thrown out as far as possible. it was held securely in this position while one of the men climbed aboard, cut the lines and she shot forward in fine style, not shipping a gallon of water, although the bow was almost submerged to start with. the moment the launching was complete there was a cry of unrestrained joy sent up from all present, and our shouts were answered from the cliffs by waving of hats and blowing of fog horns. with one impulse the cry was raised, "now for the island!" and in an incredibly short space of time both skiffs and the cleetwood were headed that way. with four men at the oars we soon reached our destination, and then returned to camp, where a bountiful repast awaited us. every precaution was taken to clear the canyon of loose rocks, nevertheless a few rolled down, but were successfully dodged until the boat was actually in the water, immediately after which a small bowlder came down with terrific force. capt. davis stood directly in its course, and not seeing it the other members of the party shouted to him to "lookout." it being impossible for him to run, he jumped under the framework, or sled, hanging where the boat left it, and laid flat on the ground, just as the stone struck a rock and the upper end of the frame. it then struck capt. davis in the back, but its force had been so broken that it did no harm further than to make the spot feel sore. the day after launching the cleetwood, nine members of our party made the circuit of the lake on a sort of casual observation, or tour of inspection. the scenery was grand to a degree far beyond our most sanguine expectations. four strong oarsmen soon brought us to llao rock, and as we gazed in silent wonder at its rugged sides, reaching nearly half a mile above us, for the first time did we realize the immensity of such a spectacle. never before did i fully understand the meaning of figures when they run up into the thousands of feet, vertical measurement. beyond llao rock we found a beautiful little bay, and beyond it a larger one, probably one mile long by a quarter of a mile deep. here we stopped for lunch, and when landing were surprised to find a long line of dead moths, of large variety, washed up by the waves, and in such numbers that the air was laden with an unpleasant odor, apparently about a first cousin to a slaughter house. we also found here a narrow beach of small gravel running almost the entire length of the bay, while further out in the lake, the bottom is composed of sand. as this point had not only never been named, but probably was never before visited by human beings, we decided to christen it cleetwood cove. passing on our journey, it was soon seen that the cliffs on the north side are not so high as those to the south. in several places it appeared that good trails could easily be made to the water's edge, over which a person might almost ride horseback, and in one place, without any grading whatever, a good pack train could descend with comparative ease. about o'clock a thunder shower came suddenly upon us just as two beautiful grottos appeared in view. into one of these the boat was run, where we were entirely beyond the reach of rain. it proved to be about thirty feet deep and twenty wide, with an arched roof probably eight feet above the water, while the rocky bottom could be distinctly seen ten feet below the surface. so perfect was its form that it almost seemed the hand of man had hewn it from the solid rock. beyond it towered an immense cliff, very high, with broken, rugged sides, picturesque and sublime, which i insist on naming dutton cliff, in honor of capt. dutton, who has done and is doing so much to make crater lake justly famous. this point may be known from the fact that it lies directly opposite llao rock, and between the two lowest places in the lake's walls. immediately north of dutton cliff, the elements have worn the sides of the mountain, leaving a harder substance, alternately colored red and yellow, resembling the mansard roof of a cottage, while in one place, tall red chimneys stand aloft, making, all in all, such a scene that cottage rock could scarcely be improved on for a name. lying between the two points above referred to, a break in the wall was found, that is almost perpendicular, but certainly does not exceed five hundred feet in height. this is by far the lowest point in the walls. no time was lost in getting our soundings under way. the first was made about one hundred yards from shore. it was supposed that we might possibly find as much as one hundred feet of water, but, as the lead ran out, our excitement grew with each succeeding hundred feet, until over one thousand two hundred feet were out. at one thousand two hundred feet the machine stopped, and our pent-up feelings exploded in one wild yell of delight. for a number of days the soundings were continued. the greatest depth recorded was one thousand nine hundred and ninety-six feet, which, making allowance for stretch of wire, would give two thousand and eight feet. of the whole number made, eighteen are over one thousand nine hundred, thirteen over one thousand eight hundred, eleven over one thousand seven hundred, fifteen over one thousand six hundred, and nineteen over one thousand five hundred. it was found that at the bottom of the northeastern end lies a plain of several square miles, almost perfectly level, while south of the center is a cliff about nine hundred feet high, and west of the center seems to be cinder cone, nearly one thousand two hundred feet in height, with a crater in the center two hundred and fifty feet deep. its summit is six hundred feet below the surface of the water. on one occasion our party took five pounds of red fire, which we intended to burn on the summit of wizard island, but owing to the fact that the air was so filled with smoke as to destroy the effect, our plan was changed, and we took it to rogue river falls on our return. here we met quite a number of hardy mountaineers, and at o'clock left camp for the falls, about one mile distant. the night was very dark, and a weird sort of a scene it was as we climbed over logs and rocks, lighting our way by tallow candles and a lantern that flickered dimly. at last the bank of the stream was reached, and while the noise of the rushing waters was intense, nothing could be seen but the dim outline of something white far down below us. at this point, the walls are perpendicular, and one hundred and eighty feet high. they are also solid rock from top to bottom. directly opposite where we stood, mill creek falls into rogue river (one hundred and eighty feet), and this is what we came to see. in order to get the benefit of the red light, it was necessary for some one to climb down to the water. this duty fell to a stranger in the party, who made the descent during the day, and myself. he led the way carrying a dim lantern, and i followed as best i could. the rocks are covered with a remarkably thick layer of moss, which is kept very wet by the rising mist. the path, if such it might be termed, led along the sides of the cliff at an angle of about degrees. as we cautiously climbed from rock to rock, it was a sort of feeling of intensified interest that overcame us, when we realized that a single misstep would precipitate us to the rocks below--and, worst of all, possibly we "never would be missed." the bed of the stream was reached at last, and the fire ignited close to the falls. ye gods! what a transformation! suddenly, the canyon, which could not be seen before, was as bright as day, lighted by a fire so brilliant that we could not look upon it. crimson air and crimson water, crimson walls and crimson everywhere. no magician of the arabians ever conjured up by a stroke of his wand a spectacle more sublime. it was one of transcendent beauty, upon which the human eye seldom rests, and when it does its possessor is spellbound by the bewildering vision. one almost loses the power of speech in the desperate struggle to see and comprehend the scene, and before it is realized the light dies away and darkness reigns supreme, rendered ten-fold more dense by the splendor of so magnificent a tableau. near the base of dutton cliff stands a solitary rock, probably one hundred feet high, by two hundred in length and nearly the same breadth, that, while not seen by the present generation of indians, is nevertheless known to them, and is a special object of superstitious dread. they consider it as a peculiarly ferocious monster, but are unable to describe its characteristics. it stands in the lake entirely alone and about fifty yards from shore. standing on the cliffs, five miles to the west and looking across the lake, this strange rock is plainly visible in the sunlight its rugged peaks reaching aloft, giving it the appearance of a full rigged ship at anchor. should a cloud pass before the sun, as the shadow strikes the rock it will pass from view as effectually as though it had ceased to exist. while sounding the lake in , i caused a party of topographical engineers to be landed here for observations, but it was so rugged that the most diligent search failed to reveal a level place large enough to accommodate the tripod attached to their instruments, and we were compelled to resort to a point on shore for the purpose. i have never learned its indian name, but among the whites it is known as the phantom ship. to those who enjoy the noble sport of hunting, the vicinity of crater lake is especially attractive. great numbers of deer, bear and panther roam through the timber in fancied security, inviting the keen eye and steady nerve of the sportsman. although passionately fond of such sport myself, the grandeur and sublimity of the surroundings so overcame me with desire to see and prosecute our explorations, that i forgot my love for a running shot, in an inordinate desire to climb over the cliffs and view the wonderful place from every conceivable point. my companions were no less affected, and the result was that we ran out of meat and applied to a native sheep herder for mutton chops. he scowled upon us for a moment, then informed our spokesman that "when he butchered he never saved the heads." while running a line of soundings from llao rock to vidae cliff across the lake one day, a strong wind sprung up from the south accompanied by black clouds and a storm seemed imminent. we had proceeded about three miles across, when we were suddenly startled by a loud noise, as though a multitude of men were savagely beating tin pans. in a very few minutes the southwestern cliffs became white and we could plainly see the "color line" advancing to the north, until all the cliffs to the west seemed covered with snow. to add to so strange a sight, a good-sized water-fall began pouring over llao rock, and falling to the lake two thousand feet below. within half an hour from the beginning of the storm, the water-fall ceased, the cliffs became dark again, the wind shifted to the northwest and drove millions of hailstones upon us, sufficiently large to make us wince when struck--especially when struck all over with no possible means of escape. the only accident to any of our party during the sojourn, befel a highly respected mule attached to the topographical engineers corps. one day as the party passed along the east side of dutton cliff, progress seemed almost blocked by high precipices. a point was found overlooking a yawning chasm, where a large tree had fallen and lodged. by throwing in stones and brush, a sort of trail was made to terra firma beyond the backbone of the mountain. over this the pack train was passed safely, except a mule that was blind in one eye. he bore a reputation for dignity and sobriety that any well-to-do mule might envy. however, when just at the point which, above all others, should have received his undivided attention, he became gay and festive, and as a consequence, fell part way over the precipice. by dint of hard labor, he was drawn back, but little the worse for wear, his pack was removed and he again started across. again, however, he became frisky, and pitched head-long over a rocky precipice five hundred feet high. as his limbs mixed with those of the trees below, the thoughts of the spectators above were: "there goes all that is mortal of croppy, who climbed to the top of mt. shasta, but died in a lonely canyon, by his own hand in a fit of temporary insanity. let him r.i.p." one day while at work on the lake, my attention was called to what seemed to be a tall, full-bearded man standing on the southern portion of llao rock's summit. one foot was placed a little forward of the other and the knee bent slightly but naturally, while before him stood a gun. his hands were clasped over the muzzle as he gazed intently to the north. just behind him stood a boy, apparently about fifteen years of age. they seemed entirely too natural not to be flesh and blood, and yet, persons at that distance would not be visible to the naked eye, as we were two miles out on the lake. day after day, as our work progressed, their position remained the same, and, in the absence of a better explanation, we decided them to be trees. crater lake is but a striking memento of a dread past. imagine a vast mountain, six by seven miles through, at an elevation of eight thousand feet, with the top removed and the inside hollowed out, then filled with the clearest water in the world, to within two thousand feet of the top, then place a round island in one end eight hundred and forty-five feet high, then dig a circular hole tapering to the center, like a funnel, one hundred feet deep and four hundred and seventy-five feet in diameter, and you have a perfect representation of crater lake. it is hard to comprehend what an immense affair it is. to those living in new york city, i would say, crater lake is large enough to have manhattan, randall's, ward's and blackwell's islands dropped into it, side by side without touching the walls, or, chicago or washington city might do the same. our own fair city of portland with all her suburbs, from the city park to mount tabor, and from albina to sellwood inclusive, could find ample room on the bottom of the lake. on the other hand, if it were possible to place the lake, at its present elevation, above either of these cities, it would be over a mile up to the surface of the water, and a mile and three-quarters to the top of llao rock. of this distance, the ascent would be through water for two thousand feet. to those living in new hampshire, it might be said, the surface of the water is twenty-three feet higher than the summit of mt. washington. [illustration: _ . rogue river falls, feet high._ _ . vidae cliff, crater lake, over , feet high._ _ . a point on vidae cliff._] what an immense affair it must have been, ages upon ages ago, when, long before the hot breath of a volcano soiled its hoary head, standing as a proud monarch, with its feet upon earth and its head in the heavens, it towered far, far above the mountain ranges, aye, looked far down upon the snowy peaks of hood and shasta, and snuffed the air beyond the reach of everest. then streams of fire began to shoot forth, great seas of lava were hurled upon the earth beneath. the elements seemed bent upon establishing hell upon earth and fixing its throne upon this great mountain. at last its foundation gave way and it sank forever from sight. down, down, down deep into the bowels of the earth, leaving a great, black, smoking chasm, which succeeding ages filled with pure, fresh water, giving to our day and generation one of the most beautiful lakes within the vision of man. in conclusion i will say, crater lake is one of the grandest points of interest on earth. here all the ingenuity of nature seems to have been exerted to the fullest capacity, to build one grand, awe-inspiring temple, within which to live and from which to gaze upon the surrounding world and say: "here would i dwell and live forever. here would i make my home from choice; the universe is my kingdom, and this my throne." josephine county caves. on friday evening, august , , s. s. nicolini of ragusa, austria, e. d. dewert of portland, and the writer boarded the south-bound train for grant's pass, intent on a few days' outing. this town of grant's pass was so named for a pass in the mountains several miles south, where, in early days, the silent hero camped for the night. early saturday morning my head was banged up against one end of our sleeping car, an instant after hearing the shrill whistle sounding down brakes. as soon as possible i got on the outside and found the engines standing within a few feet of a yawning chasm where a bridge had been. now, however, seven bents had been burned away and a terrible railroad accident was averted by the quick eye of engineer elliott, who saw the fire as we turned the curve and stopped the train almost instantly. at grant's pass, h. d., m. m. and f. m. harkness joined us, and we started for the josephine county caves, about thirty miles due south, in the siskiyou mountains. for twenty miles the trip was made over a very good road by wagon. at this point it became necessary to pack our things on two horses and walk over a trail into the mountains. on a hot day, this portion of the trip is very laborious, owing to the fact that it is up the steep mountain side about two-thirds of the way, and down an equally steep incline the remainder. we arrived at our destination a little before noon on the th, and found two openings, one above the other, and about one hundred yards apart, on the south side of a deep canyon. when out hunting a few years since, elijah davidson, of williams creek, found a bear and chased it into the lower entrance, thus discovering the caves. each entrance is high enough to admit a person without stooping, and is probably about eight feet wide. at noon we entered the upper cave. for a few feet the floor inclined inward; we then descended a ladder for about six feet, and found ourselves in a passage way eight feet wide by an equal height, which changed, however, at every step. now it would be wider, and now narrower, now higher, and now lower. walls, ceiling and floor were composed of solid rock. to describe them, appropriately would simply be to use a gift made divine by inspiration. no man can behold them, then impart to others an accurate idea of their appearance. soon after entering we were compelled to progress on hands and knees, then stood upright in chambers ten feet high, the walls of which were white. stalactites were first seen here, and involuntarily we cast sly glances around to discover the bodies of kings preserved beneath such droppings in "king solomon's mines." we wandered from place to place, from chamber to chamber, dragging ourselves through passage ways barely large enough to admit a human body, while with toes and fingers we worked along, or stood in the midst of rooms that reached far above us. now we see a beautiful pool of clearest water, surrounded by a delicate crystal formation in the shape of a bowl. in color it is as white as the driven snow, while each crystal is oblong, projecting at right angles with the main portion for about an eighth of an inch. one peculiarity of these crystals that disappointed us was the fact that they change from white to a dull, yellowish color, immediately after being removed from the caves. we were extremely anxious to try a new process for taking photographs in the dark, so dewert took his camera and acted as photographer for the party. owing to the limited space at times and cramped manner of locomotion it required the services of four men to carry the camera and accompanying necessities. having reached a suitable place for a picture, the camera was first put in position, a board was laid on the top of it on which a tin reflector was placed, and a little powder called the lightning flash was then poured on the board in front of the reflector. at this point the order was given, "douse the glim," and all lights were extinguished. the plate was exposed in perfect darkness, the powder was ignited, and instantly there was a flash of the most intense light. this light was so brilliant that, for several minutes, it caused in the eyes a glimmering sensation of light. several photographs were taken in this way, which will doubtless prove excellent examples of what ingenuity can do in the dark. it would require days of constant work to explore all the passages we found, whereas our time was limited to that portion of one day after o'clock noon. for this reason we remained in the caves from noon to midnight, first examining the upper, then the lower one. this difference exists between them: the one above is possessed of fine stalactite formations, while below none appear. instead, however, immense rocks are piled indiscriminately one upon the other, with great cracks between. long ladders were used to climb to the top of the rocks, over the sides of which yawning pits could be seen that seemed to possess no bottom. lack of time alone prevented us from making a thorough investigation, but i could not resist the temptation to climb over the side of one friendly rock for a few feet to see how it looked. down for twenty feet the space remained unchanged, so that i could easily reach from rock to rock. it then widened out and i could proceed no farther without ropes, so i returned to the party. a fine stream of clear cold water flows from this cave and a strong breeze of cool air rushed forth also. at times in both upper and lower cave, the wind blew toward the entrance so that it was impossible to keep the lights burning. no traces of foul air have been found in either cave. before our visit, visions of square chambers filled my mind, only to be dashed aside when real ones presented themselves, the irregular shape of which could not well be surpassed. there are no parallel walls, few straight ones, but corners everywhere. the floor will pitch in all directions, likewise ceiling and walls. beautiful views of stalactites and stalagmites stand out in bold relief against snow white walls. at the farthest extremity of the upper cave in one direction an immense chamber presents itself, and should be known as the devil's banquet hall. it is probably Ã� feet and sixty in height. great blocks of rock hang as by a thread from the ceiling, while on every side rocks of equal size lie in all conceivable shapes. standing at the point of entry one looks at the opposite side and sees great cracks, yawning cavities with open mouths of blackness, dismal shadows, to which flickering lights give a ghoulish, dance-like appearance. yes, the devil seems to be holding high carnival, while his imps would dance the night away. they bob up and down and swing their arms in fiendish glee, while the dance goes on forever. none can look therein without seeing these imps and their antics. the floor recedes rapidly from the entrance, and is composed of great rocks scattered in confusion. we placed a number of lighted candles in different places, then climbed to the opposite side to view them. the shadows had partially disappeared, crevices and holes in the walls not before seen became suddenly black and excited our curiosity, so we climbed over high rocks into unknown passages. in a small chamber on one side we found a beautiful stream of water, falling several feet into a crystal basin. the walls of the chamber are white, and the effect by candle-light is very fine. midnight found us still employed, but we reluctantly ceased our labors and withdrew. without unnecessary ceremony we wrapped our blankets about us, laid down beneath the stars, and slept the sleep of the just until o'clock, when the dulcet notes of a coyote called us to the business of the day. preparations were quickly made for the journey, and at daylight we were on our way to grant's pass, where we arrived at o'clock p.m. our mountains in war. it is a curious fact that the home of liberty has always been in the mountains. the reason for this is, that nature intervenes every barrier to prevent conquests, and shields the native mountaineer from onslaughts of a foreign foe. the ringing words, "make way for liberty," could never have become immortal had it not been for a mountain pass. the memory of william tell would not now be cherished by liberty-loving swiss, were it not for the friendly crags of the alps that sheltered him. here in the northwest we are blessed with a wonderful mountain range, extending from california through oregon and washington to british columbia. for beauty, grandeur and extent it has no superior; while as a field of defense, it simply stands unparalleled, and is rich in minerals, agriculture and commerce. located at from forty to a hundred miles apart are the following mountain peaks, covered with perpetual snow: baker, rainier, adams, st. helens, hood, jefferson, three sisters, pitt and shasta. from each of these, convenient points of prominence are visible in the coast range, one or more of which in turn are visible from every harbor and city as far south as san francisco. in case of a foreign war it is one of the possibilities of the oregon alpine club to organize a sort of signal corps, say five hundred men, each of whom would be thoroughly familiar with every pass, crevasse and crag in the mountains where detailed for service. with a liberal supply of provisions and ammunition on each peak, scarcely anything short of a pestilence could dislodge them. what could a foreign army do around mt. hood, for instance, with fifty resolute men well armed and equipped on the summit. it has been but a few years since the entire force of the united states army was successfully defied by captain jack and a dozen indians in the lava beds; and yet we have here every advantage of the lava beds, to which is added precipices to the north, east and west, while to the south a narrow passage would permit men to ascend, but it is necessary to cut every step in the ice; while directly across the base of this precipitous glacier, a crevasse extends, of unknown depth, which varies in width from three to forty feet, according to the season. it is needless to say that every wounded member of the assaulting party would pay the penalty with his life, for the slightest misstep would hurl him into the crevasse where "moth doth not corrupt and where thieves do not break through and steal." now for the point of this article. give to the corps a liberal supply of heliographs and instruct the men how to use them. in this way a perfect system of communication can be established by which messages can be sent from point to point in an instant. say, for instance, that a hostile fleet was lying at victoria and a descent on san francisco was planned. from a spy within the enemy's lines, the party on mt. baker gathers full particulars, and immediately informs san francisco of the contemplated attack, giving full particulars, including number of ships, men and guns. night on the summit of mount rainier. monday, august , , mr. j. nichols, of tacoma, and the writer, left tacoma for mt. rainier, determined, if possible, to reach its highest point. the provisions, blankets, alpine stocks (a hickory staff seven feet long with a steel point at one end), alpine ax and all that was necessary in making the ascent easy, were taken from tacoma, while pack horses were procured at yelm, a station twenty-five miles south of tacoma, and from which the trail leads eastwardly to mount rainier. it first follows river bottoms, then mountains, ridges and river bottoms again, while an occasional fording of the glacial stream, lends interest to the ever-changing scenes. we aimed at the end of each day to camp where feed could be obtained for hard working horses. darkness coming on as we reached the first ford, left in some doubt the exact location of the crossing, so camp was made on the bank of the river with nothing but oats for our tired horses. daylight found us fording the river, which had risen during the night about ten inches, making it quite exciting as the foaming water splashed the horses' sides, and wet our feet and ankles. stopping at the first place where hay could be had, a stay of nearly two hours was made for breakfast for ourselves and horses. from our last night's experience, we decided to carry hay with us and camp wherever night should overtake us, which was at the foot of a high mountain our trail led over, and on the bank of the river as before. the day was uneventful, if we omit mention of the many hornets' nests we passed through and the four pheasants which fell before the unerring aim of nichol's rifle. the pheasants led us to a fitting close of the day in the shape of pheasants and dumplings, prepared by the writer and pronounced by nichols (who, by the way, is an epicure) to be simply _par excellence_. and here i might add that the writer is a single man. the end of the third day found us at the hotel longmire at hot springs, located on the southwest slope of mt. rainier, at an altitude of three thousand feet, and some five miles from the perpetual snow limit. and no finer people ever lived than mr. and mrs. longmire, who own and preside over the hotel and springs. the hotel material was cut by hand out of the finest grained cedar that ever grew--boards twelve inches wide and fifteen feet long--as perfect as though sawed. as a matter of information for those interested, it might be well to say here that the waters of the springs are positively life-giving. the writer has visited many mineral springs, and has never seen anything that will compare with the stimulating and health-giving qualities of these springs. but, to resume: we left the springs next morning, with a single pack horse, expecting to leave the horse at the top of the ridge (eight thousand feet altitude) overlooking paradise valley, and, with blankets on our backs, to make our way to ewing's camp, ten thousand five hundred feet above sea level. we reached paradise valley, and, finding the same had been so well and truly named, decided to stop till next day and enjoy some of its beauties. accordingly, camp was pitched, fire-wood gathered, and a camp fire built, and a pot of beans placed thereon. after a light lunch we strolled, enjoying the alpine beauties of the valley, well named paradise. during the afternoon the wind changed to the southwest, and clouds gradually spread over the firmament. from our experience a year ago on mount hood in a storm, at no higher altitude than we now were, no thought was given to ascending higher till fair weather and a northwest wind prevailed. morning dawned and no indications of good weather. our spirits were accordingly depressed. observing the barometer, we found it moving quite rapidly in the direction of storm. by noon the sky was heavily overcast, and an hour later undercast as well. by o'clock rain began to fall. the wind had already risen to quite a gale. re-staking our tent, digging a ditch around the head and sides, and piling wood and rocks along the edges to keep out the wind and rain, we crawled into our blankets and awaited developments. soon the storm broke upon us with all its alpine fury, and raged during the entire night. by morning the rain had turned into sleet and snow, the thermometer, at daylight registering degrees. shortly the storm ceased. after some difficulty a fire was started and coffee made. sampling our pot of beans, which had boiled at least four hours, we found them still hard; after an hour more boiling we emptied them on the ground, having learned that beans are hard to cook at an eight thousand foot altitude. our barometer still indicating foul weather, we decided to start at once for a more congenial climate. accordingly our shivering horses (which we had blanketed) were packed and four hours later we were at the springs hotel, in a rather moody frame of mind. tuesday morning all was clear, the barometer indicated fair weather, and we started early, reaching the -foot ridge at p.m. turning our horses loose to feed upon the succulent grass, we bound our blankets upon our backs and started for ewing's camp, altitude , feet. evening coming on, we made camp at , . clearing away the rocks, leaving a sandy bottom, we stretched our light, small tent, banking wet sand around the edges to keep out the piercing wind, which almost invariably blows at high altitudes. placing our oilcloth over the damp, cool sand, we soon had a comfortable bed. for tent poles we used our alpine stocks, one of which was seven and one-half feet long. our bed being satisfactorily arranged, we took notes on the scenery, temperature, etc. a haze hung over the valleys; in fact, it rose to a height of nine thousand feet. the rosy-tinted summits of hood, adams and st. helens towered away above it, however, reflecting the rays of the declining sun. the chilliness of the temperature, degrees, prevented us from remaining long outside our tent. crawling in, we tightly fastened the flaps and really passed a comfortable night. twenty minutes after a.m. found us astir, and at five o'clock we were under way. we had scarcely as yet taken time to admire the beauties of the scene, so intent had we been on getting an early start so as to be able to return before sundown to our blankets and provisions. we soon had an opportunity to admire the beauties around and below us, as climbing above eleven thousand feet altitude is productive of sudden stops for rest and breath. we expected to reach the summit by noon, at latest; but on account of the icy condition of portions of the mountain side, it was necessary to cut steps over quite long stretches. this delayed us more than two hours. twelve o'clock came and went and we were not quite to the top of the "big rock"--a large rock on the south side, the top of which is about two thousand feet below the summit. by o'clock we were past the rock several hundred yards. from here to the summit we crossed eight or nine crevasses. the snow or ice stood in pinnacles often six and seven feet high. three o'clock came and the top was still beyond us. having no blankets or provisions, the question now presented itself: could we make the summit and back over the dangerous points before dark. not much talking was done, however, as breath was too precious; but we still pushed on. at o'clock we held a council of war and decided that since it was already so late we could not return before dark, and we would make for the summit, where steam caverns were said to exist, and where messrs. longmire and van trump stayed over night in ' . they found themselves in the same predicament we were now in, by their determination to reach the summit. this being settled, we pushed on, turned out of our way by first one and then another obstacle, until we found ourselves about one hundred feet, not more, below the summit of the highest western bump or dome. from this we descended about a hundred feet, and thence across a level piece of snow about one-third of a mile, to the foot of the main pinnacle, in which is located the crater. some three hundred feet (in altitude) more climbing, over ashes and fine pumice stone of the outside walls of the crater, and we stood on the apex of one of the highest mountains in the united states. mr. nichols claims the honor of being the first and only tacomaite who has reached the summit. [illustration: _ . snowballing on mt. st. helens, july d, ._ _ . summit of mt. hood, looking west._ _ . illumination rock on mt. hood._] it was now : p.m., the thermometer registering ° above zero; and having no blankets, our first business was to find a warm place in the steam to pass the night. steam could be seen issuing from a dozen different places on the inside rim of the crater, say sixty to seventy feet below the crest. writing our names on a card, with a short account of the climb, we placed it inside of a small box, on which was inscribed, "oregon alpine club, portland." this was left on the top of the ridge. we heaped rocks around it to prevent the wind from blowing it away. we soon found a sort of semi-spherical opening in the rocks, from which the warm steam poured forth. clearing away the rocks, leaving a sandy bottom, we built a wall of rocks two feet in height to break the wind, and then turned our attention to looking for canned corned beef. we were told a can had been left there by prof. ingram's party ten days before. this was soon found, together with a package of french chocolate, a box of sardines and some cheese. we were already the possessors of one lemon. as nothing more was needed we got into our den. taking a cup found lashed to a rock on the crest of the crater and filling it with snow we placed it in our oven and soon had plenty of water. we ate some lunch, but fourteen and fifteen thousand foot altitudes are not productive of strong appetites, so we ate sparingly, and being so completely exhausted soon fell asleep. about o'clock p.m., we were rudely awakened by what appeared to be a dash of ice water in our faces and down our necks. the sky being clear the ice water was explained a few moments later. the wind had arisen and was drifting dry snow--(eight inches of which had fallen sunday)--from a bank about fifteen feet distant, against the sloping roof and walls of our warm den; thus the snow was turned to water by the time it reached our faces. to prevent being so rudely drenched again we removed our coats, which were then wrapped around our heads. the wind having veered to the west, some anxiety was felt that a storm might arise before we could return. however, fortune smiled upon us in our dizzy resting place so far above the clouds, and morning dawned clear, cold and beautiful. upon the first gleams of the sun we made for the ridge for our dry clothes, which were placed there before retiring to our den the night before. we had fortunately worn two suits of heavy underclothes, two pairs of pants and two coats, so we now had dry clothes, and well it was we took the precaution of removing a suit and placing it out of the way of the wet steam. before we could return to our den every vestige of clothing, including a soft hat, was frozen stiff. the cold seemed to strike at once clear through. the agility with which we got into our steam chest would have been amusing to an uninitiated observer. we were soon warm again, and by slight assistance from each other, our dripping clothes were soon changed for dry ones. mounting the ridge of the crater on the highest side, sunrise observations were taken. the sun appearing above the eastern horizon tinted rainier's top with molten silver, while the country beneath was still wrapped in shade. not many moments elapsed till the adjacent mountains, hood, adams and st. helens, one by one in order named, donned their silvery shields like mighty giants in battle attitude, defending themselves against the sun, their common enemy. the effect at this time was grand, indeed, the heavy rains of two days previous having entirely dissipated the smoke. eastward all was clear, while westward, nearly fifteen thousand feet below, the valleys and lowlands were hidden beneath billowy clouds, which, like the mountain tops, soon turned from gray to shining silver. soon sol's rays had reached the western horizon. mountain shadows now appeared reaching westward to the limit of our vision; the jagged edges resting on hills and plains and valleys contributed to a changing scene, the memory of which will last so long as life is given. our selfish aim more than attained, we were satisfied and determined at once to descend to earth, from whence we came. our determination being carried out, we reached hot springs at p.m., and tacoma three days later. chas. h. gove, of oregon alpine club. what they signify. adams, mt.--called by winthrop, tacoma the second ( ). named for president adams. indian name pat-to, signifying high. this name was applied to snow caps generally by the indians. baker, mt.--named for lieut. baker by vancouver, when discovered april , . called by winthrop ( ), kulshan; possibly the indian name. referred to by the spanish as montana del carmelo. called mt. polk by the americans ( ). bitter root range.--same as the coeur d'alene mountains. coffin, mt.--originally used as an indian burying ground and named by lieut. broughton ( ). castle rock.--referred to by lewis and clark as beacon rock ( ). subsequently called castle rock, because of its appearance. cascades.--known as president's range ( ). the mountains were named for the cascades of the columbia river. cape horn.--so named because of the difficulty experienced in doubling it ( .) goat mountain.--called plas (long sound of a) by the indians, meaning white. so called because of the white rocks. mountain goats formerly abounded in that vicinity, hence the present name. hood, mt.--discovered by broughton, october , , and named for lord hood of england. general indian name, pat-to. an active volcano in . same as mt. washington of the americans ( ). jefferson, mt.--discovered by lewis and clark and named for president jefferson, . same as mt. vancouver of the british ( ). mclaughlin, mt.--lat. ° '. named for john mclaughlin who established vancouver, introduced live stock, fruit, vegetables and grain. same as mt. madison of the americans ( ). sometimes called diamond peak. oregon.--first used by capt. jonathan carver in a book published in london ( ). the name appeared in the following statement: "the river bourbon empties itself into hudson's bay; the waters of st. lawrence; the mississippi and the river oregon, or the river of the west, that falls into the pacific ocean at the straits of anian." numerous theories are advanced as to the origin of the name with carver, but nothing conclusive is shown on the subject. the original oregon embraced an uncertain portion of the entire northwest ( ), called by the british new albion. one portion of it was called new georgia ( ), and another ( ), new caledonia by british traders. the spanish government designated the entire country ( ), as "the coast of california, in the south sea." olympus, mt.--was discovered by juan perez, a spanish pilot, and called el cero de la santa rosalia. named olympus by capt. mears, july , . same as mt. van buren ( ). puget sound.--named by vancouver for his lieutenant, peter puget, the discoverer, may th, . known among the indians as whulge, also as k' uk' lults. rainier, mt.--discovered by vancouver in may, , and named for rear admiral rainier of the english navy. sometimes called mt. tacoma. called mt. harrison by the americans ( ). see pages , and . rocky mountains.--named by the verendrye brothers ( ). first called stony mountains. saddle mt.--called by the indians, "swallalahoost." named by wilkes, saddle mountain ( ), on account of its shape. st. helens, mt.--discovered by broughton of vancouver's party, october , , and named in honor of his majesty's ambassador at madrid. known among americans as mt. washington ( ), as also mt. john adams. called by the indians lou-wala-clough, meaning smoking mountain. tillamook head.--( ), originally spelled killamook. lewis and clark refer to it as "clark's point of view." tacoma, mt.--see rainier, also pages , and . mount rainier. u. s. indian service. nisqually and skokomish agency, } tacoma, w. t., dec. , . } w. g. steel, _portland, oregon_: dear sir:--i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of sept. st, making certain inquiries about the change of the name of mt. rainier to that of tacoma. upon careful and diligent inquiry among the puyallup indians, i find the following to be the true condition of things: there is a general impression that the name tacoma was the original name of the mountain among indians, and that it signified "nourishing mother," and was so named on account of its being the source of a number of rivers which head there and flow into the waters of puget sound. this, i find to be entirely erroneous. the indian word is _ta-ko-bet_ or _ta-ke-man_, the first being the most general pronunciation used among these indians, but both words are used, being the different pronunciation used by the dialects. it means a white mountain, and is a general name for any high, snow-covered, or white, treeless peak. it is applied to this mountain by the indians of this vicinity, because it is the only, or most prominent one of the kind in the vicinity. they use the word as we would speak of "the white mountain," there being but one near us. in the skadgit language, the word is a little different, and is there called _ko-ma_, and is applied by these indians to mt. baker, it being the mountain in that vicinity of the kind. the word _squa-tach_, or _squat-letsh_, is a general name for a range of mountains, while _ta-ko-bet_ or _ta-ko-man_ or _ko-ma_ is the name of the snow covered or white peaks in the range. this information i have gained from inquiry of the indians with whom i have come in contact and who live near here. i inclose a statement written out by rev. peter stanup, an educated indian of the puyallup tribe, and who is unusually well informed on such matters. as to when it was first applied and by whom i am not so well advised; but from what i do know, i understand that it was first applied to the mountains by the whites about twelve years ago, and at the same time that the town of tacoma was laid out and located by the northern pacific railroad company, or some of its attaches. i understand that the attempt was made by the n. p. r. r. co. to have the name changed, and that it still makes strenuous efforts to do so. the people of the town of tacoma, and the members of the tacoma land company as well as the r. r. co., above named, all try hard to have the mountain called by that name; while the residents of the other part of the territory, west of the cascade mountains and especially of seattle, are very much opposed to the change, and continue to call it by its first name. i think that the facts are that the name tacoma is an attempted imitation of an indian term applied to any high, snow-covered peak, but which was supposed to be the special name of this peak, because generally used by the indians of this vicinity, and that it was applied to this mountain at the time the town of tacoma was located and named by the n. p. r. r. co., for the purpose of bringing into note its western terminus. yours respectfully, edwin eells, u. s. indian agent. * * * * * statement of rev. peter stanup. _ta-ko-man_ is a name used by many different indian tribes of this territory, with the same meaning and a slight variation of pronunciation by each different tribe. it is the name or word from which tacoma was derived. it originated among the inland indians. the meaning of _ta-ko-man_ is a high, treeless, white or light colored peak or mound. the name is applicable to any peak or mound as described, but is generally used for one that is distinguished, or highly honored. and _squa-tach_, to climb, and _sba-date_ mountain, are mostly used for all mountains and peaks. the individual name of mt. tacoma is _twhauk_, which was derived from _twheque_, snow, and _swheque ad_. bright, clear, cloudless sky. _ta-ko-man_ is mostly used for the mt. tacoma, as it is held with much respect and esteemed by nearly all the indians of the northwest. the reason for conferring the great honor upon _twhauk_, is that the second syllable _ko_, means water, corresponding with the water, or little lake on top of the mountain, and also in that lake is a great abundance of valuable shells, from which the indians made their nose and ear-rings, and other valuable jewelry. thoughts on the name "tacoma." this beautiful name of the city whose rapid and marvellous growth and development have been unparalleled even in our western civilization, is a pure invention. its very euphony divests it of all claim as the indian nomination of old mount rainier, the name conferred by the illustrious circumnavigator, george vancouver, borne for a century upon the map of the world. tacoma is a word of extremely modern origin, invented, or used first by lieut. theodore winthrop, u. s. army, in his readable book--"canoe and saddle." the writer of these thoughts first heard it late in the "sixties," when capt. d. b. finch, among the pioneers of steam navigation on puget sound, presented a building in olympia to the good templars, and his gift was christened "tacoma hall." contemporaneously tacoma city, now the first ward of tacoma, was thus named by some portland town-builders--gen. mccarver, lewis m. starr and james steel. the then leading hotel of olympia, about the same time, assumed that title and wore it for several years; but a whole decade passed before the attempt was made to obliterate the time-honored name of the great mountain peak of northwest america, conferred at the first visit of white men to commencement bay in . late in , a lithograph map and bird's-eye view of the embryo city of new tacoma was published under the patronage of the tacoma land company, entitled--"new tacoma and mount rainier"--issued in . at that date the name "tacoma" existed, but it was not applied to the mountain; nor was it even dreamed that the town was named from the indian name of the mountain. the fact is that the name, "mount tacoma," has been recently conferred on the mountain by white men. a decade back, the name will not be found on the maps of washington territory, and it is to be hoped that the attempt to obliterate from the map of the world the name conferred by that illustrious contributor to geographic science, captain george vancouver, r. n., will prove unsuccessful. when gen. hazard stevens, and that splendid scholar and writer, p. b. van trump, esq., ascended the grand old mountain, the pronunciation and spelling of the name which gen. stevens, in his narrative, ascribed to the mountain, was still unsettled. he spelt the word te-ho-ma. the "h" being aspirated really represents an indian guttural grunt without beauty or even resolving itself into a well-defined consonant. in the year , the writer was invited to perform the role of orator on independence day at the beautiful settlement called puyallup. the committee coupled with the invitation the expressed desire that the theme should be puget sound reminiscences--the early settlement of pierce county. he adopted as a starting theme the thoughts suggested by the words "tacoma" and "puyallup," or their origin thus euphonized into household words of significance and anglicised beauty, bearing but little resemblance in sound to the half-uttered nasal grunts of the fish-eating natives of puget sound, whose syllables are "without form and void;" their language, if such it be considered, acquiring meaning or intensity of signification when accompanied by pantomimic motion, speaking far more than all their syllabic combinations. through the valued assistance of that veteran indian student and interlocutor, john flett, some twenty aged, prominent indians, who would not deign to talk other than their own dialect, who despised even the chinook jargon, but adhered to the grunts and syllabic utterances and the pantomime of their race for the ages before the advent of the hudson's bay company or american settlers, gathered in the writer's office in new tacoma, as the city of tacoma was then called, and seated on the floor for hours discussed what they called the mountains and mountain range, its surrounding and attributes. about half were of the white river bands, those who originally lived on the sources of the streams issuing from mount rainier. the remainder were puyallups and 'squallys, whose original haunts were near the sound. the form was to put the writer's question or wish for information into chinook jargon, which was then translated into the indian dialect. the old men expressed themselves in their native utterances. it would be the grossest perversion to call their answers "words." they were not so couched--at best, strong syllabic utterances--mere grunts, at times which, with eloquent pantomime, assumed grand and eloquent thought and meaning, when translated, to give just expression arising to poetry of ideas, but as a language, technically so considered, poverty-stricken to the greatest degree, and without its accompanied earnestness of movement, without a single attribute of beauty or euphonism. that interesting study and those comparative views, by old men of the mountain and the sea, extended through hours; and the writer will never forget the eloquence of action required and used by those aged natives, which more than compensated that paucity of syllables or words, which we call language. no such word of beauty as "tacoma" could possibly be coined by them, nor result from any combination of their uttered but significant grunts, their attempted vocalization of thoughts or ideas. true, there were syllabic emissions of sound which might be resolved into words by toning down grunts and inharmonious belchings of thoughts rather than their legitimate utterances. the manner of conducting that "interview" was the assumption that the word "tacoma," or some kindred appropriate word identified the grand old mountain in their language; in other words, their attention was invited to the fact, that our people had been told that "tacoma" was the native name of the mountain. then began the expression by all, in turn, as to the indian method of referring to great landmarks, mountains individual and in range, rivers, etc., when talking with each other. their views on the information communicated found expression in several varied, combined characteristic grunts and shrugs, which were interspersed with some analogous syllables or utterances from which indian philologists have resolved words, some of which have more or less resemblance to some of the syllables embraced in the word tacoma, or that word as spelled by different writers. they then detailed their reasons for so speaking of the mountain or any of its natural surroundings or physical features. in that colloquy, no two of those indians pronounced the same word or used that same guttural utterance or combination of syllables. all were especially interrogated as to the snow-capped mountain. all gave the meaning or idea that they knew as to the cause for a name, by which any other could identify it, and the significance of the utterances by each adopted in referring to it. each band, not to say each individual, had a peculiar reason for his name of it, contingent upon color, shape or function. in that interview, the literal translations of their syllabic combinations appertaining more or less in sound to the syllables constituting the name tacoma--te-ho-ma, ta-ko-ber, tak-o-man, etc., as rendered by the venerable john flett, a truthful, skillful and reliable indian authority was--"a woman's breast that feeds," a "nourishing breast." to one band, the shape of the cone suggested the breast shape for a name; to another, the milky whiteness was a reminder of the source of nourishment; to another, the color of the streams which flow down from the mountain in the annual freshets, gave origin to the idea of the generous fountain of the great milk-white breast-shaped sentinel for ages; while the puyallups and 'squallys, more practical in view, associated the fact that from the mountain rushed the torrents of white water, resembling milk, which fertilized the valleys of puget sound. while such was the conversation and speech of those old patriarchs, several of whom had lived to become octogenarians, communicated as above stated, the writer is well aware that across the mountain chain, residing in the vicinity of the mountain, that several bands of the klickitat nation attach different meanings for synonymous syllabic combinations approximating in sound to the combinations referred to used by western washington bands, with shades of meaning more practical, less figurative, less indian; but the writer has been content to accept as authority, at all events so far as the aborigines of western washington are concerned, the result of the conference of indian patriarchs convened at his instance in . while that conference failed to establish that there was such an indian word as "tacoma," or that these indians had any distinctive indian names for "mount rainier," or that there was any recognized indian name known to the several tribes; yet, the different bands did use such syllabic utterances, by which they referred to the mountain chain, to the leading mountain of the chain. that color, shape, and attributed function, suggested such expression, and that the combination of syllables which have been so euphoniously metamorphosed into the beautiful word "tacoma," when pronounced by them in its native utterances, meant as herein expressed. the writer, however, finds no warrant for adopting tacoma as an indian word, nor does he believe that such word, or its approximate, was a name conferred by indians upon the mountain, or exclusively recognized as the name of the mountain by the original natives of this region. elwood evans. [illustration: presidents of the oregon alpine club.] oregon alpine club. [illustration] the oregon alpine club was organized in , and incorporated october th of that year. it was originally intended merely as an organization among half a dozen friends who were in the habit of seeking adventure and recreation in the mountains. after considering the matter for a time a meeting, was called, and more persons attended than were expected. a committee was appointed on rules, the adoption of which required several meetings, so that when the organization was completed there were over seventy charter members on the roll. the institution grew and its objects increased until a scientific staff was formed and a public museum became an important object. hon. h. w. corbett was elected president, and served until october, , when hon. d. p. thompson was chosen. mr. thompson served until the close of , when a re-organization was effected, as outlined by the subjoined constitutions. mr. geo. b. markle was at this time elected, and is now the very efficient president of the club. the alpine club is a public institution and is deserving of the liberal support of the city and state. the following is a list of officials, as also the constitutions of the club and its various departments: constitution. officers. _president_, geo. b. markle {w. g. steel _vice presidents_, {w. w. bretherton {john gill _secretary_, geo. h. himes _treasurer_, c. m. idleman article i. name. this association shall be known as the oregon alpine club, and its subdivisions as the departments of the same. article ii. object. the object shall be the foundation and maintenance of a public museum, and advancement and encouragement of amateur photography, alpine and aquatic exploration, and the protection of our game, fish, birds and animals. article iii. sections. there shall be four departments, namely, ( ) exploration department; ( ) photographic department; ( ) game protective department; and ( ) museum department. article iv. officers. section . the officers of the club shall be a president, four vice presidents, secretary and treasurer. sec. . the presidents of the various departments shall be _ex-officio_ vice-presidents of the club. article v. elections. section . the officers shall be elected by ballot on the second friday of december in each year, a majority of all votes cast being necessary for election; and shall hold their respective offices until their successors are elected and qualified. sec. . each department shall elect its own officers. article vi. the duties of president, vice-presidents, secretary and treasurer shall be those usual to such officers. article vii. directors. section . the president, vice-presidents and four members shall constitute the board of directors, who will be the managing power of the club. sec. . they shall employ a curator and provide for his compensation. article viii. curator. the curator shall be a taxidermist, and shall have full charge of the museum and other property of the club, under the direction of the board of directors. article ix. membership. section . there shall be three classes of members, namely, active, associate and honorary. sec. . an active member is one who has signed the constitution, paid his dues, and been admitted to any of the departments. sec. . an associate member is one who has not been admitted to any of the departments. sec. . any person may become an associate member by signing the constitution and paying his dues. sec. . honorary members shall be entitled to all the privileges of the club except voting. their names shall be proposed at one meeting and voted on at the next, three-fourths of all votes cast being necessary for election. sec. . any member may be expelled by a two thirds vote of the members present: _provided_, that one week's notice has been given at a regular meeting. article x. dues. section . an initiation fee of two dollars shall be charged all persons joining the club. sec. . the dues shall be six dollars a year, payable quarterly, in advance. sec. . any member who shall fail to pay his dues for six consecutive months, shall have his name stricken from the roll, and be considered no longer a member: _provided, always_, one month's notice has been given him in writing by the curator. article xi. all questions in dispute between the departments shall be referred to the directors for final settlement. article xii. the oregon camera club is hereby incorporated as the photographic department of the oregon alpine club. all members of the oregon camera club in good standing, becoming members of the photographic department of the oregon alpine club, on ratification and acceptance of this article by the camera club. article xiii. amendments. the constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote of members present: _provided_, that one month's notice has been given in writing, at a regular meeting, and has also been posted in the club rooms for one month. exploration department. officers. _president_, w. g. steel _vice president_, edward casey _secretary_, m. w. gorman _treasurer_, dr. willis i. cottel constitution. article i name. this body shall be called the exploration department of the oregon alpine club. article ii. object. to encourage the exploration of mountains, lakes and rivers, by either scientists or pleasure seekers, to foster pleasure outings by land or water, to award appropriate prizes for meritorious outfits for journeys and cruises, and for speedy trips on land, and swift cruises by water; and to conserve the handling of gun and sail as an accomplishment, and incidentally to encourage canoeing as a means to reach wide fields for research and pleasure, awarding prizes for the handling of the same. article iii. officers. the officers shall be a president, vice president, secretary and treasurer, whose duties shall be those usual to such offices. article iv. membership. section . no one shall be competent for membership, except members of the oregon alpine club. sec. . it is understood that when the membership of any person ceases in the oregon alpine club, such person shall cease to be a member of this department. sec. . all propositions for membership shall be in writing. sec. . every name submitted for membership, shall be proposed at one meeting, and voted on by ballot at the next, two-thirds of all members present being necessary for election. sec. . any member may be expelled for conduct unbecoming a gentleman, by a two-thirds vote of the members present: _provided_, that one month's notice has been given at a regular meeting. article v. dues. section . an initiation fee of one dollar shall be charged all members, and the monthly dues shall be twenty-five cents each, payable quarterly in advance. sec. . any member who shall fail to pay his regular dues for six consecutive months, shall have his name stricken from the roll, due notice having been given him by the secretary. article vi. meetings. section . regular meetings shall be held on the second monday evening of each month, at such hour as shall be agreed upon from time to time. sec. . special meetings may be called by the president, or by a call signed by five members: _provided_, that such a call shall state the object of the meeting. sec. . an annual meeting shall be held on the second monday in december of each year, for the election of officers, and such other business not provided for herein. article vii. trustees. a board of five trustees shall be chosen at the annual meeting each year, who shall have the general management of all the affairs of the department. article viii. quorum. five members shall constitute a quorum competent to transact business. article ix. amendments. this constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote of members present: _provided_, that one month's notice has been given in writing at a regular meeting, and a copy of said notice posted in the club room for one month. game protective department. [not organized.] photographic department. officers. _president_, w. w. bretherton _vice president_, h. goldsmith _secretary and treasurer_, e. e. norton constitution. article i. name. this association shall be known as the photographic department of the oregon alpine club. article ii. object. its object shall be to encourage and promote practical photography, and to invite and stimulate discussion and investigation of all that pertains to photographic science and art. article iii. membership. the department shall be composed of such members of the oregon alpine club who practice photography as amateurs, as shall be elected there and shall be known as active members, and such honorary and associate members as shall be elected by the department from the members of the oregon alpine club. candidates for election may be proposed for election at one meeting, and voted on at the same meeting. all applications for membership shall be voted on by ballot, and it shall require two-thirds of all votes cast to elect any member. all professional photographers who are members of the oregon alpine club shall be eligible as associate members, and shall enjoy all the privileges of the department except the right of vote or hold office. article iv. officers. the officers of the department shall be a president, vice-president, one or more, a secretary, and a treasurer; the offices of secretary and treasurer being held by one member if so desired by the department. article v. quorum. the attendance of two officers and three or more members shall be necessary to constitute a quorum for the transaction of business, but the constitution or by-laws shall not be changed except at a meeting called for that purpose by the secretary and by a vote of two-thirds of all votes cast. article vi. annual meeting. the annual meeting of the department shall be held on the third friday of january in each year, for the election of officers and such other business as may come before the meeting. article vii. monthly meetings. the monthly meeting of the department shall be held on the third friday of each month. article viii. dues. the dues of the department shall be $ . per year, payable to the treasurer of the department. presidents of the oregon alpine club. henry winslow corbett, the first president of the oregon alpine club was elected immediately after its organization and served until the close of . he was born at westborough, mass., february th, , and came to oregon, via cape horn, with a stock of general merchandise, arriving at portland, march th, . in , he was elected u. s. senator and served six years with credit to himself and honor to his state. he is one of the wealthiest and most influential men in oregon. the following in reference to him is taken from the history of portland: "in person, mr. corbett is six feet high, straight and spare in figure, but symmetrically formed. cautious, cool-headed and decided, he is not an inviting mark for the wiles of the schemer or impostor, but he is thoroughly approachable, respectful and considerate toward those whom he meets, and utterly lacking either in the arrogance of small greatness, or in the still more objectionable truckling and assumed _bonhommie_ of the small politician. he is thoroughly dignified, and yet his manners are so unassumingly easy that one hardly notices them. indeed he is a fine type of that well approved manhood in which courtesy, kindness, dignity, culture, honor and charity are most happily blended. to these excellences can be added unswerving integrity, honesty of purpose, purity of thought and act, and those crowning virtues born of an ever present and controlling moral sentiment. his career shows what can be accomplished by steady and quiet energy, directed by sound judgment and high purpose. his name has been associated with numberless successful enterprises, but not one failure, and he is justly entitled to a foremost place among those who have created, established and maintained the commercial and industrial supremacy of portland." * * * * * "david p. thompson, one of the most widely known men in our state, was born in harrison county, ohio, in . in his nineteenth year he came to oregon, driving sheep across the plains and walking every rod of the way. upon his arrival at oregon city in he took a job of cutting cordwood, which lasted through the winter. soon after he entered upon the profession of a surveyor, which he followed during several years. in pursuance of this business he acquired an unequaled knowledge of the northwestern country, and laid the foundation of his present ample fortune. he lived at oregon city till , when he removed to portland. in , and again in , he was elected mayor, and gave the city a vigorous and efficient administration. mr. thompson, throughout his whole life, has been noted for activity and energy. he is a man of firm and positive character, tenacious of his purposes, active in business and successful in his undertakings. by appointment of president grant he became governor of idaho territory in , but resigned the office in . he is now engaged in the banking business in portland."--(history of portland,--scott.) mr. thompson served as president of the alpine club in . * * * * * mr. george b. markle is at the present time serving as president of the alpine club. he was born in hazleton, lucerne county, pennsylvania, october th, , and came to oregon in . his desire to locate in the west led him to make a tour of inspection, which embraced kansas, nebraska, colorado, utah, california, oregon and washington. a careful examination of all this region convinced him that portland offered the best inducements as a business point, combined with all the advantages of an old settled community, and in the fall of he permanently located in this city. he immediately became a factor in the busy life around him, and displayed a business generalship which marked him as a man of unusual power, and gave him a place among the foremost business men of the city seldom accorded in any community to one of his years. with others he organized the oregon national bank, of which he is vice president; also the ellensburgh national bank, the northwest loan and trust company and the commercial bank of vancouver, being president of the last three corporations named. he was one of the purchasers of the multnomah street railway; reorganized the company and ever since has been its president. he is also president of the portland mining company, owning the sunset group of mines in the famous coeur d'alene district. he was one of the leading spirits in organizing the great enterprise of the north pacific industrial association; purchased the land upon which to erect the necessary buildings and secured a large number of subscriptions to its capital stock. he was one of the leading spirits in the organization of the portland hotel company and is prominently identified with many other enterprises.--(history of portland,--scott.) oregon bibliography. .--adams, mt.--called by winthrop, "tacoma the second,"--(canoe and saddle, page ). .--called by the indians "pat-to," which signifies standing up high. with the indians this was a general term for snow capped mountains. located in latitude ° ' . ", longitude ° ' . ". .--adams point.--discovered by heceta and called cape frondoso (leafy cape). .--capt. gray subsequently entered the river and named it point adams.--(life on puget sound,--leighton, page . pacific states, vol. , page ). .--admiralty inlet.--named by vancouver for the board of admiralty.--(life on puget sound, p. ). - .--alaska.--named by russians.--(willamette valley, page ). the name is derived from a russian corruption of an aleutian word, "alakshak," which signifies continent, or a large country. the russian version of the term was "aliaska," and it applied only to the prominent peninsula jutting out from the continent. made a general term by the united states.--(supplement to encyclopædia britannica, vol. , page ). .--america.--first applied to the new world in a work entitled "cosmographiæ instructio, etc., in super quatuor americi vespucii navigationes," written by marti waldseemuller, under the assumed name of hylacomylus and printed at saint die, in lorraine.--(history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--american fur company organized.--(burrows' oregon, page ). .--applegate, or southern route.--constructed by jesse applegate.--(pacific states, vol , page ). .--astoria founded by john jacob astor, april .--(encyclopædia britannica, vol. , page . history of the willamette valley, page ). .--captured by the english and name changed to st. george.--(burrows' oregon, page ). .--repossessed by the united states.--(burrows' oregon, page ). .--atmospheric river of heat.--general course, effects, etc.--(miners and travelers' guide,--muller, page ). .--baker's bay.--named by broughton for capt. baker, of the brig jenny.--(three years' residence in w. t.,--swan, page ). .--baker, mt.--named for lieut. baker, by vancouver, april .--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--called by winthrop, "kulshan," presumably because of being the indian name.--(canoe and saddle, page ). - .--same as mt. polk.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--the summit is described and illustrated in harper's monthly for november, page , by e. t. coleman. .--called by the spanish, "montana del carmelo."--(life on puget sound,--leighton, page ). - .--barlow road.--see indian trail. .--battle rock at port orford.--first trip from here to the willamette valley (with notes by a participant).--(oregon and washington,--armstrong, page ). .--bellingham's bay.--named by vancouver.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--behring sent out by russia on a voyage of discovery.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--bitter root range.--same as the coeur d'alene mountains.--(miners and travelers' guide,--mullan, page ). .--blanchet, father.--visited by wilkes.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). .--bodega, don juan de la.--sailed north to ° and returning discovered bodega bay in ° '.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). bonneville.--named for b. l. e. bonneville, who explored the rocky mountains in and visited the columbia in .--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--broughton, lieut.--entered the columbia river, october th, and was surprised to find the brig jenny, of bristol, capt. baker, lying there at anchor.--(three years' residence in w. t.,--swan, page ). .--bulfinch's harbor.--discovered by captain gray.--(oregon and its institutions,--hines, page ) see also, gray's harbor. .--cabrillo.--see viscaino. .--cape disappointment.--discovered by heceta, august , and called cape san roque. named disappointment by mears, because of his not being able to make the entrance of the river.--(life on puget sound,--leighton, page ). .--called cape hancock by gray, but afterwards changed upon hearing that mears had already named it.--(three years' residence in w. t.,--swan, page ). .--cape flattery.--named by captain cook.--(three years' residence in w. t.,--swan, page ). .--cape hancock.--see cape disappointment. .--cape horn.--so named because of the difficulty experienced in doubling it.--(the columbia river,--cox, vol. , page ). .--carver, capt. jonathan.--a resident of connecticut and a soldier of the canadian war. left boston, by way of detroit, for the waters of the upper mississippi, and to cross the continent.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). cascade mountains.--named for the cascades of the columbia river.--(american cyclopedia, vol. , page . fremont, page ). - .--same as president's range.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--castle rock, called by lewis and clarke, beacon rock.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--coal discovered near seahome by capt. pattle.--(harpers magazine for november, , page ). .--coffin, mt.--originally used as an indian burying ground, and discovered by lieut. broughton.--(vancouver, vol. , page .--wilkes narrative, vol. , page ). .--columbia river.--first discovered by heceta, august . named by him _ensenada de asuncion_, or assumption inlet. the north point was called cape san roque, and the south, cape frondoso, (leafy cape). in the chart published in mexico soon after the conclusion of the voyage, the entrance is, however, called _ensenada de heceta_, hecta inlet; and _rio de san roque_, river of st. roc. while in command of the sloop washington, in august, capt. gray discovered, and attempted to enter this opening, but the sloop grounded on the bar and came near being lost; and was also attacked by indians, who killed one man and wounded the mate. gray was shortly afterward transferred to the columbia, and on another cruise entered the river; sailed up it about twenty miles, and bestowed the name of his vessel upon it.--(three years' residence in w. t., pages to .--pacific states, vol. , page .--american cyclopædia, vol. , page ). many works published before the discovery refer to a river flowing westward, as "river of the west," "river of aguilar," "river thegays."--(history of oregon and california,--greenhow, pages - ). .--called by the indians "spocatilicum"--friendly water.--(life on puget sound,--leighton, page ). the indians also referred to it as wahn-na, or big river. .--the bar was first surveyed by capt. mcclellan, of the col. allen.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--was considered accessible for vessels only three months in the year.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). .--comcomli.--this indian chief is spoken of by winthrop as one montgomery.--(canoe and saddle, page ). .--commencement bay.--named by wilkes. (wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). .--cook, capt.--sailed along the coast and sighted land at °, march .--(oregon,--moseley, page .--history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--murdered by natives in the sandwich islands february th.--(history of oregon and california, page ). corvallis.--of spanish derivation, and signifies center of the valley. originally, marysville.--(oregon and washington,--armstrong, page ). .--d'aguilar, martin.--see sebastian viscanio. .--des chutes river.--called by lewis, "towahnahiooks," and by gass, "the kimmooenim."--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--disappointment, cape.--see cape disappointment. .--dixon and postlock were sent out by the king georges sound co. of london and arrived at cooks river in july.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--douglas, david.--the botanist who gave his name to the douglas pine (_abies douglasii_), and named over one thousand plants, was sent out by the royal horticultural society of london, and remained ten years.--(pac. states, vol. , pages - ). .--drake, sir francis.--sailed along the coast.--(oregon,--moseley, page . history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). false dungeness, see port angeles. .--furrelo, bartoleme.--sailed with two vessels to ° to °.--(history of oregon,--twiss, pages and . history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--first voyage made from england to seek a northwest passage was made by martin frobisher.--(history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--first trip to the pacific, overland, was made by sir alex. mackenzie, who reached the sea at ° '.--(history of oregon,--twiss, pages and ). .--first civilized post, or settlement, west of the rocky mountains was made by the northwest co., on frazer lake in °.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--first settlement attempted and first house in oregon built by capt. winship forty miles above the sea on the south bank of the columbia.--(pac. states, vol. , page . oregon,--moseley, page ). .--first european woman on the columbia river was miss jane barnes, who arrived at astoria on the isaac todd, april th.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--first fruit tree in oregon was planted at vancouver by john mclaughlin, who also introduced live stock, vegetables and grain.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--first steamer to visit oregon was the beaver, from england--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--florez, antonio.--see sebastian viscanio. .--fraser river.--known among the indians as tacoutche-tesse. .--supposed by sir alex. mackenzie to be the northern source of the columbia.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page . pacific coast, vol. , page ). named for simon fraser, who established a post in that region in .--(history of portland,--scott, page ). .--france secretly conveys to spain all her possessions west of the mississippi river.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--france recovers the western half of louisiana from spain.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--france sells her claims to the united states.--(barrows' oregon, pages and ). .--fremont follows whitman to oregon, arriving october .--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--fur trade opened by british merchants between oregon and china.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). goat, mountain.--known by the indians as plas, (white), because of the white rocks. .--gray, capt.--explored the columbia river twenty-five miles, and named it.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). .--gray's bay.--named by broughton for capt. gray, of the columbia.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--gray's harbor.--first called bulfinch harbor, but changed to gray's harbor may th.--(pacific states vol. , page ). .--gulf of georgia.--called by don francisco elisa, "canal de nuestra senora del rosary," or the channel of our lady of the rosary. .--subsequently named by vancouver in honor of the king.--(vancouver, vol. , page .--life on puget sound, page ). - .--harrison, mt.--see rainier. .--hearne, sam'l.--an employee of the hudson bay co. succeeded in tracing the coppermine river to tide water in °, and his report caused the lords of admiralty to send capt. cook to the northwest coast.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--heceta, bruno.--left san blas for america march th. passed up the entire coast of oregon, discovered the columbia river.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page . oregon,--moseley, page ). .--hood, mt.--discovered by broughton october th, and named for lord hood.--(vancouver, vol. , page .--n. w. coast of america,--franchere, page ). - .--same as mt. washington.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--said to be in a state of eruption.--(oregon and california, vol. , page ). .--belden claimed to have ascended it in october, and reported it as , feet high. he claimed to have ascended as high as possible with snowshoes, then with ice hooks and spikes. when they reached a point some , feet high respiration became very difficult owing to the rarity of the atmosphere. at length the blood began to ooze through the pores of the skin like drops of sweat; their eyes began to bleed, then the blood gushed from their ears. then they commenced their downward march. at the point where they commenced the ascent they had left their pack mules, and two men to guard them. the men went out hunting, and when they returned found that the cougars had killed two of their mules.--(oregon and washington,--armstrong, page ). (lying seemed to have been reduced to an art in those days). .--ascended by rev. h. k. hines and the summit described.--(oregon and its institutions,--hines, page ). known among indians as pat-to, or high mountain. this was a general term for any high snow-capped mountain. located in latitude ° ' . ". longitude ° ' . ". .--hood's canal.--named by vancouver for lord hood.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--hood river.--called by lewis and clarke, la biche.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--hudson bay co.--chartered may th.--(burrows' oregon, page ). - .--indian trail.--the first pass over the cascades used by whites was over the southern flank of mount hood. near it was afterwards made the barlow road, which was named for barlow, of barlow, palmer and rector, who were compelled to abandon their trains at the summit and were rescued by a relief party from the willamette valley.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). - .--jackson, mt.--same as mt. pitt of the english. in lat. ° '.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page .) .--jefferson, mt.--named by lewis and clarke for president jefferson.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). - .--called by the british, mt. vancouver.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). located in latitude ° ' . ". longitude ° ' . ". - .--john day.--a virginian, accompanied the northwest co. to astoria. he was feet, inches in height--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--john day river.--called by lewis and clarke, the lepage.--(pac. states, vol. . page ). .--johnson, lieut.--explores the cascades from puget sound.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , pages and ). .--juan de fuca straits.--discovered by capt. barclay, of the imperial eagle. .--the entrance was explored by capt. meares, in the felice, and named by him.--(history of oregon,--twiss, p. .--pac. states, vol. , page ). .--klickitat river.--called by lewis and clarke, cataract river.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--kelly, hall j.--first called attention to the feasibility of settling the pacific coast by overland emigration. arrived at vancouver this year.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--lava formation limited to ° n.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). .--ledyard leaves paris for america, under the direction of jefferson, to discover the river of the west, but is stopped by the russians.--(miners' and travelers' guide,--mullan, page ). .--lee, rev. jason.--established the first mission in the willamette valley, ten miles below the present salem.--(history of the willamette valley, page ). .--established a methodist mission at the willamette falls.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). - .--lewis and clarke.--spent the winter at the mouth of the columbia.--(oregon,--moseley, page ). lewis river.--the north fork was known among indians as wicht, and was considered the main river. the south fork was known as wa-co-ko, a pike, (fish); also yac-co, for yac-co prairies, near mt. st. helens. .--mackenzie river.--named for alexander mackenzie.--(zell's encyclopedia, vol. , page ). .--mackenzie, sir alex.--reached the pacific overland, july .--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--mckenzie, donald.--explored the willamette valley one hundred miles or more.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--mckenzie established ft. walla walla.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--mclaughlin, john..--established fort vancouver, introduced live stock, fruit, vegetables, grain, etc. took possession of willamette falls.--(pac. states, vol. , pages and ). madison, mt.--is the mt. mclaughlin of the british. lat. ° '.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). mary's river.--named for an indian woman, wife of a white man, who had great trouble in making the crossing. afterwards applied to mary's peak, because the river rises there.--(oregon and its institutions,--hines, page ). .--meares, capt.--reached the mouth of the columbia without discovering it, july th.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--meek, joe.--arrived in the willamette valley.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--modoc lakes.--discovered by jesse applegate.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--monroe doctrine proclaimed.--(burrows' oregon, page ). - .--monroe, mt.--same as mt. shasta--(ore. and cal.,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--nachess pass.-- feet above sea level.--(narrative of ,--stevens, vol. , page ). .--neah bay.--called by vancouver, poverty cove, and by the spaniards, port nunez gaona.--(three years' residence in w. t.,--swan, page ). .--new albion.--named by drake, who was crowned by the natives as their king.--history of oregon and california,--(greenhow, page ; also, page mountains of oregon.) .--new dungeness.--named by vancouver for dungeness, in the british channel, because of the similar appearance.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--nickel deposit in douglas county.--(mineral resources of the u. s.,--williams, page ). .--nootka sound.--discovered by capt. cook, and named king george's sound, then changed by him to nootka.--(voyages of capt. cook, vol. , page .) .--nootka treaty.--formed between spain and england.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--northern boundary of the u. s. located at ° due west to the rocky mountains.--(burrow's oregon, page ). .--nez perces.--pierced nose.--(fremont, page ). .--nuttall and townsend, scientists, arrived at fort vancouver with wyeth.--(pac. states, vol. , page ). .--oak point.--named by broughton because of finding the first oak trees there.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--olympus, mt.--named by capt. meares, july th. discovered by juan perez, a spanish pilot, and called el cero de la santa rosalia.--(narrative of , vol. , page ). .--oregon.--first used by capt. jonathan carver.--(history of the willamette valley, page . see also page , mountains of oregon). .--bounded on the north by the °, on the east by the rocky mountains, on the south by the °, and on the west by the pacific ocean.--(oregon and california,--thornton, page ). .--northern boundary first settled by treaty, july .--(barrows' oregon, page ). - .--northern boundary finally settled by arbitration.--(barrows' oregon, pages and ). .--once inhabited by a great number and variety of pre-adamite beasts.--(the columbia river and puget sound,--nordhoff, harper's magazine for february, page ). .--occupied jointly by the united states and england for ten years.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--admitted to the union with present limits, february th.--(zell's encyclopedia, vol. , page . hill's annotated laws of oregon, vol. , page ). .--orford, cape.--named by vancouver for earl (george) orford.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). - .--pacific fur company.--the plot to rob astor shown up by an englishman.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--pacific ocean.--discovered by vasco nunez de balboa, governor of the spanish colony of darien, and named by fernando magalhaens, or, magellan, a portuguese in the naval service of spain, because of being so little disturbed by storms. spoken of as "mar del sur."--(history of oregon and california,--greenhow, pages and . barrows' oregon, page ). .--parker, rev. samuel.--sent to oregon by the american board of foreign missions.--(oregon and california, vol. , page ). .--parliamentary grant.--£ , voted by the house of commons for the discovery of a northwest passage by a british vessel.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--perez, juan.--anchored in nootka sound.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). - .--pitt, mt.--called at one time mt. jackson. (oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--point adams.--see adams' point. point de los reys.--named by the spaniards.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--port angeles.--named by don francisco elisa, the mexican. called by vancouver false dungeness, because of a similar appearance to new dungeness.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--port discovery.--named by vancouver, for one of his ships.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--port gamble.--named by wilkes for gamble, a u. s. naval officer.--(narrative of , vol. , page ). .--known among indians as teekalet.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--portland.--established by a. l. lovejoy and f. w. pettygrove, and name agreed upon by tossing up a cent.--(portland city directory for , page ). .--portlock, capt.--see dixon and portlock. .--port ludlow.--surveyed by wilkes, and named for ludlow, a u. s. naval officer.--(narrative of , vol. , page ). .--port townsend.--visited by vancouver, may th, and named in honor of the marquis of townshend, who signed vancouver's instructions. the h was subsequently dropped.--(life on puget sound, page . stephens' narrative of , vol. , page . vancouver, vol. , page ). .--known among indians as kahtai.--(canoe and saddle,--winthrop, page ). .--surveyed by the u. s. coast survey.--(stevens' narrative of , vol. , page ). .--possession sound.--so named by vancouver, because he landed there on king george's birthday, and took possession of the country.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page .--vancouver, vol. , page ). .--puget sound.--discovered by vancouver's lieutenant, peter puget, and so named by vancouver may th.--(vancouver, vol. , page .--narrative of , vol. , page ). .--known among indians as whulge.--(canoe and saddle,--winthrop, page ; also among klalams as k'uk'-luts page ). .--protection island.--named by vancouver because of its advantageous location with reference to the harbor.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--queen charlotte islands.--named by dixon.--(encyclopædia britannica, vol. , page ). .--capt. gray sailed round it and named it washington, for his sloop.--(backwoods of canada and oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). .--queen charlotte sound.--named by wedgboro in august.--(vancouver, vol. , page .) .--rainier and st. helens in activity.--(wilkes narrative, vol. , page ). .--rainier, mt.--discovered by vancouver on may th and named for rear admiral rainier of the english navy.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--an active volcano, november .--(fremont, page ). - .--also known as mt. harrison.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page . see pages , and . also tacoma). rock creek, near mt. st. helens, known among indians as "cut-to" (a sort of guttural sound on first syllable), which means "swift stream." - .--rocky mountains.--named by verendrye brothers.--(history of the willamette valley, page ). .--russian american fur co. given exclusive privileges.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russia claims by public decree all of the pacific coast north of latitude °. this claim was disputed by the u. s.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russians established at bodega bay.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russians establish a fort forty miles north of bodega bay.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russian fur companies organized to operate in america.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russia withdraws to ° '.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--russia withdraws from california at the request of the u. s.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--ryswick treaty formed.--(barrows' oregon, page . american cyclopedia, vol. , page ). .--saddle mountain.--called by the indians "swallalahoost." named by wilkes, "saddle mountain."--(oregon and its institutions,--hines, page ). .--sandy river.--called by lewis & clarke, "quicksand river."--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--st. elias, mt.--discovered by behring, july th.--(history of the willamette valley, page ). .--st. helens, mt.--named by vancouver for his majesty's ambassador at madrid, october .--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--in a state of eruption.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--in activity november .--(fremont, page ). .--known among americans as mt. washington.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). .--described when in a state of eruption.--(history of oregon,--wilkes, page ). - .--known also as mt. john adams.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). - .--an active volcano.--(three years' residence in w. t., swan--page . canoe and saddle, page ). known among indians as "lou-wala'-clough," meaning smoking mountain. located in latitude ° ' . ". longitude ° ' ". .--sauvies island.--called by lewis and clarke, wapato island, because of an abundance of wapatos found there. it subsequently acquired its name from jean baptiste sauve, a french canadian, who established a dairy there after the abandonment of ft. william.--(pacific states, vol. , pages and ). seattle.--named for an indian.--(harper's monthly for september, , page ). .--shasta, mt.--called pitt by the english, jackson and monroe by the americans, and shasta by the trappers.--(the oregon territory,--nicolay, page ). (oregon and california,--thornton, vol , page ). .--shoalwater bay.--discovered and named by captain john mears, july th.--(mears' voyages, vol. , page ). .--first surveyed by lieut. com. alden.--(narrative of , vol. , page ). .--skagit head.--named by vancouver.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--slacum, wm. a.--an agent of the state department, in the guise of a private citizen, visited the columbia and willamette rivers.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). spain's first claim to oregon.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--spain withdraws from oregon.--(barrows' oregon, page ). spaniards coveted a position in the east indies, but the bull of pope alexander iii precluded them from sailing eastward, round the cape of good hope, hence their attempts to go by way of the pacific.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--spanish territory west of the mississippi conveyed to france.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--spanish claims conceded to the united states through france and acknowledged by great britain.--(barrows' oregon, page ). spelyah prairie.--an indian name, meaning cayote. spirit lake.--near mt. st. helens. indian name, che-wa-tum, meaning spirit. - .--straits of anian.--supposed to have been discovered by gaspar cortereal, who explored the coasts of labrador, and named by him. the name possibly signifies brother. cortereal had two brothers with him. in the earliest maps the northwest part of america is called ania. ani, in the japanese language, signifies brother.--(history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--purchas claimed in the seventeenth century, in his "pilgrims"--a narrative--that a greek pilot, called juan de fuca, in the service of the spaniards, had informed michael lock, the elder, whilst he was sojourning at venice, that he had discovered ( ) the outlet of the straits of anian, in the pacific ocean, between ° and °, and had sailed through it into the north sea.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page .--history of oregon and california,--greenhow, page ). .--sunken forest in the columbia described.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , page .--burnett's recollections of a pioneer, page .--the oregon territory, nicolay,--page .--fremont, page ). .--survey of puget sound finished.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). tacoma, mt.--ta-ho-ma is the indian name for the great spirit who dwells on the mountains.--(george baily, in the overland monthly for sept., , page ). .--called by the indians, tacoma, a generic term also applied to all snow peaks.--(canoe and saddle,--winthrop, page ). tacoma the second.--see mt. adams. tamanous is the name of the great spirit supposed to dwell on this mountain.--(canoe and saddle, page ). tacoma the less--(canoe and saddle, page ). each fiery tacoma.--(canoe and saddle, page ). the eruptions of the tacomas.--(canoe and saddle, page ). tacoma, the nourishing breast. tahoma, almost to heaven.--(life on puget sound,--leighton, page ). red tamahnous, love.--(life on puget sound,--page ), black tamahnous, hate, anger.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--tenino mounds.--described.--(wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). - .--territorial government.--granted, covering all the original oregon.--(barrow's oregon, page . encyclopædia britannica, vol. , page . general laws of oregon, page ). the dalles.--stone pavement, or trough, or gutter.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--tillamook bay.--known as murderers' harbor and quicksand bay.--(pacific states, vol. , pages and ). .--tillamook, or killamook head.--called by clarke, clarke's point of view.--(pacific states, vol. , page , and vol. , page ). .--tongue point.--named by broughton.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--called by lewis and clarke, william.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--townsend, john k.--a member of the philadelphia academy of natural science, arrived at vancouver with wyeth, sept. th.--(townsend's narrative, page . pacific states, vol. , page ). trout lake.--near mt. st. helens. known among indians as qual-i'-as, meaning trout. .--umatilla river.--called by the indians, "youmalolam."--(pacific states, vol. , page ). named for the umatilla tribe of indians. .--umpqua fort.--built by john mcleod for the hudson's bay co.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--united states' claims to oregon.-- st, right of discovery; d, by the louisiana purchase; d, by prior explorations; th, by prior settlements.--(barrows' oregon, pages , , and ). .--utrecht treaty.--between france and england.--(barrows' oregon, page ). - .--van buren, mt.--same as olympus.--(oregon and california,--thornton, vol. , page ). .--vancouver, fort.--established by john mclaughlin, and .--as a united states military post.--(pacific states, vol. , pages and ). .--vancouver island.--named by vancouver, quadra and vancouver island.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--viscaino, sebastian.--reached a headland at ° to which he gave name of cape sebastian. the smallest of his three vessels, however, conducted by martin d'aguilar and antonio florez, doubled cape mendocino and reached ° where they found the mouth of a .--river which cabrillo has been supposed to have discovered.--(history of oregon,--twiss, page ). .--walla walla, fort.--established by mckenzie.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--wapato island.--see sauvie's island, also--(pacific states, vol. , page ). wasco.--horn basin.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--washington territory formed march d.--(american cyclopedia, vol. , page . zell's encyclopædia, vol. , page ). .--washougal river.--called by lewis and clarke, seal river.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--whidby's island.--named by vancouver for one of his officers who explored it.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). .--white salmon.--called canoe river by lewis and clarke.--(pacific states, vol. . page ). .--whitman, dr. marcus, arrived at vancouver in september.--(history of the willamette valley, page ). .--started on his famous ride to washington, october d, to prevent our government from abandoning oregon.--(barrow's oregon, page ). .--saved by a mule.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--returns from washington, september th, accompanied by wagons and immigrants.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--murdered by the indians in november.--(barrows' oregon, page ). .--wilkes, charles,--drayton, r. r. waldron and two other men visited the willamette valley on a scientific campaign.--(pacific states, vol. , page . wilkes' narrative, vol. , page ). .--willamette falls taken possession of by mclaughlin, and a saw mill established.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--willamette river.--part of it called by the indians multnomah.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--winds, peculiarity of, in the columbia river.--(fremont, page ). .--work, john.--explored the umpqua region.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--wyeth, nathaniel j.--arrives at vancouver. .--arrives there second time, september th. established fort william and a salmon fishery on wapato island on his second trip. .--returns to oregon again and sells forts william and hall to the hudson's bay co.--(pacific states, vol. , pages , , and ). yaquina bay.--probably named for yaquina, a female indian chief.--(life on puget sound, page ). .--young's bay.--called by lewis and clarke, meriwether bay.--(pacific states, vol. , page ). .--young's river.--named by broughton for sir george young of the royal navy.--(vancouver, vol. , page ). topical index. a adams, c. f., . --mt., , , , , . admiralty inlet, . alaska, . --alakshak, . --aliaska, . alden, lieut. com., . america, , . american bd. of frn. msns., . --fur co., . ania, . applegate, jesse, , , --route, . astoria, . astor, john jacob, . atmospheric, river of heat, . b baker, capt., , . --lieut., , . --mt., , , , , . baker's bay, . barclay, capt., . barlow, --palmer and rector, . --road, . barnes, miss jane, . battle rock, . beacon rock, , . beaver, steamer, . behring, , . belden, . bellingham's bay, . bitter root range, , . blanchet, father, . board of admiralty, . bodega, bay, , . --don juan de la, . bonneville, b. l. e., . bourbon river, . breck, j. m. jr., . bretherton, w. w., , . broughton, lieut., , , , , , , , , , , . bulfinch's harbor, , . c cabrillo, , . california, , , , . canal de nuestra del rosary, . cape disappointment, , . cape flattery, . cape frondoso, , . cape hancock, . cape horn, , , . cape mendocino, . cape san roque, , . cape sebastian, . canoe river, . carver, capt. jonathan, , , . cascade range, , , , , , , , . cascades of the columbia, . casey, edw., . castle rock, , . cataract river, . cathedral rock, . clark's point of view, , . cleetwood, , , , , . --cove, . coast of cal. in south sea, . coeur d'alene mts., . coffin, mt., , . coleman, e. t., . columbia river, , , , , , , , , , , , . comcomli, . commencement bay, , . cook, capt., , , , . cooks river, . coppermine river, . corbett, hon. h. w., , . cortereal, gaspar, . corvallis, . cosmographiæ instructio, . cottel, dr. willis i., . crater lake, , , , , , , , , , . cut-to, . d d'aguilar, martin, , . davey, allen, . davidson, elijah, . davis, capt. geo. w., , , . day, john, . --river, . de balboa, vasco nunez, . deep blue lake, . deschutes river, . dewert, e. d., , . diamond peak, . dixon, , , . dodd, mr., . douglas, david, . drake, sir francis, . durham, n. w., . dutton, capt., c. e., , , . --cliff, , , . e eels, edwin, . el cero de la santa rosalia, , . elisa, don francisco, , . ensenada de asuncion, . " " heceta, . evans, elwood, . exploration department, . f false dungeness, , . felice, the, . finch, capt. d. b., . flett, john, , . florez, antonio, , . fraser river, . --simon, . frazer lake, . fremont, . frobisher, martin, . furrelo, bartoleme, . g game protective department, . gill, john, . goat mountain, , . goldsmith, h., . gorman, m. w., . gove, chas. h., , . government camp, , , . grant's pass, , . gray, capt., , , , , , . gray's bay, . --harbor, . gulf of georgia, . h hall, fort, . harkness, h. d., m. m., and f. m., . harrison, mt., , , . hearne, sam'l., . heceta, , , . hermann, hon. binger, . hillman, j. w., . himes, geo. h., . hines, rev. h. k., . hood, lord, , , . --mt., , , , , , , , , , , , . --river, . hood's canal, . hudson's bay, . --co., , , , , . hylacomylus, . i idleman, c. m., . imperial eagle, the, . indian trail, . ingram, prof., . isaac todd, the, . j jack, capt., . jackson, mt., , , . jefferson, . --mt. , , , , . john adams, mt., , . johnson, lieut., . josephine county caves, . juan de fuca, , . k kahtai, . keene, dr. j. m., , . kelly, hall j., . killamook head, , . kimmooenim, . king george's sound, . --co., . klamath, ft., . --indians, , , , . --lake, . klickitat indians, . --river, . ko-ma, . kukluts, . kulshan, . l la riche, . lake majesty, . ledyard, . lee, rev. jason, . lepage, the, . lewis & clarke, , , , , , , , , , , , . lewis river, . llao rock, , , , , , , . lock, michael, . longmire, , . louden, james, . lords of admiralty, . louisiana, . lou-wala-clough, , . lovejoy, a. l., . ludlow, . m mackenzie, sir alex., , . --river, . madison, mt., , . magalhaens, fernando, . mar del sur, . markle, geo. b., , , . mary's peak, , . --river, . marysville, . mccarver, genl., . mcclellan, . mckenzie, . --donald, . mclaughlin, john, , , , , . --mt., , , . mcleod, john, . mcmanus, pat., . meares, capt., , , , , , , . meek, joe, . meriwether bay, . mill creek, . mississippi river, , , . modoc lakes, . monroe doctrine, . --mt. , . montana del carmelo, , . montgomery, . murderer's harbor, . multnomah, . mysterious lake, . n nachess pass, . nea bay, . new albion, , . " caledonia, . " dungeness, , . " georgia, . " tacoma, , . nez perces, . nichols, j., , , . nickel deposit, . nicolini, s. s., . nootka sound, , . --treaty, . northern boundary of u. s., . northwest co., , . --passage, , . norton, e. e., . o oak point, . olympus, mt., , , . oregon, , , , , , , , , , . --alpine club, , , , , , . orford, . p pacific fur co., . --ocean, . paradise valley, . parker, rev. sam'l., . parliamentary grant, . pattle, capt., . pat-to, , , . perez, juan, , , . pettygrove, f. w., . phantom ship, . photographic department, . pitt, mt., , , , , . plas, , . point adams, , , . " de los reys, . polk, mt., , . pope, alexander iii, . port angeles, . " discovery, . " gamble, . portland, , , , , , , , , , , , , . portlock, capt., , . port ludlow, . " nunez gaona, . " townsend, . poverty cove, . possession sound, . president's range, , . protection island, . puget, peter, , . --sound, , , , , , , , . purchas, . puyallup, . --indians, , , , . q quadra and vancouver's island, . qualias, . queen charlotte islands, . --sound, . quicksand bay, . --river, . r rainier, mt., , , , , , , , , , . --rear admiral, , . river aguilar, . " of the west, , , . " thegays, . rio de san roque, . rock creek, . rocky mountains, , , . rogue river, . --falls, . ross, geo., . royal hort. soc. of london, . russian american fur co., . ryswick treaty, . s saddle mountain, , . san blas, . sandy river, . sauvie, jean baptiste, . --island, , . sba-date, . scott, mt., . seahome, . seal river, . seattle, , . shasta, mt., , , , , . shoalwater bay, . siskiyou mountains, . skagit, , . skeeters, isaac, . slacum, wm. a., . spelyah prairie, . spirit lake, . spocatilicum, . squallys, , . squa-tach, , . squat-utsh, . stanup, rev. peter, , . starr, lewis m., . steel, james, . steel, w. g., , , . st. elias, mt., . stevens, gen. hazard, . st. george, . st. helens, mt., , , , , , , . st. lawrence river, . stony mountains, . straights of anian, , . sunken forest, . survey of puget sound, . swallalahoost, , . t tacoma, , , , , , , , , , , , . --the less, . --the second, , , . --mt., , , , , . --land co., , . --ta-ho-ma, . --ta-ke-man, . --ta-ko-ber, . --ta-ko-bet, , . --ta-ko-man, , , , . --tamanous, . --te-ho-ma, , , . --twheque, . --twhauk, , . tacoutche, tesse, . teekalet, . tenino, . the dalles, . thielsen, mt., . thompson, hon. d. p., , . three sisters, , . tillamook head, , . tongue point, . towahnahiooks, . townsend, john k., , . townshend, marquis, . trout lake, . u umatilla river, . umpqua, . --fort, . u. s. claims to oregon, . utrecht treaty, . v van buren, mt., , . vancouver, capt., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . --fort, , , , , , , , . --island, . --mt., , . van trump, p. v., , . verendrye brothers, , . vidae cliff, . viscanio, sebastian, . w wa-co-ko, . wahn-na, . waldseemuller, marti, . waldron, r. r., . walla walla, fort, , . wapato island, , , . wasco, . washington, , , , . --mt., , , , , . --sloop, . washougal river, . wedgboro, . whidby's island, . white river indians, . whitman, , . white salmon, . whulge, , . wicht, . wilkes, , , , , . willamette, , , , , , . william, . --fort, , , . williams creek, . winship, capt., . winthrop, theodore, , , , . witches cauldron, , . wizard island, , , . work, john, . wyeth, nathaniel j., , , . y yac-co, . yaquina bay, . yelm, . yocum, o. c., . youmalolam, . young's bay, . --river, . young, sir george, . * * * * * transcriber notes: punctuation corrected without note. page : "sidling" changed to "sliding" (when a sliding place was reached). page : "sideling" changed to "sliding" (very steep, sliding, rocky). page : "acompanying" changed to "accompanying" (and accompanying necessities). page : "imimmediately" changed to "immediately" (and immediately informs san francisco of the contemplated attack,). page : "decended" changed to "descended" (we descended about). page : "cotemporaneously" changed to "contemporaneously" (contemporaneously tacoma city,). page : "klikitat" changed to "klickitat" (several bands of the klickitat). page : "pages" changed to "page" (page ). page : "portugese" changed to "portuguese" (a portuguese in the naval service of spain). page and : "brittanica" changed to "britannica" (encyclopædia britannica). page : "embassador" changed to "ambassador" (his majesty's ambassador at madrid). page : "dicovered" changed to "discovered" (that he had discovered). page : "nea" changed to "neah" (neah bay). page : "waldscemuller" changed to "waldseemuller" (waldseemuller, marti). http://www.fadedpage.com _by george palmer putnam_ the southland of north america (_see announcement at back of this volume_) [illustration: the columbia river valley and mount adams copyright, gifford, portland, ore.] in the oregon country out-doors in oregon, washington, and california together with some legendary lore, and glimpses of the modern west in the making by george palmer putnam author of "the southland of north america" etc. with an introduction by james withycombe governor of oregon with illustrations g. p. putnam's sons new york and london the knickerbocker press copyright, by george palmer putnam the knickerbocker press, new york * * * * * dedicated to the emblem club * * * * * [illustration] introduction when one has lived in oregon for forty-three years, and when one's enthusiasm for his home increases year after year, naturally all that is said of that home is of the most vital interest. especially is it acceptable if it is the outgrowth of a similar enthusiasm, and if it is well said. for a considerable span of time i have been reading what others have written about the pacific coast. in the general western literature, it has seemed to me, oregon has never received its merited share of consideration. just now, with the expositions in california attracting a worldwide interest westward, and with the panama canal giving our development a new impetus, it is especially appropriate that oregon receive added literary attention. and it is reasonable to suppose that the stranger within our gates will find interest in such literature, provided it be of the right sort, just as oregonians must welcome a sound addition to the state's bibliography, written by an oregonian. so, because i like the spirit of the following pages, admire the method of their presentation, and deeply desire to promote the success of all that will tend toward a larger appreciation of oregon's possibilities, i recommend this book to the consideration of dwellers on the pacific coast, and those who desire to form acquaintance with the land it concerns. [illustration: hand written signature] _governor of oregon._ salem, oregon, _january th, ._ preface often enough a preface is an outgrowth of disguised pretentiousness or insincere humility. presumably it is an apology for the authorship, or at least an explanation of the purpose of the pages it introduces. but no one is compelled to write a book; and, in truth, publishers habitually exert a contrary influence. it is a fair supposition, therefore, when a book is produced, that the author has some good reason for his act, whether or not the book itself proves to be of service. among many plausible apologies for authorship, the most reasonable is, it seems to me, a genuine enthusiasm for the subject at hand. if one loves that with which the book has to do the desire to share the possession with readers approaches altruism. in this case let us hope that the enthusiasm, which is real, and the virtue, which is implied, will sufficiently cloak the many faults of these little sketches, whose mission it is to convey something of the spirit of the out-of-door land they picture--a land loved by those who know it, and a land of limitless welcome for the stranger who will knock at its gates. the oregon country, with which these chapters are chiefly concerned, has been the goal of expeditioning for a century and a quarter. first came captain robert gray in , by sea. meriwether lewis and william clark, twelve years later, tracked 'cross country from the missouri to the mouth of the columbia. in , the astor expedition, under wilson and hunt, succeeded, after hardships that materially reduced the party, in making its way from st. louis to the columbia and down the river to the mouth, where was founded the town of astoria. finally, after a half-century of horse-and-wagon pioneering, the first railroads spanned the continent in . but the union pacific and central pacific were more the concern of california than of oregon, for the northwest had no iron trail to link it with the parent east until in the northern pacific railway, under the leadership of henry villard, reached portland. so oregon was discovered by sea and land, and finally, as highways of steel replaced the dusty trails of the emigrants, she has come into her own. from within and without she has builded, and what she has done for her sons, and offers to her settlers, has established a place for her in the respectful attention of the world. now, in the year nineteen hundred and fifteen, a new era is dawning for oregon and for all our western coast, through fresh enterprise, this time again by sea. the waters of the atlantic and pacific have been joined at panama, our continental coast line, to all intents and purposes, being made continuous, and the two portlands, of oregon and maine, become maritime neighbors. our east and our west have clasped hands again at the isthmus, and comparative strangers as they are, there is need for an introduction when they meet. not strangers, perhaps; better brothers long separated, each unfamiliar with the attainments and the developed character of the other. the younger brother, the westerner, has from the very nature of things changed most. his growth, in body, mind, and experience, is at times difficult for the easterner to fathom. a generation ago, he was such an immature fellow, so lacking in poise, in accomplishments, and even in certain of those characteristics which comprise what the east chooses to consider civilization; and his country, compared with what it is to-day, was so crudely developed. the easterner this year is the one who is coming to his brother of the west, because of the canal, the expositions celebrating its completion, and an immediate inclination to "see america first" impressed upon our public for the most part by the present war-madness of europe. it would be rank presumption for any one person to pretend to speak a word of explanation to that visitor on behalf of the coast. as a fact, no explanation is required; the states of the pacific are their own explanation, and their people must be known by their works. secondly, the coast is such a vast territory that what might be a reasonably intelligent introduction to one portion of it would be utterly inapplicable elsewhere. so this little book does not undertake to present a comprehensive account of our westernmost states, or even of the oregon country. it is intended simply to suggest a few of the many attractions which may be encountered here and there along the pacific, the references to which are woven together with threads of personal reminiscence pertaining to characteristic phases of the western life of to-day. for the stranger it may possess some measure of information; it should at least induce him to tarry in the region sufficiently long to secure an impression of the byways as well as of the highways. for the man to whom oregon, california, or washington stands for home, these pages may contain an echo of interest--for we are apt to enjoy most sympathetic accounts of the things we love best. but for visitor or resident, or one who reads of a country he may not see, the chief mission of these chapters is to chronicle something of their author's enthusiasm for the land they concern, to hint of the pleasurable possibilities of its out-of-doors, and, mayhap, to offer a glimpse of the new west of to-day in the preparation for its greater to-morrow. g. p. p. bend, oregon, december , . acknowledgment some of the material in this book has been printed in substantially the same form in _recreation_ whose editor has kindly sanctioned its further utilization here. for the use of many photographs i am indebted to the courtesy of officials of the oregon-washington, and spokane, portland and seattle railways. g. p. p. contents chapter page i.--"out west" ii.--the valley of content iii.--the land of legends iv.--the land of many leagues v.--how the railroads came vi.--the home makers vii.--on oregon trails viii.--uncle sam's forests ix.--a canoe on the deschutes x.--olympus xi.--"the god mountain of puget sound" xii.--a summer in the sierras illustrations page the columbia river valley and mount adams _frontispiece_ copyright, gifford, portland, ore. "the man from boisÉ describes god's country in terms of sagebrush and brown plains" "the palouse dweller pictures wheat fields." the grain country of eastern washington from a photograph by frank palmer, spokane, wash. a western mountaineering club on the hike from a photograph by kiser photo co., portland, ore. along the willamette mount shasta from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore. mount hood from lost lake copyrighted photo by w. a. raymond, moro, ore. natives spearing salmon on the columbia copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore. coasting on mount hood from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore. the pacific copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. along the columbia. "grotesque rocks rise sheer from the river's edge" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. celilo falls on the columbia copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore. the north abutment of the bridge of the gods copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore. where the oregon trunk railway crosses the columbia. "the river rolls between banks of barrenness" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. columbia river. the land of indian legends copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore. the dalles of the columbia from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore. along the columbia river. "a region of surpassing scenery" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. central oregon travel in the old days a central oregon freighter. "you will find them everywhere in the railless land, the freighters and their teams" in the dry-farm lands of central oregon. "serried by valleys, where the gold of sun and grain, and vagrant cloud shadows, made gorgeous picturings" crooked river canyon, now spanned by a railroad bridge in the deschutes canyon. "the river winds sinuously, seeking first one, and then another, point of the compass" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. along the canyon of the deschutes copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. irrigation--"first, parched lands of sage; then the flow" series copyright by asahel curtis irrigation--"next, water in a master ditch and countless man-made rivulets between the furrows" "it was a very typical stagecoach" in the homestead country a valley of washington. "the big westland smiles and receives them all" from a photograph by frank palmer, spokane, wash. a trailside dip in a mountain lake "sliding down snow-fields is fun, though chilly" on the trail in the highlands of the cascades "a sky blue lake set like a sapphire in an emerald mount" the trails are not all dry-shod "our trail wound beneath a fairy forest" an oregon trail from a photograph by kiser photo co., portland, ore. "packing up" at a deserted ranger station using the forest fire telephone at a ranger station an oregon trout stream from a photograph by raymond, moro, ore. canoeing and duck shooting may be combined on the deschutes on a backwater of the deschutes along the deschutes, the "river of falls." "it roars and rushes, in white-watered cascades" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. "canoeing is the most satisfactory method of travel extant" the pack train above timber line from a photo by belmore browne "the humes glacier, over which we went to mount olympus" "our nature-made camp in elwha basin" the "god mountain" of puget sound copyright by l. g. linkletter "the live oaks of berkeley's campus" from a photograph by wells drury, berkeley, cal. looking across the clouds to mount adams from the flanks of rainier copyright by l. g. linkletter "we gloried in the sheer mightiness of el capitan" "a vast flower garden maintained enticingly by dame nature" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore. light and shadow in yosemite sunrise at hetch-hetchy the government road that leads to mount rainier in the oregon country chapter i "out west" "what is the most pronounced difference between east and west?" a bostonian once asked me that. i was east after a year or two of westerning, and he seemed to think it would be easy enough to answer off-hand. but for the life of me i could find no fit reply. for a time that is--and then it struck me. "everyone is proud of everything out west," said i. "local patriotism is a religion--if you know what i mean." you who have lived on the pacific slope will understand. you who have visited the pacific slope will half-understand. did you ever hear of a new jersey man fighting because his town was maligned? you never did! have you yet encountered a york state small-town dweller who would devote hours to proving that his community was destined to outdistance all its neighbors because god had been especially good to it--and ready to back his boast to the limit? no indeed! yet most of us have seen westerners actually come to blows protecting the fair name of their chosen town, and i know scores of them who can, and will, on the slightest provocation, demonstrate that their particular prosperity center is the coming city of destiny. in short every westerner is inordinately proud of his town and his country. on trains you hear it, in hotel lobbies, on street corners. the stranger seated at your side in the smoking compartment regales you with descriptions of his particular "god's country." if ever there was an overworked phrase west of the missouri, it is that, and the inventor of a fitting synonym should reap royal rewards, in travelers' gratitude if nothing else. the man from boisé describes "god's country" in terms of sagebrush and brown plains; the palouse dweller pictures wheat fields, mentioning not wind storms and feverish summer mercury; the californian sees his poppy-golden hills; the eyes of the puget sound dweller are bright with memories of majestic timber and broad waterways, unclouded by any mention of gray rain; the man from bend talks of rushing rivers and copper-hued pines, his enthusiasm for the homeland unalloyed by reference to summer dusts; the orchard owner of hood river or wen-atchee has his heaven lined with ruddy apples, and discourses amazing figures concerning ever-increasing world market for the product of his acres; he who hails from the coast cities, whose all-pervading passion is optimism, weaves convincing prophecies of the golden future. and so it goes. each for his own, each an enthusiast, a loyal patriot, a rabid disciple. eastern travel acquaintances produce the latest photograph of their youngest offspring, but the westerner brings forth views and plats of his home town; no children of his own flesh are more beloved. yes, truly, it is a bore. the thing is overdone. there is too much of it. and yet--well, it is the very spirit of the west, a natural expression of the pride of creation, for these men of to-day are creating homes and towns, and doing it under fiercely competitive conditions. they have builded upon their judgment and staked their all upon the throw of fortune. they are pleased with their accomplishments and vastly determined to bend the future to their ends. it is arrogance, no doubt, but healthy and happy, and the very essence of youthful accomplishment. and its very insistency and sincerity spell success, and are invigorating to boot. [illustration: "the palouse dweller pictures wheat fields." the grain country of eastern washington from a photograph by frank palmer, spokane, wash.] [illustration: "the man from boisé describes god's country in terms of sagebrush and brown plains"] the old differences between east and west are no more, of course. except for a trifle more informality under the setting sun, clothes and their wearing are the same. the queen's english is butchered no more distressingly in california than in connecticut. proportionately to resources, educational opportunities are identical. music and the arts are no longer strangers where blow pacific breezes, nor have they been for decades. the west is wild and woolly no more, railroads have replaced stagecoaches, fences bisect the ranges, free land is almost a thing of the past. yet, withal, existence for the peoples of the two borders of our continent is not cast in an identical mold. "back east" residents are apt to regard the west as a land of curiosities, human and natural. "out west" dwellers are inclined to be supercilious when they mention the ways of the atlantic seaboard. all statements to the contrary notwithstanding, east is east, and west is west, no matter how fluently they mingle. the difference between them is not to be defined by conversational metes and bounds. it is not merely of miles, of scenery, or of manners, or even of enthusiasm. it is, in fact, quite intangible, and yet it exists, as anyone who has dwelt upon both sides of our continent realizes. aside from the trivialities--which are wrapt up in such words as "culture," "custom," "precedent," and the like--the fundamental, explanatory reason for the intangible differences is one of years. most of the west is buoyantly youthful, some of it blatantly boyish. much of the east is in the prime of middle age, some of it senile. naturally the east is inclined to conservative pessimism--an attribute of advancing years--and the west to impulsive optimism. do not foster the notion that the term "extreme" west really applies, for it doesn't. the west, as i have seen it, is too nervous, socially speaking, to dare extremes. it is too inexperienced to essay experiments, too desirous of doing the correct thing. while it wouldn't for the world admit the fact, socially it is quite content to keep its intelligent eyes on the examples set back east, and even then its replica of what it sees is apt to be a modified one. if this bashfulness holds good socially, it emphatically does not commercially. for in things economic there is far more dash and daring, and bigness of conception and rapidity of realization in western business affairs than in those of the east. opportunity is knocking on every hand, and those who think and act most quickly become her lucky hosts. the countries of the west are upbuilding with a rapidity for the most part inconceivable to europe-traveled easterners, and affairs move at a lively pace, so that the laggards are left behind and only the able-bodied can keep abreast of the progress. and with all the dangers of the happy-go-lucky methods, the pitfalls of the inherent gambling that lies beneath the surface of much of it, western business life undoubtedly offers the favored field for the young man of to-day who has, in addition to the normal commercial attributes, the ability to keep his head. [illustration: a western mountaineering club on the hike from a photograph by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] greeley's advice was never sounder than to-day; revised, it should read: "come west, young man, and help the country grow." the start has just been made. perhaps the days of strident booms are over (let us trust so), and it may be that the bonanza opportunities are for the most part buried in the past, together with the first advent of the railroads, the discoveries of gold, and the exploitation of agriculture, which gave them birth. but the west is getting her second wind. the greater development is yet to come; the panama canal, with quickened immigration, manufacturing, and a more thorough-going cultivation of resources than ever in the past, spell that. what has gone before is trivial and inconsequential in comparison with what is to come. pioneering is along different lines than in the old days, but it still is pioneering, and the call of it is as insistent for ears properly tuned. i hear the tread of pioneers of cities yet to be, the first low wash of waves where soon will roll a human sea. the waves have wet the shores, but their true advance has scarce begun. chapter ii the valley of content oregon--the old oregon territory of yesterday and the state of to-day--is our very own. it was neither bought, borrowed, nor stolen from another nation. it is of the united states because our fathers came here first, carved out homes from the wilderness, and unfurled their flag overhead; through the most fundamental of rights--that of discovery, coupled with possession and development. the new england states we inherited from britain, although the will was sorely contested. for louisiana we paid a price. texas and california we annexed from mexico, and purchased new mexico and arizona. alaska was bought from russia for a song. alone of all the united states the old oregon territory became ours by normal acquisition. thence, perhaps, is the compelling attraction for the native-born of oregon to-day. mayhap a touch of historic romance clings about the country; or it may be simply the feeling of bigness, the broad expansiveness of the views, the mightiness of mountains, the splendor of the trees, and the air's crisp vitality that make oregon life so worth while. whatever the explanation, it is assuredly a pleasant place in which to live, this land of oregon, and the transplanted easterner cannot but be conscious of its attractions, just as he is of the myriad delights of the entire coast country. a land of delight it is, from puget sound to the riviera of california, from the snow mountains to the sagebrush plains, where rose the dust of immigrants' "prairie schooners" not so many years ago. the guardian of oregon's southern gateway is shasta, and close beside its gleaming flanks rolls the modern trail of steel whereon the wayfarer from san francisco passes over the siskiyous into the valleys of the rogue and the umpqua. shasta displays its attractions surpassingly well. an appreciative nature placed this great white gem in a wondrously appropriate setting of broken foothills and timbered reaches that billow upward to the snow line from the south and west, with never a petty rival to break the calm dominance of the master peak, and nothing to mar the symmetry of the cool green woodlands. for shasta stands alone, and from its isolation is doubly impressive. one sees it all at once, as the train clambers up the grades towards oregon, not a mere peak among many of a range, but an individual cone, neighborless and inspiring. shasta has a volcanic history, and but a few hundred years ago bestirred itself titanically, casting forth balls of molten lava which to-day are encountered for scores of miles roundabout, weird testimonials to the latent strength now seemingly so reposeful beneath the calm crust of the earth. up and still up, into the timbered mountains, you are borne, until the very heart of the tousled siskiyous is about you. then all at once the divide lies behind and with one locomotive instead of several the train swings downward and northward into oregon, winding interminably, and twisting and looping along hillsides and about the heads of little streams, which grow into goodly rivers as you follow them. slowly the serried mountains iron out into gentler slopes dimpled with meadows, and here and there are homes and cultivated fields, and steepish roads of many ruts. then the rushing rogue river is companion for a space, and orchards and towns dot the wayside. more rough country follows, the rogue and the umpqua are left behind in turn, and the rails bear you to the regions of the willamette. a broad valley, rich, prosperous, and beautiful to look upon, is the willamette, and a valley of many moods. neither in scenic charms nor agricultural resourcefulness is its heritage restricted to a single field. there are timberland and trout stream, hill and dale, valley and mountain; rural beauty of calm suffolk is neighbor to the ragged picturesqueness of scotland; there are skylines comparable with norway's, and lowlands peaceful as sweden's pastoral vistas; the giant timber, or their relic stumps, at some pasture edge, spell wilderness, while a happy, alder-lined brook flowing through a bowlder-dotted field is reminiscent of the uplands of connecticut. altogether, it is a rarely variegated viewland, is this vale of the willamette. [illustration: along the willamette] [illustration: mount shasta from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore.] you have seen valleys which were vast wheat fields, or where orchards were everywhere; in california and abroad you have viewed valleys dedicated to vineyards, and from mountain vantage points you have feasted your eyes upon the greenery of timberland expanses; all the world over you can spy out valleys dotted with an unvaried checkerboard of gardens, or green with pasture lands. but where have you seen a valley where all of this is mingled, where nature refuses to be a specialist and man appears a jack of all outdoor trades? if by chance you have journeyed from medford to portland, with some excursioning from the beaten paths through oregon's valley of content, you have viewed such a one. for nature has staged a lavish repertoire along the willamette. there are fields of grain and fields of potatoes; hop yards and vineyards stand side by side; emerald pastures border brown cornfields; forests of primeval timber shadow market garden patches; natty orchards of apples, peaches, and plums are neighbors to waving expanses of beet tops. in short, as you whirl through the valley, conjure up some antithesis of vegetation and you must wait but a scanty mile or two before viewing it from the observation car. as first i journeyed through this pleasant land of the willamette, a little book, written just half a century ago, fell into my hands, and these words concerning the valley, read then, offered a description whose peer i have not yet encountered: the sweet arcadian valley of the willamette, charming with meadow, park, and grove! in no older world where men have, in all their happiest moods, recreated themselves for generations in taming earth to orderly beauty, have they achieved a fairer garden than nature's simple labor of love has made there, giving to rough pioneers the blessings and the possible education of refined and finished landscape, in the presence of landscape strong, savage, and majestic. then portland. portland, the city of roses and the metropolitan heart of oregon, stands close to where the willamette, the river of our valley of content, meanders into the greater columbia. were this a guidebook i might inundate you with figures of population, bank clearings, and land values, all of them risen and still rising in bounds almost beyond belief. i might narrate incidents of the city's building--how stumps stood a half dozen years ago where such and such a million dollar hostelry now rises, or how so-and-so exchanged a sack of flour for lots whose value to-day is reckoned in six figures. but these are matters of business, and business was divorced years ago from the simple pleasures of the out-of-doors. portland is a city of prosperity. that fact strikes home to the most casual observer. blessed above all else--especially in the eyes of an easterner--is its freedom from poverty. there are no slums, no "lower east side" like new york's rabbit warrens, no whitechapel hell holes. it is a clean, youthful city, delightfully located on either side of its river and rising on surrounding hills of rare beauty. its metropolitan maturity, indeed, is all the more remarkable for its youth, as seventy years ago the site of the town was a howling wilderness, set in the midst of a territory peopled at best by a few score whites. it was in that the first settler, overton by name, made his home where now is portland. close after him came captain john h. couch, who located a donation land claim where is now the northern portion of the city. and from that beginning gradually grew the city of to-day which in the california gold rush of the early fifties received her first notable impetus through her position as a commanding supply point for the fast-crowding and lavishly opulent sister state to the south. born at the hands of pioneers and weaned with the gold of california, the city was sturdily founded, and to-day the strength of the pioneer blood and the glow of the golden beginnings are still upon her. the fairest of fair portland is seen from her show hilltop, council crest. the days are not all sunny, but when they are and neither "oregon mist"--which is a local humor for downright rain--nor clouds obscure the outlook, the easterly skyline from council crest is a superbly pleasing introduction to the state. over the mists of the lowlands you see mount hood, and to have seen mount hood, even from afar, is to have tasted the rarest visual delight of all the northwest land. shasta, to the south, was an imposing welcomer to the empire of surpassing views, but hood outdoes shasta and its snow-crowned neighbors of the old oregon country as completely as the pinnacles of switzerland overshadow their lesser companions of the italian alps. hood, somehow, breathes the very spirit of the state it stands for; its charm is the essence of the beauty of its surroundings, its stateliness the keynote of the strength of the sturdy west. it is a white, chaste monument of hope, radiantly setting for its peoples roundabout a mark of high attainment. a city of destiny its friends call portland, and a mountain of destiny surely is hood--its destiny to diffuse something of the spirit of healthful happiness and fuller ideals for those, at least, who will take time from the busy rush of their multiplying prosperity. and here again, on council crest, i venture to turn back to ; venture at least again to quote from the literary heritage of theodore winthrop, who saw oregon's mountains then and wrote of them and their influences these lines: our race has never yet come into contact with great mountains as companions of daily life, nor felt that daily development of the finer and more comprehensive senses which these signal facts of nature compel. that is an influence of the future. the oregon people, in a climate where being is bliss,--where every breath is a draught of vivid life,--these oregon people, carrying to a new and grander new england of the west a fuller growth of the american idea, under whose teaching the man of lowest ambitions must still have some little indestructible respect for himself, and the brute of most tyrannical aspirations some little respect for others; carrying there a religion two centuries farther on than the crude and cruel hebraism of the puritans; carrying the civilization of history where it will not suffer by the example of europe,--with such material, that western society, when it crystallizes, will elaborate new systems of thought and life. it is unphilosophical to suppose that a strong race, developing under the best, largest, and calmest conditions of nature, will not achieve a destiny. be that as it may, no man, seeing hood from portland for the first time, could but experience a longing to answer the call of the beckoning mountain, and to find for himself the secrets of the land that lies beyond it. and so hood was the piper which called us to the hinterland of oregon, where, quite by chance, we stayed, until now we find we are oregonians, by adoption and by choice. chapter iii the land of legends the nomenclature of the northwest suffered at the hands of its english-speaking discoverers, for much that was fair to the ear in the indian names has been replaced with dreary commonplaces, possessing neither beauty nor special fitness. two yankee sea captains tossed a coin to decide whether they would name the city portland or boston. the boston skipper lost, and "multnomah," which was the old indian name for the place and means "down the waters," became prosaic portland. because some methodist missionaries preferred a name with a biblical twang to the indian "chemeketa," meaning the "place of peace," oregon's capital of to-day became salem and the title which the red men gave their council ground was abandoned. the great river was first known as the oregon, just why no authority seems to tell us reliably but later became the columbia when the ship of that name sailed across its bar. jonathan carver's choice in names, however, if no longer bestowed upon the river, soon became that of all its lower regions, and they acquired the lasting title of the oregon country. the old oregon, the columbia of to-day, was the gateway to the pacific for the explorers and the immigrants of yesterday. for lewis and clark it opened a friendly passageway through the mountain ranges, and likewise for the human stream of immigration which later followed its banks from the east. so is it too a modern portal of prosperity for portland, as this greatest river of the west concentrates the tonnage of much of three vast states by water grades at portland's door, and two transcontinental railroads follow its banks, draining the wealth of the inland empire while enriching it, just as the river itself physically drains and adds wealth to the territory it traverses. [illustration: mount hood from lost lake copyrighted photo by w. a. raymond, moro, ore.] to us the columbia was a gateway to the hinterland, for our pilgrimage upon it was easterly, up into the land of sunshine beyond mount hood and the cascade mountain range, starting, on an impulse, after viewing the snow-covered barriers from the heights of portland. and as we journeyed easterly up the great river, whose water came from lakes of the canadian rockies distant fourteen hundred miles, we found ourselves at once in a region of surpassing scenery and a land of quaint indian legends. a great wall of mountains shuts off the coastal regions from eastern oregon and washington. the two divisions are as dissimilar in climate and vegetation as night and day. to the west is rain and lush growth; to the east, drought and semi-arid desert. west of the cascades are fir forests cluttered with underbrush and soggy with springs, while east are dry pine lands, park-like in their open beauty. the high plains of the hinterland are yellow grain fields chiefly, and irrigation is the right hand of agriculture; in the willamette valley, nature brings forth all things in a revel of productivity. the columbia cleaves this great wall asunder, breaking through the mountains in a gorge some three thousand feet deep. here was the mythical bridge of the gods, which, legend narrates, once spanned the river from one mountainous bank to the other until ultimately it fell and dammed the stream. you come upon the site of the legendary bridge where government locks now circumnavigate the cascades, a fall in the river of wondrous beauty, hemmed in on north and south by timbered mountains. sunken forests hereabout indicate that at one time the river's course was checked by some great dam or volcanic convulsion, and every evidence in the geological surroundings points to stupendous natural cataclysms which distorted the face of nature leaving the sublime formations of the present. as the train or boat bound up the columbia progresses through this weird portal, fortunate you are if told the myths of this region which so truly is a land of legends, as we were; of the mythical struggle between mount hood on the south and mount adams on the north, in whose progress hood hurled a vast bowlder at his adversary which fell short of its intended mark, destroying the bridge; of the quaint fire legend of the klickitats which later i chanced upon in print in dr. lyman's entertaining book _the columbia river_. [illustration: natives spearing salmon on the columbia copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore.] [illustration: coasting on mount hood from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore.] a father and two sons came from the east to the land along the columbia, and the boys quarreled over the division of their chosen acres. so, to end the dispute, the father shot an arrow to the west and one to the north, bidding his sons make their homes where the arrows fell. from one son sprang the tribe of klickitats, while the other founded the nation of multnomah. then sahale, the great spirit, erected the cascade range as a barrier wall between them to prevent possibility of friction. the remainder of dr. lyman's pretty myth is best told in his own words: but for convenience' sake, sahale had created the great tamanous bridge under which the waters of the columbia flowed, and on this bridge he had stationed a witch woman called loowit, who was to take charge of the fire. this was the only fire of the world. as time passed on loowit observed the deplorable condition of the indians, destitute of fire and the conveniences which it might bring. she therefore besought sahale to allow her to bestow fire upon the indians. sahale, greatly pleased by the faithfulness and benevolence of loowit, finally granted her request. the lot of the indians was wonderfully improved by the acquisition of fire. they began to make better lodges and clothes and had a variety of food and implements, and, in short, were marvellously benefitted by the bounteous gift. but sahale, in order to show his appreciation of the care with which loowit had guarded the sacred fire, now determined to offer her any gift she might desire as a reward. accordingly, in response to his offer, loowit asked that she be transformed into a young and beautiful girl. this was accordingly effected, and now, as might have been expected, all the indian chiefs fell deeply in love with the guardian of tamanous bridge. loowit paid little heed to any of them, until finally there came two chiefs, one from the north called klickitat and one from the south called wiyeast. loowit was uncertain which of these two she most desired, and as a result a bitter strife arose between the two. this waxed hotter and hotter, until, with their respective warriors, they entered upon a desperate war. the land was ravaged, until all their new comforts were marred, and misery and wretchedness ensued. sahale repented that he had allowed loowit to bestow fire upon the indians, and determined to undo all his work in so far as he could. accordingly he broke down the tamanous bridge, which dammed up the river with an impassable reef, and put to death loowit, klickitat, and wiyeast. but, inasmuch as they had been noble and beautiful in life, he determined to give them a fitting commemoration after death. therefore he reared over them as monuments the great snow peaks; over loowit, what we now call mt. st. helen's; over wiyeast, the modern mt. hood; and, above klickitat, the great dome which now we call mt. adams. [illustration: the pacific copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] [illustration: along the columbia--"grotesque rocks rise sheer from the river's edge" copyright by kiser photo co., portland. ore.] up through timbered hillsides, from green fields, from the verdure of the western flanks of the cascades, winds the great river. the banks become steeper, the mountains behind them more rugged. fairy threads of silver, falling water, flutter down from cliffs. grotesque rocks, mighty monuments erected by a titan fire god when the world was young, rise sheer from the river's edge. cumbersome fish wheels revolve sedately where the silver-sided salmon run in the springtime. the railroads cling close to the stream, perforce tunneling where nature has provided no passageway, and the boat ploughs against the current which here and there is swift and swirling as the cascades are approached. then through the locks you go, or by them if you travel by the steel highways, and quickly the scenes change, these new ones painted in a vastly different vein from those that have gone before. the lofty, steep-walled hills become more gentle, and their cloak of green timber merges into brown grass. the river rolls between banks of barrenness as we emerge on the western rim of the land of little rain, for the moisture-laden clouds from the pacific are thwarted in their eastern progress by the mountain barrier, along whose summits they cluster weeping, in their baffled anger, upon the wet westerly slopes, while the dry sunny eastland mocks their dour grayness. close beside the river is the harshest of all this rainless land; sand blows, the cliffs are bare and black, the hillsides bleak and brown. but ever so little away from the barren valley bottom are rich regions of orchards and green fields, and easterly, in the countries of walla walla, palouse, and john day, far-reaching fields of grain abound. farming is upon a bonanza basis, and the bigness of it all is reminiscent of the dakotas, were it not for the majestic mountain skylines, blessed visual reliefs lacking altogether in the continental mid-regions. the volume then, is bound misleadingly, and those who see naught but its unprepossessing exterior gain no inkling of its charming hidden chapters. then come the dalles of the columbia, close to the town of the same name, where the river, a sane waterway for a half a thousand miles above, suddenly goes mad for a brief space of lawless waterfall and rock-rimmed cascades. at walla walla--whose very name means "where the waters meet"--the two chief forks of the old oregon river converge, the columbia proper and the snake, the one draining a northern empire, the other swinging southerly through idaho, "the gem of the mountains" as the indians baptized it. thence the great stream flows westerly some one hundred and twenty miles until it reaches the outlying ridge of the cascade chain, there encountering a huge low surface paved with glacier-polished sheets of basaltic rock. these plates, says winthrop parker, who saw them as a trail follower in the early 'sixties, gave the place the name _dalles_, thanks to the canadian voyageurs in the hudson bay service. a brief distance above this flinty pavement the river is a mile wide, but where it forces tumultuous passageway through the rocks it narrows to a mere rift compressed, if not subdued, by the adamantine barriers it cannot force asunder. where the sides grow closest through three rough slits in the rocky floor the white waters bore, each chasm so narrow that a child could cast a stone across. on either hand are monotonous plains, gray with sagebrush and brown with sunburned grass. rough hills rise northerly, in washington. eastward roll lower broadening lands, but turbulent with lesser hills. west is the great ridge of the cascade range, with hood rising majestic guardian over all, and the broad columbia vanishing into the very heart of the shadowed mountains, unchecked on its seaward quest. the summer sunlight is blinding bright and the sky ethereal blue. an indian hovel, or a ragged home of a fish-spearer beside the rushing waters, furnishes contrast--that of puny humanity in the face of nature at her mightiest. the view is at once compellingly beautiful and weirdly repelling. few would live along the great river or thereabout from choice; and yet the view of it--the startling, colorful panorama--is golden treasure beyond the dreams of avarice. it is this setting which marked the old-time entrance into central oregon. those words "old-time," are characteristic of the swift-moving country; for using them, i refer to but six years ago, when oregon's hinterland was a wilderness so far as railroads were concerned. these dalles of the columbia, a milepost on the old transcontinental trail, are a place seen and passed to-day by those who rush on rails in brief hours where the pioneers of fifty years ago labored weeks. also were these dalles prominent in indian life in the quiet midyears of the last century, when beavers were more plentiful than palefaces. indeed, back to the very beginnings of northwestern indian lore their story goes, coming to us, like so much else of the misty past of the oregon country, in a quaint legend. [illustration: celilo falls on the columbia copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore.] [illustration: the north abutment of the bridge of the gods copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore.] in the late 'fifties theodore winthrop made his way 'cross country from port townsend, on puget sound, to the dalles on the columbia. his book, _the canoe and the saddle_, describes that pioneer excursion through indian land, traversing what was in reality an untrodden wilderness. its charm of literary expression is in no whit less fascinating than the wealth of its adventurous material, but the two, like the writer, are far behind us, and all of the pleasant account i would refer to here is the last chapter, which concerns the arrival at the dalles, then an outpost of civilization. looking down upon the valley of the dalles, winthrop writes a half century ago: racked and battered crags stood disorderly over all that rough waste. there were no trees, nor any masses of vegetation to soften the severities of the landscape. all was harsh and desolate, even with the rich sun of an august afternoon doing what it might to empurple the scathed fronts of rock, to gild the ruinous piles with summer glories, and throw long shadows veiling dreariness. i looked upon the scene with the eyes of a sick and weary man, unable to give that steady thought to mastering its scope and detail without which any attempt at artistic description becomes vague generalization. my heart sank within me as the landscape compelled me to be gloomy like itself. it was not the first time i had perused the region under desolating auspices. in a log barrack i could just discern far beyond the river, i had that very summer suffered from a villain malady, the smallpox. and now, as then, nature harmonized discordantly with my feelings, and even forced her nobler aspects to grow sternly ominous. mount hood, full before me across the valley, became a cruel reminder of the unattainable. it was brilliantly near, and yet coldly far away, like some mocking bliss never to be mine, though it might insult me forever by its scornful presence. [illustration: columbia river. the land of indian legends copyright by benj. a. gifford, the dalles, ore.] [illustration: where the oregon trunk railway crosses the columbia. "the river rolls between banks of barrenness" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] evidently it was while held captive by the "villain malady" that winthrop learned from the indians the legend of the dalles, which he told so well that to paraphrase it would be folly. here i give it, as extracted from the thumb-marked little book whose publication date is : the world has been long cycles in educating itself to be a fit abode for men. man, for his part, has been long ages in growing upward through lower grades of being, to become whatever he now may be. the globe was once nebulous, was chaotic, was anarchic, and is at last become somewhat cosmical. formerly rude and convulsionary forces were actively at work, to compel chaos into anarchy and anarchy into order. the mighty ministries of the elements warred with each other, each subduing and each subdued. there were earthquakes, deluges, primeval storms, and furious volcanic outbursts. in this passionate, uncontrolled period of the world's history, man was a fiend, a highly uncivilized, cruel, passionate fiend. the northwest was then one of the centres of volcanic action. the craters of the cascades were fire-breathers, fountains of liquid flame, catapults of red-hot stones. day was lurid, night was ghastly with this terrible light. men exposed to such dread influences could not be other than fiends, as they were, and they warred together cruelly, as the elements were doing. where the great plains of the upper columbia now spread, along the umatilla, in the lovely valley of the grande ronde, between the walls of the grand coulee, was an enormous inland sea filling the vast interior of the continent, and beating forever against ramparts of hills, to the east of the desolate plain of the dalles. every winter there were convulsions along the cascades, and gushes of lava came from each fiery tacoma, to spread new desolation over desolation, pouring out a melted surface, which, as it cooled in summer, became a fresh layer of sheeny, fire-hardened dalles. now as the fiends of that epoch and region had giant power to harm each other, they must have of course giant weapons of defence. their mightiest weapon of offence and defence was their tail; in this they resembled the iguanodons and other "mud pythons" of that period, but no animal ever had such force of tail as these terrible monster fiendmen who warred together all over the northwest. as ages went on, and the fires of the cascades began to accomplish their duty of expanding the world, earthquakes and eruptions diminished in virulence. a winter came when there was none. by and by there was an interval of two years, then again of three years, without rumble or shock, without floods of fire or showers of red-hot stones. earth seemed to be subsiding into an era of peace. but the fiends would not take the hint to be peaceable; they warred as furiously as ever. stoutest in heart and tail of all the hostile tribes of that scathed region was a wise fiend, the devil. he had observed the cessation in convulsions of nature, and had begun to think out its lesson. it was the custom of the fiends, so soon as the dalles plain became agreeably cool after an eruption, to meet there every summer and have a grand tournament after their fashion. then they feasted riotously, and fought again until they were weary. [illustration: the dalles of the columbia from a photograph by weister co., portland, ore.] although the eruptions of the tacomas had ceased now for three years, as each summer came round this festival was renewed. the devil had absented himself from the last two, and when, on the third summer after his long retirement, he reappeared among his race on the field of tourney, he became an object of respectful attention. every fiend knew that against his strength there was no defence; he could slay so long as the fit was on. yet the idea of combined resistance to so dread a foe had never hatched itself in any fiendish head; and besides, the devil, though he was feared, was not especially hated. he had never won the jealousy of his peers by rising above them in morality. so now as he approached, with brave tail vibrating proudly, all admired and many feared him. the devil drew near, and took the initiative in war, by making a peace speech. "princes, potentates, and powers of these infernal realms," said he, "the eruptions and earthquakes are ceasing. the elements are settling into peacefulness. can we not learn of them? let us give up war and cannibalism, and live in milder fiendishness and growing love." then went up a howl from deviltry. "he would lull us into crafty peace, that he may kill and eat safely. death! death to the traitor!" and all the legions of fiends, acting with a rare unanimity, made straight at their intended reformer. the devil pursued a fabian policy, and took to his heels. if he could divide their forces, he could conquer in detail. yet as he ran his heart was heavy. he was bitterly grieved at this great failure, his first experience in the difficulties of reform. he flagged sadly as he sped over the dalles, toward the defiles near the great inland sea, whose roaring waves he could hear beating against their bulwark. could he but reach some craggy strait among the passes, he could take position and defy attack. but the foremost fiends were close upon him. without stopping, he smote powerfully upon the rock with his tail. the pavement yielded to that titanic blow. a chasm opened and went riving up the valley, piercing through the bulwark hills. down rushed the waters of the inland sea, churning boulders to dust along the narrow trough. the main body of the fiends shrunk back terror-stricken; but a battalion of the van sprang across and made one bound toward the heart-sick and fainting devil. he smote again with his tail, and more strongly. another vaster cleft went up and down the valley, with an earth quaking roar, and a vaster torrent swept along. still the leading fiends were not appalled. they took the leap without craning. many fell short, or were crowded into the roaring gulf, but enough were left, and those of the chiefest braves, to martyr their chase in one instant, if they overtook him. the devil had just time enough to tap once more, and with all the vigor of a despairing tail. [illustration: along the columbia river. "a region of surpassing scenery" copyright by kiser co., portland, oregon.] he was safe. a third crevice, twice the width of the second, split the rocks. this way and that it went, wavering like lightning eastward and westward, riving a deeper cleft in the mountains that held back the inland sea, riving a vaster gorge through the majestic chain of the cascades, and opening a way for the torrent to gush oceanward. it was the crack of doom for the fiends. a few essayed the leap. they fell far short of the stern edge, where the devil had sunk panting. they alighted on the water, but whirlpools tripped them up, tossed them, bowled them along among floating boulders, until the buffeted wretches were borne to the broader calms below, where they sunk. meanwhile, those who had not dared the final leap attempted a backward one, but wanting the impetus of pursuit, and shuddering at the fate of their comrades, every one of them failed and fell short; and they too were swept away, horribly sprawling in the flood. as to the fiends who had stopped at the first crevice, they ran in a body down the river to look for the mangled remains of their brethren, and, the undermined bank giving way under their weight, every fiend of them was carried away and drowned. so perished the whole race of fiends. as to the devil, he had learnt a still deeper lesson. his tail also, the ensign of deviltry, was irremediably dislocated by his life-saving blow. in fact, it had ceased to be any longer a needful weapon! its antagonists were all gone; never a tail remained to be brandished at it, in deadly encounter. so, after due repose, the devil sprang lightly across the chasms he had so successfully engineered, and went home to rear his family thoughtfully. every year he brought his children down to the dalles, and told them the terrible history of his escape. the fires of the cascades burned away; the inland sea was drained, and its bed became a fair prairie, and still the waters gushed along the narrow crevice he had opened. he had, in fact, been the instrument in changing a vast region from a barren sea into habitable land. one great trial, however, remained with him, and made his life one of grave responsibility. all his children born before the catastrophe were cannibal, stiff-tailed fiends. after that great event, every newborn imp of his was like himself in character and person, and wore but a flaccid tail, the last insignium of ignobility. quarrels between these two factions embittered his days and impeded civilization. still it did advance, and long before his death he saw the tails disappear forever. such is the legend of the dalles,--a legend not without a moral. chapter iv the land of many leagues it was a very "typical" stagecoach. that is, it was typical of the style broadway would have expected in the production of a _girl of the golden west_ or _the great divide_. very comfortably you may still see them in moving picture land--a region where the old west lives far woolier and wilder than it ever dared to be in actual life. however, this stage was neither make-believe nor comfortable. it was very real and very comfortless. the time was six years ago and the place the one hundred miles of worse than indifferent road between shaniko and bend, in central oregon. "do you chew?" asked the driver. i who sat next to him, plead innocence of the habit. "have a drink?" said he later, producing a flask. and again i asked to be excused. "don't smoke, neither, i suppose?" the driver regarded me with suspicion. "hell," said he, "th' country's goin' to the dogs. these here civilizin' inflooences is playing hob with everythin'. las' three trips my passengers haven't been fit company for man or beast--they neither drank nor chawed. not that i mean to be insultin'"--i assured him he was not--"but times certainly have changed. the next thing along 'll come a railroad and then all this goes to the scrap heap." his gesture, with the last word, included the battered stage, the dejected horses, and the immediate surroundings of shaniko flats. for the life of me i could see no cause for regret even supposing his prophecy came true to the letter! twenty hours later, when the springless seat, influenced by the attraction of gravitation in conjunction with the passage of many chuck holes, had permanently warped my spinal column, i would have been even more ready to endorse the threatened cataclysm. [illustration: central oregon travel in the old days] [illustration: a central oregon freighter. "you will find them everywhere in the railless land, the freighters and their teams"] since that day when the old driver foresaw the yellow perils of "civilizin' inflooences" they have indeed invaded the land for which, until a couple of years ago, his four horses and his rattletrap stage formed the one connecting link with the "outside." the "iron horse" has swept his old nags into oblivion, and two great railroads carry the passengers and packages which he and his brothers of the old shaniko line transported in the past. the change has come in five short years. those, who, like myself, went a-pioneering for the fun of it, making for central oregon because upon the map it showed as the greatest railroadless land, have seen the warm breath of development work as picturesque changes there as ever in the story-book days when the west was in its infancy. we are young men, we who chanced to oregon's hinterland a few seasons gone by, yet already can we spin yarns of the "good old days" which have a real smack of romance to them and cause the recounters themselves to sigh for what has gone before and, betimes, to pray for their return--almost! almost, but not actually. for who prefers twenty odd hours of stagecoaching to travel in a pullman? or seriously bemoans the advent of electric lights, running water, cement sidewalks, and other appurtenances of material development? yet, of course, i realize full well how tame and inconsiderable the "pioneering," if by such a name it can be dignified, of central oregon in the last decade must appear in the eyes of oregon's real pioneers, who came across the plains and staked out the state with monuments of courage driven deep with privation and far-sighted enterprise. yet, while half our eastern cousins believe the west utterly prosaic, and half are confident that some of it is still the scene of dashing adventure, and the dwellers of the coast cities themselves are morally certain that all oregon conducts itself along metropolitan lines, the fact remains that most of the big land between the cascades and blue mountains was untouched yesterday and is to-day the pleasantest--and the least hackneyed--outdoor playland available in all the west. central oregon occupied an eddy in the stream of western progress. on the north the columbia flowed past her doors, and the stream of immigration, first following the water and later the railroads, ignored the uninviting portals. rock-rimmed toward the columbia, lined with hills on the east, hedged in by the cascades on the west, and remote from california's valleys on the south, this empire of , , acres has been a giant maverick, wandering at will among the ranges neglected by development. in the railroads roped the wanderer, when they forced their way southward from the columbia up the canyon of the deschutes. but my stage journey was two years prior to that. shaniko was a jumping-off place. it was the end of the columbia southern railroad, which began at biggs--and if a road can have a worse recommendation than that i know it not! biggs, under the grassless cliffs beside the columbia, baked by sun, lashed by wind, and blinded with sand, was impossible; and had it not been for the existence of biggs one truthfully might call shaniko the least attractive spot in the universe! the transcontinental train deposited me at biggs and the columbia southern trainlet received me, after a brief interval dedicated to bolstering up the inner man with historic ham sandwiches and coffee innocent of history, served in a shack beside a sand dune. seventy miles separates biggs from shaniko, and a long afternoon was required to negotiate the distance. for an hour the diminutive train panted up oppressive grades, winding among rain-washed coulees, where the soil was red adobe and the rocks were round and also tinged with red. stunted sagebrush clothed the hillsides scantily, their slopes serried by cattle trails as evenly as contour lines upon a map. then, the rim of the columbia hills gained, away we rattled southward, more directly and with some pretense of speed, across a rolling plateau of stubble fields and grain lands, dotted here and there with homes and serried by rounded valleys where the gold of sun and grain, and the gray of vagrant cloud shadows, made gorgeous picturings. westerly, beyond the drab and golden foreground and the blue haziness of the middle distance, the cascade range silhouetted against a sky whose tones became richer and more cheerful as evening approached. with the evening came shaniko. "the evil that men do lives after them," said mark antony, "the good is oft interred with their bones." so let it not be with shaniko, for then in truth, of this town whose brightest day has gone little indeed would survive. [illustration: in the dry-farms lands of central oregon. "serried by valleys, where the gold of sun and grain, and vagrant shadows, made gorgeous paintings."] shaniko was the railroad point for all central oregon when i first made its acquaintance, and from it freighters hauled merchandise to towns as far distant as two hundred miles. stages radiated to the south, and, in , a few hardy automobiles tried conclusions with the roads. the sheep of a sheepman's empire congregated there, giving shaniko one boast of preëminence--it shipped more wool than any other point in the state. with streets of mud or dust, according to the season, a score or so of frame shacks, its warehouses, livery barns, corrals, shipping pens, and hotels, shaniko in its prime was a busy lighting place for birds of passage, a boisterous town of freighters, cowmen, and sheep herders. it, like its stagecoaches, was typical, i suppose, of the town found a decade or so ago upon our receding frontiers, and still encountered in the fancies of novelists whose travels are confined to the riotous territory east of pittsburg. "where are you bound?" my table neighbor asked me at supper. "i'm not sure," said i truthfully. "oh, a land seeker. well, when it comes right down to getting something worth while--something for nothing, you might say--the claims down by silver lake can't be beat. they--" and he launched into a rosy description of the land of his choice which lasted until the presiding amazon deftly transferred the fork i had been using to the plate of pie she placed before me, a gentle lesson in domestic economy. my informant was a professional "locator" whose business it is to combine the landless man and the manless land with some profit to himself, in the shape of a fee for showing each "prospect" a suitable tract of untaken earth hitherto the property of uncle sam. another neighbor took me in hand. the odor of gasolene about him--it was even more pungent than the fumes of other liquids, taken internally--proclaimed him an auto driver. "if you don't know where to go, let me show you," was the offer of this would-be guide and philosopher--i assume him a philosopher on the ground that any pilot in central oregon in those days must be one. in answer to my inquiries he bade me hie straight to harney county. it was two hundred and fifty miles away. but i lost heart, stuck to my original half-resolve, and declared bend my objective point. in later experience it was borne home to me that those pioneer auto men of shaniko always sang loudest the praises of the most distant point; their rate was ten or fifteen cents per mile per passenger, and on the face of it their business acumen is apparent! one hundred miles of staging--five hundred and twenty-eight thousand feet of dust, if it be summer, or mud, if it be winter; heaven knows how many chuck holes, how many ruts, how many bumps! the ride, commencing at eight one evening, ended about six the next. no early christian martyr was more thoroughly bruised and stiffened at the hands of roman mobs than the tenderfoot traveler on the memorable shaniko-bend journey! and there were so many rich possibilities--nay, probabilities--of diversion. winter blizzards on shaniko flats were to be expected, while after thaws the heavy stages "bogged down" with aggravating regularity. the steep villainous road of the cow canyon grade upset many a vehicle, and well i recall one january night, when a two-day rain had turned to snow, when the air was freezing but the mud was soft, how the up-stage and the down-stage met in the awful hours where there was no turning out: clothing was ruined that night, and dispositions warped beyond repair, while passengers labored and swore and labored again until at last one stage had been snaked out of the way on a hand-made shelf, so to speak, and a passing effected. later, we, who were shaniko bound, were capsized in the mud. half-frozen, wholly exhausted, we finally reached the railroad one hour after the day's only train had departed! but those were incidents of the road. * * * * * i think i never before saw a man lose his eye and recover it. yet that was the optical antic played by my companion "inside." he was a horse buyer, and i attributed his leer to a cast of character one naturally connects with horse-trading, until all at once he was groping on the floor. "lost something?" i inquired politely. "my eye." on bank holidays i have heard 'arry say that to 'arriet at 'ammersmith, but as an exclamation, not an explanation. "my eye, he's lost something valuable, and is british in his expression," thought i innocently. so i inquired if i could help him in the search. "and er--what was it you lost?" i added. "my eye!" he glowered up at me, and the flicker of the match i held showed a one-eyed face--the eye that had stared at me askew a few minutes before was missing! finally the glass optic was recovered, and he explained that the dust, working in about it, irritated him, so that occasionally he slipped it out for cleaning with his handkerchief. during such a polishing it had slipped to the floor. "i never get caught," he added with a touch of pride, "here's number two, in case of accidents," and he fished a substitute from his pocket. that second eye, i noted by daylight later, was blue, while his own was brown. no doubt it is difficult to get eyes that match. as we bumped along a valley bottom, shrouded in our tenacious cloud of dust, the driver, with whom i rode again, pointed out a couple of ultra-prosperous appearing ranches. "millionaires row," he chuckled. "they don't pay interest, but they're real wild and western when it comes to frills. further up the line you'll see somethin' rich, perhaps." the promised attraction was a young gentleman in a silk shirt and white flannels following a plow down a furrow, and in turn followed by an aristocratic-looking bulldog. "the dawg," explained my companion, "is blue blood borston. his pedigree's a heap longer than mine and valued at more thousand dollars than i dare tell. his boss there has a daddy worth a million or so, and when he himself ain't farmin' he scoots around in a five-thousand-dollar ortermobile. but mostly he plays rancher an' makes hay an' beds down the hawses an' all the rest of it. it's a queer game. crazy's what i call it. there's a whole nest of 'em hereabouts." so we saw the un-idle rich laboring in the fields. in the nature of things the old-timers regard the species with amusement, figuring, now and then, how many cuttings of alfalfa it would take to pay for the boston bull, and attempting to determine why anyone with an income should elect such an existence, with the wide world at their beck! this was my introduction to the land of great distances--twenty odd hours of toil over rolling plains of sagebrush, green-floored valleys, timbered hill lands, always--their indelible influence is the first impression of the newcomer whose outlook is a fraction higher than the earth he treads--always with the mountains of the western skyline dominating whatever panorama presented itself. peaks turbaned with white, tousled foothills, olive green, their limitless forests of pine surging upward from the level of the sage-carpeted, juniper-studded plains. the land of many miles, and of broad beautiful views, is oregon's hinterland. many miles? aye, truly. my friend kinkaid drives his auto trucks to burns, one hundred and fifty miles to the southeast. southwards to silver lake is another truck line, ninety miles long, which daily bears uncle sam's mails to the inland communities, a notable example of the pioneering of this age of gasolene. each morning automobiles start from bend, the railroad's end, for paltry jumps of from fifty to three hundred miles, and the passengers drink their final cup of coffee with the indifference a staten island dweller accords a contemplated trip across the bay. viewed sanely, the contempt for distances is appalling--at least as distance is measured elsewhere. an instance, this: burns is one hundred and fifty miles from bend; a year or two ago, through the enterprise of citizens of the two communities, a new road was "opened" between--scarcely a road, but a passageway among the sagebrush navigable with motor-driven craft. it is to celebrate! so some forty citizens of bend, in a fourth that many cars, make the little jaunt to burns. they leave at dawn: they reach burns that night: they are dined and wined and the road-marriage of their town is fittingly celebrated; then, another dawn being upon them, they deem it folly to waste time with trivialities like sleep, they crank their cars, and they are back at bend, and lo! it is but the evening of the second day! the past, naturally, was worse than the present, so far as the difficulties of great mileage are concerned. the little town of silver lake in south-central oregon, to-day is in the lap of luxury, transportationly speaking, being but a beggarly ninety miles from a railroad. but in the early 'nineties no one but a centipede would have considered frequent calls at silver lake with any equanimity. then all the freight came from the dalles, two hundred and thirty miles to the north, and the tariff often showed four cents a pound, which must have contributed fearfully to the high cost of living, not to mention the cost of high living, with wet goods weighing what they do. when the roads were good and teamsters moderately sober the round trip occupied forty days, one way light, the return loaded. in all the two hundred and thirty miles prineville was the only town, and some of the camps were dry. "th' town couldn't help but grow," an oldtimer confided to me. "yer see, it was such a durn fierce trip, after a feller tried it once he never wanted ter repeat--so he stayed with us!" burns, over in harney county, in the southeastern portion of the state, is another example of what the long haul means. during the summer of comparatively good roads the one hundred and fifty miles to the railroad isn't especially serious, but when winter comes the "outside" is far away indeed, and often for two months no freight at all contrives to negotiate the gumbo, snow, and frozen ruts. so, late in the autumn the burns merchant lays in a winter stock, while the auto trucks hibernate, and the burdens of such forehandedness, no doubt, are shifted to the shoulders of his customers. modernity has not swept the field clean, even to-day, and gasolene scarce yet outranks hay as a fuel for the mile makers. the settler and the land looker move on their restless rounds in the white-canvassed prairie schooner of old, and the great freighting outfits, which have borne the tonnage of the west since there was a white man's west, still churn the dust with the hoofs of their straining horses and the wheels of their lurching wagons. you will find them everywhere in the railless lands, the freighters and their teams. they are camped by the water-hole in the desert, or where there is no water, and they must depend upon barrels they bring with them. the little fire of sagebrush roots or greasewood shows the string of wagons--two, three, or four--strung out by the roadside with the horses, from four to twelve, munching hay. they are in the timber, in the country of lakes to the south, on the grassy ranges. in fact, you find the freighters where there is freight to be hauled, and that is--where men are. but to-day all of central oregon is not railroadless land, the trail of steel has pushed to the heart of the country, and what a contrast to the old shaniko stage days it is to roll smoothly into bend over ninety-pound rails! picturesque, too, was the sudden breaking of the long spell when the transportation kings constructed their lines up the canyon of the deschutes. twice, as they built, i walked the length of that hundred-mile-long defile, seeing the dawn of progress in the very breaking, and viewing what is to me the most stupendously appealing river scenery in all the northwest--this same canyon of the deschutes. chapter v how the railroads came when the west moves, it moves quickly. the map of oregon had long shown a huge area without the line of a single railroad crossing it. this railless land was central oregon, the largest territory in the united states without transportation. then, almost over night, the map was changed. normal men, if they are reasonably good, hope to go to heaven. westerners, if they are off the beaten track, hope for a railroad; and if they have one road they hope for another! you who dwell in the little land of suburban trains and commutation tickets have no conception of the vital significance of rail transportation in the land of many miles. in central oregon the railroad question was one of life and death. the country had progressed so far without them, and could go no farther. farm products not qualified to find a market on their own feet were next to worthless, timber could not be milled, irrigation development was at a standstill. the people had seen so many survey stakes planted and grow and rot and produce nothing, and had been fed upon so many railroad rumors, that there was no faith in them. * * * * * "i think it's a railroad!" gasped the telephone operator as she called me to the booth. her eyes were bright. it was as if a frenchman had said, "berlin is taken!" but i, a skeptic hardened by many shattered hopes, smiled incredulously. nevertheless, i took the receiver with a tremor born of undying optimism--the optimism of the railless land. "it's long distance," whispered the operator, torn between a sense of duty and a desire to eavesdrop. "hello!" the only answer was a grinding buzz; a mile or two of shaniko line was down--it usually was. then prineville cut in and the dalles said something cross and a faint inquiry came from portland, far away. yes, i was waiting. "hello, putnam?" the speaker was the managing editor of a portland newspaper. "gangs have broken loose in the deschutes canyon," said he. "one of 'em is harriman, we know, but the others are playing dark. think it's hill starting for california. you go--" then the buzz became too bad. finally the dalles repeated the instructions. i was to go down the canyon of the deschutes and find out all about it. the head and nearest end of the canyon was fifty miles away, and the canyon itself was one hundred miles long. glory be! but it was a railroad, and before i started the town was in the first throes of apoplectic celebration. i went to shaniko by auto, and thence by train to grass valley, midway to the columbia. from grass valley a team took me westward to the rim of the canyon of the deschutes. there were fresh survey stakes and a gang of engineers working with their instruments on a hillside. very obliging, were those engineers; they would tell me anything; they were building a railroad; it was headed for mexico city and they themselves were the owners! below was a new-made camp, where austrians labored on a right of way that had come to life almost over night. this was a harriman camp; orders were, apparently, to get a strangle hold on the best line up the narrow canyon--to crowd the other fellows out. but the mystery surrounding those "other fellows" clung close. from water boy to transit man they knew nothing, except that they were working for a famous contracting firm and that they emphatically were not in the employ of hill interests. [illustration: crooked river canyon, now spanned by a railroad bridge] [illustration: in the deschutes canyon. "the river winds sinuously, seeking first one, and then another, point of the compass" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] this, which was no news at all, i 'phoned to portland, and then set about visiting the suddenly awakened canyon. it is the only entrance from the north to the plateaus of central oregon, a deep gorge cut by the river through the heart of the hills. so one fine morning in july, , after a generation of apathy, suddenly the two great systems, whose tracks follow opposite banks of the columbia, threw their forces into the field, attempting to secure control of this strategic gateway. altogether, it was a very picturesque duel; the quick move was characteristic of the country, and the very unexpectedness of it somehow was half-expected. and in the end, after all the strategy and bluff and blocking tactics with shovels and with law briefs, the duel was a draw, and to-day each railroad follows the waters of the deschutes. during my observation of this picturesque battle of the canyon, i walked its length twice, and saw amusing incidents in plenty. at one point the hill forces established a camp reached only by a trail winding down from above, its only access through a ranch. forthwith the harriman people bought that ranch, and "no trespassing" signs, backed by armed sons of italy, cut off the communications of the enemy below. at a vantage point close to the water both surveys followed the same hillside, which offered the only practical passageway. one set of grade stakes overlapped the other, a few feet higher up. the italian army, working furiously all one sabbath morning, "dug themselves in" on the grade their engineers had established in most approved military style. but while they worked the austrians came--these literally were the nationalities engaged in this "battle of the hillsides," unrecorded by history!--and hewed a grade a few feet above the first, the meanwhile demolishing it. that angered italy, whose forces executed a flank movement and started digging still another grade _above_ the hostiles, inadvertently dislodging bowlders which rolled down upon the rival workers below. then a fresh flanking movement, and more bowlders and nearly a riot! and so it went, until the top was reached, and there being no more hillside to maneuver upon, and no inclination to start over again, the two groups called quits and spent the balance of the day playing seven-up, leaving settlement of their burlesque to courts of law. and there were times when "coyote holes"--which are tunnels of dynamite--exploding on one side of the river, somehow sent shattered rock and pebbles in a dangerous deluge upon the tents across the stream. the struggle for transportation supremacy was bitter enough, and comic, too, in spots. but the stage set for its acting was superb beyond compare. not without reason, the defile of the deschutes has been called the "grand canyon of the northwest." for a full one hundred miles the river races at the bottom of a steep-walled canyon, its sides here and there pinching in to the water's very edge, and often enough with sheer cliffs towering mightily, their bases lapped by the white foam of rapids. great rounded hills, green in spring, brown in summer, and white under the snows of winter, climb into the sky a thousand feet and more on either hand. their sides are ribbed with countless cattle trails, like the even ripples of the wind and tide on a sandy beach. strange contorted rock formations thrust forth from the lofty slopes, and occasional clutters of talus slides spill down into the water. rich hues of red and brown warm the somber walls, where prehistoric fires burned the clay or rock, or minerals painted it. white-watered, crystal springs are born miraculously in the midst of apparent drought, offering arctic cold nectar the year around. the river winds sinuously, doubling back upon itself interminably, seeking first one, and then another, point of the compass, a veritable despair for railroad builders whose companion word for "results" must be "economy." despite the stifling oppressiveness of that canyon bake-oven in july, with breezes few and far between and rattlesnakes omnipresent, the ever-changing grandeur was enough to repay for near-sunstroke and foot weariness. however, enjoyment of the scenery was not my mission. i was supposed to discover, authentically, who was backing that other road--where the millions were coming from. if it was hill, it meant much to oregon, for as yet the "empire builder" had never truly invaded the state, and if now he planned a great new line to california the railroad map of the west would indeed be disrupted. but at the end of ten days i knew no more than on the first. at the farmhouse where they took me in to dinner mine host was highly elated, for the survey crossed the corner of his southern "forty" and he saw visions of a fat right-of-way payment and of a railway station. later--his optimism was characteristic--surely a city would spring up, with corner lots priced fabulously. "then," said he to mandy, "we'll go to yerrup." it was, of course, long before yerrup became a shambles. the old man was reminding me of the growth of spokane--that universal example of the west!--which expanded from nothing to more than one hundred thousand in thirty years, when mandy interrupted the universal pastime of counting your lots before they are sold by producing a soiled printed form. "can you tell me if this has any value now?" she asked. it was a voucher of the great northern railroad. "where did you get it?" she narrated how a crew had laid out the preliminary survey, now followed by the mysterious workers, coming through there secretly the previous autumn. "they told us they was surveyin' water power," said she. "the papers never said nothing about it, and neither did we. they bought buttermilk here, an' when the ol' man cashed in the slips he forgot this one. wonder if it's too late to get it paid?" i told her it wasn't. in fact, i bought it myself, paying face value. it was $ . . then i made tracks for the 'phone, eighteen miles away. here, at last, was positive evidence that the great northern, the hill system, was the power behind the new line. six months ago while oregon slept, they had made the secret survey upon which they were now constructing. a very pretty scoop, as western newspapering goes! i offered my driver an extra dollar for haste's sake. [illustration: along the canyon of the deschutes copyright by kiser photo co., portland. ore.] the managing editor listened while i outlined my beat over the wire. his silence seemed the least bit sad. "dandy story," said he. "if we'd had it yesterday it would have been fine. but--" there was no need for him to go further; i knew the worst. an afternoon paper had wrecked my yarn. the emissary of the hills, who had traveled secretly and under an assumed name all through the interior determining whether or not the new line should be undertaken, had that morning told his story. the hills were in the open as the backers of the oregon trunk. by a matter of hours a precious scoop was ancient history! that man built much of the panama canal. he is one of the world's best-known construction engineers and railroaders. but i shall never forgive his tell-tale interview--it was premature. and some day i shall present for payment that voucher for $ . , mentioning also the dollar i gave the driver, to john f. stevens. chapter vi the home makers the horses are ill mated, the wagon decrepit. baling wire sustains the harness and the patched canvas of the wagon top hints of long service. "how far to millican's?" says the driver. he is a young man; at least, his eyes are young. his "woman" is with him and their three kiddies, the tiniest asleep in her mother's lap, with the dust caked about her wet baby chin. the man wears overalls, the woman calico that was gaudy once before the sun bleached it colorless, and the children nameless garments of uncertain ancestry. the wife seems very tired--as weary as the weary horses. behind them is piled their household: bedding, a tin stove, chairs, a cream separator, a baby's go-cart, kitchen utensils, a plow and barbed wire, some carpet; beneath the wagon body swings a pail and lantern, and water barrel and axe are lashed at one side. we direct them to millican's. "homesteading?" we inquire. "not exactly. that is, we're just lookin'." there are hundreds like these all over the west, "just lookin'," with their tired wives, their babies, their poverty, and their vague hopefulness. they chase rainbows from bisbee to prince rupert. some of them settle, some of them succeed. but most of them are discontented wherever fortune places them, and forever move forward toward some new-rumored el dorado just over the hill. there's a race of men that don't fit in, a race that can't stay still; so they break the hearts of kith and kin, and they roam the world at will. they range the field and they rove the flood, and they climb the mountain's crest; theirs is the curse of the gypsy blood, and they don't know how to rest. that, of course, is rather picturesque, and, taken all in all, your average wanderer of the wagon road merits little heroics. his aspirations are apt to be earthy, and too often he seeks nothing loftier than a soft snap. in the final analysis some of our western gypsies desire nothing more ardently than a rest. the wanderer is the shiftless land seeker, and is to be distinguished from the sincere home seeker who fares forth into strange lands with his family and his _penates_, and who finds vacant government land and proceeds to "take it up." the best of all the free acres went years ago, along with the free timber and the other compensations for pioneering, but here and there remote areas worth having still remain. about the last of these, and by all odds the greatest, was in central oregon when the railroads opened the doors of immigration a few years ago. before the railroads came i went from bend southeasterly through what is now well called the "homestead country," and in all the one hundred and fifty miles traversed we saw three human habitations: the stockman's, george millican, the horse breeder, johnny schmeer, and the sheepman's, bill brown. the rest of it was sagebrush and jack rabbits, with a band of "fuzz-tails" stampeding at the sight of us and a few cattle nipping the bunch grass. my companions were a locator and a man who took up one of the first "claims" in all that country, at hampton valley, one hundred and thirty miles from a railroad. to-day there are schools out there, homes, fences, and plowed fields. some of it is very good land, and the modern pioneers are prospering. some of it is not so good, and there have been failures and disappointments as in all the homestead districts of all the west, past and present. for there is truth in the old saying that for the most part the first crop of homesteaders fails, and the success of the late comers is built upon the broken hopes of the pioneers. however that may be, the battle against the odds set up by a none too bountiful nature is often enough pitiful, and occasionally heroic. picture an unbroken plain of sagebrush. low hills, a mile distant, are fringed with olive-green juniper trees; all the rest is gray, except the ever blue sky which must answer for the eternal hope in the hearts of the home makers--god smiles there. in the midst of the drab waste is a speck of white, a tent. a water barrel beside it tells the story of the long road to the nearest well--no road, but a trail, for this is well off the beaten path and such luxuries as surveyed highways are yet to come. the tent is the very outpost of settlement, a mute testimonial of the insistent desire to possess land of one's very own. our car stops to inquire the way, and a woman appears. yes, it is forty miles to brookings' halfway house, as we had guessed. "and to bend?" we ask what we already know, perhaps because the woman--a girlish woman--so evidently would prolong the interruption to her solitude. "about one hundred and twenty--a long way!" she smiles, adding, simply, "john's there." small wonder she clutches at us! john has been gone a fortnight, and for two days she has not even seen the swansons, her "neighbors" over the hill, three miles away. like a ship in the night, we all but passed her--passed with never a greeting for which her heart hungered, never a word from the "outside" to break the hard monotony. she is utterly alone, except for the rabbits and the smiling sky. her husband is wage earning. and she sticks by their three hundred and twenty acres and does what she can with a mattock and a grubbing hoe. they have a well started, and some fence posts in the ground. some day, she says, they will make a home of it. [illustration: irrigation--"first, parched lands of sage; then the flow" series copyright by asahel curtis] [illustration: irrigation--"next, water in a master ditch and countless man-made rivulets between the furrows"] "we always dreamed of having a home," she explains a bit dreamily. "but it never seemed to come any closer on john's wages. so when we read of getting this land for nothing it seemed best to make the try. but of course it isn't 'free' at all--we've discovered that. and oh! it costs so much!" we commiserate. we would help, and vaguely seek some means. help? yes, gladly she will accept it, says the little woman--but not for herself. "good gracious, why should i need it?" nor have we the heart to offer reasons. but if we have a mind to be helpful, she continues, there is a case over in eighteen-eleven--she names the section and township--where charity could afford a smile. she tells us, then, of a half-sick woman with three infants, left on the homestead while the husband goes to town. there, instead of work, he gets drink, and fails to reappear with provisions. but the woman will not give up the scrap of land she has set her heart on, and doggedly remains. when the neighbors find her, she and the children have existed for five days solely on boiled wheat. "and we needed it so for seeding," is her lament. our hostess of the desert stands by the ruts, waving to us through the dust of our wake, the embodiment of the spirit of pioneering, which burns to-day as brightly as ever in the past, could we but search it out and recognize it. such as she are home makers. however, the free lands are overridden with gamblers in values, with incompetents, with triflers. they are the chaff which will scatter before the winds of adversity. the others will succeed, just as they have succeeded elsewhere on the forefronts of civilization; the pity of it is that their lot may not be made easier, surer. returning from that trip i read a chapter in a book, newly published, dealing with this selfsame land. concerning the homesteader i found these words: i have seen many sorts of desperation, but none like that of the men who attempt to make a home out of three hundred and twenty acres of high desert sage.... a man ploughing the sage--his woman keeping the shack--a patch of dust against the dust, a shadow within a shadow--sage and sand and space! [illustration: "it was a very typical stagecoach"] [illustration: in the homestead country] the author is a new englander, who had seen oregon with scholastic eyes. the harsh frontier had no poetry, no hope, for him--only hopelessness. but the woman in the tent, the swansons over the hill, and the hundreds of other swansons scattering now, and for many years gone by, over the lands of the setting sun, know better, though their grammar be inferior and their enthusiasm subconscious. men saw and spoke as did the new englander when minnesota was being wrested from the wilderness, when people were dubbed insane for trying conclusions with the palouse country, when the dakotas were considered agricultural nightmares. in the taming of new empires unbridled optimism is no more prevalent than blinded pessimism. closer to home i know another woman, a farmer, too. hers is an irrigated ranch, and she works with her shovel among the ditches as sturdily as the hired man. poor she is in wealth, as it is reckoned, and her husband poorer still in health, for he was rescued from a desk in the nick of time. he is fast mending now, and confesses to a rare pleasure in making two blades of grass grow where none at all grew in the unwatered sands. and in truth, simply watching the accomplishments of irrigation is tonic enough to revive the faint. first, parched lands of sage; the grub hoe and the mattock clear the way, and then the plow. next, water, in a master ditch and countless, man-made rivulets between the furrows. finally--presto! the magic of a single season does it--green fields of clover and alfalfa smile in the sun! but heaven forbid that this should smack of "boosting"! (there, by the way, you have the most-used, and best-abused, word in all the west.) it is not so intended, for the literature of professional optimism is legion, and needs no reinforcement. the oregon country is no more wedded to success than many another, nor is it a land where woman can wrestle with man's problems more happily than elsewhere. the incidents of these pages mean simply that beneath the dull surface may be found, ever and anon, a glow of something stirring; prick the dust, and blood may run. the west, which is viewed here chiefly as a playland, is a mighty interesting workaday land, too, and numberless are the modern tragedies and comedies of its varied peoples at their varied tasks. rules and precedents are few and far between; it is each for himself in his own way. the blond scandinavian to his logged-off lands, the basque to his sheep herding; the man from iowa dairies, and the carolinian, who never before saw alfalfa, sets about raising it; the connecticut yankee, with an unconscionable instinct for wooden nutmegs, sells real estate; the college man with poor eyes or a damaged liver, as the case may be, becomes an orchardist at hood river or medford. somehow, some place, there is room for each and every one, and the big westland smiles and receives them all, the strong to prosper and the weak to fail, according to the inexorable way of life. some come for wealth and some for health--a vast army for the latter, were the truth always known. the highness and the dryness of the hinterland draw many to it in their battle against the white plague, and while victory often comes, there comes, too, defeat. an empty shack i know could tell such a tale--the tragedy of a good fight lost. they were consumptives, both of them, and they lived in a lowland city, west of the mountains. the doctor gave the old, old edict: the only chance was to get away from the damp, to live out of doors in a higher, sunnier climate. the boy--he was scarcely more than that--bade farewell to his sweetheart and came over the mountains, where he found land and built the shack that was to be their home and their haven--where they were to become sun-browned and robust. the self-evident conclusion outruns the tale, i fear. the girl, who smilingly sent her lover eastward, dreaming of the happiness so nearly theirs, was distanced in her race for the sunny goal by death. to-day the shack stands vacant. [illustration: a valley of washington. "the big westland smiles and receives them all" from a photograph by frank palmer, spokane, wash.] a friend, who knew the girl and the story, and loves the land she hoped to see, wrote this to hearten her when the doctors realized that the home upon whose threshold she wavered was far, far distant from the one her lover fashioned "over the eastern mountains": over the eastern mountains into a valley i know, into the air of uplands, into the sun, you go. warm is a day in the upland; warm is the valley, and bright; glittering stars are shining over the valley at night. here in the western lowland patiently i remain, under the clouds, in darkness, under the dismal rain. patient i wait, well knowing the joy that is to be: into the east you're going to build a home for me. rather would i go with you, but, staying, i smile and sing, for winter is almost over, and soon will come the spring. then to the home you have made me, singing, still singing, i'll go over the eastern mountains into a valley i know. chapter vii on oregon trails at shaniko i denied being a land seeker. yet such i actually was, although seeking oregon, a land of plenty where one dollar grows to twenty not because of the financial fruitfulness the verse implies, but rather because it was a land where outdoor pleasures are readily accessible. the logical outcome of land seeking is home making, and so in due course we became oregonians; and now from our oregon home we pilgrimage along the varied trails of the pacific playland, whose beginnings are but across our doormat, when fancy leads and the exchequer permits. all of us read with envy of the "big trips," the splendid outings to the ends of the earth, made by scientists and sportsmen, and those who are neither but possess the instincts, income, and the inclination. simply because we cannot follow such examples is no reason to suppose they appeal to us less than to the fortunate adventurer _de luxe_ for whom african expeditioning, labrador or alaskan game trails, mountain scaling in peru, or hunting along the amazon are matters of every-year routine. some day, we, too, hope for such mighty vacationing--when our ship comes in, or the baby gets big enough to be left behind, or the boss lengthens our vacation, as the case may be. but for the present there is a "when" or an "if" not to be ignored. so we content ourselves with lesser adventures in contentment, which after all, for solid pleasureable happiness, are perhaps the best. and we who live in the pacific playland find mountain, forest and river, fish and game, to our hearts' content; with a modicum of enterprise it is no trick at all to devise trips worth taking, whether viewed from the standpoint of woodsman, mountaineer, hunter, or fisher, and all within a hundred miles of home. therein, indeed, lies the answer to this query, which a transplanted easterner hears ever and anon: why do you live in the west? for when it comes right down to the truly important things of life, like fly-fishing, mountaineering, and canoeing, the pacific coast is a region of unsurpassed satisfaction. out-of-doors is always on tap, and when the hackneyed call of the red gods comes, it is easily answered. adventures in contentment truly--the utter content of simplicity and isolation. also, ventures in optimism, for where the trails wind mountainward there is just one place for the pessimist, and that is at home. [illustration: a trailside dip in a mountain lake] [illustration: "sliding down snow-fields is fun, though chilly"] the infallible mr. webster defines success as "the prosperous termination of an enterprise." mr. webster is wrong, however, when it comes to camping, as my friend mac and i recently demonstrated beyond possibility of argument. the prime object of the trip in question was game. we were out ten days and returned with no game; the venison we counted ours still roams the hills, and the grouse are sunning themselves--except the half-dozen the puppies ate! it came about in this wise. we started in sunshine and forthwith encountered the business end of a storm, comprised, in about equal parts, of blizzard, tropical downpour, and tornado. it continued for four days, soaked and half-froze us, and swept the highlands clean of game, in preference for sheltered valleys, far away and inaccessible to us. we hunted persistently, however, and walked countless miles. incidentally, we lost our horses, and spent one strenuous day tracking them. finally fortune relented a trifle and we bagged a half-dozen grouse, which we treasured and bore homeward for our family tables. but a persistently unkind fate elected that we sleep beside a forest ranger's cabin where also reposed a litter of spaniel puppies, who forced an entrance to our packs in the night and devoured every vestige of grouse except a few of the less nutritious feathers. assuredly that enterprise had no prosperous termination; yet, somehow, in the illogical way of the woods it seemed to us a success--we had enjoyed it so! after all, camping is a queer game, totally inexplicable to the uninitiated. as with some kinds of sinning, the more you do the more you desire. assuredly it is a madness--a species of midsummer madness, in whose throes the sufferer renounces most of the comforts of civilization, assuming instead all the discomforts of the wilderness. these campers are lovers of the open, and like lovers the world over, there is no reason in them. in the wooing season they hie in pursuit of their beckoning mistress, who permits closest approach, seemingly, where the trails are the least trodden, the timber the tallest, and the mountains the mightiest. there are many delightful methods of taking such pilgrimages, but none more alluring than a-horseback, with all one's worldly goods lashed to the back of a pack-horse, so that freedom of movement is limited only by one's will and one's woodcraft. typical of western mountain lakes is cultas, which nestles on the eastern flanks of the cascades not far from the summit. a wooded mountain of its own name rises from its southern rim, and elsewhere it is bordered by sandy strands as white as cape cod beaches, by stretches of marsh and meadow and by higher banks studded with giant pines, whose trunks nature painted golden copper and the sun burnishes each day. there we cast adrift from civilization; the trail ended and our riding horses took to the water at the lakeside, knee-deep wading over round, slippery rocks being preferable to battling through the thickets of lodgepole pine which cluttered the bank. [illustration: on the trail in the highlands of the cascades] [illustration: "a sky blue lake set like a sapphire in an emerald mount"] a lake of trout and sky-blue water is cultas, where the leisurely may pitch permanent camp to their hearts' content, and revel in the luxuries of perfect outdoor loafing, tempered to suit the taste with fly-casting excursions 'round on rafts, and hunting tramps through the timber, where one need go no great way to spy the tracks of deer and occasional bear, or surprise grouse perched fatally low. further westerly, though, the grouse-shooting is better, and an average rifle-shot can bag a plenty of the big fat birds in september. poor grouse! "the good die first," said wordsworth, and so with birds; for the good are the fat, who, through an excess of avoirdupois, lag in flight and alight on lower branches and are easiest shot. from cultas there was no trail other than such a one as mother sense advised and the compass indicated was properly directioned. our objective point was the north and south trail reputed to follow the summit of the cascade range, up whose eastern flanks we were laboring. finally we found it, though of trail worthy of the name there was none; a scattered line of aged blazes alone indicated where the trail itself once had been. with some floundering over down logs, many a false start and mistaken way, and a deal of patient diligence, we contrived to hold to the blazes, winding beneath a fairy forest of giant fir, tamarack, spruce, and pine, here and there skirting a veritable gem of a sky-blue lake set like a sapphire in an emerald mount, and occasionally tracking across a gay little mountain meadow, until at last we hunted out tiny link lake, where we camped beneath trees whose trunks were streaked with age wrinkles long before astor pioneered his way down the columbia. and so it went for several days; there were miles of pleasant trails, each mile unlike its predecessor and each holding in store some of those always expected unforeseen surprises which make trails, fly-fishing, and (reportedly) matrimony, so fascinating. there were camp places by lake, stream, and meadow, each and every one delightful, all entirely attractive either by the glow of the camp-fire or viewed in the dawn light as one peered out from the frosted rim of the sleeping-bag--frosted without, but deliciously warm within. trails and camps, indeed, so satisfying that any one of them might merit weeks of visitation, instead of hurried hours. a word concerning trails, here--offered with the diffidence of an ardent amateur! primarily, i suppose, trails are made to be followed; that, at least, seems the logical excuse for their existence. yet my advice is to lose them as speedily as possible--temporarily, at least. so long as there is grass and water (there is always fuel, and your food is with you) no harm can befall, and assuredly losing the trail, or letting it lose you, is an admirable way to drop formality and get on an intimate footing with the country traversed. one method is like rushing along the highways of a strange land in an auto; the other approximates a leisurely following of the byways on your own two feet. the comparison is overdone, no doubt, but it has the virtue of fundamental truth. people who "never lose the trail" and always proceed on schedule are to be regarded with suspicion and pity; suspicion because they probably prevaricate, and pity because they don't know what they miss! a schedule should be left behind, in the world of business appointments, time-tables, and other regrettable impedimenta of civilization. so long as you know when mealtime comes, to plan further is folly. maps, also, are not to be taken over-seriously, or followed too religiously. despite their neat lines, and scale of miles and inherent air of authority, they are deceivers ever, and apt to prove hollow delusions and snares when given the acid test of implicit confidence. sometimes only annoyance results, but occasionally the outcome of misplaced trust is serious. every one who has been above the snow line, under his or her own power, so to speak, understands that there is no satisfaction quite like that of getting to the top of a mountain. the most leisurely and unambitious mortal, once he finds the -foot contour lines slipping away behind him, acquires something of the true mountaineering itch. we inherited that itch from previous attacks of the mountain malady. so standing knee-deep in the rank grass of the sparks lake prairies, and seeing the snow fields crowding down close to us, seemingly just behind the timber which fringed our meadow camping place, we realized full well that to-morrow's work held for us some five thousand feet of climb. [illustration: the trails are not all dry-shod] [illustration: "our trail wound beneath a fairy forest"] once, in central america, i stood upon a peak whence were visible both the atlantic and the pacific. again, in western washington, from the summit of mt. olympus, i have seen the silver waters of puget sound to the east and the pacific ocean westward. from the south sister we saw no ocean--no water other than the myriad lakes nestling broadcast among the foothills. no water, but two seas--eastward a brown sea of sagebrush and grain lands, the plateau of central oregon, and westward the billowing sea of smoky willamette valley lowlands, blue and hazy and softly tinted as any soberer canvas of the color-master turner. two vast panoramas of land reaching to the horizon, the one bounded by the truly blue blue mountains that marked the whereabouts of idaho, the other by the low cloud banks hovering over the coast hills flanking the pacific--those we gazed down upon to the east and west, while north and south straggled the great ridge of the cascade range, cleaving the old oregon country into two astonishingly dissimilar halves. south we glimpsed the pride of california's mountains, glorious shasta. north, a filmy white spectre, harassed by a turmoil of darker cloud, was the peak of mt. adams, some two hundred and fifty miles distant. nearer--yet scarcely close at hand, for almost two hundred miles separated us--stood hood, guardian of the columbia, whose valley could be guessed by the shadowed depressions in the hill lands. nearer were jefferson, squaw mountain, broken top, and lesser peaks. as mountain views go, it was perfection--and all mountain views are perfect. we ate our snack of lunch, drank our canteen dry, smoked our pipes, and reveled in viewing the world below us. then, like the hackneyed army of the duke of york, we marched right down again. only be it noted that the descent was a marvel of rapid transit, especially where the long snow slopes were concerned. if you have done it, you know. if you haven't, suffice it to say that one sits upon a portion of one's architecture designed for general repose, and upon it slides to lower altitudes with a speed that often takes breath away and always materially dampens that afore-mentioned anatomical portion, if not one's ardor. snow sliding, however negotiated, is exhilarating and great fun--even if the slider becomes tangled with the attraction of gravitation, completing his descent head foremost! [illustration: an oregon trail from a photograph by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] at dusk, we reached the camp, with tired legs and a mighty hunger. it was late--too late to attempt much in the way of an elaborate meal, even as "elaborateness" is reckoned when you have been on the trail for a fortnight. so we compromised on a "light" repast, which included, if i remember aright, such infinitesimal items as a couple of quarts of coffee, a panful of bacon, a can of peaches, a package of raisins, and sundry other lesser matters. "to-morrow," we agreed, "we will have a feed. a real feed, worthy of the name. a feed that will go down in campers' history. a feed, in short, that will make us feel that we have been fed." with that resolution we set to work. it was tiresome and sleepy work, to be sure, but thorough for all that. it was, indeed, as if we made our gastronomic will before ending the trip, for ere we clambered into our blankets the pride of the larder, the best of what was left in the pack-saddles, was placed in our biggest pot. it was to be a mulligan--a mighty mulligan. in it there were venison, ham, bacon, potatoes, onions, a dash of corn, a taste of tomatoes, remnants of bannocks, some persistent beans, and a handful of rice; it was freckled with raisins and seasoned to the king's taste. almost devoutly we laid it to rest, placing the big pot upon the fire and reinforcing the dying blaze with lasting knots. then, with contented sighs, we dove into sleeping-bags and blankets, and forthwith passed into the land of dream-mountains, where one coasted for eons down comfortably warm snow slopes, and venison mulligan flowed in the streams instead of water. alas for dreams! like the proverbial worm, the log turned--and with it the pot, bottom up. in the wee small hours the sound of sizzling ashes waked us, and we roused to discover the fragrant juices of our precious mulligan oozing into the hungry ground. tragedy? truly yes; a sad, sad campers' tragedy. but what could we do? it avails nothing to cry over spilt mulligan. so once more we nestled in the blankets and drifted off into the land of nod, dreaming sadly of wrecked mulligan and gladly of future excursions in the wondrous, pleasant mountain land of oregon. chapter viii uncle sam's forests once we reached a certain ranger station after sundown. it was the end of a long trail day, our horses were tired, we were fagged, and darkness was hard upon us. the only good grass in sight was the forty-acre fenced pasture surrounding the forest service cabin. so opening the gate we entered the forbidden land, unsaddled, and turned the horses lose. just as we had the fire started and the coffee boiling, up came the ranger, with a star on his shirt and an air of outraged authority about him. "you can't make camp here," said he. my partner had a legal turn of mind, and came back quickly with the observation that we had already done so. "well, you'll have to unmake it, then," continued uncle sam's representative. "this here isn't for campers; it's reserved for the service." and thereafter, with considerable bluntness, he told us to "git," and quickly. our arguments were in vain. the fact that it was dark, that we were played out, that there was no other horse feed near, availed not at all. with him it was no case for logic. like a good and faithful servant he always came back to the beginning with the statement, "them's the rules and i gotter enforce 'em." but in the meantime the coffee boiled and the horses wandered farther from us. the ranger became exasperated. "you're trespassing," he expostulated. "this is private property and----" "whose property?" my partner hit the nail on the head. but the ranger didn't see the rocks ahead. "property of the forest service, of course," said he. "and who is the forest service?" "why, it's--it's--" the ranger stuttered a bit, seeking adequate explanation. "it's the government, of course." the ranger swelled with pride--after all, hadn't he demonstrated himself the representative of our omnipotent nation? but pride precedeth falls. "and who is the government?" persisted my partner, as he poured his cup full of coffee from the battered pot. but before an armageddon of violence was reached i interrupted and dispelled the threatened storm. for as it happened we were privileged characters, of a sort, and our note from the district supervisor extending the special courtesies of the service turned the rising wrath of our ranger into the essence of hospitality. we never again heard of the rules from him. however, my friend had expressed a monumental conclusion. our pasture was the property of the forest service, the service was a part of the government, and the government is of and for the people--us common people. therefore that pasture was ours--q.e.d.! of course the principle doesn't work out in practice, because the service, in the proper conduct of its affairs, must have strict property rights like any other organization or individual. but, broadly speaking, that is the truth of the matter. and in justice to the new spirit of the forest service, and the aims and methods of its employees of to-day, it is well to state that the ranger in question was of the old school, which regarded its reserves as its own sacred property and operated somewhat on the antedated motto of some railroads of the past, "the public be damned." for whatever one's feeling regarding the economic phase of national forests, from the casual camper's standpoint there is no doubt that their conduct to-day is admirable. viewed from this angle they are great playgrounds, and as in oregon alone the national forests embrace an astounding total of more than sixteen million acres, their importance to the recreationist is evident. on the doors of the ranger stations are signs which read: "property of the united states. for the use of officers of the forest service." leaving off the trespass warning which concludes the text of the cloth notices, one might change the other sentence thus: "for the use of whomever enjoys out-of-doors"; then you would have the meaning of the western forest reserves in a nutshell, so far as campers are concerned. if you are a settler who unsuccessfully seeks "elimination" of a homestead on the ground that it is "more valuable for agricultural purposes than for timber," or a timber speculator, or even a mill owner desirous of cheap logs, your enthusiasm for "conservation" may be a negligible quantity. certainly if you are a vote-seeker you will damn it whenever opportunity affords, for that is politically fashionable, and always safe--unlike woman suffrage, prohibition, and tariff questions; conservation is an architectural phenomenon, for it is a fence with only one side in a west whose people consider themselves robbed of their heritage of natural wealth, which most of them are all for turning into dollars as fast as logging-roads and band-saws can contrive. "to-day for to-day; let the morrow care for itself," they say. but if you are merely a foolish camper, with a secret dread of the time when the old earth will be divested totally of her timber covering, you may actually be grateful for the manner in which the reserves are administered. your playground is cared for and guarded and improved. maps, often accurate, are obtainable. the trails are well blazed and well kept, and new trails and roads are constantly being installed for the double purpose of making the forests more accessible to the public and to simplify fire fighting. for above all, of course, the great good work is the ceaseless battle against fire--now far more one of prevention than of extinction. visible and arresting signs of the fire-war are encountered everywhere--notices warning against the risks and losses of forest fires, exhortations on the criminal dangers of leaving camp-fires burning, reminders to the smokers about forgotten cigarettes. these, and a score more, stare the trail follower in the face at intervals upon his way, until hostility to the plundering fire god is so thoroughly drummed home as to become a sort of second nature. the more frequented trails, as i have said, are plastered with fire warning signs. once one of them all but broke up a contented camping trip, in this wise: after a two days' ride in a driving rain storm and a night in wet blankets, we came to a deserted ranger station, and in it found a welcome refuge. our blankets spread in a dry corner, we set to work upon a fire, just beyond the overhang of what had once been a porch roof. that fire was a task! if we were soaked, the woods were wetter still, and everything normally inflammable seemed as water-logged as a dishrag. however, mac fared forth with his double-bitted axe, and in due course secured some near-dry chips from the sheltered side of a dead tree. however, the chips showed no overweening desire to ignite, despite mac's most tender efforts. the rain beat on his face, mud plastered his knees, water from the shake roof trickled down his neck, and matches and temper approached exhaustion while he struggled coaxingly with the stubborn fire god. on a tree just behind the would-be fire maker was a forest service sign, whose large letters read: "beware of setting fires!" glancing up from mac at his sodden task to that sign a latent sense of humor somewhere within my damp person overbalanced discretion, and i burst into uproarious laughter. somehow mac took my levity quite to heart. "well," said he--or something with the same number of letters--"if you think you can make this dodgasted fire burn better'n i can, come out and try--the water's fine." there were embellishments, too, not fit to print in a modest book, regarding a loafer who would hang back in the dry places while the only intelligent member of the party, etc. but when he saw the sign even irate mac had to laugh, too. "whoever posted that warning," said he, "ought to be compelled to come in september and try to set a fire hereabout! he'll get a medal for incendiarism if he succeeds!" at all events the national forests occupy an all-important place in the pacific playland, if mountains and woods figure at all in your itinerary. the californian sierras are in the "reserves," as are the cascades and much of the coast mountains of oregon and washington. there are countless other outing places in the three states, of course, for many prefer the automobile to the pack-horse, and the beach to the highlands, and for such, the road maps of the automobile associations and the shore line of the pacific open an endless field of pleasure. in hunting and fishing, too, the sportsman need not confine himself to the mountain regions, and whether the hunter use gun or camera there are regions throughout the three states where his rewards for patient diligence will be ample. ducks and geese abound, from the sacramento marshes to the sloughs of the columbia and the myriad shooting grounds of puget sound, and there are deer and bear and occasionally a cougar or cat scattered through the hills. coyotes roam the sagebrush plains, devastating neighbors to the sage hens and rabbits, grouse lurk in the timbered foothills, and gay chinese pheasants are prospering--where they have been "planted" by the state game authorities. with all the rivers, and all the lakes, of the three states to choose from, it would be folly to list any special ones of marked piscatorial virtue, even if one were able where superlatives are appropriate in describing so many. suffice to say that from actual experience i know that there are streams in the sierras, in the oregon cascades, and in the olympics of washington whose very contemplation would make izaak walton long for reincarnation. back east--in new brunswick and cape breton, for instance--one often catches as many and as large trout, and sometimes more and larger, than in the western streams. but after all, the fish are a small part of the fishing. the tame sameness of the surroundings of the down-east waters compares ill with the theatrical bigness and infinite variety of setting of most of the western rivers, where half the delight is the recurring glimpses of snowy peaks and the majestic companionship of colossal trees. beside a little lake not far from the summit of the cascades is a small cabin. it is squatty in appearance and strongly constructed, but has neither the earmarks of a ranger's station nor of a trapper's winter home. a few yards away, where a little creek enters the lake, a rather elaborate dam adds to the mystery. "it's a fish station," explained mac cryptically. later i heard arrangements made for the transportation of half a ton of grub to the cabin--a matter of fifty miles of wagon haul, twelve by pack-horse, and five by boat. the supplies were to be brought in before the snows came in the fall, and buried beside the cabin so that the canned stuff and the potatoes would not freeze. then the occupants who were to eat the rations would put in their appearance about april st, when the trails were hidden beneath many feet of snow and packing would be nearly an impossibility. for the cabin represented the first link in the work of trout propagation, as conducted by the state fish and game commission. two experts go to it when the first spring thaws attack the drifts and the little creek grows restless beneath its winter quilt of snow and ice. the first year they waited too long, and when they came and built their dam the female fish already had gone up the creek to lay their eggs. but this year they dared the rear-guard of winter, and arrived in time to trap hundreds of trout fat with roe. for six weeks they labor collecting the eggs which later are sent to the state hatchery at bonneville to be hatched. later the fingerlings are distributed where most needed throughout oregon. the fisherman who pays his license fee often enough knows next to nothing of the good work that is being done for him by those who aim not only to keep the streams from being "fished out," but also to improve the fishing. this cabin by the lakeside represents the start of the work, and bitter hard work some of it is, too. [illustration: an oregon trout stream from a photograph by raymond, moro, ore.] the fish car, "rainbow," with its load of cans filled with trout fry, reaches the railroad point selected for distribution. there the local warden has gathered a legion of volunteer automobiles in which the cans are rushed to the streams and lakes near by and their contents planted. that is the easy simple "planting." the difficulties come when the streams or lakes are scores of miles from a railway or even a road, and the carrying must be done by pack-train. in and , for instance, one hundred and sixteen lakes scattered throughout the cascade mountains were stocked; that is, waters suitable for trout culture but hitherto without fish were prepared for the fisherman of next summer, and an ever-increasing number of desirable fishing places provided. and in the cases numbered here, every can of fry used was carried many miles on pack-horses; one trip occupied eight days, and even then, thanks to many changes of water, out of ten thousand fry only fifty died! hunting is an out-of-door pursuit all to itself. the man who at home would lift a beetle from his garden walk rather than crush it becomes an ardent murderer when he camps. probably there are no adequate apologies. and yet we all get the fever at some time or another, and taste the fascination of pitting our wits and woodcraft against the native cunning of the wild thing we stalk. your ethical friend--who probably is a vegetarian to boot!--here at once objects. he says the contest is cruelly uneven; that the odds of a high-powered rifle spoil the argument. which, in a way, is quite true. but heaven knows we would never taste venison or have bear rugs before our den fires if their capture was left to our naked hands! however, this is dangerous ground, and most of us brush past it when vacation time comes, and take out our hunting license as automatically as we make up our order for corn-meal and bacon. from our rods we expect full creels, and hope for game from the guns. "any luck?" that is the first question when you get home, and a negative answer implies defeat. unless you get something, be prepared for the i-thought-as-much expression when your friend sympathizes with you. an incentive and a temptation it is--some of the worst of us and some of the best of us have nearly fallen (nearly, i say) and offered gold to a small boy with the basket which was full of fish when ours was empty. and the game laws--there, in truth, is where sportsmanship at times is forced into tight corners! we had hunted deer for two solid, leg-wearying days. but the woods were very dry, and the deer heard us long before we saw them, except for a doe or two, uncannily aware of the safety of their sex. on the morrow we hit the homeward trail, and were disconsolate at the prospect of a venisonless return. crackle! something moved in the thicket below me. another stir and the "something" resolved itself into a deer. up came the light carbine--the weapon _par excellence_ for saddle trips--while i sighted across seventy yards of sunshine at the brown beast moving gracefully about, nipping at hanging moss and oblivious of danger. but the carbine did not speak. conscience and familiarity with the game laws battled for some thirty seconds with inclination and desire for venison. then conscience won, and the doe continued her dainty feeding, undisturbed. in days gone by, our copy-book mottoes told us that "virtue is its own reward." as a general thing such automatic recompense is unsatisfactory, so when really first-class examples of more tangible returns for virtue arise, they deserve recording. and this was one of them. for no sooner had i formed the good resolve, and acted on it, venison or no venison, than there came another soft _crack-crackle_ of dry twigs, and a second brown animal appeared. bang! the first shot hit just abaft the shoulder and the fine buck lay dead before he knew his plight. and if that was not immediate reward for virtue, i defy explanation! chapter ix a canoe on the deschutes there are larger rivers than the deschutes, and wilder, and some better for the canoe; many shelter more ducks, and a few more trout than does oregon's "river of falls." but if there are any more beautiful or varied i have yet to make their acquaintance. the columbia is, of course, a continental stream whose very mightiness prevents any adequate comprehension of its entity; it must be enjoyed by sections, in small potions. the willamette is almost pastoral, a sterner western edition of the english thames, with a score of rollicking tributaries, rough as the mountains that breed them. the sacramento, like linked sweetness, is long drawn out, and the boisterous brooks of the sierras seem rather upland freshets than substantial rivers. superlatives are risky tools on the pacific slope where they appear appropriate so often, but even so, with no apologies to the pitt, the snake, the williamson, the rogue, and other neighbors, greater and lesser, the deschutes appeals to me as the richest of them all in scenery and pleasurable attractions. from the snow banks of its birth to the columbia i have played companion to its waters on horseback, in canoe, in automobile, driving, afoot, and on a train, and with familiarity has come no contempt, but ever-increasing admiration. the deschutes is a river of many rôles: it roars and rushes in white-watered cascades, it sparkles gently in a myriad rippling rapids, it is sedate as a mill pond; sometimes its banks are fields flanked with flowers, sometimes steep slopes with black pools below and great trees above, sometimes lined with alders or with the needle-carpeted forest marching out to the very water's edge. such it is for the first hundred miles. below, leaving the land of trees and meadows, it plunges for a second century of miles through a spectacular canyon, walled in by cliffs and abrupt hillsides, often rising almost sheer a thousand feet. "the grand canyon of the northwest," those who know it call this stretch of the deschutes. above, billowing back from the rim, is a great golden-brown land of wheat fields, with a marvelous mountain westerly skyline. on the river's western flank, between it and the cascade range, is a playland of beautiful pine timber, crystal lakes, and mountained meadows, bounded on one hand by snow-capped peaks and on the other by the broad plains that sweep eastward to idaho. one august we foregathered in this happy hunting ground with our canoe and our grub, near the headwaters of the deschutes, in the heart of a region of sunshine, mountain prairie, glorious trees, and laughing water. one hundred miles of liquid highway lay before us, and we envied no one. crane prairie is a broad mountain meadow, hemmed in by timbered foothills that climb to the snow mountains, glimpsed here and there from the prairie land. the deschutes divides into three streams, each meandering down from little lakes tucked away in the timber at the base of the snow slopes that feed them. all around the prairie is a delightful region intersected by trails, dotted with lakes and meadows; altogether a pleasant place for ramblings, either on foot or horseback, with fishing, hunting, and mountain climbing as tangible objectives. the first stage of our outing was a stationary one, so far as the canoe was concerned, for a week was devoted to expeditioning here and there upon and around crane prairie. there was excellent fishing, and we saw just enough of the trails and the mountains to realize something of their possibilities. then one morning, before the sunlight had filtered over the hills and down through the pine boughs, we launched the _long green_, our canoe which had made the transcontinental trip from oldtown, maine, and started it upon a more venturesome, if less lengthy trip. ours, by the way, was an equal suffrage outing. its feminine better-half paddled as strenuously, cast a fly as optimistically, and "flipped" hot cakes as diligently as did the male member. altogether, she demonstrated beyond a doubt that the enjoyment of an oregon canoe trip need not depend upon one's sex or previous condition of servitude. [illustration: canoeing and duck shooting may be combined on the deschutes] [illustration: on a backwater of the deschutes] comfortable canoeing is the most entirely satisfying method of travel extant. it is noiseless, it is easy, and there is enough uncertainty and risk about it to lend a special charm. just as the best of fishing is the unknown possibility of the next cast--your biggest trout may rise to the fly!--so it is when you drift down stream in a canoe, for every turn discloses a fresh vista and behind every bend lurks some rare surprise. it may be an unsuspected rapid, requiring prompt action; perhaps a tree has fallen across the river, necessitating a flanking portage or a hazardous scurry beneath it; mayhap a particularly inviting pool will appear, when one must "put on the brakes" and "full speed astern" ever so hastily before a fatal shadow spoils the fishing chances. there are other possibilities without number, some of them realities for us, as when we came face to face with a deer, to our vast mutual astonishment, or, quietly drifting down upon a madam duck and her fluffy feathered family, gave them all violent hysterics. the little birds were unable to fly, and the mother, who would not desert them and lacked courage to hide along the bank, herded her family down stream for many miles with heartbreaking squawks and much splashing of wings. a portage is either one of the interesting events of a canoe trip or its most despised hardship, according to the disposition of those concerned--not to mention the length, breadth, and thickness of the portage itself! regarded in its most pessimistic light, a portage is a necessary evil, and, like a burned bannock, is swallowed with good grace by the initiated. in eastern canada, the land of _patois_ french, a portage is a portage. in maine, and elsewhere, it is apt to be a "carry." west of the rockies, one neither "portages" nor "carries," but "packs" the canoe, for on the pacific slope everything borne by man or beast is "packed," just as it is "toted" south of the mason and dixon line. but portage, carry, or pack, the results are the same. reduced to their lowest equation, it usually means a sore back and a prodigious appetite--there should be a superlative for prodigious, as all camping appetites are that; dare one say "prodigiouser"? our hundred miles of river included but two portages of consequence, both around falls. fortunately in each instance the packing was across a comparatively level stretch, free from underbrush, as is almost all of this great belt of yellow pine that follows the eastern slopes of the cascades from the columbia to california. there were minor carries, once over a low bridge, where the bands of sheep cross to the mountain summer ranges of the forest reserves, and several times an easy haul, with canoe loaded, around the end of a fallen tree or crude forest ranger's bridge made of floating logs held together for the most part with baling wire. now and again the river was bordered by nature-made fields, knee-deep with flowers; there were purple lupin everywhere and vermilion indian paint-brush, and a score of other gay blossoms. often for the pleasure of tramping through this pretty outdoor garden, we would let the canoe follow its own sweet will at the end of a rope, while we walked down the bank, perhaps intimately investigating the households of beavers or casting a royal coachman along the shadowed water close beside the edge. the special delight of camping, as anyone knows who has tried it, is that life all at once becomes so simple away from the high-pressure world of telephones, time-tables, dinner engagements, and other necessary evils. that is the essence of outing pleasure. the fishing, the canoeing, the hunting, climbing, or what-not are really relegated to obscurity in comparison with this one great boon. when our physical system runs down, we take medicine; when our mental system gets out of gear, we crave a dose of the open, which means of simplicity. a canoe trip is simplicity personified. in the first place, you are launched into the wide world of out-of-doors with your entire household, from dining table to bed, concentrated in a couple of bundles that repose amidships in the craft which is the beginning and the end of your transportation possibilities. the rest is "up to you." if you would get somewhere, it is necessary to paddle, always exercising due diligence to keep the craft right side up and escape fatal collisions with vexatious rocks and snags. in that department--locomotion--there is just enough active responsibility to keep it thoroughly worth while, and more than enough relaxation, as the current carries the canoe along with only now and then a guiding dip of the paddle, to make it all a most pleasurable loaf. every stopping place was a new experience, and, it should be said, each seemed even more beautiful than its predecessor. "there's a bully place. see--there under the big pine." [illustration: along the deschutes, the "river of falls." "it roars and rushes, in white-watered cascades" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] with a stroke or two of the paddles the _long green_ arrived gently at the bank beneath that pine, and out would come the box of grub, the gunny sack of pots and frying pans, and the rolls of bedding. then the canoe was drawn from the water, and, inverted, pressed into double service as a table and a rain shelter, in case of need. our waterproof sleeping-bags were supposed to do as much for us, and on two occasions showers dampened our slumbers, if not our spirits. the important work of camping, which is not work at all, but play, is in the commissary department. it has four stages: lighting the fire, cooking, eating, and cleaning up; the third is, by all odds, the most popular. concerning fire making, volumes have been written. it is quite possible to learn from these incendiary publications exactly how to prepare the proper, perfect kind of a fire under any and all circumstances. study alone is required to master the art--on paper! but in reality, making a quick and satisfactory camp-fire, like creating frying-pan bread, is a subtle attainment that can be mastered only by practice. no two people agree; it is easier to start a dispute over the details of a camp-fire than about anything imaginable, not even excepting the "best trout fly made"--and that, every fisherman knows, is a matter of piscatorial preference that has disrupted humanity since the days of izaak walton. camp cooking is another art. there, again, place not all thy faith in books, for they are deceivers when it comes to a bit of bacon, a frying pan, some corn-meal and flour, and a pinch of baking powder. the only satisfactory rule is to have as few ingredients as possible and to have plenty of them. flour, corn-meal, bacon, dried apples, butter, hardtack, sugar, salt, coffee, baking powder, beans--those form the essential foundation. there is an endless list of edibles that may be added, which run the gastronomic gamut from molasses to canned corn. but the way to learn real camp cooking, and by all odds the best procedure for happiness in transportation, is to take a small variety and keep each article in a cloth bag, which insures few troublesome packages and no disastrous leaks. "cleanin' up" is no trick at all, when there is a river full of water a dozen feet from the fire, and it is simply a matter of two pots and two tin plates. there, indeed, the joys of camp life come home to the feminine member of the expedition most forcibly of all. "isn't it heavenly! only two plates to wash!" expressed the essence of her satisfaction. two plates to wash, two paddles to manipulate, two healthful, happy weeks of out-of-doors, all as enjoyable for a woman as for a man--that was our deschutes river canoe trip. and there are a score or more of other oregon outings as delightful. chapter x olympus in the hilly residential section of tacoma is a studio-workshop. on a certain september morning its inward appearance indicated the recent passage of a tornado--a human tornado of homecoming after a long campaign of camping. from dunnage bags, scattered about the floor, showered sleeping-bags, ruck sacks, a nest of cook pots, "packs," the rubber shoes of the north country, belts, knives, ammunition, and a thousand and one odds and ends. in a corner was an oiled silk tent, the worse for wear. elsewhere, a clutter of ice axes, snowshoes, glacier spikes, guns, photographs, and hides occupied the available space. the room and its contents smacked of the regions that lie about the arctic circle, and thence, indeed, they had just come. for mine host was barely back from mt. mckinley and many months of venturesome exploration in alaska. next to watching the other fellow prepare his camping kit and discuss plans for the big trip, when you yourself are to stay at home, i think the most exasperating experience is to hear the good tales told by the man fresh returned from some thrilling expedition. as you listen to the story of the big untrodden places, the routine of your everyday life seems woefully petty, and you are all at once distracted with a mad resolve to go and do likewise. it is a dangerous symptom, and should be prescribed for immediately--though the only real remedy i know is to close one's eyes and ears and flee from the place of temptation. for this is the wanderlust, the joyful plague of the sinner who has lost all count of time and ties in following some wilderness trail, and desires nothing more than to lose them again. if mckinley and alaska were out of reach, across puget sound lay a closer land of mountains and little-trodden trails. "why not try olympus?" the suggestion was no sooner made than accepted. before i entered the room six months of stay-at-home was my unquestioned outlook, but all at once a hike to olympus appeared the most reasonable thing in the world. mine host, upon whom the blame rests, was out of the running, for he started east the next day. but his companion, the mountain climber, although scarcely yet with a taste of civilization after months in the wilderness, was in a receptive frame of mind. it took us two minutes to decide definitely upon the excursion. twenty minutes more and we had picked outfits from the wealth of paraphernalia all about us, and at midnight we saw the lights of seattle's water front vanish astern as a sound steamer bore us toward port angeles on the olympic peninsula. at times on our journey the mountain climber reminded me that on his inland voyaging stevenson traveled with a donkey. inasmuch as our pack animal was a horse, that rather hurt my feelings; the inference was so obvious. however, that horse was more than half mule, so far as disposition is concerned. we hired him at port angeles and billy was his name. "and when i walk, i always walk with billy, for billy knows just how to walk," chanted the mountain climber as we started out blithely. but long ere we crossed the divide separating the town from the valley of the elwha river we realized that if billy knew how to walk he emphatically refused to put his knowledge into practice. for billy was a stubborn loafer until it came to night time, when he bent his pent-up energy to getting as far from camp as possible between dusk and sun-up. [illustration: "canoeing is the most satisfactory method of travel extant"] [illustration: the pack train above timber line from a photo by belmore browne] there are three distinct methods of travel on the trail. you may ride horses and carry your supplies on a pack-horse. you may walk and let the pack animal do the burden bearing. or you may be a host unto yourself and bear your entire household on your back, with your own legs supplying locomotion. on this trip we chose the middle course, and walked, while billy was our common carrier. back packing is a strenuous undertaking where many miles are to be covered, and yet a superfluity of horses is a nuisance if the going is rough and instead of gaining speed with many animals you actually lose it. so it seemed to us the best way was to go afoot, with a single pack-horse. the brawling elwha was our guide to olympus, for its headwaters spring almost from the base of the mountain, and our trail wandered up the bank of the stream until, perhaps a dozen miles beyond our departure point from the highroad, we came to an appetizing meadow, and the pleasantest mountain home imaginable. it was the log house of the "humes boys," who seem as much of an institution in the olympics as the mountains themselves. bred in the adirondacks the humes migrated westward and hit upon this isolated homestead in the corner of washington, where a growing influx of hunters and fishermen finds them out and they are kept busy during the summer months as guides and packers to the many vacationists who know them and their knowledge of the surrounding regions. in the winter they trap and--i imagine from the evident tastes of grant humes--read good books on out-of-door subjects, close to the glowing stove, while the winds whistle up and down the valley and the snow piles high. gardeners, too, they are in a modest way, raising all their vegetables. and cooks! what cooks! in years gone by some pioneer settler had planted plum trees, and when we first saw grant humes no housewife was busier with jelly-making than he. "it's a bother now, and i don't suppose i enjoy it more than any other man likes such work," said he. "but when we're here in january and february, pretty well shut off from the world, and there's a great sameness about the food, i tell you a hundred glasses of plum jelly look almighty good--not to mention tasting!" i can vouch for the taste of it in september; if the midwinter season improves the flavor i'm in a most receptive mood for a christmas invitation to the cabin on the elwha! for those who have the right sort of taste, existence such as the humes's must seem quite utopian. their garden and their rifles, supplemented by importations from the store "down below," feed them; their meadows supply hay for their stock; fuel of course is everywhere, and a little captivated stream brought to the house in a hand-hewed flume supplies an icy approximation of "running water." hemming in the meadowland oasis are giant hills, their neighboring flanks hidden by mighty timber, their summits gray and brown beneath mantles of brush and berry, closing in the valley so resolutely that its hours of sunlight are almost as meager as in the cavernous fjord lands of norway. after humes's the trail wound through abysmal forest depths, skirting fir and pine and cedar of unbelievable girth, or making irksome detours where some fallen monarch blocked the way. needles and ferns there were underfoot, a drapery of moss overhead, and everywhere a penetrating silence. the most _silent_ woods imaginable are those of the wet coast country, where the trees are enormous and set close together, thickets and ferns clutter the ground beneath them, and moss clings to the lower limbs; sunlight, if not a total stranger, at best is but an itinerant acquaintance. when the whim seized it the fickle trail deserted one bank of the elwha for the other, one of us leading billy across while his companion, in vain effort to keep dry-shod, essayed perilous crossings on logs, often as not resulting in disaster. toward evening of the fourth day we dragged billy up a final hill. except for scattered and weather-beaten blazes, all vestiges of the trail had vanished, and, in fact, grant humes had told us that no one had been that way for two years, a fact testified by fallen trees and the unrepaired destruction of spring freshets. hidden at the base of giant douglas firs was all that remained of the elwha, now scarcely more than a brook, its waters opaquely white with the silt of glaciers close at hand. suddenly we emerged upon a hillock and below us lay elwha basin, where the river has its birth. a cup, carpeted with grass, walled with crags; an amphitheater studded with trees, hemmed in by banks of snow, and roofed by blue sky--such is the basin of the elwha. at the far end is a wall of rock, over which tumbles the jolly little infant river in a silvery cascade, and beyond is a snow bank jutting into the greenery of an upper meadow. from a dark cave at the glacial snowbank's base the river seemed to have its start, though beyond the snow, from still loftier cliffs, fluttered another ribbon of water coming from unseen heights beyond. westerly a few jagged snow peaks peered down upon us over the nearer cliffs, and great shadows reached across the pleasant valley to the very base of our little hill of vantage. at the near end of the basin we found a wonderful camp place all prepared by our thoughtful nature hostess. it was a cave at the foot of a cliff, whose ceiling of overhanging rock protected admirably against the vagaries of the elements, while wood and water were close at hand, and ferns and flowers made elysian setting. we turned billy loose in the knee-high grass, where he spent a week of loafing, unable, for once, to escape, thanks to the cliffs and a back trail easily blocked by felling a few small trees. happily, then, we sprawled upon our blankets, with the sweet-smelling spruce boughs beneath us and the warm light of the fire playing odd pranks with the dancing shadows in our rock-roofed resting place. beyond the ghostly circle of the firelight were the jet outlines of trees, and, farther, reaching up to a million stars, the mountains. and beyond those mountains lay olympus, for whom we had come so far and now must go still farther. the few unessentials of our commissary we left at the cave, and with grub for five days and bedding on our backs, and the ice axes in our hands, like the bear of the song, we started over the mountain to see what we could see. a steep snow chute called the dodwell and rickson pass was our way of passage over the divide to the queets basin, where the river of that name commenced its journey to the pacific, while behind us the melting snows that formed the elwha found outlet eastward in puget sound. as we trudged up the steep slopes of the pass it was soon apparent that other travelers beside ourselves used the snowy route, for broad tracks showed where bruin on his own broad bottom had coasted down the incline but a few hours previously, a recreation youthful bears seem to enjoy about as thoroughly as men cubs. there was indeed a goodly population of bear in the upper regions of the queets, and the hide of one of them is at my fireside now. it would have been no trick at all to kill several, for we saw them daily foraging among the blueberry uplands, with their pink tongues snaking out first on one side, then on the other, garnering in the fruit from the low bushes. but we could pack only one skin, so we left the others warming their owners, where they most properly belonged. queets basin is a rough mountain valley, covered for the most part only with berry bushes, and with rocky gorges cutting its surface where the river's several branches had worn away deep courses. overshadowing the basin were the outposts of olympus itself, with the snout of humes's glacier thrusting its icy seracs almost into the berry land, and the pinnacled peaks behind rising majestically against the northern skyline. westward, the roaring queets vanished down a canyon, through a country of the roughest kind, and, we were told, one hitherto unexplored. a journey to the sea following the white-watered queets would be a worth-while experience, we thought, seeing the first mile of it; but like many another, the mountain climber and i, unless we live to the age of methuselah and devote all our years to outings, will never be able to take one half the trips we have planned and secretly long for; exclusive of our cherished ramble down the queets! the packs slipped from our backs at the base of a giant fir, and we called it camp. next to the bear who almost thrust his nose into my bed next morning, my most vivid recollection of that camp was the blueberry bread we concocted in the frying-pan, which was fit for the very gods of old olympus. then we climbed olympus. coming on the heels of mt. mckinley, it was no great feat of mountaineering for the mountain climber, but nevertheless it combined happily all the varied attractions of climbing. the ascent of olympus does, indeed, entail almost every sort of mountaineering, and some of it reasonably difficult and dangerous. in the first place, the approach to the mountain is perhaps its crowning feature; it is a man's sized trip to get within striking distance, and to its inaccessibility is due the fact that up to it was unscaled. when once reached, there are goodly glaciers to be conquered, vast snow fields to be negotiated, some hard ice work, and a lot of stiff climbing, all at long range from the nearest practical base camp. by daybreak we were under way. through bushes, across a ravine, up a narrow tongue of snow in a "chimney," and then over a shoulder of rock débris, an outshoot of the lower lateral moraine of the humes's glacier, and we found ourselves on the seracs of the glacier's snout, with no choice but to take to them. by the time we had found a way over the broken green ice, with its sudden chasms, the sun was warm at our backs and the chill of the dawn was forgotten. then we emerged from the ice hummocks which mightily resembled a storm-tossed sea suddenly petrified, and commenced the leg-wearying ascent of the long snow field above, which clothed the glacier and stretched toward a rim of dark cliffs, the summit of the divide between us and olympus proper. toward the lowest saddle in this rocky wall we set our course. from the top of this new divide we gazed upon the clustering peaks of olympus across the huge glacier of the hoh river. jagged peaks they were, half-clothed, at times, with clouds, their ragged rocky pinnacles showing black in contrast to the dazzling fields of snow which stretched away below us as in some arctic scene. getting down to the hoh glacier proved difficult work, nearly every foothold of the descent being cut with our axes in the steep ice wall down which we worked, while yawning crevasses below our course were distinctly unpleasant reminders of what might happen should the leader slip and the rope man be insecurely anchored with his ice axe. then a mile up steep snow slopes, and detours around the base of lesser piles of rock rising almost perpendicularly from the floor of snow, and we were at the foot of the final climb. a last wild scramble up a chimney, the way made risky by slipping stones and treacherously rotten rock, a tug of the rope, a helping hand, and we were on the summit of olympus! [illustration: "the humes glacier, over which we went to mount olympus"] [illustration: "our nature-made camp in elwha basin"] from no peak that either of us had ever climbed, in the pacific playland, alaska, or northern europe, had we looked upon more picturesquely rugged, varied, or altogether fascinating mountain scenery. olympus stands at the dividing of the ways of a half-dozen watersheds, and from its summit one sees canyons radiating in all directions from the glaciers that cluster on its flanks and those of its lesser neighbors, in whose depths are growing streams that rush away to puget sound and the pacific. all about, west, northeast, and south, are snow-clad, saw-tooth peaks, lined with glaciers. billowing over these wild summits and hiding them each in turn, were wondrously tinted cloud banks, whose overhanging effects of light and shadow, and freakish alteration of the view made of the broad panorama a titanic kaleidoscope. for an hour we sat there, our sweaters about us, munching raisins and reveling in the scenic wonders of the world below us. from a metal tube, well protected in a rock monument, we took and read the records of previous climbers, left since the first ascent in . and then, after the habit of our kind, we added the story of our own expedition to the others and started on the homeward trail toward our cave and patient billy. chapter xi "the god mountain of puget sound" less than fifty years ago what is now seattle numbered scarce a thousand inhabitants, and the present city of tacoma was a cluster of shacks about a sawmill. puget sound, to-day a highway of commerce, was an almost unknown inland sea, its waters furrowed only by the prows of indian canoes. but for centuries beyond number the great mountain of puget sound has been as it is to-day, the mountain beautiful, dominating all the sound country. in seattle its name is rainier, and tacoma insists the city's title is the mountain's as well. call it what you will to-day, yesterday, in the talk of the indian fishers of whulge, it was known as tacoma, a word generically applied to snow mountains. no truly great mountain in america is as readily accessible and as widely enjoyed as tacoma-rainier. to seattle and tacoma it is an ever-present companion, and all the puget sound country basks in its shadow. a most excellent automobile road winds through its forests up to the snow fields, the only highway on this continent which actually reaches a living glacier. railroads go close to the mountain, and a delightful hotel and several camps supply every inducement and comfort for luxurious stays in close proximity to the final peak. from these places as headquarters one may make countless excursions round about the mountain, over magnificently beautiful trails, seeing its glaciers, its forests, its flowers, and its surpassing views, and there are always guides ready to lead the way to the top, an ascent which offers all the thrills and most of the experiences of the most arduous mountaineering in the alps. in short, there is an almost limitless field of recreation round about tacoma-rainier, and it is but for you to choose the mode of your enjoyment. seeing this "mountain that was god," and climbing it, are matters of almost normal routine to the residents of the puget sound country and the visitors to its sister cities. it is the accepted thing to do--and one supremely worth while--but to add another account of an ascent of tacoma-rainier, or detailed description of its wonders, to the many already in print, would be indeed carrying coals to newcastle. so, recommending you to the several excellent books on the subject, instead of essaying further description of the mountain to-day i'll venture to repeat what appeals to me as the best of the many indian legends relating to it. the wording of the story is that of theodore winthrop, in his book _the canoe and saddle_, from which in a previous chapter i borrowed the delightful legend of the dalles. [illustration: the "god mountain" of puget sound copyright by l. g. linkletter] the story, says winthrop, was told to him by hamitchou at nisqually, presumably about , and here is his interpretation: "avarice, o boston tyee," quoth hamitchou, studying me with dusky eyes, "is a mighty passion. now, be it known unto thee that we indians anciently used not metals nor the money of you blanketeers. our circulating medium was shells,--wampum you would name it. of all wampum, the most precious is hiaqua. hiaqua comes from the far north. it is a small, perforated shell, not unlike a very opaque quill toothpick, tapering from the middle, and cut square at both ends. we string it in many strands, and hang it around the neck of one we love--namely, each man his own neck. we also buy with it what our hearts desire. he who has most hiaqua is best and wisest and happiest of all the northern hiada and of all the people of whulge. the mountain horsemen value it; the braves of the terrible blackfeet have been known, in the good old days, to come over and offer a horse or a wife for a bunch of fifty hiaqua. "now, once upon a time there dwelt where this fort of nisqually now stands a wise old man of the squallyamish. he was a great fisherman and a great hunter; and the wiser he grew, much the wiser he thought himself. when he had grown very wise, he used to stay apart from every other siwash. companionable salmon-boilings round a common pot had no charms for him. 'feasting was wasteful,' he said, 'and revelers would come to want,' and when they verified his prophecy, and were full of hunger and empty of salmon, he came out of his hermitage and had salmon to sell. "hiaqua was the pay he always demanded; and as he was a very wise old man, and knew all the tideways of whulge, and all the enticing ripples and placid spots of repose in every river where fish might dash or delay, he was sure to have salmon when others wanted, and thus bagged largely of its precious equivalent, hiaqua. "not only a mighty fisher was the sage, but a mighty hunter, and elk, the greatest animal of the woods, was the game he loved. well had he studied every trail where elk leave the print of their hoofs, and where, tossing their heads, they bend the tender twigs. well had he searched through the broad forest, and found the long-haired prairies where elk feed luxuriously; and there, from behind palisade fir-trees, he had launched the fatal arrow. sometimes, also, he lay beside a pool of sweetest water, revealed to him by gemmy reflections of sunshine gleaming through the woods, until at noon the elk came down, to find death awaiting him as he stooped and drank. or beside the same fountain the old man watched at night, drowsily starting at every crackling branch, until, when the moon was high, and her illumination declared the pearly water, elk dashed forth incautious into the glade, and met their midnight destiny. "elk-meat, too, he sold to his tribe. this brought him pelf, but, alas, for his greed, the pelf came slowly. waters and woods were rich in game. all the squallyamish were hunters and fishers, though none so skilled as he. they were rarely absolutely in want, and, when they came to him for supplies, they were far too poor in hiaqua. "so the old man thought deeply, and communed with his wisdom, and, while he waited for fish or beast, he took advice within himself from his demon--he talked with tamanous. and always the question was, 'how may i put hiaqua in my purse?' "tamanous never revealed to him that far to the north, beyond the waters of whulge, are tribes with their under lip pierced with a fish-bone, among whom hiaqua is plenty as salmonberries are in the woods that time in midsummer salmon fin it along the reaches of whulge. "but the more tamanous did not reveal to him these mysteries of nature, the more he kept dreamily prying into his own mind, endeavoring to devise some scheme by which he might discover a treasure-trove of the beloved shell. his life seemed wasted in the patient, frugal industry, which only brought slow, meager gains. he wanted the splendid elation of vast wealth and the excitement of sudden wealth. his own peculiar tamanous was the elk. elk was also his totem, the cognizance of his freemasonry with those of his own family, and their family friends in other tribes. elk, therefore, were every way identified with his life; and he hunted them farther and farther up through the forests on the flanks of tacoma, hoping that some day his tamanous would speak in the dying groan of one of them, and gasp out the secret of the mines of hiaqua, his heart's desire. "tacoma was so white and glittering, that it seemed to stare at him very terribly and mockingly, and to know his shameful avarice, and how it led him to take from starving women their cherished lip and nose jewels of hiaqua, and to give them in return only tough scraps of dried elk-meat and salmon. when men are shabby, mean, and grasping, they feel reproached for their groveling lives by the unearthliness of nature's beautiful objects, and they hate flowers and sunsets, mountains and the quiet stars of heaven. "nevertheless," continued hamitchou, "this wise old fool of my legend went on stalking elk along the sides of tacoma, ever dreaming of wealth. and at last, as he was hunting near the snows one day, one very clear and beautiful day of late summer, when sunlight was magically disclosing far distances, and making all nature supernaturally visible and proximate, tamanous began to work in the soul of the miser. "'are you brave?' whispered tamanous in the strange, ringing, dull, silent thunder-tones of a demon voice. 'dare you go to the caves where my treasures are hid?' "'i dare,' said the miser. "he did not know that his lips had syllabled a reply. he did not even hear his own words. but all the place had become suddenly vocal with echoes. the great rock against which he leaned crashed forth, 'i dare.' then all along through the forest, dashing from tree to tree and lost at last among the murmuring of breeze-shaken leaves, went careering his answer, taken up and repeated scornfully, 'i dare.' and after a silence, while the daring one trembled and would gladly have ventured to shout, for the companionship of his own voice, there came across from the vast snow wall of tacoma a tone like the muffled threatening plunge of an avalanche into a chasm, 'i dare.' "'you dare!' said tamanous, enveloping him with a dread sense of an unseen, supernatural presence; 'you pray for wealth of hiaqua. listen!' "this injunction was hardly needed; the miser was listening with dull eyes kindled and starting. he was listening with every rusty hair separating from its unkempt mattedness, and outstanding upright, a caricature of an aureole. "'listen,' said tamanous, in the noonday hush. and then tamanous vouchsafed at last the great secret of the hiaqua mines, while in terror near to death the miser heard, and every word of guidance toward the hidden treasure of the mountains seared itself into his soul ineffaceably. "silence came again more terrible now than the voice of tamanous,--silence under the shadow of the great cliff,--silence deepening down the forest vistas,--silence filling the void up to the snows of tacoma. all life and motion seemed paralyzed. at last skai-ki, the blue-jay, the wise bird, foe to magic, sang cheerily overhead. her song seemed to refresh again the honest laws of nature. the buzz of life stirred everywhere again, and the inspired miser rose and hastened home to prepare for his work. "when tamanous has put a great thought in a man's brain, has whispered him a great discovery within his power, or hinted at a great crime, that spiteful demon does not likewise suggest the means of accomplishment. "the miser, therefore, must call upon his own skill to devise proper tools, and upon his own judgment to fix upon the most fitting time for carrying out his quest. sending his squaw out to the kamas prairie, under pretense that now was the season for her to gather their store of that sickish-sweet esculent root, and that she might not have her squaw's curiosity aroused by seeing him at strange work, he began his preparations. he took a pair of enormous elk-horns, and fashioned from each horn a two-pronged pick or spade, by removing all the antlers except the two topmost. he packed a good supply of kippered salmon, and filled his pouch with kinnikinnick for smoking in his black stone pipe. with his bows and arrows and his two elk-horn picks wrapped in buckskin hung at his back, he started just before sunset, as if for a long hunt. his old, faithful, maltreated, blanketless, vermilionless squaw, returning with baskets full of kamas, saw him disappearing moodily down the trail. "all that night, all the day following, he moved on noiselessly, by paths he knew. he hastened on, unnoticing outward objects, as one with controlling purpose hastens. elk and deer, bounding through the trees, passed him, but he tarried not. at night he camped just below the snows of tacoma. he was weary, and chill night-airs blowing down from the summit almost froze him. he dared not take his fire-sticks, and, placing one perpendicular upon a little hollow on the flat side of the other, twirl the upright stick rapidly between his palms until the charred spot kindled and lighted his 'tipsoo,' his dry, tindery wool of inner bark. a fire, gleaming high upon the mountainside, might be a beacon to draw thither any night-wandering savage to watch in ambush, and learn the path toward the mines of hiaqua. so he drowsed chilly and fireless, awakened often by dread sounds of crashing and rumbling among the chasms of tacoma. he desponded bitterly, almost ready to abandon his quest, almost doubting whether he had in truth received a revelation, whether his interview with tamanous had not been a dream, and finally whether all the hiaqua in the world was worth this toil and anxiety. fortunate is the sage who at such a point turns back and buys his experience without worse befalling him. "past midnight he suddenly was startled from his drowse and sat bolt upright in terror. a light! was there another searcher in the forest, and a bolder than he? that flame just glimmering over the treetops, was it a camp-fire of friend or foe? had tamanous been revealing to another the great secret? no, smiled the miser, his eyes fairly open, and discovering that the new light was the moon. he had been waiting for her illumination on paths heretofore untrodden by mortal. she did not show her full, round, jolly face, but turned it askance as if she hardly liked to be implicated in this night's transactions. "however, it was light he wanted, not sympathy, and he started up at once to climb over the dim snows. the surface was packed by the night's frost, and his moccasins gave him firm hold; yet he traveled but slowly, and could not always save himself from a glissade backwards, and a bruise upon some projecting knob or crag. sometimes, upright fronts of ice diverted him for long circuits, or a broken wall of cold cliff arose, which he must surmount painfully. once or twice he stuck fast in a crevice and hardly drew himself out by placing his bundle of picks across the crack. as he plodded and floundered thus deviously and toilsomely upward, at last the wasted moon paled overhead, and under foot the snow grew rosy with coming dawn. the dim world about the mountain's base displayed something of its vast detail. he could see, more positively than by moonlight, the far-reaching arteries of mist marking the organism of whulge beneath; and what had been but a black chaos now resolved itself into the alpine forest whence he had come. "but he troubled himself little with staring about; up he looked, for the summit was at hand. to win that summit was well-nigh the attainment of his hopes, if tamanous were true; and that, with the flush of morning ardor upon him, he could not doubt. there, in a spot tamanous had revealed to him, was hiaqua--hiaqua that should make him the richest and greatest of all the squallyamish. "the chill before sunrise was upon him as he reached the last curve of the dome. sunrise and he struck the summit together. together sunrise and he looked over the glacis. they saw within a great hollow all covered with the whitest of snow, save at the center, where a black lake lay deep in a well of purple rock. "at the eastern end of this lake was a small irregular plain of snow, marked by three stones like mountains. toward these the miser sprang rapidly, with full sunshine streaming after him over the snows. "the first monument he examined with keen looks. it was tall as a giant man, and its top was fashioned into the grotesque likeness of a salmon's head. he turned from this to inspect the second. it was of similar height, but bore at its apex an object in shape like the regular flame of a torch. as he approached, he presently discovered that this was an image of the kamas-bulb in stone. these two semblances of prime necessities of indian life delayed him but an instant, and he hastened on to the third monument, which stood apart on a perfect level. the third stone was capped by something he almost feared to behold, lest it should prove other than his hopes. every word of tamanous had thus far proved veritable; but might there not be a bitter deceit at the last? the miser trembled. "yes, tamanous was trustworthy. the third monument was as the old man anticipated. it was a stone elk-head, such as it appears in earliest summer, when the antlers are sprouting lustily under their rough jacket of velvet. "you remember, boston tyee," continued hamitchou, "that elk was the old man's tamanous, the incarnation for him of the universal tamanous. he therefore was right joyous at this good omen of protection; and his heart grew big and swollen with hope, as the black salmonberry swells in a swamp in june. he threw down his 'ikta'; every impediment he laid down upon the snow; and unwrapping his two picks of elk-horn, he took the stoutest, and began to dig in the frozen snow at the foot of the elk-head monument. "no sooner had he struck the first blow than he heard behind him a sudden puff, such as a seal makes when it comes to the surface to breathe. turning round much startled, he saw a huge otter just clambering up over the edge of the lake. the otter paused, and struck on the snow with his tail, whereupon another otter and another appeared, until, following their leader in slow solemn file, were twelve other otters, marching toward the miser. the twelve approached and drew up in a circle around him. each was twice as large as any otter ever seen. their chief was four times as large as the most gigantic otter ever seen in the regions of whulge, and certainly was as great as a seal. when the twelve were arranged, their leader skipped to the top of the elk-head stone, and sat there between the horns. then the whole thirteen gave a mighty puff in chorus. "the hunter of hiaqua was for a moment abashed at his uninvited ring of spectators. but he had seen otter before, and bagged them. these he could not waste time to shoot, even if a phalanx so numerous were not formidable. besides, they might be tamanous. he took to his pick, and began digging stoutly. "he soon made way in the snow, and came to solid rock beneath. at every thirteenth stroke of his pick, the fugleman otter tapped with his tail on the monument. then the choir of lesser otters tapped together with theirs on the snow. this caudal action produced a dull muffled sound, as if there were a vast hollow below. "digging with all his force, by and by the seeker for treasure began to tire, and laid down his elk-horn spade to wipe the sweat from his brow. straightway the fugleman otter turned, and swinging his tail, gave the weary man a mighty thump on the shoulder; and the whole band, imitating, turned, and, backing inward, smote him with centripetal tails, until he resumed his labors, much bruised. "the rock lay first in plates, then in scales. these it was easy to remove. presently, however, as the miser pried carelessly at a larger mass, he broke his elk-horn tool. fugleman otter leaped down, and, seizing the supplemental pick between his teeth, mouthed it over to the digger. then the amphibious monster took in the same manner the broken pick, and bore it round the circle of his suite, who inspected it with puffs. "these strange magical proceedings disconcerted and somewhat baffled the miser; but he plucked up heart, for the prize was priceless, and worked on more cautiously with his second pick. at last its bows and the regular thumps of the otters' tails called forth a sound hollower and hollower. his circle of spectators narrowed so that he could feel their panting breath as they bent curiously over the little pit he had dug. "the crisis was evidently at hand. "he lifted each scale of rock more delicately. finally he raised a scale so thin that it cracked into flakes as he turned it over. beneath was a large square cavity. "it was filled to the brim with hiaqua. "he was a millionaire. "the otters recognized him as the favorite of tamanous, and retired to a respectful distance. "for some moments he gazed on his treasure, taking thought of his future grandeur among the dwellers by whulge. he plunged his arm deep as he could go; there was still nothing but the precious shells. he smiled to himself in triumph; he had wrung the secret from tamanous. then, as he withdrew his arm, the rattle of the hiaqua recalled him to the present. he saw that noon was long past, and he must proceed to reduce his property to possession. "the hiaqua was strung upon long, stout sinews of elk in bunches of fifty shells on each side. four of these he wound about his waist; three he hung across each shoulder; five he took in each hand;--twenty strings of pure white hiaqua, every shell large, smooth, unbroken, beautiful. he could carry no more; hardly even with this could he stagger along. he put down his burden for a moment, while he covered up the seemingly untouched wealth of the deposit carefully with the scale stones, and brushed snow over the whole. "the miser never dreamed of gratitude, never thought to hang a string of the buried treasure about the salmon and kamas tamanous stones, and two strings around the elk-head; no, all must be his own, all he could carry now, and the rest for the future. "he turned, and began his climb toward the crater's edge. at once the otters, with a mighty puff in concert, took up their line of procession, and, plunging into the black lake, began to beat the water with their tails. "the miser could hear the sound of splashing water as he struggled upward through the snow, now melted and yielding. it was a long hour of harsh toil and much back-sliding before he reached the rim, and turned to take one more view of this valley of good fortune. "as he looked, a thick mist began to rise from the lake center, where the otters were splashing. under the mist grew a cylinder of black cloud, utterly hiding the water. "terrible are storms in the mountains; but in this looming mass was a terror more dread than any hurricane of ruin ever bore within its wild vortexes. tamanous was in that black cylinder, and as it strode forward, chasing in the very path of the miser, he shuddered, for his wealth and his life were in danger. "however, it might be but a common storm. sunlight was bright as ever overhead in heaven, and all the lovely world below lay dreamily fair, in that afternoon of summer, at the feet of the rich man, who now was hastening to be its king. he stepped from the crater edge and began his descent. "instantly the storm overtook him. he was thrown down by its first assault, flung over a rough bank of iciness, and lay at the foot torn and bleeding, but clinging still to his precious burden. each hand still held its five strings of hiaqua. in each hand he bore a nation's ransom. he staggered to his feet against the blast. utter night was around him--night as if daylight had forever perished, had never come into being from chaos. the roaring of the storm had also deafened and bewildered him with its wild uproar. "present in every crash and thunder of the gale was a growing undertone, which the miser well knew to be the voice of tamanous. a deadly shuddering shook him. heretofore that potent unseen had been his friend and guide; there had been awe, but no terror, in his words. now the voice of tamanous was inarticulate, but the miser could divine in that sound an unspeakable threat of wrath and vengeance. floating upon this undertone were sharper tamanous voices, shouting and screaming always sneeringly, 'haha, hiaqua,--ha, ha, ha!' "whenever the miser essayed to move and continue his descent, a whirlwind caught him and with much ado tossed him hither and thither, leaving him at last flung and imprisoned in a pinching crevice, or buried to the eyes in a snowdrift, or gnawed by lacerating lava jaws. sharp torture the old man was encountering, but he held fast to his hiaqua. "the blackness grew ever deeper and more crowded with perdition, the din more impish, demoniac, and devilish; the laughter more appalling; the miser more and more exhausted with vain buffeting. he determined to propitiate exasperated tamanous with a sacrifice. he threw into the black cylinder storm his left-handful, five strings of precious hiaqua." "somewhat long-winded is thy legend, hamitchou, great medicine-man of the squallyamish," quoth i. "why didn't the old fool drop his wampum--shell out, as one might say,--and make tracks?" "well, well!" continued hamitchou, "when the miser had thrown away his first handful of hiaqua, there was a momentary lull in elemental war, and he heard the otters puffing around him invisible. then the storm, renewed, blacker, louder, harsher, crueller than before, and over the dread undertone of the voice of tamanous, tamanous voices again screamed, 'ha, ha, ha, hiaqua!' and it seemed as if tamanous hands, or the paws of the demon otters, clutched at the miser's right-handful and tore at his shoulder and waist belts. "so, while darkness and tempest still buffeted the hapless old man, and thrust him away from his path, and while the roaring was wickeder than the roars of tens and tens of bears when a-hungered they pounce upon a plain of kamas, gradually wounded and terrified, he flung away string after string of hiaqua, gaining never any notice of such sacrifice, except an instant's lull of the cyclone and a puff from the invisible otters. "the last string he clung to long, and before he threw it to be caught and whirled after its fellows, he tore off a single bunch of fifty shells. but upon this, too, the storm laid its clutches. in the final desperate struggle, the old man was wounded so sternly that, when he had thrown into the formless chaos, instinct with tamanous, his last propitiatory offering, he sank and became insensible. "it seemed a long slumber to him, but at last he awoke. the jagged moon was just paling overhead, and he heard skai-ki, the blue-jay, foe to magic, singing welcome to sunrise. it was the very spot whence he started at morning. "he was hungry, and felt for his bag of kamas and pouch of smoke-leaves. there, indeed, by his side were the elk-sinew strings of the bag, and the black stone pipe-bowl,--but no bag, no kamas, no kinnikinnick. the whole spot was thick with kamas plants, strangely out of place on the mountainside, and overhead grew a large arbutus tree, with glistening leaves, ripe for smoking. the old man found his hardwood fire-sticks safe under the herbage, and soon twirled a light, and, nurturing it in dry grass, kindled a cheery fire. he plucked up kamas, set it to roast, and laid a store of the arbutus leaves to dry on a flat stone. "after he had made a hearty breakfast on the chestnut-like kamas-bulbs, and, smoking the thoughtful pipe, was reflecting on the events of yesterday, he became aware of an odd change in his condition. he was not bruised and wounded from head to foot, as he expected, but very stiff only, and as he stirred, his joints creaked like the creak of a lazy paddle upon the rim of a canoe. skai-ki, the blue-jay, was singularly familiar with him, hopping from her perch in the arbutus, and alighting on his head. as he put his hand to dislodge her, he touched his scratching-stick of bone, and attempted to pass it, as usual, through his hair. the hair was matted and interlaced into a network reaching fully two ells down his back. 'tamanous,' thought the old man. "chiefly he was conscious of a mental change. he was calm and content. hiaqua and wealth seemed to have lost their charms for him. tacoma, shining like gold and silver and precious stones of gayest luster, seemed a benign comrade and friend. all the outer world was cheerful and satisfying. he thought he had never awakened to a fresher morning. he was a young man again, except for that unusual stiffness and unmelodious creaking in his joints. he felt no apprehension of any presence of a deputy tamanous, sent by tamanous to do malignities upon him in the lonely wood. great nature had a kindly aspect, and made its divinity perceived only by the sweet notes of birds and hum of forest life, and by a joy that clothed his being. and now he found in his heart a sympathy for man, and a longing to meet his old acquaintances down by the shores of whulge. "he rose, and started on the downward way, smiling, and sometimes laughing heartily at the strange croaking, moaning, cracking, and rasping of his joints. but soon motion set the lubricating valves at work, and the sockets grew slippery again. he marched rapidly, hastening out of loneliness into society. the world of wood, glade, and stream seemed to him strangely altered. old colossal trees, firs behind which he had hidden when on the hunt, cedars under whose drooping shade he had lurked, were down, and lay athwart his path, transformed into immense mossy mounds, like barrows of giants, over which he must clamber warily, lest he sink and be half stifled in the dust of rotten wood. had tamanous been widely at work in that eventful night?--or had the spiritual change the old man felt affected his views of the outer world? "traveling downward, he advanced rapidly, and just before sunset came to the prairies where his lodge should be. everything had seemed to him so totally altered, that he tarried a moment in the edge of the woods to take an observation before approaching his home. there was a lodge, indeed, in the old spot, but a newer and far handsomer one than he had left on the fourth evening before. "a very decrepit old squaw, ablaze with vermilion and decked with countless strings of hiaqua and costly beads, was seated on the ground near the door, tending a kettle of salmon, whose blue and fragrant steam mingled pleasantly with the golden haze of sunset. she resembled his own squaw in countenance, as an ancient smoked salmon is like a newly dried salmon. if she was indeed his spouse, she was many years older than when he saw her last, and much better dressed than the respectable lady had ever been during his miserly days. "he drew near quietly. the bedizened dame was crooning a chant, very dolorous,--like this: 'my old man has gone, gone, gone,-- my old man to tacoma has gone. to hunt the elk, he went long ago. when will he come down, down, down, down to the salmon-pot and me?' 'he has come from tacoma down, down, down,-- down to the salmon-pot and thee,' shouted the reformed miser, rushing forward to supper with his faithful wife." "and how did penelope explain the mystery?" i asked. "if you mean the old lady," replied hamitchou, "she was my grandmother, and i'd thank you not to call names. she told my grandfather that he had been gone many years;--she could not tell how many, having dropped her tally-stick in the fire by accident that very day. she also told him how, in despite of the entreaties of many a chief who knew her economic virtues, and prayed her to become the mistress of his household, she had remained constant to the absent, and forever kept the hopeful salmon-pot boiling for his return. she had distracted her mind from the bitterness of sorrow by trading in kamas and magic herbs, and had thus acquired a genteel competence. the excellent dame then exhibited with great complacency her gains, most of which she had put in the portable and secure form of personal ornament, making herself a resplendent magazine of valuable frippery. "little cared the repentant sage for such things. but he was rejoiced to be again at home and at peace, and near his own early gains of hiaqua and treasure, buried in a place of security. these, however, he no longer overesteemed and hoarded. he imparted whatever he possessed, material treasures or stores of wisdom and experience, freely to all the land. every dweller by whulge came to him for advice how to chase the elk, how to troll or spear the salmon, and how to propitiate tamanous. he became the great medicine man of the siwashes, a benefactor to his tribe and his race. "within a year after he came down from his long nap on the side of tacoma, a child, my father, was born to him. the sage lived many years, beloved and revered, and on his death-bed, long before the boston tilicum or any blanketeers were seen in the regions of whulge, he told this history to my father, as a lesson and a warning. my father, dying, told it to me. but i, alas! have no son; i grow old, and lest this wisdom perish from the earth, and tamanous be again obliged to interpose against avarice, i tell the tale to thee, o boston tyee. mayest thou and thy nation not disdain this lesson of an earlier age, but profit by it and be wise." so far hamitchou recounted his legend without the palisades of fort nisqually, and motioned, in expressive pantomime, at the close, that he was dry with big talk, and would gladly wet his whistle. [illustration] chapter xii a summer in the sierras our western literary disciple, bret harte, is responsible for some such statement as this, through the mouthpiece of one of his lively mountaineers: "tain't no use, you ain't got good sense no more. why, sometimes you talk jest as if you _lived in a valley_!" doesn't that epitomize the contempt of the highlander for the lowlander? a lover of the californian sierra reasonably would be expected to originate such a philosophy. for while all mountains approach perfection, existence in the california cordillera is as near utopian as this old earth offers. that, of course, applies only to the out-of-door lover. for the others i dare venture no judgment; in their blindness they love best their cities and their rabbit-warren homes, and the logical desires of sunshine and forest are dried out of them by steam heat and contaminated by breathing much-used oxygen. humans, generally speaking, have their chief habitat in the lowlands. compelling reasons, aside from choice, are responsible for this state of affairs. for instance, there are not enough highlands to go around. then, too, valleys and plains are better adapted to the customary occupations of the genus _homo_, especially that obsessing mania for the accumulation of cash. but despite their habits and their environment, a satisfactory proportion of the valley dwellers love the hill country, and when they have mountains for neighbors revel in the opportunities thereby afforded. in california the lot of the lowlander is blessed beyond compare, for the most enticing playland imaginable is at his beck, and he is offered a scenic menu _à la carte_, so to speak, which includes about everything the creator devised in the way of out-of-door attractions. there is sea beach and forest, poppy-gilded plain and snow-quilted mountain. from a semi-tropical riviera, with the scent of orange blossoms still in his nostrils, he may mount above the snow line in a few brief hours. one day he bathes in the pacific, inhaling the dank, sea-smelling fog, and the next finds himself in the grandest forests of america, breathing the crisp air of lofty altitudes. revel in the gentle south of france or alpine switzerland; enjoy the mildness of florida or the rugged mountaineering of the rockies; drink chianti in an italian vineyard or cast a trout fly in a brawling scottish stream; view fragments of canton within gunshot of the golden gate and then glimpse utter desert by the shores of the salton sea--in short, choose what you will, and in california it awaits you. * * * * * the breezy bay of san francisco, blue tamalpais, and the live-oaks of berkeley's campus we left behind, swinging easterly and south through the hot, rich valley of the san joaquin until the railroad ended and our trail began. before us lay a summer in the sierras; a summer in no wise definitely organized in advance, but ninety days of wandering at will unburdened by itinerary and guided chiefly by the whim of the moment. a wonder of the world supremely worth seeing is yosemite and when you see it, if the possibility offers, avoid the hackneyed methods. the best way ever devised to get acquainted with the wonder-valley, or any other of nature's masterpieces, is the simplest: it consists in progressing upon your own two feet. so it was that we entered the yosemite park, and under our own power, so to speak, we negotiated many scores of miles over trails good and bad, and often guided by no trail at all. to add even a modest description of yosemite valley to the far-reaching bibliography already in existence would be indeed carrying coals to a literary newcastle. if you want guidebooks, history, or information upon its flowers and its trees, simply whisper the word "yosemite" in any west-coast bookstore and you will be led to shelves bulging with volumes that are authoritative, comprehensive, attractive, and, many of them, interesting. it is suggested, however, that the wonders of the valley will break upon you with all the greater splendor if reading about them is postponed until after you have made visual acquaintance with what nature has written under the blue california sky in characters of trees, cliffs, rushing rivers, giant trees, and myriad flowers. [illustration: "the live oaks of berkeley's campus" from a photograph by wells drury, berkeley, cal.] [illustration: looking across the clouds to mount adams from the flanks of rainier copyright by l. g. linkletter] go, then, as did we, with a pack on your back and without plans. or, if needs be, patronize the hotel or one of the luxurious camps, and thence see the sights of the park at leisure through the medium of the stagecoaches which go nearly everywhere over the excellent roads. as for us, we had a scrap of a tent and a box of provisions which we trundled, after a deal of vexatious bargaining, a mile or so in a borrowed wheelbarrow to an enchanted camping spot beside a brimful brook, shaded by primeval trees and sheltered from the welter of humans who promenade promiscuously by a convenient arboreal jungle. there we made our headquarters, by extending our fragmentary canvas fly between our blankets and the heavens and establishing a megalithic fireplace at arm's reach from the running water, where we cooked three or more times a day. for a happy fortnight we did those things which yosemite visitors are supposed to do. we gloried in the sheer mightiness of el capitan from below, and reveled in the views from its crest. from inspiration point, on the road to the big trees, we were inspired beyond expectation by the magnificent panorama of the cliff-encompassed canyon, with the silver waterfalls lighting its shadowed walls like threads of gossamer against the gray background of the rocks. close at hand we were deafened by the thundering waters of bridal veil and nevada, and we clambered up the trails to see the highland rivers that gave them birth. a glad summer day was devoted to the mariposa grove pilgrimage where discreet soldiers watched lest we abscond with a flower or treelet, or, i suppose, commit that universal sin of american self-publicity, scratch our puny initials upon the gnarled columns of the most ancient and the grandest monuments nature has erected on our continent--the sequoias. then, having reveled in the prosaic recreations of yosemite--and the first view of the valley alone is worth the entire pilgrimage, remember--we picked up our beds and walked. that is, the blankets were strapped on our backs, and the rudiments of a commissary stowed in our ricksacks. so equipped, with our creature comforts provided for to the extent of about fifty pounds per man, we "cached" the balance of our provender and equipment in a rocky cave (where a bear subsequently effected destructive inroads) and struck out for tuolumne meadows and hetch-hetchy. [illustration: "we gloried in the sheer mightiness of el capitan"] in the course of our unplanned wanderings we followed up the merced river, past nevada falls and through the meadowed beauties of the little yosemite. ultimately, by ways uncharted, so far as we were aware, we viewed the merced canyon where lakes washburn and merced nestle in the heart of a little-traveled fairyland, and thence struck 'cross-country to the upper regions of the other great river of the park, the tuolumne. all the tuolumne meadow country is sheer delight, for mountaineer, fisherman, naturalist, and lover of the out-of-doors whose tastes are unspecific; well has john muir called it "the grand central camp-ground of the sierras." it is a vast meadow, hemmed in by a mountain region beyond compare for expeditioning, with legions of royal trout ready for the fly, and a vast flower garden maintained enticingly by dame nature during the summer sunshine season. the trip we took from the meadows, again without trail, was down the tuolumne to hetch-hetchy valley. the journey's start literally was flower-strewn, and we tramped carefully lest we crush over-many of the purple daisies and tiny violets dotting the dewy grass, while lupin offered gentle resistance to our progress. first came the canyon of conness creek, shaded with groves of hemlock, and neighbored by three falls, the first of the countless cataracts which mark the wild river's course through the rockbound gorge, to the valley of our destination, miles below. beyond the falls the stream flows quietly for a space, between banks lined with pines and deciduous trees. as marion randall parsons has quoted, here, willows whiten, aspens quiver, little breezes dusk and shiver thro' the wave that runs forever by the island in the river flowing down to camelot. and standing beside the white waters with the ground shaking underfoot to the tune of their mighty onrush, with the meadows, trees, and flowers round about, the awesome cliffs for guardians, and the bright blue sky over all, it requires no visionary to conjure up legendary cities at this river's end, for but half lend yourself to the notion and the glorious sierran stream becomes a beckoning highway to a land of pleasant dreams. [illustration: "a vast flower garden maintained enticingly by dame nature" copyright by kiser photo co., portland, ore.] [illustration: light and shadow in yosemite] of the tuolumnic canyon journey this same lover of the sierras, mrs. parsons, has sketched the following description: it is impossible to do justice to the canyon after one brief journey through it; impossible to set down in order the details of that day's travel and the next, confused as they were by the consciousness of tired muscles and eyes bewildered by the all too hurried succession of interests. little more than impressions remain--memories of cliffs rising from three to five thousand feet above us; of a walk of half a mile on stepping stones along the river; of more talus-piles; of the entrance into the rattlesnake zone; of a walk through a still forest of tall firs and young cedars, where our voices seemed to break the silence of ages; of more talus-piles; of a camp beneath the firs among deep fern-beds, and of the red ants that there congregated; of more brush and more talus-piles; of a look down muir gorge and a hot climb up a thousand feet over the rocks to the cairn of stones containing the precious register; of a cliff extending to the river's edge which presented the alternative of edging across it on a crack or climbing a five-hundred-foot hill to get around it. the tuolumne is one of the largest of our sierra rivers, much greater in volume than its quieter neighbor, the merced. its falls, often of an imposing height, are none of them sheer, none of them giving that impression of pure joy of living with which the merced waters leap into the great nevada abyss. for the tuolumne's is a sterner, stormier course, beset with giant rocks against which even its splendid strength is impotently hurled, and its joy is the joy of battles. but it is a strange thing, standing beside one of these giant cataracts where the ground shakes with the impact and where every voice of wind or living creature is silenced in the roar of the maddened waters, to see under what a delicate fabric this titan's force is veiled--a billowing, gossamer texture, iris-tinted, with jeweled spray flying high upon the wind. then came hetch-hetchy, after two days of strenuous pursuit of the tuolumne's galloping waters. when we were there hetch-hetchy was a valley untrammeled, carpeted with grass and flowers, walled by mighty cliffs, traversed by the unfettered tuolumne. of late, as all the outdoor world knows, its freedom has been bartered and its fate sealed--the fate of being drowned beneath a reservoir whose waters are to quench the thirst of san francisco. probably, from an engineering standpoint, the knell of hetch-hetchy is a masterpiece; perhaps economically it is wisdom; but none who have delighted in the valley's hospitality but deem it tragedy of the darkest die. be that as it may, the waters are yet unstored and hetch-hetchy is still a camp-ground, and for the city-bred or the city-weary it offers panacea beyond compare as it has since the beginning of all things, when cities were as little thought of as reservoirs. regarding the horrors of industrial civilization, william morris once urged humanitarian effort "until the contrast is less disgraceful between the fields where the beasts live and the streets where men live." and hetch-hetchy, even in a region of loveliness, is perhaps nature's strongest sermon in her wordless arraignment of the physical follies of civilization--at least that so-called civilization which is wound around with unashamed artificialities and the ugliness of urban existence. our week in hetch-hetchy we wished might have been a month, but the calendar moves relentlessly in the sierra as elsewhere, and only too soon the days were numbered until we must abandon yosemite park and strike southward into other mountain regions, with other companionship. so back we "hiked" to our valley base camp, rescued what the bears had left of our stored property, and renewed acquaintance with the railroad at merced. during the rest of that most excellent summer my fortunes were thrown in with those of the sierra club, the californian member of the coast's trio of notable mountain-climbing organizations, the other two being the mazamas of portland and the mountaineers of seattle. this organized back-to-naturing, so to speak, deserves a large measure of attention and a vast deal of praise. the official purpose of the sierra club is "to explore, enjoy, and render accessible the mountain regions of the pacific coast." its aim, like those of its brother organizations of the west and east, is to "publish authentic information concerning the mountain regions and to enlist the support and cooperation of the people and the government in preserving the forests and other natural features of the sierra nevada mountains." with such a platform these clubs of the pacific accomplish much real good and often are the sponsors for forward-looking movements of wide importance. also, their experience and their organized methods each summer make possible lengthy excursions into the mountain regions whose scope would be beyond the individual means of many who join forces with the club on these community outings. hundreds of miles of new trails are laid out and old ones improved, peaks are climbed and records left, often trout are planted in barren lakes, and everyone is given an educational experience in the ways of the open. also--and primarily--all hands have a royal good time. [illustration: the government road that leads to mount rainier] [illustration: sunrise at hetch-hetchy] at tracy, in the san joaquin valley, where the sierra club special train stopped for supper, i joined the party. that night i felt conspicuous, for six weeks of tramping in the yosemite had removed the last traces of presentability from my costume; however, when at dawn the hikers of the morrow emerged from the sleeping-cars at porterville, white collars, low shoes, long skirts, and all the other impedimenta of civilized apparel were replaced by workaday garments, while khaki and flannel shirts were much in evidence. for two days the long line struggled along the trail leading into the canyon of the kern. from oak and chaparral to pines and bear clover, silver fir, and nature-made gardens of columbine, red snow plant, and cyclamen we mounted, and then still higher to a silent tamarack country. then down interminably to fish creek, and camp, and charlie tuck, who was--and no doubt still is--the celestial ruler of the club's all-important culinary department. fishing, minor side trips, some fish-planting, and all the attractions of outdoor camp life occupied a week in the lower kern valley. then camp was removed ten miles up the canyon to the junction of the big arroya and the kern, whence were engineered ascents of the red kaweah and of whitney, highest of all the mountains in the united states, each reached through side trips of several days' duration, and each opening up a fresh, new field of highland delights. the trails of the sierra, like trails the world over, are endlessly appealing--only the sierran footways seem somehow richer in variety than others known to me. the entire mountain world unfolds from the shifting vantage points of these ribbons, threading its most sacred temples, clear and strong through the valleys, distinguishable only by the presence of many blazes upon the tree trunks where pine needles plot their obliteration, zigzagging dizzily up steep slopes, crossing rivers on perilous logs or buried knee-deep beneath the rushing waters of the ford, skirting sky-reflecting lakes, hiding beneath summer snowbanks, or traversing waste highlands, marked only by the cairns that lift their welcome heads against the sky. underfoot there is the needle carpet, springy ground, shoe-cutting rocks, or deep-trodden dust, where the wayfarer comes to the journey's end a monument of ghostly gray. overhead is always the tender blue of the summer california sky, with here and there a snowy cloud, for contrast's sake. most impressive is the trail that clambers among the snow-clad heights, where the chilling air of the peaks makes the blood run fast and the heart rejoice; its beauty most appreciable where it follows brawling brooks and shadowed valleys, or meanders among woods, pillared with great trees and roofed with swaying boughs, ever and anon emerging into tiny, exquisite glades. such is the sierra trail, each mile a thing of individual charm and happy memory. the physical ways and means of the outing are as near perfect as may be where one hundred and twenty humans are turned loose in the wilderness. the perfection is, of course, the outgrowth of long experience and careful planning. pack-trains take in the provisions well in advance; the day's "hike" is laid out, and "grub" is in waiting when the allotted number of miles lie behind; side trips are arranged, and when there is climbing of consequence, experienced leaders pilot the way. and yet, withal, the month-long holiday is far from being disagreeably "cut and dried," and there seems always sufficient opportunity for freedom to satisfy individual tastes. nor, because of the numbers, need one lack privacy; on the trail and at camp the excursionist may restrict himself to his own unimpeachable society, he may join a small group of chosen spirits, or associate with the general unit. in short, there is opportunity to satisfy every taste on a sierra club outing, which holds equally true of the other mountain organizations of the coast, each of which conducts admirable activities in its chosen field. the last bright recollection of that sierra summer is the camp-fire which closed the final day--and all camp-fires are pleasant memories. it was beneath the mighty trees of the giant forest that we spent the final night, the light of our blaze insignificant 'midst the shadows of these huge trunks, the quiet summer night all about. the inner circle of faces showed ruddy in the reflected firelight, the outer edges of the group were deep in shadow. in the center, close to the fire, his figure outlined by its glow, stood john muir, president of the club, naturalist, explorer, lover of the sierras, and loved by all. that night he shared with us, as often he had done before, his knowledge of those intimates of his, the californian mountains, with whom he had lived so long and so understandingly. and now, in this december, six years since that evening in the giant forest, comes the news that john muir has been gathered to his fathers, and that this splendid apostle of the out-of-doors will never again share its treasured secrets at sierran camp-fires. [illustration] * * * * * _an amusing, instructive, and tempting account of travel in the byways just off the new highway._--n. y. sun. the southland of north america rambles and observations in central america by george palmer putnam author of "in the oregon country," etc. _with illustrations from photographs by the author, and a map, °, pages, $ . _ "the author has traveled much along the coasts and in the interior of these jungle-clad latin-american countries and states, so near and yet so little regarded or understood by their big northern neighbor in the family of western nations. though primarily devoted to the present-day aspects of the countries visited--their pressing political problems, industrial experiments, and further possibilities of development, social structure, and national ideals--the book takes many excursions into the past, and ventures now and then into prediction concerning the future. life takes on novel and curious aspects in these alien lands, where there is more regard for festivals than for public improvements, and the outlander must take his chances of meager accommodation in inns by courtesy, surrounded by a careless, pleasure-loving throng. how this populace differs from the rest of the latin-american world, what are their customs, diversions, inmost thoughts, and ideals--these are topics on which the author enlarges, in keenly observant fashion, and with the true spirit of an experienced traveler. the volume has many fine illustrations, and through its descriptive passages runs a vein of excellent humor."--n. y. _sun_. * * * * * the winning of the far west a history of the regaining of texas, of the mexican war, of the oregon question; and of the successive additions to the territory in the united states within the continent of america, - by robert mcnutt mcelroy, ph.d. edwards professor of american history, princeton university author of "kentucky in the nation's history," etc. _ °. with illustrations and maps. $ . _ this volume is designed as a continuation of theodore roosevelt's well-known work, _the winning of the west_. it begins with the history of the texas revolution under general sam houston, tracing the origin of that struggle to president jackson's determination, so often announced in his letters of that period, to "regain texas, peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must." the author has had access to large collections of jackson's letters, most of which have never been published, and his treatment of the subject is distinctly new. the volume then traces the origin of the mexico-american war, showing from official documents that the declaration of war was not due to the encounter between the forces of general taylor and those of general arista on the banks of the rio grande, but had been positively decided upon by president polk and his cabinet before the news of that engagement reached washington. the mexican war is treated in detail, the accounts of the battles being based upon official documents and military reports. the events leading up to the conquest of new mexico and california, and the settlement of the old controversy over the ownership of the oregon region, are treated as phases of the western movement. then follows a full discussion of the compromise of , and the volume closes with the purchase of alaska. * * * * * mountaineering and exploration in the selkirks a record of pioneer work among the canadian alps, - by howard palmer corresponding member of the geographical society of philadelphia, fellow of the royal geographical society _with illustrations and new maps. $ . _ a contribution to the description and history of a region that has been sadly neglected. the author is the first to have surveyed and photographed a large territory of the selkirks, covering about square miles in the northerly part. his superb photographs, some taken from the top of the loftiest peaks, are a great addition to this important and fascinating work. * * * * * the lower amazon a narrative of explorations in the little-known regions of the state of pará, on the lower amazon, with a record of archæological excavations on marajó island at the mouth of the amazon river, and observations on the general resources of the country by algot lange author of "in the amazon jungle" late officially connected with the bureau of indian affairs of the brazilian federal government _with an introduction by frederick s. dellenbaugh °. illustrations and maps. $ . _ to readers of algot lange's former book, "in the amazon jungle," the present volume needs no introduction. no explorer of modern times has had a more adventurous or more fruitful career. the scientific, archæological, and topographical results of his explorations are only exceeded by the adventure of his expeditions, and he has proved himself a faithful and supremely interesting raconteur. the scene of his present volume lies in the extreme eastern part of that vast division of south america lying on both sides of the greatest river in the world. the explorer's adventure with a nest of boa-constrictors, his discovery of an island covered with pottery of an ancient race, and of tribes of stark naked indians living in the most primitive style, using stone axes and making dugouts as they must have been made many centuries ago, is supplemented by his valuable information of the undeveloped wealth of the vast tract traversed. new york g. p. putnam's sons london oregon and eldorado. oregon and eldorado; or, romance of the rivers. by thomas bulfinch, author of "the age of fable," "the age of chivalry," etc. boston: j. e. tilton and company. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by thomas bulfinch, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. stereotyped by c. j. peters and son. printed by george c. rand and avery. preface. when one observes attentively the maps of south and north america, no feature appears more striking than the provision which nature seems to have made, in both continents, for water-communication across the breadth of each. in the northern continent, this channel of communication is formed by the missouri and columbia rivers, which stretch over an extent of three thousand miles, interrupted only by the ridge of the rocky mountains. in the southern continent, the river amazon, in its path from the andes to the sea, traverses a course of thirty-three hundred miles. in both cases, a few hundred miles of land-carriage will complete the transit from ocean to ocean. the analogy presented in the length and direction of these magnificent water-pathways is preserved in their history. a series of romantic adventures attaches to each. i indulge the hope, that young readers who have so favorably received my former attempts to amuse and instruct them, in my several works reviving the fabulous legends of remote ages, will find equally attractive these true narratives of bold adventure, whose date is comparatively recent. moreover, their scenes are laid, in the one instance, in our own country; and, in the other, in that great and rising empire of brazil to which our distinguished naturalist, prof. agassiz, has gone on a pilgrimage of science. it will enable us better to appreciate the discoveries and observations which the professor will lay before us on his return, to know something beforehand of the history and peculiarities of the region which is the scene of his labors; and, on the other hand, the route across the north-american continent, to which the first part of the volume relates, deprives increased interest, at this time, from the fact that it nearly corresponds to the route of the contemplated northern pacific railroad. boston, june, . t. b. contents. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river chapter ii. lewis and clarke chapter iii. the sioux chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters chapter v. indian tribes chapter vi. the march resumed chapter vii. the journey continued chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia chapter ix. the party in the boats chapter x. the descent of the columbia chapter xi. clarke's river chapter xii. kooskooskee river chapter xiii. winter-quarters chapter xiv. a new year chapter xv. winter life chapter xvi. the return chapter xvii. the rocky mountains chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone eldorado. chapter i. the discovery chapter ii. orellana descends the river chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued chapter iv. sir walter raleigh chapter v. raleigh's first expedition chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition chapter viii. the french philosophers chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued chapter xi. herndon's expedition chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded chapter xv. latest explorations chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon chapter xvii. animated nature oregon. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river. a few years ago, there was still standing in bowdoin square, boston, opposite the revere house, an ancient mansion, since removed to make room for the granite range called the coolidge building. in that mansion, then neither old nor inelegant, but, on the contrary, having good pretensions to rank among the principal residences of the place, was assembled, in the year , a group, consisting of the master of the mansion, dr. bulfinch, his only son charles, and joseph barrell, their neighbor, an eminent merchant of boston. the conversation turned upon the topic of the day,--the voyages and discoveries of capt. cook, the account of which had lately been published. the brilliant achievements of capt. cook, his admirable qualities, and his sad fate (slain by the chance stroke of a sandwich-islander, in a sudden brawl which arose between the sailors and the natives),--these formed the current of the conversation; till at last it changed, and turned more upon the commercial aspects of the subject. mr. barrell was particularly struck with what cook relates of the abundance of valuable furs offered by the natives of the country in exchange for beads, knives, and other trifling commodities valued by them. the remark of capt. cook respecting the sea-otter was cited:-- "this animal abounds here: the fur is softer and finer than that of any other we know of; and therefore the discovery of this part of the continent, where so valuable an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference." he adds in a note, "the sea-otter skins are sold by the russians to the chinese at from sixteen to twenty pounds each." mr. barrell remarked, "there is a rich harvest to be reaped there by those who shall first go in." the idea thus suggested was followed out in future conversations at the doctor's fireside, admitting other congenial spirits to the discussion, and resulted in the equipping of an expedition consisting of two vessels, the ship "columbia" and sloop "washington," to make the proposed adventure. the partners in the enterprise were joseph barrell, samuel brown, charles bulfinch, john derby, crowell hatch, and j. m. pintard. so important was the expedition deemed by the adventurers themselves, that they caused a medal to be struck, bearing on one side a representation of the two vessels under sail, and on the other the names of the parties to the enterprise. several copies of this medal were made both in bronze and silver, and distributed to public bodies and distinguished individuals. one of these medals lies before the writer as he pens these lines. a representation is subjoined:-- [illustration] the expedition was also provided with sea-letters, issued by the federal government agreeably to a resolution of congress, and with passports from the state of massachusetts; and they received letters from the spanish minister plenipotentiary in the united states, recommending them to the attention of the authorities of his nation on the pacific coast. the "columbia" was commanded by john kendrick, to whom was intrusted the general control of the expedition. the master of the "washington" was robert gray. the two vessels sailed together from boston on the th of september, : thence they proceeded to the cape verde islands, and thence to the falkland islands, in each of which groups they procured refreshments. in january, , they doubled cape horn; immediately after which they were separated during a violent gale. the "washington," continuing her course through the pacific, made the north-west coast in august, near the th degree of latitude. here capt. gray thought he perceived indications of the mouth of a river; but he was unable to ascertain the fact, in consequence of his vessel having grounded, and been attacked by the savages, who killed one of his men, and wounded the mate. but she escaped without further injury, and, on the th of september, reached nootka sound, which had been agreed upon as the port of re-union in case of separation. the "columbia" did not enter the sound until some days afterward. the two vessels spent their winter in the sound; where the "columbia" also lay during the following summer, collecting furs, while capt. gray, in the "washington," explored the adjacent waters. on his return to nootka, it was agreed upon between the two captains that kendrick should take command of the sloop, and remain on the coast, while gray, in the "columbia," should carry to canton all the furs which had been collected by both vessels. this was accordingly done; and gray arrived on the th of december at canton, where he sold his furs, and took in a cargo of tea, with which he entered boston on the th of august, , having carried the flag of the united states for the first time round the world. kendrick, immediately on parting with the "columbia," proceeded with the "washington" to the strait of fuca, through which he sailed, in its whole length, to its issue in the pacific, in lat. . to him belongs the credit of ascertaining that nootka and the parts adjacent are an island, to which the name of vancouver's island has since been given, which it now retains. vancouver was a british commander who followed in the track of the americans a year later. the injustice done to kendrick by thus robbing him of the credit of his discovery is but one of many similar instances; the greatest of all being that by which our continent itself bears the name, not of columbus, but of a subsequent navigator. capt. kendrick, during the time occupied by gray in his return voyage, besides collecting furs, engaged in various speculations; one of which was the collection, and transportation to china, of the odoriferous wood called "sandal," which grows in many of the tropical islands of the pacific, and is in great demand throughout the celestial empire, for ornamental fabrics, and also for medicinal purposes. vancouver pronounced this scheme chimerical; but experience has shown that it was founded on just calculations, and the business has ever since been prosecuted with advantage, especially by americans. another of kendrick's speculations has not hitherto produced any fruit. in the summer of , he purchased from maquinna, wicanish, and other indian chiefs, several large tracts of land near nootka sound, for which he obtained deeds, duly _marked_ by those personages, and witnessed by the officers and men of the "washington." attempts were afterwards made by the owners of the vessel to sell these lands in london, but no purchasers were found; and applications have since been addressed by the legal representatives of the owners to the government of the united states for a confirmation of the title, but hitherto without success. capt. kendrick lost his life by a singular accident. in exchanging salutes with a spanish vessel which they met at the sandwich islands, the wad of the gun of the spaniard struck capt. kendrick as he stood on the deck of his vessel, conspicuous in his dress-coat and cocked hat as commander of the expedition. it was instantly fatal. the ship "columbia" returned to boston from canton under the command of gray, as already stated, arriving on the th of august, ; but the cargo of chinese articles brought by her was insufficient to cover the expenses of her voyage: nevertheless her owners determined to persevere in the enterprise, and refitted the ship for a new voyage of the same kind. the "columbia," under her former captain, gray, left boston, on her second voyage, on the th of september, , and, without the occurrence of any thing worthy of note, arrived at clyoquot, near the entrance of fuca's strait, on the th of june, . there, and in the neighboring waters, she remained through the summer and winter following, engaged in trading and exploring. in the spring of , gray took his departure in the ship, on a cruise southward, along the coast, bent on ascertaining the truth of appearances which had led him in the former voyage to suspect the existence of a river discharging its waters at or about the latitude of degrees. during his cruise, he met the english vessels commanded by commodore vancouver. "on the th of april," vancouver writes in his journal, "at four o'clock, a sail was discovered to the westward, standing in shore. this was a very great novelty, not having seen any vessel but our consort during the last eight months. she soon hoisted american colors, and fired a gun to leeward. at six, we spoke her. she proved to be the ship 'columbia,' commanded by capt. robert gray, belonging to boston, whence she had been absent nineteen months. i sent two of my officers on board to acquire such information as might be serviceable in our future operations. capt. gray informed them of his having been off the mouth of a river, in the latitude of degrees minutes, for nine days; but the outset or reflux was so strong as to prevent his entering." to this statement of capt. gray, vancouver gave little credit. he remarks, "i was thoroughly persuaded, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not have passed any safe navigable opening, harbor, or place of security for shipping, from cape mendocino to fuca's strait." after parting with the english ships, gray sailed along the coast of the continent southward; and on the th of may, , he "saw an entrance which had a very good appearance of a harbor." passing through this entrance, he found himself in a bay, "well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits," where he remained three days trading with the natives, and then resumed his voyage, bestowing on the place thus discovered the name of bulfinch's harbor, in honor of one of the owners of his ship. this is now known as gray's harbor. at daybreak on the th, after leaving bulfinch's harbor, gray observed the entrance of his desired port, bearing east-south-east, distant six leagues; and running into it with all sails set, between the breakers, he anchored at one o'clock in a large river of fresh water, ten miles above its mouth. at this spot he remained three days, engaged in trading with the natives, and filling his casks with water; and then sailed up the river about twelve miles along its northern shore, where, finding that he could proceed no farther from having taken the wrong channel, he again came to anchor. on the th, he recrossed the bar at the mouth of the river, and regained the pacific. on leaving the river, gray gave it the name of his ship, the columbia, which it still bears. he called the southern point of land, at the entrance, cape adams; and the northern, cape hancock. the former of these names retains its place in the maps, the latter does not; the promontory being known as cape disappointment,--a name it received from lieut. meares, an english navigator, who, like capt. gray, judged from appearances that there was the outlet of a river at that point, but failed to find it, and recorded his failure in the name he assigned to the conspicuous headland which marked the place of his fruitless search. note. as the discovery of columbia river was an event of historical importance, the reader will perhaps be gratified to see it as recorded in the words of capt. gray himself, copied from his logbook as follows:-- "may ( ), at eight, p.m., the entrance of bulfinch's harbor bore north, distance four miles. sent up the main-top-gallant yard, and set all sail. at four, a.m., saw the entrance of our desired port, bearing east-south-east, distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at eight, a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance of the harbor, bore away, and ran in east-north-east between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. when we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered. many canoes came alongside. at one, p.m., came to, with the small bower in ten fathoms black and white sand. the entrance between the bars bore west-south-west, distant ten miles; the north side of the river a half-mile distant from the ship, the south side of the same two and a half miles distance; a village on the north side of the river, west by north, distant three-quarters of a mile. vast numbers of natives came alongside. people employed in pumping the salt water out of our water-casks, in order to fill with fresh, while the ship floated in. so ends." from the mouth of columbia river, gray sailed to nootka sound, where he communicated his recent discoveries to the spanish commandant, quadra; to whom he also gave charts and descriptions of bulfinch's harbor, and of the mouth of the columbia. he departed for canton in september, and thence sailed to the united states. the voyages of kendrick and gray were not profitable to the adventurers, yet not fruitless of benefit to their country. they opened the way to subsequent enterprises in the same region, which were eminently successful. and, in another point of view, these expeditions were fraught with consequences of the utmost importance. gray's discovery of columbia river was the point most relied upon by our negotiators in a subsequent era for establishing the claim of the united states to the part of the continent through which that river flows; and it is in a great measure owing to that discovery that the growing state of oregon is now a part of the american republic. from the date of the discovery of columbia river to the war of , the direct trade between the american coast and china was almost entirely in the hands of the citizens of the united states. the british merchants were restrained from pursuing it by the opposition of their east-india company; the russians were not admitted into chinese ports; and few ships of any other nation were seen in that part of the ocean. the trade was prosecuted by men whose names are still distinguished among us as those of the master-spirits of american commerce,--the thorndikes, the perkinses, lambs, sturgis, cushing, and others of boston, astor and others of new york. the greater number of the vessels sent from the united states were fine ships or brigs laden with valuable cargoes of west-india productions, british manufactured articles, and french, italian, and spanish wines and spirits; and the owners were men of large capital and high reputation in the commercial world, some of whom were able to compete with the british companies, and even to control their movements. during all this period, though constant accessions were made to the knowledge of the coast by means of commercial adventure, the interior of the continent, from the mississippi to the ocean, remained unknown. the intercourse of the people of the united states with the native tribes was restricted by several causes. one was the possession of louisiana by the spaniards; another, the retention by the british of several important posts south of the great lakes, within the acknowledged territory of the union. at length, by the treaty of between great britain and the united states, those posts were given up to the americans; and by treaty with france, in , louisiana, which had come into possession of that power in , was ceded to the united states. from this period, the government and people of the united states ceased to be indifferent to the immense and important region whose destinies were committed to them; and the ensuing narrative will relate the first attempt made by national authority to occupy and explore the country. chapter ii. lewis and clarke. in the year , john ledyard of connecticut, who had been with capt. cook in his voyage of discovery to the north-west coast of america in - , was in paris, endeavoring to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of that coast. he had seen, as he thought, unequalled opportunities for lucrative traffic in the exchange of the furs of that country for the silks and teas of china. but his representations were listened to with incredulity by the cautious merchants of europe, and he found it impossible to interest any so far as to induce them to fit out an expedition for the object proposed. disappointed and needy, he applied for advice and assistance to mr. jefferson, at that time the american minister at the court of france. ledyard had no views of pecuniary gain in the contemplated enterprise: he sought only an opportunity of indulging his love of adventure by exploring regions at that time unknown. mr. jefferson, as the guardian of his country's interests and the friend of science, was warmly interested in any scheme which contemplated the opening of the vast interior regions of the american continent to the occupancy of civilized man. since it was impossible to engage mercantile adventurers to fit out an expedition by sea, mr. jefferson proposed to ledyard that he should go as a traveller, by land, through the russian territories, as far as the eastern coast of the continent of asia, and from thence get such conveyance as he could to the neighboring coast of america, and thus reach the spot where his main journey was to begin. ledyard eagerly embraced the proposal. permission was obtained from the empress catharine of russia, and the enterprising traveller, in december, , set forth. he traversed denmark and sweden; passed round the head of the gulf of bothnia, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross it on the ice; and reached st. petersburg in march, , without money, shoes, or stockings, having gone this immense journey on foot in an arctic winter. at st. petersburg he obtained notice, money to the amount of twenty guineas, and permission to accompany a convoy of stores to yakoutsk, in siberia. but, for some unexplained reason, he was arrested at that place by order of the empress, and conveyed back to europe; being cautioned, on his release, not again to set foot within the russian territories, under penalty of death. this harsh treatment is supposed to have arisen from the jealousy of the russian fur-traders, who feared that ledyard's proceedings would rouse up rivals in their trade. mr. jefferson did not, upon this disappointment, abandon the idea of an exploration of the interior of the american continent. at his suggestion, the american philosophical society of philadelphia took measures, in , to send suitable persons to make a similar transit of the continent in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, and descending the columbia. nothing was effected, however, at that time, except awakening the attention of capt. meriwether lewis, a young officer in the american army, a neighbor and relative of gen. washington. he eagerly sought to be employed to make the contemplated journey. in , mr. jefferson, being then president of the united states, proposed to congress to send an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source; to cross the highlands, and follow the best water communication which might offer itself, to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposal, and voted a sum of money to carry it into execution. capt. lewis, who had then been two years with mr. jefferson as his private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the expedition. mr. jefferson had now had opportunity of knowing him intimately, and believed him to be brave, persevering, familiar with the indian character and customs, habituated to the hunting life, honest, and of sound judgment. he trusted that he would be careful of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of discipline. on receiving his appointment, capt. lewis repaired to philadelphia, and placed himself under its distinguished professors, with a view to acquire familiarity with the nomenclature of the natural sciences. he selected, as his companion in the proposed expedition, william clarke, a brother-officer, known and esteemed by him. while these things were going on, the treaty with france was concluded, by which the country of louisiana was ceded to the united states. this event, which took place in , greatly increased the interest felt by the people of the united states in the proposed expedition. in the spring of , the preparations being completed, the explorers commenced their route. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united-states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen, an interpreter, a hunter, and a black servant of capt. clarke. in addition to these, a further force of fifteen men attended on the commencement of the expedition to secure safety during the transit through some indian tribes whose hostility was apprehended. the necessary stores were divided into seven bales and one box, the latter containing a small portion of each article in case of a loss of any one of the bales. the stores consisted of clothing, working tools, ammunition, and other articles of prime necessity. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs; ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, looking-glasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the company embarked on board of three boats. the first was a keel-boat, fifty-five feet long, carrying one large square sail and twenty-two oars. a deck of ten feet, at each end, formed a forecastle and cabin. this was accompanied by two open boats of six oars. two horses were to be led along the banks of the river, for bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. the narrative of the expedition was written by the commanders from day to day, and published after their return. we shall tell the story of their adventures nearly in the language of their own journal, with such abridgments as our plan renders necessary. may , .--all the preparations being completed, they left their encampment this day. the character of the river itself was the most interesting object of examination for the first part of their voyage. having advanced, in two months, about four hundred and fifty miles, they write as follows: "the ranges of hills on opposite sides of the river are twelve or fifteen miles apart, rich plains and prairies, with the river, occupying the intermediate space, partially covered near the river with cotton-wood or balm-of-gilead poplar. the whole lowland between the parallel ranges of hills seems to have been formed of mud of the river, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighboring banks, added to that brought down by the stream, forms sand-bars, projecting into the river. these drive the stream to the opposite bank, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new passage. it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling in, and the river changing its bed. "on one occasion, the party encamped on a sand-bar in the river. shortly after midnight, the sleepers were startled by the sergeant on guard crying out that the sand-bar was sinking: and the alarm was timely given; for scarcely had they got off with the boats before the bank under which they had been lying fell in; and, by the time the opposite shore was reached, the ground on which they had been encamped sunk also. "we had occasion here to observe the process of the undermining of these hills by the missouri. the first attacks seem to be made on the hills which overhang the river. as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves, and mixes with the water. at one point, a part of the cliff, nearly three-quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, had fallen into the river. as the banks are washed away, the trees fall in, and the channel becomes filled with buried logs." river scenery. "july .--we remained to-day for the purpose of making lunar observations. capt. clarke sailed a few miles up the namaha river, and landed on a spot where he found numerous artificial mounds. note. a late traveller, rev. samuel parker, speaks thus of these mounds: "the mounds, which some have called the work of unknown generations of men, were scattered here in all varieties of form and magnitude, thousands in number. some of them were conical, some elliptical, some square, and some parallelograms. one group attracted my attention particularly. they were twelve in number, of conical form, with their bases joined, and twenty or thirty feet high. they formed two-thirds of a circle, with an area of two hundred feet in diameter. if these were isolated, who would not say they were artificial? but, when they are only a group among a thousand others, who will presume to say they all are the work of man?... "it is said by those who advocate the belief that they are the work of ancient nations; that they present plain evidence of this in the fact that they contain human bones, articles of pottery, and the like. that some of them have been used for burying-places, is undoubtedly true; but may it not be questioned whether they were _made_, or only _selected_, for burying-places? no one who has ever seen the thousands and ten thousands scattered through the valley of the mississippi will be so credulous as to believe that a hundredth part of them were the work of man." "from the top of the highest mound, a delightful prospect presented itself,--the lowland of the missouri covered with an undulating grass nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers were interspersed with copses of the osage plum. farther back from the river were seen small groves of trees, an abundance of grapes, the wild cherry of the missouri,--resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush. the plums are of three kinds,--two of a yellow color, and distinguished by one of the species being larger than the other; a third species of red color. all have an excellent flavor, particularly the yellow kind." pipe-clay rock. "aug. .--we passed the mouth of the great sioux river. our indian interpreter tells us that on the head waters of this river is the quarry of red rock of which the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article has introduced a law of nations, by which the banks of the stream are sacred; and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find, even among savages, certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigors of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated." chapter iii. the sioux. the indian tribes which our adventurers had thus far encountered had been friendly, or at least inoffensive; but they were feeble bands, and all of them lived in terror of their powerful neighbors, the sioux. on the d of september, the party reached a region inhabited by the tetons, a tribe of sioux. the journal gives an account of their intercourse with these new acquaintances as follows:-- "the morning was fine; and we raised a flag-staff, and spread an awning, under which we assembled, with all the party under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the indian camp, about fifty in number, met us; and capt. lewis made a speech to them. after this, we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather; to the two other chiefs, a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration, certificates. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the air-gun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them. in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, it was with much difficulty we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied capt. clarke back to shore in a boat with five men; but no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the boat, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast. the second chief, who affected intoxication, then said that we should not go on; that they had not received presents enough from us. capt. clarke told him that we would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them. the chief replied that he, too, had warriors; and was proceeding to lay hands on capt. clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him drew their arrows from their quivers, and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the large boat was pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the small boat, and joined capt. clarke. this movement made an impression on them; for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the boat, and the chiefs withdrew, and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, capt. clarke then went forward, and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them, and got into the boat, but had not gone more than a stone's-throw, when the two chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him; and he took them on board. "sept. .--our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with respect; and, as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing a small island and several sand-bars, we came to on the south shore, where a crowd of men, women, and children, were waiting to receive us. capt. lewis went on shore, and, observing that their disposition seemed friendly, resolved to remain during the night to a dance which they were preparing for us. the captains, who went on shore one after the other, were met on the landing by ten well-dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated, and carried them to a large council-house, where they were placed on a dressed buffalo-skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall, or council-room, was in the shape of three-quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed, and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. in the vacant space in the centre, the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered. a large fire, at which they were cooking, stood near, and a pile of about four hundred pounds of buffalo-meat, as a present for us. "as soon as we were seated, an old man rose, and, after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity upon their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose, and delivered an harangue to the same effect. then, with great solemnity, he took some of the more delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth; made a short speech; lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people; after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog, which they had just been cooking; this being a great dish among the sioux, and used at all festivals. to this was added _pemitigon_, a dish made of buffalo-meat, dried, and then pounded, and mixed raw with fat; and a root like the potato, dressed like the preparation of indian-corn called hominy. of all these luxuries, which were placed before us in platters, with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potato, which we found good; but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we ate and smoked for an hour, when it became dark. every thing was then cleared away for the dance; a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ball-room. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourine formed of skin stretched across a hoop, and made a jingling noise with a long stick, to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung. the third instrument was a small skin bag, with pebbles in it. these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. "the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears, or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connections. having arranged themselves in two columns, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre; when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted, and returned back to their places. they have no steps, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffalo-skin. the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward, and recites, in a low, guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous. this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain, and dance to it. sometimes they alternate, the orchestra first performing; and, when it ceases, the women raise their voices, and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable, than that of the musicians. "the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who, thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffalo-robe, held in one hand, and beaten with the other, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourine; and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired, accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board." the sioux. "the tribe which we this day saw are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the _teton okandandas_: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the cheyenne and teton rivers. "the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow, and wear in plaits over the shoulders. to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather or calumet feather, worked with porcupine-quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffalo-skin, adorned with porcupine-quills, which are loosely fixed so as to make a jingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits or any other incident. the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather; but, when it rains, the hair is put outside. under this robe they wear in winter a kind of shirt, made either of skin or cloth, covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or elk-skin, about an inch in width, and closely tied to the body. to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs, and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind. from the hip to the ankle, the man is covered with leggings of dressed antelope-skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair, the product of the scalps they have taken in war, which are scattered down the leg. "the moccasons are of dressed buffalo-skin, the hair being worn inwards. on great occasions, or whenever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat, fixed to the heel of the moccason. "the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head; at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasons are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not reach beyond the knee, where they are met by a long, loose mantle of skin, which reaches nearly to the ankles. this is fastened over the shoulders by a string, and has no sleeves; but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. "their lodges are very neatly constructed. they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffalo-hide, with a larger cabin in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins. these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation, wherever they go, by dogs, which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffalo-skins. these people seem well-disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed." chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters. sept. , .--the daily progress of the expedition from this date is marked by no incidents of more importance than the varying fortunes of travel, as they found the river more or less favorable to navigation, and the game more or less abundant on the banks. their progress was from twelve to twenty miles a day. in general, their sails served them; but they were sometimes obliged to resort to the use of tow-lines, which, being attached to a tree or other firm object on the shore, enabled the men to pull the boat along. this seems but a slow method of voyaging; yet they found it by no means the slowest, and were sorry when the nature of the banks, being either too lofty or too low, precluded their use of it. their narrative is, however, varied by accounts of the scenery and natural productions of the country through which they passed, and by anecdotes of the indians. while they are making their toilsome advance up the river, let us see what they have to tell us of the strange people and remarkable objects which they found on their way. prairie-dogs. "we arrived at a spot on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes. these are the residences of little animals called prairie-dogs, who sit erect near the mouth of the hole, and make a whistling noise, but, when alarmed, take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water, without filling it; but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half-way to the bottom. we discovered two frogs in the hole; and near it we killed a rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie-dog. we have been told, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard and a snake live habitually with these animals. "the prairie-dog is well named, as it resembles a dog in most particulars, though it has also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter. the tail is like that of the ground-squirrel; the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray." antelopes. "of all the animals we have seen, the antelope possesses the most wonderful fleetness. shy and timorous, they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view in all directions. their sight distinguishes the most distant danger; their power of smell defeats the attempt at concealment; and, when alarmed, their swiftness seems more like the flight of birds than the movement of an animal over the ground. capt. lewis, after many unsuccessful attempts, succeeded in approaching, undiscovered, a party of seven, which were on an eminence. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to discover if any danger threatened the party. when capt. lewis was at the distance of two hundred yards, they became alarmed, and fled. he immediately ran to the spot they had left. a ravine concealed them from him; but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge, at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether they could be the same; but their number, and the direction in which they fled, satisfied him that it was the same party: yet the distance they had made in the time was such as would hardly have been possible to the swiftest racehorse." pelican island. " .--this name we gave to a long island, from the numbers of pelicans which were feeding on it. one of them being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water." note. "the antelopes are becoming very numerous. their speed exceeds that of any animal i have ever seen. our hounds can do nothing in giving them the chase: so soon are they left far in the rear, that they do not follow them more than ten or twenty rods before they return, looking ashamed of their defeat. our hunters occasionally take the antelope by coming upon them by stealth. when they are surprised, they start forward a very small space, then turn, and, with high-lifted heads, stare for a few seconds at the object which has alarmed them, and then, with a half-whistling snuff, bound off, seeming to be as much upon wings as upon feet. they resemble the goat, but are far more beautiful. though they are of different colors, yet they are generally red, and have a large, fine, prominent eye. their flesh is good for food, and about equals venison."--_parker's tour._ indian villages and agriculture. "we halted for dinner at a deserted village, which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras. it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin-canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture, found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it was left in the spring. we found three different kinds of squashes growing in the village. "another village, which we reached two days later, was situated on an island, which is three miles long, and covered with fields, in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. we found here several frenchmen living among the indians, as interpreters or traders. the indians gave us some corn, beans, and dried squashes; and we gave them a steel mill, with which they were much pleased. we sat conversing with the chiefs some time, during which they treated us to a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. we gave them some sugar, salt, and a sun-glass." york, the negro. "the object which seemed to astonish the indians most was capt. clarke's servant, york,--a sturdy negro. they had never seen a human being of that color, and therefore flocked round him to examine the monster. by way of amusement, he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and been caught and tamed by his master, and, to convince them, showed them feats of strength, which, added to his looks, made him more terrible than we wished him to be. at all the villages he was an object of astonishment. the children would follow him constantly, and, if he chanced to turn towards them, would run with great terror." stone-idol creek. "we reached the mouth of a creek, to which we gave the name of stone-idol creek; for, on passing up, we discovered, that, a few miles back from the missouri, there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the "metamorphoses" of ovid. a young man was in love with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes: a sympathy of feeling led the girl to the same spot; and the faithful dog would not fail to follow his master. after wandering together, and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which, beginning at the feet, gradually invaded the nobler parts, leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes, which the female holds in her hands to this day. such is the account given by the ricara chief, which we had no means of testing, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the banks of the creek we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had seen elsewhere." goats. "great numbers of goats are crossing the river, and directing their course to the westward. we are told that they spend the summer in the plains east of the missouri, and at this season (october) are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. at one place, we saw large flocks of them in the water. they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians, who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them; while boys went into the river, and killed them with sticks. they seemed to have been very successful; for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. in the evening they made a feast, that lasted till late at night, and caused much noise and merriment. "the country through which we passed has wider river-bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see; the hills rising at a distance, and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloes, and the usual attendants of these last,--the wolves, which follow their movements, and feed upon those who die by accident, or are too feeble to keep pace with the herd. we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals, which are twice as large as the tracks of a man." the prairie on fire. "in the evening, the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury; the whole plain being enveloped in flames. so rapid was its progress, that a man and a woman were burned to death before they could reach a place of safety. another man, with his wife and child, were much burned, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest, a boy of the half-breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames. his safety was ascribed by the indians to the great spirit, who had saved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who, seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and, covering him with the fresh hide of a buffalo, escaped herself from the flames. as soon as the fire had passed, she returned, and found him untouched; the skin having prevented the flame from reaching the grass where he lay." a council. "after making eleven miles, we reached an old field, where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer. we encamped for the night about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. as soon as we arrived, a crowd of men, women, and children, came down to see us. capt. lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening. the object which seemed to surprise them most was a corn-mill, fixed to the boat, which we had occasion to use; while they looked on, and were delighted at observing the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. "among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had both his little fingers cut off at the second joint. on inquiring into this injury, we found that the custom was to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose a joint of the little finger, or sometimes of other fingers. "oct. , .--the morning was fine, and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. at ten o'clock, the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails. that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded; and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. capt. lewis then delivered a speech, which, like those we had already made, intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade. while he was speaking, the ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long, as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees. he was instantly rebuked with great dignity, by one of the chiefs, for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony. one chief of each town was acknowledged by the gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat, and feather. to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs, medals with the impression of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other products were distributed; but none seemed to give more satisfaction than an iron corn-mill which we gave them. "in the evening, our men danced among themselves to the music of the violin, to the great amusement of the indians." they encamp for the winter. "friday, nov. , .--capt. clarke having examined the shores, and found a position where there was plenty of timber, we encamped, and began to fell trees to build our huts. the timber which we employ is cotton-wood (poplar) and elm, with some ash of inferior size. by the th, our huts were advanced very well; on the th, we unloaded the boat, and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we had built. "nov. .--this day we moved into our huts, which are now completed. we call our place fort mandan. it is situated on a point of low ground on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cotton-wood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they join each other; each row containing four rooms of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground. the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height; and, opposite the angle, the place of the wall was supplied by picketing. in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude, by observation, is ° ´, long. °; and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri, sixteen hundred miles. "nov. .--we are now settled in our winter habitation, and shall wait with much impatience the first return of spring to continue our journey." chapter v. indian tribes. "the villages near which we are established are the residence of three distinct nations,--the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the mandans say, that, many years ago, their tribe was settled in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below. finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, they moved up the river, and planted themselves opposite the ricaras. their numbers are very much reduced, and they now constitute but two villages,--one on each side of the river, and at a distance of three miles from each other. both villages together may raise about three hundred and fifty men." ahnahaways. "four miles from the lower mandan village is one inhabited by the ahnahaways. this nation formerly dwelt on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assinaboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, and thence, by a second emigration, to their present situation, in order to obtain an asylum near the minnetarees. their whole force is about fifty men." minnetarees. "about half a mile from this village, and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. one and a half miles above this village is a second of the same tribe, who may be considered the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them. the minnetarees, however, assert that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared, that, if they move, they will all perish. "the inhabitants of these villages, all of which are within the compass of six miles, live in harmony with each other. their languages differ to some extent; but their long residence together has enabled them to understand one another's speech as to objects of daily occurrence, and obvious to the senses. "all these tribes are at deadly feud with the sioux, who are much more powerful, and are consequently objects of continual apprehension. the presence of our force kept the peace for the present. "almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnipeg, the saskatchawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is dahcotas, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. they are divided into numerous tribes, named yanktons, tetons, assinaboins, &c. these tribes are sometimes at war with one another, but still acknowledge relationship, and are recognized by similarity of language and by tradition." religion. "the religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius, since it is associated with the healing art; and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine,--a name also applied to every thing they do not comprehend. they also believe in a multiplicity of inferior spirits. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either an invisible being, or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector, or his intercessor with the great spirit. to propitiate the medicine, every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. 'i was lately owner of seventeen horses,' said a mandan; 'but i have offered them all up to my medicine, and am now poor.' he had in reality taken them into the plain, and, turning them loose, committed them to the care of his medicine, and abandoned them. "their belief in a future state is connected with a tradition of their origin. the whole nation, they say, once dwelt in one large village underground. a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation; and the earth, being broken round its stem, gave them a view of the light. some of the more adventurous climbed up the vine, and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloes, and rich with every kind of fruit. returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste, that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the upper region. men, women, and children ascended by means of the vine; but, when about half the nation had reached the surface, a corpulent woman, who was clambering up the vine, broke it with her weight, and, falling, closed up the cavity. those who had reached the surface, thus excluded from their original seats, cherish the hopes of returning there when they die." indian manners. the following extract imparts some traits of indian manners:-- "nov. .--this morning, the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort. we went to the house of our interpreter, where we found the parties, and, after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such an atrocity. it appeared that, some days ago, a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the wives of our interpreter lived. by running away, she forfeited her life, which might be lawfully taken by the husband. he was now come for the purpose of completing his revenge. we gave him a few presents, and tried to persuade him to take his wife home. the grand chief, too, happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence; till at length husband and wife went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent connubial felicity." the weather. "dec. , .--the thermometer at sunrise was thirty-eight degrees below zero; on the th, twenty-two below; on the th, forty-five below. on the th, it moderated a little. notwithstanding the cold, we observed the indians at the village engaged, out in the open air, at a game which resembles billiards. the platform, which answered for a table, was formed with timber, smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses. instead of balls, they had circular disks made of clay-stone, and flat like checkers." the argali. "dec. .--a number of squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things, we procured two horns of the animal called by the hunters the rocky-mountain sheep, and by naturalists the argali. the animal is about the size of a small elk or large deer; the horns winding like those of a ram, which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. "dec. .--the weather was fine and warm. we were visited by crowds of indians of all description, who came either to trade, or from mere curiosity. among the rest, kagohami, the little raven, brought his wife and son, loaded with corn; and she entertained us with a favorite mandan dish,--a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and choke-cherries, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. "dec. .--christmas day. we were awakened before day by a discharge of fire-arms from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us, as it was one of our great medicine-days; so that the men remained at home, and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing, in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out; and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity." the blacksmith. "dec. .--we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles. his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us; but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered a _very great medicine_." the dying chief. "kagohami came to see us early. his village was afflicted by the death of one of their aged chiefs, who, from his account, must have been more than a hundred years old. just as he was dying, he requested his grand-children to dress him in his best robe, and carry him up to a hill, and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river, towards their old village, that he might go straight to his brother, who had passed before him to the ancient village underground." the medicine-stone. "oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their _medicine-stone_ as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine-stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick, porous stone twenty feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place, the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves, and then present the pipe to the stone. after this, they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed all the embassy do not sleep; and, in the morning, they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decipher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities, and the same influence over the nation." the indians' endurance of cold. "jan. , .--the weather now exhibited the intensity of cold. this morning, at sunrise, the mercury stood at forty degrees below zero. one of the men, separated from the rest in hunting, was out all night. in the morning he returned, and told us that he had made a fire, and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, came in soon after. he had been overtaken by the night, and had slept in the snow, with no covering but a pair of deer-skin moccasons and leggings, and a buffalo-robe. his feet were frozen; but we restored them by putting them in cold water, rendering him every attention in our power. another indian, who had been missing, returned about the same time. although his dress was very thin, and he had slept in the snow, without a fire, he had not suffered any inconvenience. these indians support the rigors of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible." supplies of food. "our supplies are chiefly procured by hunting; but occasional additions are made by the indians, sometimes in the way of gifts, and sometimes in exchange for the services of the blacksmith, who is a most important member of the party. "feb. .--our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet till the return of our hunters. for this, however, we are at no loss, since yesterday and to-day our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came to the fort. "sunday, march .--the men are all employed in preparing the boats. we are visited by a party of indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. "wednesday, .--we had a fine day, and a south-west wind. many indians came to see us, who are so anxious for battle-axes, that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn." hunting buffaloes on the ice. "march , .--a fine day, the wind south-west. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear of ice to permit us to pass. "march .--the ice came down this morning in great quantities. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloes. every spring, as the river is breaking up, the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloes tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning. on their way, they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice which floats down the river. the indians now select the most favorable points for attack, and, as the buffalo approaches, run with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square. the animal is, of course, unsteady, and his footsteps insecure, on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance; and the hunter who has given him his death-wound paddles his icy boat to the shore, and secures his prey." chapter vi. the march resumed. from the st of november, , to the st of april, , the expedition remained stationary at their fort. some of their number had been sent back to the states with despatches to the government, and with specimens of the natural productions of the country. on resuming their march on the th of april, the party consisted of thirty-two persons. besides the commanders, there were three sergeants,--ordway, prior, and gass; twenty-three privates, besides capt. clark's black servant york; two interpreters,--george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau, an indian woman, with her young child, accompanied her husband. all this party, with the luggage, was stored in six small canoes and two pirogues. they left the fort with fair weather, and, after making four miles, encamped on the north side of the river, nearly opposite the first mandan village. we continue their journal. the river-shore. "april .--the river-banks exhibit indications of volcanic agency. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of yellow clay and sand, with horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in thickness, scattered through the bluff at different elevations. great quantities of pumice-stone and lava are seen in many parts of the hills, where they are broken and washed into gullies by the rain. we passed a bluff which is on fire, and throws out quantities of smoke, which has a strong, sulphurous smell. on the sides of the hills is a white substance, which appears in considerable quantities on the surface, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts. many of the springs which come from the foot of the hills are so impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste, and a purgative effect." the prairie-mice. "april, .--we saw, but could not procure, an animal that burrows in the ground, similar to the burrowing-squirrel, except that it is only one-third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies. they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose earth, which would seem to have been reversed from a flower-pot; and no aperture is seen in the ground from which it could have been brought. on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half in diameter, where the ground is looser, though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner, the indian woman went out, and, penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, brought a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect, and hoard in large quantities. the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger; and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavor, as well as the stalk that issues from it, resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger." the yellow-stone river. "certain signs, known to the hunters, induced them to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellow-stone river. in order to prevent delay, capt. lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to enable us to proceed immediately after the boats should join him. "on leaving the party, he pursued his route along the foot of the hills; ascending which, the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellow-stone spread themselves before his eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloes, deer, elk, and antelope." natural history. "may, .--we reached the mouth of a river flowing from the north, which, from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. these animals are so careless and clumsy, that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows. the porcupine is common in all parts of the territory, and for its quills is held in high estimation by the indians. it is interesting to see with how much ingenuity, and in how many various forms, the indians manufacture these quills into ornamental work, such as moccasons, belts, and various other articles." wolves. "the wolves are very numerous, and of two species. first, the small wolf, or burrowing dog of the prairies, which is found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size, between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed; the head long and pointed, like that of a fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish-brown, and much coarser than that of the fox. these animals usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely, if ever, seen alone; not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live, and rear their young, in burrows, which they fix near some pass much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but, on the slightest alarm, retreat to their burrows, making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. "the second species is lower, shorter in the legs, and thicker, than the atlantic wolf. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl; and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the herds of buffaloes, in order to attack the weary or wounded." elk. "among the animals of the deer kind, the elk is the largest and most majestic. it combines beauty with magnitude and strength; and its large, towering horns give it an imposing appearance. its senses are so keen in apprehension, that it is difficult to be approached; and its speed in flight is so great, that it mocks the chase. its flesh resembles beef, but is less highly flavored, and is much sought for by the indians and hunters. its skin is esteemed, and much used in articles of clothing and for moccasons." beavers. "we saw many beavers to-day. the beaver seems to contribute very much to the widening of the river and the formation of islands. they begin by damming up the channels of about twenty yards width between the islands. this obliges the river to seek another outlet; and, as soon as this is effected, the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is thus driven to another channel, which soon shares the same fate; till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of land into islands. "the beaver dams differ in shape, according to the nature of the place in which they are built. if the water in the river or creek have but little motion, the dam is almost straight; but, when the current is more rapid, it is always made with a considerable curve, convex toward the stream. the materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows, birch, and poplars, if they can be got; also mud and stones, intermixed in such a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of the dam. in places which have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable of resisting a great force both of water and ice; and as the willow, poplar, and birch generally take root, and shoot up, they, by degrees, form a kind of regular planted hedge, in some places so tall that birds build their nests among the branches. the beaver-houses are constructed of the same materials as their dams, and are always proportioned in size to the number of inhabitants, which seldom exceeds four old and six or eight young ones. the houses are of a much ruder construction than their dams: for, notwithstanding the sagacity of these animals, it has never been observed that they aim at any other convenience in their house than to have a dry place to lie on; and there they usually eat their victuals, such as they take out of the water. their food consists of roots of plants, like the pond-lily, which grows at the bottom of the lakes and rivers. they also eat the bark of trees, particularly those of the poplar, birch, and willow. "the instinct of the beavers leading them to live in associations, they are in an unnatural position, when, in any locality, their numbers are so much reduced as to prevent their following this instinct. the beaver near the settlement is sad and solitary: his works have been swept away, his association broken up, and he is reduced to the necessity of burrowing in the river-bank, instead of building a house for himself. such beavers are called 'terriers.' one traveller says that these solitaries are also called 'old bachelors.'" the white, brown, or grisly bear. "april .--all these names are given to the same species, which probably changes in color with the season, or with the time of life. of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians give dreadful accounts. they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and, even then, are often defeated with the loss of some of the party. "may .--one of our men who had been suffered to go ashore came running to the boats with cries and every symptom of terror. as soon as he could command his breath, he told us, that, about a mile below, he had shot a white bear, which immediately turned and ran towards him, but, being wounded, had not been able to overtake him. capt. lewis, with seven men, went in search of the bear, and, having found his track, followed him by the blood for a mile, came up with him, and shot him with two balls through the skull. he was a monstrous animal, and a most formidable enemy. our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs: yet the bear had pursued him furiously for half a mile; then returned more than twice that distance, and, with his talons, dug himself a bed in the earth, two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men; and the oil amounted to eight gallons. "the wonderful power of life of these animals, added to their great strength, renders them very formidable. their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot, unless the ball is sent through the brain; and this is very difficult to be done, on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the frontal bone, which is very thick." note. their strength is astonishingly great. lieut. stein of the dragoons, a man of undoubted veracity, told me he saw some buffaloes passing near some bushes where a grisly bear lay concealed: the bear, with one stroke, tore three ribs from a buffalo, and left it dead.--_parker._ although endowed with such strength, and powers of destruction, the grisly bear is not disposed to begin the attack. mr. drummond, a later traveller, states, that, in his excursions over the rocky mountains, he had frequent opportunity of observing the manners of these animals; and it often happened, that in turning the point of a rock, or sharp angle of a valley, he came suddenly upon one or more of them. on such occasions they reared on their hind-legs, and made a loud noise like a person breathing quick, but much harsher. he kept his ground, without attempting to molest them; and they on their part, after attentively regarding him for some time, generally wheeled round, and galloped off: though, from their known disposition, there is little doubt but he would have been torn in pieces, had he lost his presence of mind and attempted to fly. when he discovered them at a distance, he often frightened them away by beating on a large tin box in which he carried his specimens of plants. the black bear. "the black bear, common in the united states, is scarcely more than half the size of the grisly bear. its favorite food is berries of various kinds; but, when these are not to be procured, it lives upon roots, insects, fish, eggs, and such birds and quadrupeds as it can surprise. it passes the winter in a torpid state, selecting a spot for its den under a fallen tree, and, having scratched away a portion of the soil, retires to the place at the commencement of a snow storm, when the snow soon furnishes it with a close, warm covering. its breath makes a small opening in the den, and the quantity of hoar-frost which gathers round the hole serves to betray its retreat to the hunter. in more southern districts, where the timber is of larger size, bears often shelter themselves in hollow trees." buffaloes. "the buffalo is about as large as our domestic cattle; and their long, shaggy, woolly hair, which covers their head, neck, and shoulders, gives them a formidable appearance, and, at a distance, something like that of the lion. in many respects, they resemble our horned cattle; are cloven-footed, chew the cud, and select the same kind of food. their flesh is in appearance and taste much like beef, but of superior flavor. their heads are formed like the ox, perhaps a little more round and broad; and, when they run, they carry them rather low. their horns, ears, and eyes, as seen through their shaggy hair, appear small, and, cleared from their covering, are not large. their legs and feet are small and trim; the fore-legs covered with the long hair of the shoulders, as low down as the knee. though their figure is clumsy in appearance, they run swiftly, and for a long time without much slackening their speed; and, up steep hills or mountains, they more than equal the best horses. they unite in herds, and, when feeding, scatter over a large space; but, when fleeing from danger, they collect into dense columns: and, having once laid their course, they are not easily diverted from it, whatever may oppose. so far are they from being a fierce or revengeful animal, that they are very shy and timid; and in no case did we see them offer to make an attack but in self-defence, and then they always sought the first opportunity to escape. when they run, they lean alternately from side to side. they are fond of rolling upon the ground like horses, which is not practised by our domestic cattle. this is so much their diversion, that large places are found without grass, and considerably excavated by them." note. rev. mr. parker thus describes a buffalo-hunt:-- "to-day we unexpectedly saw before us a large herd of buffaloes. all halted to make preparation for the chase. the young men, and all the good hunters, prepared themselves, selected the swiftest horses, examined the few guns they had, and also took a supply of arrows with their bows. they advanced towards the herd of buffaloes with great caution, lest they should frighten them before they should make a near approach, and also to reserve the power of their horses for the chase, when it should be necessary to bring it into full requisition. when the buffaloes took the alarm, and fled, the rush was made, each indian selecting for himself the one to which he happened to come nearest. all were in swift motion, scouring the valley. a cloud of dust began to rise; firing of guns, and shooting of arrows, followed in close succession. soon, here and there, buffaloes were seen prostrated; and the women, who followed close in the rear, began the work of securing the acquisition, and the men were away again in pursuit of the flying herd. those in the chase, when as near as two rods, shoot and wheel, expecting the wounded animal to turn upon them. the horses seemed to understand the way to avoid danger. as soon as the wounded animal flies again, the chase is renewed; and such is the alternate wheeling and chasing, until the buffalo sinks beneath his wounds." indian method of hunting the buffalo. "may , .--we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least a hundred carcasses of buffaloes. these buffaloes had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffalo-skin round his body; the skin of the head, with the ears and horns, fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloes. thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distance between a herd of buffaloes and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions, in the mean time, get in the rear and side of the herd, and, at a given signal, show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloes. they instantly take the alarm; and, finding the hunters beside them, they run toward the disguised indian, or decoy, who leads them on, at full speed, toward the river; when, suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice. it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat, or even to stop. they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who, seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them, till the whole are precipitated over the cliff, and the shore is covered with their dead bodies. sometimes, in this perilous adventure, the indian decoy is either trodden under foot, or, missing his footing in the cliff, is urged down the precipice by the falling herd." which is the true river? "june , .--we came to for the night, for the purpose of examining in the morning a large river which enters opposite to us. it now became an interesting question, which of those two streams is what the indians call ahmateahza, or the missouri, which, they tell us, has its head waters very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since, if, after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we have been tracing does not come near the columbia, and be obliged to turn back, we shall have lost the travelling season, and seriously disheartened our men. we determined, therefore, to examine well before deciding on our course, and, for this purpose, despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams, with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the currents, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. parties were also sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers. while they were gone, the two commanders ascended together the high grounds in the fork of the two rivers, whence they had an extensive prospect of the surrounding country. on every side, it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloes were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves. some flocks of elk also were seen; and the solitary antelopes were scattered, with their young, over the plain. the direction of the rivers could not be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. "on our return, we continued our examination. the width of the north branch is two hundred yards; that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, though narrower, is deeper than the south: its waters also are of the same whitish-brown color, thickness, and turbidness as the missouri. they run in the same boiling and roaring manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is broader, and its waters are perfectly transparent. the current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed is composed of round and flat smooth stones, like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. "in the evening, the exploring parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. their accounts were far from deciding the important question of our future route; and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther, if necessary for our satisfaction. "tuesday, june , .--this morning, capt. lewis and capt. clarke set out, each with a small party, by land, to explore the two rivers. capt. lewis traced the course of the north fork for fifty-nine miles, and found, that, for all that distance, its direction was northward; and, as the latitude we were now in was ° ´, it was highly improbable, that, by going farther north, we should find between this and the saskatchawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance within the rocky mountains. "these considerations, with others drawn from the observations of capt. clarke upon the south branch, satisfied the chiefs that the south river was the true missouri; but the men generally were of a contrary opinion, and much of their belief depended upon crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his opinion that the north fork was the main river. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until he reached either the falls or the mountains. in the mean time, in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provisions, salt, powder, and tools. the weather being fair, we dried all our baggage and merchandise, and made our deposit, or cache. our cache is made in this manner: in the high plain on the side of the river, we choose a dry situation, and, drawing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk perpendicularly a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as it deepens, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still, with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug, it is carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and thrown into the river, so as to leave no trace of it. a floor to the cache is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay, or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, being well aired and dried, are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the sides by other dried sticks, as the baggage is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods; and, on this, earth is thrown, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains no appearance of an excavation. careful measurements are taken to secure the ready recovery of the cache on the return; and the deposit is left in perfect confidence of finding every thing safe and sound after the lapse of months, or even years." the falls of the missouri. "june .--this morning, capt. lewis set out with four men on an exploration, to ascend the southern branch, agreeably to our plan. he left the bank of the river in order to avoid the deep ravines, which generally extend from the shore to a distance of two or three miles in the plain. on the second day, having travelled about sixty miles from the point of departure, on a sudden their ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of falling water; and, as they advanced, a spray which seemed driven by the wind rose above the plain like a column of smoke, and vanished in an instant. towards this point, capt. lewis directed his steps; and the noise, increasing as he approached, soon became too powerful to be ascribed to any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound, he reached the falls. the hills, as he approached the river, were difficult of transit, and two hundred feet high. down these he hurried, and, seating himself on a rock, enjoyed the spectacle of this stupendous object, which, ever since the creation, had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unseen by civilized man. "the river, immediately at its cascade, is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff, which rises to about one hundred feet, and extends up the stream for a mile. on the other side, the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth, even sheet, over a precipice eighty feet in height. the remaining part of the river rushes with an accelerated current, but, being received as it falls by irregular rocks below, forms a brilliant spectacle of perfectly white foam, two hundred yards in length, and eighty in height. the spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, on all of which the sun impresses the brightest colors of the rainbow. the principal cascade is succeeded by others of less grandeur, but of exceeding beauty and great variety, for about twenty miles in extent."[ ] a portage. "june .--having reached the falls, we found ourselves obliged to get past them by transporting our boats overland by what is called a _portage_. the distance was eighteen miles. it was necessary to construct a truck or carriage to transport the boats; and the making of the wheels and the necessary framework took ten days. the axle-trees, made of an old mast, broke repeatedly, and the cottonwood tongues gave way; so that the men were forced to carry as much baggage as they could on their backs. the prickly pear annoyed them much by sticking through their moccasons. it required several trips to transport all the canoes and baggage; and, though the men put double soles to their moccasons, the prickly pear, and the sharp points of earth formed by the trampling of the buffaloes during the late rains, wounded their feet; and, as the men were laden as heavily as their strength would permit, the crossing was very painful. they were obliged to halt and rest frequently; and, at almost every stopping-place, they would throw themselves down, and fall asleep in an instant. yet no one complained, and they went on with cheerfulness. "having decided to leave here one of the pirogues, we set to work to fit up a boat of skins, upon a frame of iron which had been prepared at the armory at harper's ferry. it was thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half wide at top, and twenty-six inches wide at bottom. it was with difficulty we found the necessary timber to complete it, even tolerably straight sticks, four and a half feet long. the sides were formed of willow-bark, and, over this, elk and buffalo skins." a narrow escape. "june .--capt. clarke, having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, determined to go up along its banks in order to supply the deficiency. he had reached the falls, accompanied by his negro-servant york, and by chaboneau, the half-breed indian interpreter, and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there, he observed a dark cloud in the west, which threatened rain; and looked around for some shelter. about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine, where there were some shelving rocks, under which they took refuge. they were perfectly sheltered from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate; it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel. soon after, a torrent of rain and hail descended. the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and, instantly collecting in the ravine, came rolling down in a dreadful torrent, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. capt. clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up, with his gun in his left hand, with his right he clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms. her husband, too, had seized her hand, and was pulling her up the hill, but was so terrified at the danger, that, but for capt. clarke, he would have been lost, with his wife and child. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that, before capt. clarke had secured his gun and begun to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist; and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet, with a furious current, which, had they waited a moment longer, would have swept them into the river, just above the falls, down which they must inevitably have been carried. as it was, capt. clarke lost his compass, chaboneau his gun, shot-pouch, and tomahawk; and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child before the net in which it lay was carried down the current." progress resumed. "july .--the boat was now completed, except what was in fact the most difficult part,--the making her seams secure. having been unsuccessful in all our attempts to procure tar, we have formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffalo-tallow to supply its place. if this resource fail us, it will be very unfortunate, as, in every other respect, the boat answers our purpose completely. although not quite dry, she can be carried with ease by five men: she is very strong, and will carry a load of eight thousand pounds, with her complement of men. "july .--the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, then a second, and launched it into the water. she swam perfectly well. the seats were then fixed, and the oars fitted. but after a few hours' exposure to the wind, which blew with violence, we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, so that she leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch was impossible; and, as none of that article was to be procured, we were obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labor in the construction. "it now becomes necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose, we shall want two canoes; but for many miles we have not seen a single tree fit to be used for that purpose. the hunters, however, report that there is a low ground about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough. capt. clarke has therefore determined to set out by land for that place, with ten of the best workmen, who will be occupied in building the canoes, till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, shall transport the baggage, and join them with the other six canoes. "capt. clarke accordingly proceeded on eight miles by land; the distance by water being twenty-three miles. here he found two cottonwood-trees, and proceeded to convert them into boats. the rest of the party took the iron boat to pieces, and deposited it in a _cache_, or hole, with some other articles of less importance. "july .--sergeant ordway, with four canoes and eight men, set sail in the morning to the place where capt. clarke had fixed his camp. the canoes were unloaded and sent back, and the remainder of the baggage in a second trip was despatched to the upper camp. "july .--we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which, though eight in number, were heavily laden, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. "july .--we had now arrived at the point where the missouri emerges from the rocky mountains. the current of the river becomes stronger as we advance, and the spurs of the mountain approach towards the river, which is deep, and not more than seventy yards wide. the low grounds are now but a few yards in width; yet they furnish room for an indian road, which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from south-east to north-west; and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black rock, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. "as the canoes were heavily laden, all the men not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep, but with little current; the low grounds are very narrow; the cliffs are steep, and hang over the river so much, that, in places, we could not pass them, but were obliged to cross and recross from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way." footnote: [ ] dimensions of niagara falls,--american, feet wide, feet high; english, feet wide, feet high. chapter vii. journey continued. july .--since our arrival at the falls, we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains, in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud; and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud, and resembles precisely the sound of a six-pound piece of ordnance, at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise, like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to them, believing it to be some superstition, or else a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains, to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery, given by the philosophy of the watermen, is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain.[ ] "an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloes seem to have withdrawn from our neighborhood. we contrived, however, to spread a comfortable table in honor of the day; and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock." vegetation. "july .--we find the prickly-pear--one of the greatest beauties, as well as one of the greatest inconveniences, of the plains--now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common to every part of the missouri, is here very abundant, and in bloom. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of this plant for bread, and in thickening their soup. they first parch, and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted; at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marmow-fat to reduce it to the consistency of common dough, and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to the rest, and thought it at that time very palatable. "there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow, and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our gardens. the fruit is not so acid, and has a more agreeable flavor." the big-horned or mountain ram. "july .--this morning we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies; and the only danger they encounter is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand. a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the river. "the game continues abundant. we killed to-day the largest male elk we have yet seen. on placing it in its natural, erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. "the antelopes are yet lean. this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity. when they first see the hunters, they run with great velocity. if the hunter lies down on the ground, and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times, till at last he approaches within reach of the rifle. so, too, they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves, who crouch down, and, if the antelope be frightened at first, repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other, till they decoy the antelope from his party near enough to seize it." the gates of the rocky mountains. "july .--during the day, in the confined valley through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet, whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains, we are tantalized with a view of the snow. a mile and a half farther on, the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for six miles, these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near the base; but judging from its lighter color above, and from fragments that have fallen from it, we suppose the upper part to be flint, of a yellowish-brown and cream color. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river, and menace us with destruction. the river, one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass: but so reluctantly has it given way, that, during the whole distance, the water is very deep even at the edges; and, for the first three miles, there is not a spot, except one of a few yards in extent, on which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain. the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible; since, at its outlet, there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain, which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies, as it were, of victory. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains." natural productions. "july .--this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are the only kind we have found at this place. there are numbers of the sandhill-cranes feeding in the meadows. we caught a young one, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth, could not fly. it is very fierce, and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common this side of the falls; but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. small birds are also abundant in the plains. here, too, are great quantities of grasshoppers, or crickets; and, among other animals, large ants, with a reddish-brown body and legs, and a black head, which build little cones of gravel ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and with but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks." the forks of the missouri. "july , .--from the height of a limestone cliff, capt. lewis observed the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. the middle and south-west forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the south-east fork. the country watered by these rivers, as far as the eye could command, was a beautiful combination of meadow and elevated plain, covered with a rich grass, and possessing more timber than is usual on the missouri. a range of high mountains, partially covered with snow, is seen at a considerable distance, running from south to west. "to the south-east fork the name of gallatin was assigned, in honor of the secretary of the treasury. on examining the other two streams, it was difficult to decide which was the larger or real missouri: they are each ninety yards wide, and similar in character and appearance. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and to give to the south-west branch the name of jefferson, in honor of the president of the united states and the projector of the enterprise; and called the middle branch madison, after james madison, secretary of state. "july .--we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river soon became very crooked; the current, too, is rapid, impeded with shoals, which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are numerous. on the th of august, we had, with much fatigue, ascended the river sixty miles, when we reached the junction of a stream from the north-west, which we named wisdom river. we continued, however, to ascend the south-east branch, which we were satisfied was the true continuation of the jefferson." the shoshonees, or snake indians. "july .--we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route, we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such an one as will lead us to the columbia. and, even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any wood fit to make canoes; so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. "sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees came upon them, killed most of the party, and carried her away prisoner. she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly, or the philosophy, of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat, and trinkets to wear. "aug. .--persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees, or some other nation, who could assist us in transporting our baggage. immediately after breakfast, capt. lewis took drewyer, shields, and mcneal; and, slinging their knapsacks, they set out, with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long it might be. "aug. .--it was not till the third day after commencing their search that they met with any success. capt. lewis perceived with the greatest delight, at the distance of two miles, a man on horseback coming towards them. on examining him with the glass, capt. lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any we had hitherto met. he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows, and mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle; while a small string, attached to the under-jaw, answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much our success depended upon the friendly offices of that nation, capt. lewis was anxious to approach without alarming him. he therefore advanced towards the indian at his usual pace. when they were within a mile of each other, the indian suddenly stopped. capt. lewis immediately followed his example; took his blanket from his knapsack, and, holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head, and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground, as if in the act of spreading it. this signal, which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians. as usual, capt. lewis repeated this signal three times. still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields, who were now advancing on each side. capt. lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy; and they were too distant to hear his voice. he therefore took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass, and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose; and, leaving his gun, advanced unarmed towards the indian, who remained in the same position till capt. lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly. capt. lewis then called out to him, as loud as he could, 'tabba bone,'--which, in the shoshonee language, means _white man_; but, looking over his shoulder, the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, till capt. lewis made a signal to them to halt. this, drewyer obeyed; but shields did not observe it, and still went forward. the indian, seeing drewyer halt, turned his horse about, as if to wait for capt. lewis, who had now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the words, 'tabba bone,' and holding up the trinkets in his hand; at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was white. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and, giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willows. they followed his track four miles, but could not get sight of him again, nor find any encampment to which he belonged. "meanwhile the party in the canoes advanced slowly up the river till they came to a large island, to which they gave the name of three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri." footnote: [ ] there are many stories, from other sources, confirmatory of these noises in mountainous districts. one solution, suggested by humboldt,--who does not, however, record the fact as of his own observation,--is, that "this curious phenomenon announces a disengagement of hydrogen, produced by a bed of coal in a state of combustion." this solution is applicable only to mountains which contain coal, unless chemical changes in other minerals might be supposed capable of producing a similar effect. chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia. aug. , .--capt. lewis decided to advance along the foot of the mountains, hoping to find a road leading across them. at the distance of four miles from his camp, he found a large, plain, indian road, which entered the valley from the north-east. following this road towards the south-west, the valley, for the first five miles, continued in the same direction; then the main stream turned abruptly to the west, through a narrow bottom between the mountains. we traced the stream, which gradually became smaller, till, two miles farther up, it had so diminished, that one of the men, in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the rivulet, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. four miles from thence, we came to the spot where, from the foot of a mountain, issues the remotest water of the mighty river. "we had now traced the missouri to its source, which had never before been seen by civilized man; and as we quenched our thirst at the pure and icy fountain, and stretched ourselves by the brink of the little rivulet which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, we felt rewarded for all our labors. "we left reluctantly this interesting spot, and, pursuing the indian road, arrived at the top of a ridge, from whence we saw high mountains, partially covered with snow, still to the west of us. the ridge on which we stood formed, apparently, the dividing-line between the waters of the pacific and atlantic oceans. we followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and, at the distance of three-quarters of a mile, reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water, running to the westward. we stopped for a moment, to taste, for the first time, the waters of the columbia; and then followed the road across hills and valleys, till we found a spring, and a sufficient quantity of dry willow-brush for fuel; and there halted for the night." they meet with indians. "aug. .--very early in the morning, capt. lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open, broken country. at five miles' distance, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and, on rising the hill beyond it, had a view of a handsome little valley about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that a stream probably flowed. on a sudden, they discovered two women, a man, and some dogs, on an eminence about a mile before them. the strangers viewed them apparently with much attention; and then two of them sat down, as if to await capt. lewis's arrival. he went on till he had reached within about half a mile; then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and, unfurling the flag, advanced alone towards the indians. "the women soon retreated behind the hill; but the man remained till capt. lewis came within a hundred yards of him, when he, too, went off, though capt. lewis called out 'tabba bone' ('white man'), loud enough to be heard distinctly. the dogs, however, were less shy, and came close to him. he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then to let them loose, to convince the fugitives of his friendly intentions; but the dogs would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. "he now made a signal to the men, who joined him; and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been travelling. it was dusty, and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot-passengers and horsemen. "they had not gone along it more than a mile, when, on a sudden, they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of them. one of them, a young woman, immediately took to flight: the other two, an old woman and little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and, holding down their heads, seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. capt. lewis instantly put down his rifle, and, advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the words, 'tabba bone,' at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was a white man; for his hands and face had become by exposure quite as dark as their own. "she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm; and, drewyer and shields now coming up, capt. lewis gave her some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion, who had escaped to some distance, and, by alarming the indians, might cause them to attack him, without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned readily. capt. lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermilion, which, besides its ornamental effect, has the advantage of being held among the indians as emblematic of peace. "after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors. they readily complied, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors, mounted on excellent horses, riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced, capt. lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief, who, with two men, was riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to capt. lewis, and embraced him with great cordiality,--putting their left arm over his right shoulder, and clasping his back,--applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating, 'ah-hi-e!'--'_i am glad! i am glad!_' "the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint, of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, capt. lewis lighted a pipe, and offered it to the indians, who had now seated themselves in a circle around our party. but, before they would receive this mark of friendship, they pulled off their moccasons; a custom which, we afterwards learned, indicates their sincerity when they smoke with a stranger. "after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed among them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermilion. "capt. lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the mean time, as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasons; and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. capt. lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was the emblem of peace, and that now and for the future it was to be the pledge of union between us and them. the chief then moved on, our party followed, and the rest of the warriors brought up the rear. "at the distance of four miles from where they had first met the indians, they reached the camp, which was in a handsome, level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into a leathern lodge which was assigned for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope-skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge, so as to form a vacant circle of two feet in diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco; the warriors all pulled off their moccasons, and our party were requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire, and then, retreating from it, began a speech several minutes long; at the end of which he pointed the stem of his pipe towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east, and concluding with the north. after this ceremony, he presented the stem in the same way to capt. lewis, who, supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe; but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times; after which he pointed the stem to the heavens, then took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to capt. lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, and returned it. the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and, after they had taken a few whiffs, was given to the warriors. "the bowl of the pipe was made of a dense, transparent, green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure; the bowl being in the same direction with the stem. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees and mandans of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the bands who live farther south. "the ceremony of smoking being concluded, capt. lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit; and, as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. "it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this fact, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of service-berries and choke-cherries which had been dried in the sun. of these, capt. lewis and his companions made as good a meal as they were able. "the chief informed him that the stream which flowed by them discharged itself, at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size; but added that there was no timber there suitable for building canoes, and that the river was rocky and rapid. the prospect of going on by land was more pleasant; for there were great numbers of horses feeding round the camp, which would serve to transport our stores over the mountains. "an indian invited capt. lewis into his lodge, and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope, and a piece of fresh salmon, roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. "on returning to the lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief; after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. the music and dancing--which were in no respect different from those of the missouri indians--continued nearly all night; but capt. lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep, though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers." chapter ix. the party in the boats. august, .--while these things were occurring to capt. lewis, the party in the boats were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. it was very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes had to be dragged, that the men were in the water three-fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otters, some beavers, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes; but they killed nothing except a single deer. they caught, however, some very fine trout. the weather was cloudy and cool; and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. next day, as the morning was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday, they did not set out till seven o'clock. the river was shallow, and, as it approached the mountains, formed one continued rapid, over which they were obliged to drag the boats with great labor and difficulty. by these means, they succeeded in making fourteen miles; but this distance did not exceed more than six and a half in a straight line. several successive days were passed in this manner (the daily progress seldom exceeding a dozen miles), while the party anxiously expected to be rejoined by capt. lewis and his men, with intelligence of some relief by the aid of friendly indians. in the mean time, capt. lewis was as anxiously expecting their arrival, to confirm the good impressions he had made on the indians, as well as to remove some lurking doubts they still felt as to his intentions. capt. lewis among the shoshonees. aug. .--in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, capt. lewis determined to remain where he was, and obtain all the information he could with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses of the natives, to hunt. at the same time, the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or black-tailed deer in this region; and, as the common red deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows of the indian hunters, which are but feeble weapons against any animal which the huntsmen cannot previously run down. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which, when pursued, runs to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is this animal's extraordinary fleetness and wind, that a single horse has no chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp. in a short time, they descried a herd of ten antelopes. they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly enclosed. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd; the huntsman preserving his seat with wonderful tenacity, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the ravines, and along the edges of precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which, on gaining the other limit of the circle, were driven back, and pursued by fresh hunters. they turned, and flew, rather than ran, in another direction; but there, too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately driven backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped; and the party, after running two hours, returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters it is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. capt. lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a tolerable repast. having now secured the good-will of cameahwait, capt. lewis informed him of his wish,--that he would speak to the warriors, and endeavor to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where, by this time, another chief, with a large party of white men, were waiting his return. he added, that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandise; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that, when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp, they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandise. cameahwait readily consented to do as requested; and, after collecting the tribe together, he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told capt. lewis that they would be ready to accompany him next morning. capt. lewis rose early, and, having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries, felt the pain of extreme hunger. on inquiry, he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one-half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding; and, after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted with this new dish. he took a little of the flour in his hand, tasted it, and examined it very carefully, asking if it was made of roots. capt. lewis explained how it was produced, and the chief said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. breakfast being finished, capt. lewis endeavored to hasten the departure of the indians, who seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them. on inquiring the reason, capt. lewis learned that the indians were suspicious that they were to be led into an ambuscade, and betrayed to their enemies. he exerted himself to dispel this suspicion, and succeeded so far as to induce eight of the warriors, with cameahwait, to accompany him. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors. at sunset they reached the river, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills, which they had noticed in their progress some days before. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt; but he returned in the evening unsuccessful; and their only supply, therefore, was the remaining pound of flour, stirred in a little boiling water, and divided between the four white men and two of the indians. next morning, as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, capt. lewis sent two of his hunters out to procure some provision. at the same time, he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest, by their noise, they might alarm the game. this measure immediately revived their suspicions, and some of them followed our two men to watch them. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, capt. lewis mounted, with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out. just then, they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain. the chief stopped, and seemed uneasy: the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions; and capt. lewis himself was anxious, lest, by some unfortunate accident, some hostile tribe might have wandered that way. the young indian had hardly breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them; and capt. lewis, astonished at this movement, was borne along for nearly a mile, before he learned, with great satisfaction, that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. when they reached the place where drewyer, in cutting up the deer, had thrown out the intestines, the indians dismounted in confusion, and ran, tumbling over each other, like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could, and instantly began to devour it. some had the liver, some the kidneys: in short, no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them. it was, indeed, impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the refuse of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation. yet, though suffering with hunger, they did not attempt to take (as they might have done) by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. capt. lewis had the deer skinned, and, after reserving a quarter of it, gave the rest of the animal to the chief, to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured the whole without cooking. they meet the boat party. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told they should see the white men, capt. lewis, to guard against any disappointment, explained the possibility of our men not having reached the forks, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation; so that, if they should not find us at that spot, they might be assured of our being not far below. after stopping two hours to let the horses graze, they remounted, and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry the flag, so that the party in the boats might recognize them as they approached. to their great mortification, on coming within sight of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy, lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, capt. lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him, if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes, he might defend himself with it; and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still suspicious. luckily, he had a hold on them by other ties than their generosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but, what was still more attractive, he had told them that one of their country-women, who had been taken by the minnetarees, accompanied the party below: and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity; and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favorable barter for their horses. in the mean time, the boat party under capt. clarke, struggling against rapids and shallows, had made their way to a point only four miles by land, though ten by water, from where capt. lewis and the indians were. capt. clarke had seen from an eminence the forks of the river, and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before capt. lewis's arrival. aug. .--capt. lewis rose early, and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. they had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river returned, with a report that he had seen the white men, who were not far below, and were coming on. the indians were all delighted; and the chief, in the warmth of his affection, renewed his embrace to capt. lewis, who, though quite as much gratified, would willingly have spared that manifestation of it. the report proved true. on commencing the day's progress, capt. clarke, with chaboneau and his wife, walked by the river-side; but they had not gone more than a mile, when capt. clarke saw sacajawea, the indian woman, who was some distance in advance, begin to dance, and show every mark of extravagant joy, pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback. as they approached, capt. clarke discovered drewyer among them, from whom he learned the situation of capt. lewis and his party. while the boats were performing the circuit, capt. clarke went towards the forks with the indians, who, as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. they soon drew near the camp; and, as they approached it, a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, when, recognizing each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching. they had been companions in childhood, and, in the war with the minnetarees, had both been taken prisoners in the same battle. they had shared the same captivity, till one had escaped, leaving her friend with scarce a hope of ever seeing her again. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, capt. clarke went on, and was received by capt. lewis and the chief, who, after the first embraces and salutations, conducted him to a sort of circular tent constructed of willow-branches. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls,--an ornament highly valued by these people. after smoking, a conference was held, sacajawea acting as interpreter. capt. lewis told them he had been sent to discover the best route by which merchandise could be conveyed to them, and, since no trade would be begun before our return, it was naturally desirable that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route; but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for any other service they should render us. in the mean time, our first wish was that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure, we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favorable impression. the chief thanked us for our friendly intentions, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he promised to return to the village next day, and to bring all his own horses, and to encourage his people to bring theirs. we then distributed our presents. to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped, with a pipe and tomahawk. to this were added a uniform-coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a lump of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received similar presents, excepting the dress-coat. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasons, awls, knives, beads, and looking-glasses. they had abundant sources of surprise in all they saw. the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the air-gun. this was immediately pronounced a _great medicine_, by which they mean something produced by the great spirit himself in some incomprehensible way. chapter x. the descent of the columbia. august, .--our indian information as to the navigation of the columbia was of a very discouraging character. it was therefore agreed that capt. clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia; and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, should begin to build canoes. as soon as he should have decided on the question of proceeding, whether down the river or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men, with information of his decision, to capt. lewis, who would tarry meanwhile at the shoshonee village. aug. .--capt. clarke set out at six o'clock. passing through a continuation of hilly, broken country, he met several parties of indians. an old man among them was pointed out, who was said to know more of the nature of the country north than any other person; and capt. clarke engaged him as a guide. the first point to ascertain was the truth of the indian information as to the difficulty of descending the river. for this purpose, capt. clarke and his men set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by his indian guide. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and, eight miles from the camp, halted for the night. as capt. lewis was the first white man who had visited its waters, capt. clarke gave the stream the name of lewis's river. aug. .--capt. clarke set out very early; but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles, he reached the river; but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the stream, that there was no mode of passing except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the current was very rapid, and so deep, that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the stream for about a mile, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock, perfectly inaccessible to horses. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and continue his examination of the river on foot, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the sides of precipices which bordered the stream. the river presented a succession of shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for considerable distances over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses. even the empty boats must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in this way without great risk both to the canoes and the men. disappointed in finding a route by way of the river, capt. clarke now questioned his guide more particularly respecting an indian road which came in from the north. the guide, who seemed intelligent, drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as leading to a great river where resided a nation called tushepaws, who, having no salmon on their river, came by this road to the fish-wears on lewis's river. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, capt. clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river toward the north, without coming so low down as this, on a road impracticable for horses. he therefore hastened to return thither, sending forward a man on horseback with a note to capt. lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries. from the th to the th of august, capt. clarke and his men were occupied in their return to the shoshonee village, where capt. lewis and party were awaiting them. during their march, the want of provisions was such, that if it had not been for the liberality of the indians, who gave them a share of their own scanty supplies, they must have perished. the main dependence for food was upon salmon and berries. it was seldom they could get enough of these for a full meal; and abstinence and the strange diet caused some sickness. capt. lewis, on the contrary, had found the game sufficiently abundant to supply their own party, and to spare some to the indians; so that, when their friends rejoined them, they had it in their power to immediately relieve their wants. the shoshonees. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians,--a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees, with whom we now are, amount to about a hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection, they formerly lived in the plains; but they have been driven into the mountains by the roving indians of the saskatchawan country, and are now obliged to visit only occasionally and by stealth the country of their ancestors. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia. during this time, they subsist chiefly on salmon; and, as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed cautiously till they are joined by other bands of their own nation, or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloes in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. in this loose and wandering existence, they suffer the extremes of want: for two-thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. yet the shoshonees are not only cheerful, but gay; and their character is more interesting than that of any other indians we have seen. they are frank and communicative; fair in their dealings; and we have had no reason to suspect that the display of our new and valuable wealth has tempted them into a single act of theft. while they have shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing of us. their wealth is in horses. of these they have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. the original stock was procured from the spaniards; but now they raise their own, which are generally of good size, vigorous, and patient of fatigue as well as of hunger. every warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards of california. they are highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback. he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved for war; but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance, and a weapon called _pogamogon_, which consists of a handle of wood, with a stone weighing about two pounds, and held in a cover of leather, attached to the handle by a leather thong. at the other end is a loop, which is passed round the wrist, so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. the bow is made of cedar or pine, covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. sometimes it is made of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood. the arrows are more slender than those of other indians we have seen. they are kept, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is fastened upon the back of the wearer by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder, and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffalo-skin, about two feet four inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, with a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned with paintings of strange figures. besides these, they have a kind of armor, something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of antelope-skins, united by a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and saddle. the halter is made of strands of buffalo-hair platted together; or is merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot, and then brought down to the under-jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth. it is then drawn up on the right side, and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. with these cords dangling alongside of them, the horse is put to his full speed, without fear of falling; and, when he is turned to graze, the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle is formed, like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat, thin boards, which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross-pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, making the saddle deep and narrow. under this, a piece of buffalo-skin, with the hair on, is placed, so as to prevent the rubbing of the board; and, when the rider mounts, he throws a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for women and old men. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small, leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way, they ride with great expertness; and they have particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at some distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that, however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. the horse becomes an object of attachment. a favorite is frequently painted, and his ears cut into various shapes. the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds; and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted, the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed, they bend forward, and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horse's neck. indian horses and riders. they are so well supplied with horses, that every man, woman, and child is mounted; and all they have is packed upon horses. small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone, and generally upon colts. they are tied upon the saddle to keep them from falling, especially when they go to sleep, which they often do when they become fatigued. then they lie down upon the horse's shoulders; and, when they awake, they lay hold of their whip, which is fastened to the wrist of their right hand, and apply it smartly to their horses: and it is astonishing to see how these little creatures will guide and run them. children that are still younger are put into an incasement made with a board at the back, and a wicker-work around the other parts, covered with cloth inside and without, or, more generally, with dressed skins; and they are carried upon the mother's back, or suspended from a high knob upon the fore part of their saddles. chapter xi. clarke's river. aug. .--capt. lewis, during the absence of his brother-officer, had succeeded in procuring from the indians, by barter, twenty-nine horses,--not quite one for each man. capt. clarke having now rejoined us, and the weather being fine, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. we took our leave of the shoshonees, and accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, which capt. clarke had named lewis's river. after riding twelve miles, we encamped on the bank; and, as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning, we did not feel in want of provisions. on the st of august, we made eighteen miles. here we left the track of capt. clarke, and began to explore the new route recommended by the indian guide, and which was our last hope of getting out of the mountains. during all day, we rode over hills, from which are many drains and small streams, and, at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek, called fish creek, emptying into the main river, which is about six miles from us. sept. .--this morning, all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek. we arrived shortly after at the forks of the creek. the road we were following now turned in a contrary direction to our course, and we were left without any track; but, as no time was to be lost, we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty. the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labor. our course was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills, where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks, and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life, they suffered severely. several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times, we had made five miles with great labor, and encamped in a small, stony, low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected; and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. we had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion; and, though we saw many beaver-dams in the creek, we saw none of the animals. next day, our experiences were much the same, with the addition of a fall of snow at evening. the day following, we reached the head of a stream which directed its course more to the westward, and followed it till we discovered a large encampment of indians. when we reached them, and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our shoulders, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any farther, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. next morning, we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was, however, conveyed to them in so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn, from the principal chiefs, a present, consisting of the skins of an otter and two antelopes; and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, and purchasing eleven. these indians are a band of the tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the head waters of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. they seemed kind and friendly, and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this band had with them at least five hundred. we proceeded next day, and, taking a north-west direction, crossed, within a distance of a mile and a half, a small river from the right. this river is the main stream; and, when it reaches the end of the valley, it is joined by two other streams. to the river thus formed we gave the name of clarke's river; he being the first white man who ever visited its waters. we followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, and stony, with the low grounds on its borders narrow; and encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn; and, as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. the next day, and the next, we followed the river, which widened to fifty yards, with a valley four or five miles broad. at ten miles from our camp was a creek, which emptied itself on the west side of the river. it was a fine bold creek of clear water, about twenty yards wide; and we called it traveller's rest: for, as our guide told us we should here leave the river, we determined to make some stay for the purpose of collecting food, as the country through which we were to pass has no game for a great distance. toward evening, one of the hunters returned with three indians whom he had met. we found that they were tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of strayed horses. we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents, such as a fish hook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of ribbon which we tied in the hair of each of them. their people, they said, were numerous, and resided on the great river in the plain below the mountains. from that place, they added, the river was navigable to the ocean. the distance from this place is five "sleeps," or days' journeys. on resuming our route, we proceeded up the right side of the creek (thus leaving clarke's river), over a country, which, at first plain and good, became afterwards as difficult as any we had yet traversed. we had now reached the sources of traveller's-rest creek, and followed the road, which became less rugged. at our encampment this night, the game having entirely failed us, we killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. we reached the river, which is here eighty yards wide, with a swift current and a rocky channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. kooskooskee river. sept. .--this morning, snow fell, and continued all day; so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. it covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. the road is, like that of yesterday, along steep hillsides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed, that the snow falls from them upon us as we pass, keeping us continually wet to the skin. we encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had made thirteen miles. we were wet, cold, and hungry; yet we could not procure any game, and were obliged to kill another horse for our supper. this want of provisions, the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospect before us, began to dispirit the men. they are growing weak, and losing their flesh very fast. after three days more of the same kind of experience, on friday, th september, an agreeable change occurred. capt. clarke, who had gone forward in hopes of finding game, came suddenly upon a beautiful open plain partially stocked with pine. shortly after, he discovered three indian boys, who, observing the party, ran off, and hid themselves in the grass. capt. clarke immediately alighted, and, giving his horse and gun to one of the men, went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions, and sent them forward to the village, about a mile off, with presents of small pieces of ribbon. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution; but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure the wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed capt. clarke, by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago, with all the warriors, to attack some of their enemies towards the south-west; that, in the mean time, there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffalo-meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last was one which is round, much like an onion in appearance, and sweet to the taste. it is called _quamash_, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is called _pasheco_. after our long abstinence, this was a sumptuous repast. we returned the kindness of the people with a few small presents, and then went on, in company with one of the chiefs, to a second village in the same plain, at a distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness, and passed the night. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents; and the people call themselves chopunnish, or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river on the sand, and explained that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village, and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river. his chart made the kooskooskee to fork a little below his camp, below which the river passed the mountains. here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom they procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. capt. clarke engaged an indian to guide him to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles, they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river-hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountains is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass. there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered. the plain is so much sheltered by the surrounding hills, that the weather is quite warm (sept. ), while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river-hills we descended for three miles till we reached the water-side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night. here we found a small camp of five women and three children; the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river. the guide called to him, and he came over. capt. clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. next day, capt. clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere. the hunters brought in three deer; after which capt. clarke left his party, and, accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he found capt. lewis and his party just arrived. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the white men and the strange things they brought with them; but, as our guide was a perfect stranger to their language, we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country. the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk-skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place: two days' journey towards the south is another and larger fork, on which the shoshonee indians fish; five days' journey farther is a large river from the north-west, into which clarke's river empties itself. from the junction with that river to the falls is five days' journey farther. on all the forks, as well as on the main river, great numbers of indians reside; and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. provision here was abundant. we purchased a quantity of fish, berries, and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition. great crowds of the natives are round us all night; but we have not yet missed any thing, except a knife and a few other small articles. sept. .--the weather is fair. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco-root, large quantities of which are heaped up in piles all over the plain. we feel severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations. capt. lewis and two of his men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he can hardly sit on his horse. others could not mount without help; and some were forced to lie down by the side of the road for some time. our situation rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength; and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. capt. clarke therefore set out with twisted-hair and two young men in quest of timber for canoes. sept. , , and .--sickness continued. few of the men were able to work; yet preparations were made for making five canoes. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. oct. .--the men were now much better, and capt. lewis so far recovered as to walk about a little. the canoes being nearly finished, it became necessary to dispose of the horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and, being branded and marked, were delivered to three indians,--the two brothers and the son of a chief; the chief having promised to accompany us down the river. to each of these men we gave a knife and some small articles; and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. we had all our saddles buried in a _cache_ near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder and a bag of balls. the voyage down the kooskooskee river. oct. .--this morning, all the canoes were put in the water, and loaded, the oars fitted, and every preparation made for setting out. when we were all ready, the chief who had promised to accompany us was not to be found: we therefore proceeded without him. the kooskooskee is a clear, rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. this day and the next, we made a distance of fifty miles. we passed several encampments of indians on the islands and near the rapids, which situations are chosen as the most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found the chief, who, after promising to descend the river with us, had left us. he, however, willingly came on board, after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. oct. .--a fine morning. we loaded the canoes, and set off at seven o'clock. after passing twenty miles, we landed below the junction of a large fork of the river, from the south. our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked from all directions to see us. being again reduced to fish and roots, we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing a few dogs; and, after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs, but never use them for food; and our feeding on the flesh of that animal brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. this southern branch is, in fact, the main stream of lewis's river, on whose upper waters we encamped when among the shoshonees. at its mouth, lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish-blue color. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, is one hundred and fifty yards in width; and, after the union, the joint-stream extends to the width of three hundred yards. the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men. the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress, they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffalo or elk-skin robe, decorated with beads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-skin collar, is the dress of the men. the same ornaments are hung in the hair, which falls in front in two cues: they add feathers, paints of different colors (principally white, green, and blue), which they find in their own country. in winter, they wear a shirt of dressed skins; long, painted leggings, and moccasons; and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of the mountain-sheep skin, reaching down to the ankles, without a girdle. to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the chopunnish have few amusements; for their life is painful and laborious, and all their exertions are necessary to earn a precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn, they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in winter, they hunt the deer on snow-shoes over the plains; and, towards spring, cross the mountains to the missouri in pursuit of the buffalo. the soil of these prairies is a light-yellow clay. it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and the prickly-pear, of which we found three species. the first is the broad-leaved kind, common to this river with the missouri; the second has a leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri; the third is peculiar to this country. it consists of small, thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other. these leaves are armed with a great number of thorns, which are strong, and appear to be barbed. as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccason, it adheres, and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied with a re-enforcement of thorns. this species was a greater annoyance on our march than either of the others. chapter xii. from the junction of the kooskooskee with lewis's river to the columbia. from the mouth of the kooskooskee to that of the lewis is about a hundred miles; which distance they descended in seven days. the navigation was greatly impeded by rapids, which they passed with more or less danger and difficulty; being greatly indebted to the assistance of the indians, as they thankfully acknowledge. sometimes they were obliged to unload their boats, and to carry them round by land. all these rapids are fishing-places, greatly resorted to in the season. on the th of october ( ), having reached the junction of lewis's river with the columbia, they found by observation that they were in latitude ° ´, and longitude °. they measured the two rivers by angles, and found, that, at the junction, the columbia is yards wide; and lewis's river, : but, below their junction, the joint river is from one to three miles in width, including the islands. from the point of junction, the country is a continued plain, rising gradually from the water. there is through this plain no tree, and scarcely any shrub, except a few willow-bushes; and, even of smaller plants, there is not much besides the prickly-pear, which is abundant. in the course of the day, capt. clarke, in a small canoe, with two men, ascended the columbia. at the distance of five miles, he came to a small but not dangerous rapid. on the bank of the river opposite to this is a fishing-place, consisting of three neat houses. here were great quantities of salmon drying on scaffolds; and, from the mouth of the river upwards, he saw immense numbers of dead salmon strewed along the shore, or floating on the water. the indians, who had collected on the banks to view him, now joined him in eighteen canoes, and accompanied him up the river. a mile above the rapids, he observed three houses of mats, and landed to visit them. on entering one of the houses, he found it crowded with men, women, and children, who immediately provided a mat for him to sit on; and one of the party undertook to prepare something to eat. he began by bringing in a piece of pine-wood that had drifted down the river, which he split into small pieces with a wedge made of the elk's horn, by means of a mallet of stone curiously carved. the pieces were then laid on the fire, and several round stones placed upon them. one of the squaws now brought a bucket of water, in which was a large salmon about half dried; and, as the stones became heated, they were put into the bucket till the salmon was sufficiently boiled. it was then taken out, put on a platter of rushes neatly made, and laid before capt. clarke. another was boiled for each of his men. capt. clarke found the fish excellent. at another island, four miles distant, the inhabitants were occupied in splitting and drying salmon. the multitudes of this fish are almost inconceivable. the water is so clear, that they can readily be seen at the depth of fifteen or twenty feet; but at this season they float in such quantities down the stream, and are drifted ashore, that the indians have nothing to do but collect, split, and dry them. the indians assured him by signs that they often used dry fish as fuel for the common occasions of cooking. the evening coming on, he returned to camp. capt. clarke, in the course of his excursion, shot several grouse and ducks; also a prairie-cock,--a bird of the pheasant kind, about the size of a small turkey. it measured, from the beak to the end of the toe, two feet six inches; from the extremity of the wings, three feet six inches; and the feathers of the tail were thirteen inches long. this bird we have seen nowhere except upon this river. its chief food is the grasshopper, and the seeds of wild plants peculiar to this river and the upper missouri. adventure of capt. clarke. oct. .--having resumed their descent of the columbia, they came to a very dangerous rapid. in order to lighten the boats, capt. clarke landed, and walked to the foot of the rapid. arriving there before either of the boats, except a canoe, he sat down on a rock to wait for them; and, seeing a crane fly across the river, shot it, and it fell near him. several indians had been, before this, passing on the opposite side; and some of them, alarmed at his appearance or the report of the gun, fled to their houses. capt. clarke was afraid that these people might not have heard that white men were coming: therefore, in order to allay their uneasiness before the whole party should arrive, he got into the canoe with three men, and rowed over towards the houses, and, while crossing, shot a duck, which fell into the water. as he approached, no person was to be seen, except three men; and they also fled as he came near the shore. he landed before five houses close to each other; but no person appeared: and the doors, which were of mat, were closed. he went towards one of them with a pipe in his hand, and, pushing aside the mat, entered the lodge, where he found thirty-two persons, men and women, with a few children, all in the greatest consternation; some hanging down their heads; others crying, and wringing their hands. he went up to them all, and shook hands with them in the most friendly manner. their apprehensions gradually subsided, but revived on his taking out a burning-glass (there being no roof to the lodge), and lighting his pipe. having at length restored some confidence by the gift of some small presents, he visited some other houses, where he found the inhabitants similarly affected. confidence was not completely attained until the boats arrived, and then the two chiefs who accompanied the party explained the friendly intentions of the expedition. the sight of chaboneau's wife also dissipated any remaining doubts, as it is not the practice among the indians to allow women to accompany a war-party. to account for their fears, they told the two chiefs that they had seen the white men fall from the sky. having heard the report of capt. clarke's rifle, and seen the birds fall, and not having seen him till after the shot, they fancied that he had himself dropped from the clouds. this belief was strengthened, when, on entering the lodge, he brought down fire from heaven by means of his burning-glass. we soon convinced them that we were only mortals; and, after one of our chiefs had explained our history and objects, we all smoked together in great harmony. our encampment that night was on the river-bank opposite an island, on which were twenty-four houses of indians, all of whom were engaged in drying fish. we had scarcely landed when about a hundred of them came over to visit us, bringing with them a present of some wood, which was very acceptable. we received them in as kind a manner as we could, smoked with them, and gave the principal chief a string of wampum; but the highest satisfaction they enjoyed was in the music of our two violins, with which they seemed much delighted. they remained all night at our fires. an indian burying-place. we walked to the head of the island for the purpose of examining a vault, or burying-place, which we had remarked in coming along. the place in which the dead are deposited is a building about sixty feet long and twelve feet wide, formed by placing in the ground poles, or forks, six feet high, across which a long pole is extended the whole length of the structure. against this ridge-pole are placed broad boards, and pieces of wood, in a slanting direction, so as to form a shed. the structure stands east and west, open at both ends. on entering the western end, we observed a number of bodies wrapped carefully in leather robes, and arranged in rows on boards, which were then covered with a mat. this part of the building was destined for those who had recently died. a little farther on, limbs, half decayed, were scattered about; and in the centre of the building was a large pile of them heaped promiscuously. at the eastern extremity was a mat, on which twenty-one skulls were arranged in a circular form: the mode of interment being first to wrap the body in robes; and, as it decays, the bones are thrown into the heap, and the skulls placed together in order. from the different boards and pieces of wood which form the vault were suspended on the inside fishing-nets, baskets, wooden bowls, robes, skins, trenchers, and trinkets of various kinds, intended as offerings of affection to deceased relatives. on the outside of the vault were the skeletons of several horses, and great quantities of bones in the neighborhood, which induced us to believe that these animals were sacrificed at the funeral-rites of their masters. in other parts of the route, the travellers found a different species of cemetery. the dead were placed in canoes, and these canoes were raised above the ground by a scaffolding of poles. the motive was supposed to be to protect them from wild beasts. falls of the columbia. about a hundred and fifty miles below the junction of lewis's river, we reached the great falls. at the commencement of the pitch, which includes the falls, we landed, and walked down to examine them, and ascertain on which side we could make a portage most easily. from the lower end of the island, where the rapids begin, to the perpendicular fall, is about two miles. here the river contracts, when the water is low, to a very narrow space; and, with only a short distance of swift water, it makes its plunge twenty feet perpendicularly; after which it rushes on, among volcanic rocks, through a channel four miles in length, and then spreads out into a gentle, broad current. we will interrupt the narrative here to introduce from later travellers some pictures of the remarkable region to which our explorers had now arrived. it was not to be expected that capts. lewis and clarke should have taxed themselves, in their anxious and troubled march, to describe natural wonders, however striking. lieut. frémont thus describes this remarkable spot:-- the dalles.--"in a few miles we descended to the river, which we reached at one of its highly interesting features, known as the dalles of the columbia. the whole volume of the river at this place passes between the walls of a chasm, which has the appearance of having been rent through the basaltic strata which form the valley-rock of the region. at the narrowest place, we found the breadth, by measurement, fifty-eight yards, and the average height of the walls above the water twenty-five feet, forming a trough between the rocks; whence the name, probably applied by a canadian voyageur." the same scene is described by theodore winthrop in his "canoe and saddle:"-- "the dalles of the columbia, upon which i was now looking, must be studied by the american dante, whenever he comes, for imagery to construct his purgatory, if not his inferno. at walla-walla, two great rivers, clarke's and lewis's, drainers of the continent north and south, unite to form the columbia. it flows furiously for a hundred and twenty miles westward. when it reaches the dreary region where the outlying ridges of the cascade chain commence, it finds a great, low surface, paved with enormous polished sheets of basaltic rock. these plates, in french, _dalles_, give the spot its name. the great river, a mile wide not far above, finds but a narrow rift in this pavement for its passage. the rift gradually draws its sides closer, and, at the spot now called the dalles, subdivides into three mere slits in the sharp-edged rock. at the highest water, there are other minor channels; but generally this continental flood is cribbed and compressed within its three chasms suddenly opening in the level floor, each chasm hardly wider than a leap a hunted fiend might take." it is not easy to picture to one's self, from these descriptions, the peculiar scenery of the dalles. frémont understands the name as signifying a _trough_; while winthrop interprets it as _plates_, or _slabs_, of rock. the following description by lieut. (now gen.) henry l. abbot, in his "report of explorations for a railroad route," &c., will show that the term, in each of its meanings, is applicable to different parts of the channel:-- "at the dalles of the columbia, the river rushes through a chasm only about two hundred feet wide, with vertical, basaltic sides, rising from twenty to thirty feet above the water. steep hills closely border the chasm, leaving in some places scarcely room on the terrace to pass on horseback. the water rushes through this basaltic trough with such violence, that it is always dangerous, and in some stages of the water impossible, for a boat to pass down. the contraction of the river-bed extends for about three miles. near the lower end of it, the channel divides into several sluices, and then gradually becomes broader, until, where it makes a great bend to the south, it is over a quarter of a mile in width." after this interruption, the journal is resumed:-- "we soon discovered that the nearest route was on the right side, and therefore dropped down to the head of the rapid, unloaded the canoes, and took all the baggage over by land to the foot of the rapid. the distance is twelve hundred yards, part of it over loose sands, disagreeable to pass. the labor of crossing was lightened by the indians, who carried some of the heavy articles for us on their horses. having ascertained the best mode of bringing down the canoes, the operation was conducted by capt. clarke, by hauling the canoes over a point of land four hundred and fifty-seven yards to the water. one mile farther down, we reached a pitch of the river, which, being divided by two large rocks, descends with great rapidity over a fall eight feet in height. as the boats could not be navigated down this steep descent, we were obliged to land, and let them down as gently as possible by strong ropes of elk-skin, which we had prepared for the purpose. they all passed in safety, except one, which, being loosed by the breaking of the ropes, was driven down, but was recovered by the indians below." our travellers had now reached what have since been called the cascade mountains; and we must interrupt their narrative to give some notices of this remarkable scenery from later explorers. we quote from abbot's report:-- "there is great similarity in the general topographical features of the whole pacific slope. the sierra nevada in california, and the cascade range in oregon, form a continuous wall of mountains nearly parallel to the coast, and from one hundred to two hundred miles distant from it. the main crest of this range is rarely elevated less than six thousand feet above the level of the sea, and many of its peaks tower into the region of eternal snow." lieut. abbot thus describes a view of these peaks and of the columbia river:-- "at an elevation of five thousand feet above the sea, we stood upon the summit of the pass. for days we had been struggling blindly through dense forests; but now the surrounding country lay spread out before us for more than a hundred miles. the five grand snow-peaks, mount st. helens, mount ranier, mount adams, mount hood, and mount jefferson, rose majestically above a rolling sea of dark fir-covered ridges, some of which the approaching winter had already begun to mark with white. on every side, as far as the eye could reach, terrific convulsions of nature had recorded their fury; and not even a thread of blue smoke from the camp-fire of a wandering savage disturbed the solitude of the scene." the columbia river.--"the columbia river forces its way through the cascade range by a pass, which, for wild and sublime natural scenery, equals the celebrated passage of the hudson through the highlands. for a distance of about fifty miles, mountains covered with clinging spruces, firs, and pines, where not too precipitous to afford even these a foothold, rise abruptly from the water's edge to heights varying from one thousand to three thousand feet. vertical precipices of columnar basalt are occasionally seen, rising from fifty to a hundred feet above the river level. in other places, the long mountain-walls of the river are divided by lateral cañons (pronounced _canyons_), containing small tributaries, and occasionally little open spots of good land, liable to be overflowed at high water." caÃ�ons.--the plains east of the cascade mountains, through the whole extent of oregon and california, are covered with a volcanic deposit composed of trap, basalt, and other rocks of the same class. this deposit is cleft by chasms often more than a thousand feet deep, at the bottom of which there usually flows a stream of clear, cold water. this is sometimes the only water to be procured for the distance of many miles; and the traveller may be perishing with thirst while he sees far below him a sparkling stream, from which he is separated by precipices of enormous height and perpendicular descent. to chasms of this nature the name of _cañons_ has been applied, borrowed from the spaniards of mexico. we quote lieut. abbot's description of the cañon of des chutes river, a tributary of the columbia:-- "sept. .--as it was highly desirable to determine accurately the position and character of the cañon of des chutes river, i started this morning with one man to follow down the creek to its mouth, leaving the rest of the party in camp. having yesterday experienced the inconveniences of travelling in the bottom of a cañon, i concluded to try to-day the northern bluff. it was a dry, barren plain, gravelly, and sometimes sandy, with a few bunches of grass scattered here and there. tracks of antelopes or deer were numerous. after crossing one small ravine, and riding about five miles from camp, we found ourselves on the edge of the vast cañon of the river, which, far below us, was rushing through a narrow trough of basalt, resembling the dalles of the columbia. we estimated the depth of the cañon at a thousand feet. on each side, the precipices were very steep, and marked in many places by horizontal lines of vertical, basaltic columns, fifty or sixty feet in height. the man who was with me rolled a large rock, shaped like a grindstone, and weighing about two hundred pounds, from the summit. it thundered down for at least a quarter of a mile,--now over a vertical precipice, now over a steep mass of detritus, until at length it plunged into the river with a hollow roar, which echoed and re-echoed through the gorge for miles. by ascending a slight hill, i obtained a fine view of the surrounding country. the generally level character of the great basaltic table-land around us was very manifest from this point. bounded on the west by the cascade mountains, the plain extends far towards the south,--a sterile, treeless waste." the cascades.--"about forty miles below the dalles, all navigation is suspended by a series of rapids called the cascades. the wild grandeur of this place surpasses description. the river rushes furiously over a narrow bed filled with bowlders, and bordered by mountains which echo back the roar of the waters. the descent at the principal rapids is thirty-four feet; and the total fall at the cascades, sixty-one feet. salmon pass up the river in great numbers; and the cascades, at certain seasons of the year, are a favorite fishing resort with the indians, who build slight stagings over the water's edge, and spear the fish, or catch them in rude dip-nets, as they slowly force their way up against the current." we now return to our travellers. indian mode of packing salmon. near our camp are five large huts of indians engaged in drying fish, and preparing it for market. the manner of doing this is by first opening the fish, and exposing it to the sun on scaffolds. when it is sufficiently dried, it is pounded between two stones till it is pulverized, and is then placed in a basket, about two feet long and one in diameter, neatly made of grass and rushes, and lined with the skin of the salmon, stretched and dried for the purpose. here they are pressed down as hard as possible, and the top covered with skins of fish, which are secured by cords through the holes of the basket. these baskets are then placed in some dry situation, the corded part upwards; seven being usually placed as close as they can be together, and five on the top of them. the whole is then wrapped up in mats, and made fast by cords. twelve of these baskets, each of which contains from ninety to a hundred pounds, form a stack, which is now left exposed till it is sent to market. the fish thus preserved are kept sound and sweet for several years; and great quantities of it, they inform us, are sent to the indians who live lower down the river, whence it finds its way to the whites who visit the mouth of the columbia. we observe, both near the lodges and on the rocks in the river, great numbers of stacks of these pounded fish. beside the salmon, there are great quantities of salmon-trout, and another smaller species of trout, which they save in another way. a hole of any size being dug, the sides and bottom are lined with straw, over which skins are laid. on these the fish, after being well dried, is laid, covered with other skins, and the hole closed with a layer of earth, twelve or fifteen inches deep. these supplies are for their winter food. the stock of fish, dried and pounded, was so abundant, that capt. clarke counted one hundred and seven stacks of them, making more than ten thousand pounds. the indian boatmen. the canoes used by these people are built of white cedar or pine, very light, wide in the middle, and tapering towards the ends; the bow being raised, and ornamented with carvings of the heads of animals. as the canoe is the vehicle of transportation, the indians have acquired great dexterity in the management of it, and guide it safely over the roughest waves. we had an opportunity to-day of seeing the boldness of the indians. one of our men shot a goose, which fell into the river, and was floating rapidly towards the great shoot, when an indian, observing it, plunged in after it. the whole mass of the waters of the columbia, just preparing to descend its narrow channel, carried the bird down with great rapidity. the indian followed it fearlessly to within a hundred and fifty feet of the rocks, where, had he arrived, he would inevitably have been dashed to pieces; but, seizing his prey, he turned round, and swam ashore with great composure. we very willingly relinquished our right to the bird in favor of the indian, who had thus secured it at the hazard of his life. he immediately set to work, and picked off about half the feathers, and then, without opening it, ran a stick through it, and carried it off to roast. indian houses. while the canoes were coming on, impeded by the difficulties of the navigation, capt. clarke, with two men, walked down the river-shore, and came to a village belonging to a tribe called echeloots. the village consisted of twenty-one houses, scattered promiscuously over an elevated position. the houses were nearly equal in size, and of similar construction. a large hole, twenty feet wide and thirty in length, is dug to the depth of six feet. the sides are lined with split pieces of timber in an erect position, rising a short distance above the surface of the ground. these timbers are secured in their position by a pole, stretched along the side of the building, near the eaves, supported by a post at each corner. the timbers at the gable-ends rise higher, the middle pieces being the tallest. supported by these, there is a ridge-pole running the whole length of the house, forming the top of the roof. from this ridge-pole to the eaves of the house are placed a number of small poles, or rafters, secured at each end by fibres of the cedar. on these poles is laid a covering of white cedar or arbor-vitæ, kept on by strands of cedar-fibres. a small distance along the whole length of the ridge-pole is left uncovered for the admission of light, and to permit the smoke to escape. the entrance is by a small door at the gable-end, thirty inches high, and fourteen broad. before this hole is hung a mat; and on pushing it aside, and crawling through, the descent is by a wooden ladder, made in the form of those used among us. one-half of the inside is used as a place of deposit for their dried fish, and baskets of berries: the other half, nearest the door, remains for the accommodation of the family. on each side are arranged, near the walls, beds of mats, placed on platforms or bedsteads, raised about two feet from the ground. in the middle of the vacant space is the fire, or sometimes two or three fires, when, as is usually the case, the house contains several families. the inhabitants received us with great kindness, and invited us to their houses. on entering one of them, we saw figures of men, birds, and different animals, cut and painted on the boards which form the sides of the room, the figures uncouth, and the workmanship rough; but doubtless they were as much esteemed by the indians as our finest domestic adornments are by us. the chief had several articles, such as scarlet and blue cloth, a sword, a jacket, and hat, which must have been procured from the whites. on one side of the room were two wide split boards, placed together so as to make space for a rude figure of a man, cut and painted on them. on pointing to this, and asking what it meant, he said something, of which all we understood was "good," and then stepped to the image, and brought out his bow and quiver, which, with some other warlike implements, were kept behind it. the chief then directed his wife to hand him his _medicine-bag_, from which he brought out fourteen fore-fingers, which he told us had once belonged to the same number of his enemies. they were shown with great exultation; and after an harangue, which we were left to presume was in praise of his exploits, the fingers were carefully replaced among the valuable contents of the red medicine-bag. this bag is an object of religious regard, and it is a species of sacrilege for any one but its owner to touch it. in all the houses are images of men, of different shapes, and placed as ornaments in the parts of the house where they are most likely to be seen. a submerged forest. oct. .--the river is now about three-quarters of a mile wide, with a current so gentle, that it does not exceed a mile and a half an hour; but its course is obstructed by large rocks, which seem to have fallen from the mountains. what is, however, most singular, is, that there are stumps of pine-trees scattered to some distance in the river, which has the appearance of having been dammed below, and forced to encroach on the shore. note. rev. s. parker says, "we noticed a remarkable phenomenon,--trees standing in their natural position in the river, where the water is twenty feet deep. in many places, they were so numerous, that we had to pick our way with our canoe as through a forest. the water is so clear, that i had an opportunity of examining their position down to their spreading roots, and found them in the same condition as when standing in their native forest. it is evident that there has been an uncommon subsidence of a tract of land, more than twenty miles in length, and more than a mile in width. that the trees are not wholly decayed down to low-water mark, proves that the subsidence is comparatively of recent date; and their undisturbed natural position proves that it took place in a tranquil manner, not by any tremendous convulsion of nature." the river widens.--they meet the tide. nov. , .--longitude about °. at this point the first tidewater commences, and the river widens to nearly a mile in extent. the low grounds, too, become wider; and they, as well as the mountains on each side, are covered with pine, spruce, cotton-wood, a species of ash, and some alder. after being so long accustomed to the dreary nakedness of the country above, the change is as grateful to the eye as it is useful in supplying us with fuel. the ponds in the low grounds on each side of the river are resorted to by vast quantities of fowls, such as swans, geese, brants, cranes, storks, white gulls, cormorants, and plover. the river is wide, and contains a great number of sea-otters. in the evening, the hunters brought in game for a sumptuous supper, which we shared with the indians, great numbers of whom spent the night with us. during the night, the tide rose eighteen inches near our camp. a large village.--columbia valley. nov. .--next day, we landed on the left bank of the river, at a village of twenty-five houses. all of these were thatched with straw, and built of bark, except one, which was about fifty feet long, built of boards, in the form of those higher up the river; from which it differed, however, in being completely above ground, and covered with broad split boards. this village contains about two hundred men of the skilloot nation, who seem well provided with canoes, of which there were fifty-two (some of them very large) drawn up in front of the village. on landing, we found an indian from up the river, who had been with us some days ago, and now invited us into a house, of which he appeared to own a part. here he treated us with a root, round in shape, about the size of a small irish potato, which they call _wappatoo_. it is the common arrowhead, or sagittifolia, so much esteemed by the chinese, and, when roasted in the embers till it becomes soft, has an agreeable taste, and is a very good substitute for bread. here the ridge of low mountains running north-west and south-east crosses the river, and forms the western boundary of the plain through which we have just passed.[ ] this great plain, or valley, is about sixty miles wide in a straight line; while on the right and left it extends to a great distance. it is a fertile and delightful country, shaded by thick groves of tall timber, watered by small ponds, and lying on both sides of the river. the soil is rich, and capable of any species of culture; but, in the present condition of the indians, its chief production is the wappatoo-root, which grows spontaneously and exclusively in this region. sheltered as it is on both sides, the temperature is much milder than that of the surrounding country. through its whole extent, it is inhabited by numerous tribes of indians, who either reside in it permanently, or visit its waters in quest of fish and wappatoo-roots. we gave it the name of the columbia valley. coffin rock. among some interesting islands of basalt, there is one called coffin rock, situated in the middle of the river, rising ten or fifteen feet above high-freshet water. it is almost entirely covered with canoes, in which the dead are deposited, which gives it its name. in the section of country from wappatoo island to the pacific ocean, the indians, instead of committing their dead to the earth, deposit them in canoes; and these are placed in such situations as are most secure from beasts of prey, upon such precipices as this island, upon branches of trees, or upon scaffolds made for the purpose. the bodies of the dead are covered with mats, and split planks are placed over them. the head of the canoe is a little raised, and at the foot there is a hole made for water to escape. they reach the ocean. next day we passed the mouth of a large river, a hundred and fifty yards wide, called by the indians cowalitz. a beautiful, extensive plain now presented itself; but, at the distance of a few miles, the hills again closed in upon the river, so that we could not for several miles find a place sufficiently level to fix our camp upon for the night. thursday, nov. .--the morning was rainy, and the fog so thick, that we could not see across the river. we proceeded down the river, with an indian for our pilot, till, after making about twenty miles, the fog cleared off, and we enjoyed the delightful prospect of the ocean, the object of all our labors, the reward of all our endurance. this cheering view exhilarated the spirits of all the party, who listened with delight to the distant roar of the breakers. for ten days after our arrival at the coast, we were harassed by almost incessant rain. on the th, a violent gale of wind arose, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and hail. the waves were driven with fury against the rocks and trees, which had till then afforded us a partial defence. cold and wet; our clothes and bedding rotten as well as wet; the canoes, our only means of escape from the place, at the mercy of the waves,--we were, however, fortunate enough to enjoy good health. saturday, nov. .--the morning was clear and beautiful. we put out our baggage to dry, and sent several of the party to hunt. the camp was in full view of the ocean. the wind was strong from the south-west, and the waves very high; yet the indians were passing up and down the bay in canoes, and several of them encamped near us. the hunters brought in two deer, a crane, some geese and ducks, and several brant. the tide rises at this place eight feet six inches, and rolls over the beach in great waves. an excursion down the bay. capt. clarke started on monday, th november, on an excursion by land down the bay, accompanied by eleven men. the country is low, open, and marshy, partially covered with high pine and a thick undergrowth. at the distance of about fifteen miles they reached the cape, which forms the northern boundary of the river's mouth, called cape disappointment, so named by capt. meares, after a fruitless search for the river. it is an elevated circular knob, rising with a steep ascent a hundred and fifty feet or more above the water, covered with thick timber on the inner side, but open and grassy in the exposure next the sea. the opposite point of the bay is a very low ground, about ten miles distant, called, by capt. gray, point adams. the water for a great distance off the mouth of the river appears very shallow; and within the mouth, nearest to point adams, there is a large sand-bar, almost covered at high tide. we could not ascertain the direction of the deepest channel; for the waves break with tremendous force across the bay. mr. parker speaks more fully of this peculiarity of the river:-- "a difficulty of such a nature as is not easily overcome exists in regard to the navigation of this river; which is, the sand-bar at its entrance. it is about five miles, across the bar, from cape disappointment out to sea. in no part of that distance is the water upon the bar over eight fathoms deep, and in one place only five, and the channel only about half a mile in width. so wide and open is the ocean, that there is always a heavy swell: and, when the wind is above a gentle breeze, there are breakers quite across the bar; so that there is no passing it, except when the wind and tide are both favorable. outside the bar, there is no anchorage; and there have been instances, in the winter season, of ships lying off and on thirty days, waiting for an opportunity to pass: and a good pilot is always needed. high, and in most parts perpendicular, basaltic rocks line the shores." the following is theodore winthrop's description of the columbia, taken from his "canoe and saddle:"-- "a wall of terrible breakers marks the mouth of the columbia,--achilles of rivers. "other mighty streams may swim feebly away seaward, may sink into foul marshes, may trickle through the ditches of an oozy delta, may scatter among sand-bars the currents that once moved majestic and united; but to this heroic flood was destined a short life and a glorious one,--a life all one strong, victorious struggle, from the mountains to the sea. it has no infancy: two great branches collect its waters up and down the continent. they join, and the columbia is born--to full manhood. it rushes forward jubilant through its magnificent chasm, and leaps to its death in the pacific." footnote: [ ] since called the coast range. chapter xiii. winter-quarters. november, .--having now examined the coast, it becomes necessary to decide on the spot for our winter-quarters. we must rely chiefly for subsistence upon our arms, and be guided in the choice of our residence by the supply of game which any particular spot may offer. the indians say that the country on the opposite side of the river is better supplied with elk,--an animal much larger, and more easily killed, than the deer, with flesh more nutritive, and a skin better fitted for clothing. the neighborhood of the sea is, moreover, recommended by the facility of supplying ourselves with salt, and the hope of meeting some of the trading-vessels, which are expected about three months hence, from which we may procure a fresh supply of trinkets for our journey homewards. these considerations induced us to determine on visiting the opposite side of the bay; and, if there was an appearance of plenty of game, to establish ourselves there for the winter. monday, th november, we set out; but, as the wind was too high to suffer us to cross the river, we kept near the shore, watching for a favorable change. on leaving our camp, seven clatsops in a canoe accompanied us, but, after going a few miles, left us, and steered straight across through immense, high waves, leaving us in admiration at the dexterity with which they threw aside each wave as it threatened to come over their canoe. next day, with a more favorable wind, we began to cross the river. we passed between some low, marshy islands, and reached the south side of the columbia, and landed at a village of nine large houses. soon after we landed, three indians came down from the village with wappatoo-roots, which we purchased with fish-hooks. we proceeded along the shore till we came to a remarkable knob of land projecting about a mile and a half into the bay, about four miles round, while the neck of land which unites it to the main is not more than fifty yards across. we went round this projection, which we named point william; but the waves then became so high, that we could not venture any farther, and therefore landed on a beautiful shore of pebbles of various colors, and encamped near an old indian hut on the isthmus. discomforts. nov. .--it rained hard all next day, and the next, attended with a high wind from the south-west. it was impossible to proceed on so rough a sea. we therefore sent several men to hunt, and the rest of us remained during the day in a situation the most cheerless and uncomfortable. on this little neck of land, we are exposed, with a miserable covering which does not deserve the name of a shelter, to the violence of the winds. all our bedding and stores are completely wet, our clothes rotting with constant exposure, and no food except the dried fish brought from the falls, to which we are again reduced. the hunters all returned hungry, and drenched with rain; having seen neither deer nor elk, and the swans and brants too shy to be approached. at noon, the wind shifted to the north-west, and blew with such fury, that many trees were blown down near us. the gale lasted with short intervals during the whole night; but towards morning the wind lulled, though the rain continued, and the waves were still high. th.--the hunters met with no better success this day and the next, and the weather continued rainy. but on monday, d december, one of the hunters killed an elk at the distance of six miles from the camp, and a canoe was sent to bring it. this was the first elk we had killed on the west side of the rocky mountains; and, condemned as we have been to the dried fish, it forms a most acceptable food. the rain continued, with brief interruptions, during the whole month of december. there were occasional falls of snow, but no frost or ice. winter-quarters. capt. lewis returned from an excursion down the bay, having left two of his men to guard six elks and five deer which the party had shot. he had examined the coast, and found a river a short distance below, on which we might encamp for the winter, with a sufficiency of elk for our subsistence within reach. this information was very satisfactory, and we decided on going thither as soon as we could move from the point; but it rained all night and the following day. saturday, th december, , was fair. we therefore loaded our canoes, and proceeded: but the tide was against us, and the waves very high; so that we were obliged to proceed slowly and cautiously. we at length turned a point, and found ourselves in a deep bay. here we landed for breakfast, and were joined by a party sent out three days ago to look for the six elk. after breakfast, we coasted round the bay, which is about four miles across, and receives two rivers. we called it meriwether's bay, from the christian name of capt. lewis, who was, no doubt, the first white man who surveyed it. on reaching the south side of the bay, we ascended one of the rivers for three miles to the first point of highland, on its western bank, and formed our camp in a thick grove of lofty pines about two hundred yards from the water, and thirty feet above the level of the high tides. the clatsops at home. capt. clarke started on an expedition to the seashore, to fix upon a place for the salt-works. he took six men with him; but three of them left in pursuit of a herd of elk. he met three indians loaded with fresh salmon, which they had taken, and were returning to their village, whither they invited him to accompany them. he agreed; and they brought out a canoe hid along the bank of a creek. capt. clarke and his party got on board, and in a short time were landed at the village, consisting of twelve houses, inhabited by twelve families of clatsops. these houses were on the south exposure of a hill, and sunk about four feet deep into the ground; the walls, roof, and gable-ends being formed of split-pine boards; the descent through a small door down a ladder. there were two fires in the middle of the room, and the beds disposed round the walls, two or three feet from the floor, so as to leave room under them for their bags, baskets, and household articles. the floor was covered with mats. capt. clarke was received with much attention. as soon as he entered, clean mats were spread, and fish, berries, and roots set before him on small, neat platters of rushes. after he had eaten, the men of the other houses came and smoked with him. they appeared much neater in their persons than indians generally are. towards evening, it began to rain and blow violently; and capt. clarke therefore determined to remain during the night. when they thought his appetite had returned, an old woman presented him, in a bowl made of light-colored horn, a kind of sirup, pleasant to the taste, made from a species of berry common in this country, about the size of a cherry, called by the indians _shelwel_. of these berries a bread is also prepared, which, being boiled with roots, forms a soup, which was served in neat wooden trenchers. this, with some cockles, was his repast. the men of the village now collected, and began to gamble. the most common game was one in which one of the company was banker, and played against all the rest. he had a piece of bone about the size of a large bean; and, having agreed with any one as to the value of the stake, he would pass the bone with great dexterity from one hand to the other, singing at the same time to divert the attention of his adversary. then, holding up his closed hands, his antagonist was challenged to say in which of them the bone was, and lost or won as he pointed to the right or wrong hand. to this game of hazard they abandon themselves with great ardor. sometimes every thing they possess is sacrificed to it; and this evening several of the indians lost all the beads which they had with them. this lasted for three hours; when, capt. clarke appearing disposed to sleep, the man who had been most attentive, and whose name was cuskalah, spread two new mats by the fire; and, ordering his wife to retire to her own bed, the rest of the company dispersed at the same time. capt. clarke then lay down, and slept as well as the fleas would permit him. next morning was cloudy, with some rain. he walked on the seashore, and observed the indians walking up and down, and examining the shore. he was at a loss to understand their object till one of them explained that they were in search of fish, which are thrown on shore by the tide; adding, in english, "sturgeon is good." there is every reason to suppose that these clatsops depend for their subsistence during the winter chiefly on the fish thus casually thrown on the coast. after amusing himself for some time on the beach, capt. clarke returned toward the village. one of the indians asked him to shoot a duck which he pointed out. he did so; and, having accidentally shot off its head, the bird was brought to the village, and all the indians came round in astonishment. they examined the duck, the musket, and the very small bullet (a hundred to the pound); and then exclaimed in their language, "good musket: don't understand this kind of musket." they now placed before him their best roots, fish, and sirup; after which he bought some berry-bread and a few roots in exchange for fish-hooks, and then set out to return by the same route by which he came. he was accompanied by cuskalah and his brother part of the way, and proceeded to the camp through a heavy rain. the party had been occupied during his absence in cutting down trees and in hunting. next day, two of our hunters returned with the pleasing intelligence of their having killed eighteen elk about six miles off. our huts begin to rise; for, though it rains all day, we continue our labors, and are glad to find that the beautiful balsam-pine splits into excellent boards more than two feet in width. dec. .--capt. clarke, with sixteen men, set out in three canoes to get the elk which were killed. after landing as near the spot as possible, the men were despatched in small parties to bring in the game; each man returning with a quarter of an animal. it was accomplished with much labor and suffering; for the rain fell incessantly. the fort completed. we now had the meat-house covered, and all our game carefully hung up in small pieces. two days after, we covered in four huts. five men were sent out to hunt, and five others despatched to the seaside, each with a large kettle, in order to begin the manufacture of salt. the rest of the men were employed in making pickets and gates for our fort. dec. .--as if it were impossible to have twenty-four hours of pleasant weather, the sky last evening clouded up, and the rain began, and continued through the day. in the morning, there came down two canoes,--one from the wahkiacum village; the other contained three men and a squaw of the skilloot nation. they brought wappatoo and shanatac roots, dried fish, mats made of flags and rushes, dressed elk-skins, and tobacco, for which, particularly the skins, they asked an extravagant price. we purchased some wappatoo and a little tobacco, very much like that we had seen among the shoshonees, put up in small, neat bags made of rushes. these we obtained in exchange for a few articles, among which fish-hooks are the most esteemed. one of the skilloots brought a gun which wanted some repair; and, when we had put it in order, we received from him a present of about a peck of wappatoo. we then gave him a piece of sheepskin and blue cloth to cover the lock, and he very thankfully offered a further present of roots. there is an obvious superiority of these skilloots over the wahkiacums, who are intrusive, thievish, and impertinent. our new regulations, however, and the appearance of the sentinel, have improved the behavior of all our indian visitors. they left the fort before sunset, even without being ordered. chapter xiv. a new year. we were awaked at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small-arms to salute the new year. this is the only way of doing honor to the day which our situation admits; for our only dainties are boiled elk and wappatoo, enlivened by draughts of water. next day, we were visited by the chief, comowool, and six clatsops. besides roots and berries, they brought for sale three dogs. having been so long accustomed to live on the flesh of dogs, the most of us have acquired a fondness for it; and any objection to it is overcome by reflecting, that, while we subsisted on that food, we were fatter, stronger, and in better health, than at any period since leaving the buffalo country, east of the mountains. the indians also brought with them some whale's blubber, which they obtained, they told us, from their neighbors who live on the sea-coast, near one of whose villages a whale has recently been thrown and stranded. it was white, and not unlike the fat of pork, though of a more porous and spongy texture; and, on being cooked, was found to be tender and palatable, in flavor resembling the flesh of the beaver. two of the five men who were despatched to make salt returned. they had formed an establishment about fifteen miles south-west of our fort, near some scattered houses of the clatsops, where they erected a comfortable camp, and had killed a stock of provisions. they brought with them a gallon of the salt of their manufacture, which was white, fine, and very good. it proves to be a most agreeable addition to our food; and, as they can make three or four quarts a day, we have a prospect of a plentiful supply. the whale. the appearance of the whale seemed to be a matter of importance to all the neighboring indians; and in hopes that we might be able to procure some of it for ourselves, or at least purchase some from the indians, a small parcel of merchandise was prepared, and a party of men got in readiness to set out in the morning. as soon as this resolution was known, chaboneau and his wife requested that they might be permitted to accompany us. the poor woman urged very earnestly that she had travelled a great way with us to see the great water, yet she had never been down to the coast; and, now that this monstrous fish also was to be seen, it seemed hard that she should not be permitted to see either the ocean or the whale. so reasonable a request could not be denied: they were therefore suffered to accompany capt. clarke, who next day, after an early breakfast, set out with twelve men in two canoes. he proceeded down the river on which we are encamped into meriwether bay; from whence he passed up a creek three miles to some high, open land, where he found a road. he there left the canoes, and followed the path over deep marshes to a pond about a mile long. here they saw a herd of elk; and the men were divided into small parties, and hunted them till after dark. three of the elk were wounded; but night prevented our taking more than one, which was brought to the camp, and cooked with some sticks of pine which had drifted down the creeks. the weather was beautiful, the sky clear, and the moon shone brightly,--a circumstance the more agreeable, as this is the first fair evening we have enjoyed for two months. thursday, jan. .--there was a frost this morning. we rose early, and taking eight pounds of flesh, which was all that remained of the elk, proceeded up the south fork of the creek. at the distance of two miles we found a pine-tree, which had been felled by one of our salt-makers, on which we crossed the deepest part of the creek, and waded through the rest. we then went over an open, ridgy prairie, three-quarters of a mile to the sea-beach; after following which for three miles, we came to the mouth of a beautiful river, with a bold, rapid current, eighty-five yards wide, and three feet deep in its shallowest crossings. on its north-east side are the remains of an old village of clatsops, inhabited by only a single family, who appeared miserably poor and dirty. we gave the man two fish-hooks to ferry the party over the river, which, from the tribe on its banks, we called clatsop river. the creek which we had passed on a tree approaches this river within about a hundred yards, and, by means of a portage, supplies a communication with the villages near point adams. after going on for two miles, we found the salt-makers encamped near four houses of clatsops and killimucks, who, though poor and dirty, seemed kind and well-disposed. we persuaded a young indian, by the present of a file and a promise of some other articles, to guide us to the spot where the whale lay. he led us for two and a half miles over the round, slippery stones at the foot of a high hill projecting into the sea, and then, suddenly stopping, and uttering the word "peshack," or bad, explained by signs that we could no longer follow the coast, but must cross the mountain. this threatened to be a most laborious undertaking; for the side was nearly perpendicular, and the top lost in clouds. he, however, followed an indian path, which wound along, and favored the ascent as much as possible; but it was so steep, that, at one place, we were forced to draw ourselves up for about a hundred feet by means of bushes and roots. clarke's point of view. at length, after two hours' labor, we reached the top of the mountain, where we looked down with astonishment on the height of ten or twelve hundred feet which we had ascended. we were here met by fourteen indians loaded with oil and blubber, the spoils of the whale, which they were carrying in very heavy burdens over this rough mountain. on leaving them, we proceeded over a bad road till night, when we encamped on a small run. we were all much fatigued: but the weather was pleasant; and, for the first time since our arrival here, an entire day has passed without rain. in the morning we set out early, and proceeded to the top of the mountain, the highest point of which is an open spot facing the ocean. it is situated about thirty miles south-east of cape disappointment, and projects nearly two and a half miles into the sea. here one of the most delightful views imaginable presents itself. immediately in front is the ocean, which breaks with fury on the coast, from the rocks of cape disappointment as far as the eye can discern to the north-west, and against the highlands and irregular piles of rock which diversify the shore to the south-east. to this boisterous scene, the columbia, with its tributary waters, widening into bays as it approaches the ocean, and studded on both sides with the chinook and clatsop villages, forms a charming contrast; while immediately beneath our feet are stretched rich prairies, enlivened by three beautiful streams, which conduct the eye to small lakes at the foot of the hills. we stopped to enjoy the romantic view from this place, which we distinguished by the name of clarke's point of view, and then followed our guide down the mountain. the whale. the descent was steep and dangerous. in many places, the hillsides, which are formed principally of yellow clay, have been loosened by the late rains, and are slipping into the sea in large masses of fifty and a hundred acres. in other parts, the path crosses the rugged, perpendicular, basaltic rocks which overhang the sea, into which a false step would have precipitated us. the mountains are covered with a very thick growth of timber, chiefly pine and fir; some trees of which, perfectly sound and solid, rise to the height of two hundred and ten feet, and are from eight to twelve in diameter. intermixed is the white cedar, or arbor-vitæ, and some trees of black alder, two or three feet thick, and sixty or seventy in height. at length we reached the sea-level, and continued for two miles along the sand-beach, and soon after reached the place where the waves had thrown the whale on shore. the animal had been placed between two villages of killimucks; and such had been their industry, that there now remained nothing but the skeleton, which we found to be a hundred and five feet in length. capt. clarke named the place ecola, or whale creek. the natives were busied in boiling the blubber in a large square trough of wood by means of heated stones, preserving the oil thus extracted in bladders and the entrails of the whale. the refuse pieces of the blubber, which still contained a portion of oil, were hung up in large flitches, and, when wanted for use, were warmed on a wooden spit before the fire, and eaten, either alone, or with roots of the rush and shanatac. the indians, though they had great quantities, parted with it very reluctantly, at such high prices, that our whole stock of merchandise was exhausted in the purchase of about three hundred pounds of blubber and a few gallons of oil. next morning was fine, the wind from the north-east; and, having divided our stock of the blubber, we began at sunrise to retrace our steps in order to reach our encampment, which we called fort clatsop, thirty-five miles distant, with as little delay as possible. we met several parties of indians on their way to trade for blubber and oil with the killimucks: we also overtook a party returning from the village, and could not but regard with astonishment the heavy loads which the women carry over these fatiguing and dangerous paths. as one of the women was descending a steep part of the mountain, her load slipped from her back; and she stood holding it by a strap with one hand, and with the other supporting herself by a bush. capt. clarke, being near her, undertook to replace the load, and found it almost as much as he could lift, and above one hundred pounds in weight. loaded as they were, they kept pace with us till we reached the salt-makers' camp, where we passed the night, while they continued their route. next day, we proceeded across clatsop river to the place where we had left our canoes, and, as the tide was coming in, immediately embarked for the fort, at which place we arrived about ten o'clock at night. drewyer, the hunter. jan. , .--two hunters had been despatched in the morning; and one of them, drewyer, had, before evening, killed seven elks. we should scarcely be able to subsist, were it not for the exertions of this excellent hunter. the game is scarce; and none is now to be seen except elk, which, to almost all the men, are very difficult to be procured. but drewyer, who is the offspring of a canadian frenchman and an indian woman, has passed his life in the woods, and unites in a wonderful degree the dexterous aim of the frontier huntsman with the sagacity of the indian in pursuing the faintest tracks through the forest. all our men have indeed become so expert with the rifle, that, when there is game of any kind, we are almost certain of procuring it. monday, jan. .--capt. lewis took all the men who could be spared, and brought in the seven elk, which they found untouched by the wolves. the last of the candles which we brought with us being exhausted, we now began to make others of elk-tallow. we also employed ourselves in jerking the meat of the elk. we have three of the canoes drawn up out of the reach of the water, and the other secured by a strong cord, so as to be ready for use if wanted. jan. .--to-day we finished curing our meat; and having now a plentiful supply of elk and salt, and our houses dry and comfortable, we wait patiently for the moment of resuming our journey. chapter xv. winter life. jan. , .--we are all occupied in dressing skins, and preparing clothes for our journey homewards. this morning, we sent out two parties of hunters in different directions. we were visited by three clatsops, who came merely for the purpose of smoking and conversing with us. jan. .--two of the hunters came back with three elks, which form a timely addition to our stock of provision. the indian visitors left us at twelve o'clock. the clatsops and other nations have visited us with great freedom. having acquired much of their language, we are enabled, with the assistance of gestures, to hold conversations with great ease. we find them inquisitive and loquacious; by no means deficient in acuteness. they are generally cheerful, but seldom gay. every thing they see excites their attention and inquiries. their treatment of women and old men depends very much on the usefulness of these classes. thus, among the clatsops and chinooks, who live upon fish and roots, which the women are equally expert with the men in procuring, the women have a rank and influence far greater than they have among the hunting tribes. on many subjects their judgments and opinions are respected; and, in matters of trade, their advice is generally asked and followed. so with the old men: when one is unable to pursue the chase, his counsels may compensate for his want of activity; but in the next state of infirmity, when he can no longer travel from camp to camp as the tribe roams about for subsistence, he is found to be a burden. in this condition they are abandoned among the sioux and other hunting-tribes of the missouri. as the tribe are setting out for some new excursion where the old man is unable to follow, his children or nearest relations place before him a piece of meat and some water; and telling him that he has lived long enough, that it is now time for him to go home to his relations, who can take better care of him than his friends on earth, they leave him without remorse to perish, when his little supply is exhausted. though this is doubtless true as a general rule, yet, in the villages of the minnetarees and ricaras, we saw no want of kindness to old men: on the contrary, probably because in villages the more abundant means of subsistence renders such cruelty unnecessary, the old people appeared to be treated with attention; and some of their feasts, particularly the buffalo-dances, were intended chiefly as an occasion of contribution for the old and infirm. flathead indians. the custom of flattening the head by artificial pressure during infancy prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the rocky mountains. to the east of that barrier the fashion is so perfectly unused, that they designate the western indians, of whatever tribe, by the common name of flatheads. the practice is universal among the killimucks, clatsops, chinooks, and cathlamahs,--the four nations with whom we have had most intercourse. soon after the birth of her child, the mother places it in the compressing-frame, where it is kept for ten or twelve months. the operation is so gradual, that it is not attended with pain. the heads of the children, when they are released from the bandage, are not more than two inches thick about the upper edge of the forehead: nor, with all its efforts, can nature ever restore their shape; the heads of grown persons being often in a straight line from the tip of the nose to the top of the forehead. temperance.--gambling. their houses usually contain several families, consisting of parents, sons and daughters, daughters-in-law and grand-children, among whom the provisions are in common, and harmony seldom interrupted. as these families gradually expand into tribes, or nations, the paternal authority is represented by the chief of each association. the chieftainship is not hereditary: the chief's ability to render service to his neighbors, and the popularity which follows it, is the foundation of his authority, which does not extend beyond the measure of his personal influence. the harmony of their private life is protected by their ignorance of spirituous liquors. although the tribes near the coast have had so much intercourse with the whites, they do not appear to possess any knowledge of those dangerous luxuries; at least, they have never inquired of us for them. indeed, we have not observed any liquor of an intoxicating quality used among any indians west of the rocky mountains; the universal beverage being pure water. they, however, almost intoxicate themselves by smoking tobacco, of which they are excessively fond. but the common vice of all these people is an attachment to games of chance, which they pursue with a ruinous avidity. the game of the pebble has already been described. another game is something like the play of ninepins. two pins are placed on the floor, about the distance of a foot from each other, and a small hole made in the earth behind them. the players then go about ten feet from the hole, into which they try to roll a small piece resembling the men used at checkers. if they succeed in putting it into the hole, they win the stake. if the piece rolls between the pins, but does not go into the hole, nothing is won or lost; but the wager is lost if the checker rolls outside the pins. entire days are wasted at these games, which are often continued through the night round the blaze of their fires, till the last article of clothing or the last blue bead is lost and won. trees. the whole neighborhood of the coast is supplied with great quantities of excellent timber. the predominant growth is the fir, of which we have seen several species. the first species grows to an immense size, and is very commonly twenty-seven feet in circumference, six feet above the earth's surface. they rise to the height of two hundred and thirty feet, and one hundred and twenty of that height without a limb. we have often found them thirty-six feet in circumference. one of our party measured one, and found it to be forty-two feet in circumference at a point beyond the reach of an ordinary man. this tree was perfectly sound; and, at a moderate calculation, its height may be estimated at three hundred feet. the second is a much more common species, and constitutes at least one-half of the timber in this neighborhood. it resembles the spruce, rising from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty feet; and is from four to six feet in diameter, straight, round, and regularly tapering. the stem of the black alder arrives at a great size. it is sometimes found growing to the height of sixty or seventy feet, and is from two to four in diameter. there is a tree, common on the columbia river, much resembling the ash, and another resembling the white maple, though much smaller. the undergrowth consists of honeysuckle, alder, whortleberry, a plant like the mountain-holly, green brier, and fern. animals. the beaver of this country is large and fat: the flesh is very palatable, and, at our table, was a real luxury. on the th of january, our hunter found a beaver in his trap, of which he made a bait for taking others. this bait will entice the beaver to the trap as far as he can smell it; and this may be fairly stated to be at the distance of a mile, as their sense of smelling is very acute. the sea-otter resides only on the sea-coast or in the neighborhood of the salt water. when fully grown, he attains to the size of a large mastiff dog. the ears, which are not an inch in length, are thick, pointed, fleshy, and covered with short hair; the tail is ten inches long, thick at the point of insertion, and partially covered with a deep fur on the upper side; the legs are very short, covered with fur, and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long, and of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to the nose, they measure five feet. the color is a uniform dark brown, and when in good condition, and in season, perfectly black. this animal is unrivalled for the beauty, richness, and softness of his fur. the inner part of the fur, when opened, is lighter than the surface in its natural position. there are some black and shining hairs intermixed with the fur, which are rather longer, and add much to its beauty. horses and dogs. the horse is confined chiefly to the nations inhabiting the great plains of the columbia, extending from latitude forty to fifty north, and occupying the tract of country lying between the rocky mountains and a range of mountains which crosses the columbia river about the great falls. in this region they are very numerous. they appear to be of an excellent race, lofty, well formed, active, and enduring. many of them appear like fine english coursers. some of them are pied, with large spots of white irregularly scattered, and intermixed with a dark-brown bay. the greater part, however, are of a uniform color, marked with stars, and white feet. the natives suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which affords them their only winter subsistence; their masters taking no trouble to lay in a winter's store for them. they will, nevertheless, unless much exercised, fatten on the dry grass afforded by the plains during the winter. the plains are rarely moistened by rain, and the grass is consequently short and thin. whether the horse was originally a native of this country or not, the soil and climate appear to be perfectly well adapted to his nature. horses are said to be found wild in many parts of this country. the dog is small, about the size of an ordinary cur. he is usually party-colored; black, white, brown, and brindle being the colors most predominant. the head is long, the nose pointed, the eyes small, the ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf. the hair is short and smooth, excepting on the tail, where it is long and straight, like that of the ordinary cur-dog. the natives never eat the flesh of this animal, and he appears to be in no other way serviceable to them but in hunting the elk. to us, on the contrary, it has now become a favorite food; for it is found to be a strong, healthy diet, preferable to lean deer or elk, and much superior to horse-flesh in any state. burrowing squirrel. there are several species of squirrels not different from those found in the atlantic states. there is also a species of squirrel, evidently distinct, which we denominate the burrowing squirrel. he measures one foot five inches in length, of which the tail comprises two and a half inches only. the neck and legs are short; the ears are likewise short, obtusely pointed, and lie close to the head. the eyes are of a moderate size, the pupil black, and the iris of a dark, sooty brown. the teeth, and indeed the whole contour, resemble those of the squirrel. these animals associate in large companies, occupying with their burrows sometimes two hundred acres of land. the burrows are separate, and each contains ten or twelve of these inhabitants. there is a little mound in front of the hole, formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow; and frequently there are three or four distinct holes, forming one burrow, with their entrances around the base of a mound. these mounds, about two feet in height and four in diameter, are occupied as watch-towers by the inhabitants of these little communities. the squirrels are irregularly distributed about the tract they thus occupy,--ten, twenty, or thirty yards apart. when any person approaches, they make a shrill whistling sound, somewhat resembling "tweet, tweet, tweet;" the signal for their party to take the alarm, and to retire into their intrenchments. they feed on the grass of their village, the limits of which they never venture to exceed. as soon as the frost commences, they shut themselves up in their caverns, and continue until the spring opens. birds. the grouse, or prairie-hen.--this is peculiarly the inhabitant of the great plains of the columbia, but does not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri. in the winter season, this bird is booted to the first joint of the toes. the toes are curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow, hard scales, which are placed very close to each other, and extend horizontally about one-eighth of an inch on each side of the toes, adding much to the broadness of the feet,--a security which nature has furnished them for passing over the snow with more ease,--and, what is very remarkable, in the summer season these scales drop from the feet. the color of this bird is a mixture of dark brown, reddish, and yellowish brown, with white confusedly mixed. the reddish-brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body, wings, and tail; and the white, under the belly and the lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn and winter; and, even in summer, are seen in companies of five or six. they feed on grass, insects, leaves of various shrubs in the plains, and the seeds of several species of plants which grow in richer soils. in winter, their food consists of the buds of the willow and cottonwood, and native berries. the cock of the plains is found on the plains of the columbia in great abundance. the beak is large, short, covered, and convex; the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large, and the back black. the color is a uniform mixture of a dark-brown, resembling the dove, and a reddish or yellowish brown, with some small black specks. the habits of this bird resemble those of the grouse, excepting that his food is the leaf and buds of the pulpy-leaved thorn. the flesh is dark, and only tolerable in point of flavor. horned frog. the horned lizard, or horned frog, called, for what reason we never could learn, the prairie buffalo, is a native of these plains as well as of those of the missouri. the color is generally brown, intermixed with yellowish spots. the animal is covered with minute scales, interspersed with small horny points, or prickles, on the upper surface of the body. the belly and throat resemble those of the frog, and are of a light yellowish-brown. the edge of the belly is likewise beset with small horny projections. the eye is small and dark. above and behind the eyes there are several bony projections, which resemble horns sprouting from the head. these animals are found in greatest numbers in the sandy, open plains, and appear most abundant after a shower of rain. they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine, but generally conceal themselves in little holes of the earth. this may account for their appearance in such numbers after rain, as their holes may thus be rendered untenantable. chapter xvi. the return. march, .--many reasons had inclined us to remain at fort clatsop till the st of april. besides the want of fuel in the columbian plains, and the impracticability of crossing the mountains before the beginning of june, we were anxious to see some of the foreign traders, from whom, by our ample letters of credit, we might recruit our exhausted stores of merchandise. about the middle of march, however, we became seriously alarmed for the want of food. the elk, our chief dependence, had at length deserted its usual haunts in our neighborhood, and retreated to the mountains. we were too poor to purchase food from the indians; so that we were sometimes reduced, notwithstanding all the exertions of our hunters, to a single day's provision in advance. the men too, whom the constant rains and confinement had rendered unhealthy, might, we hoped, be benefited by leaving the coast, and resuming the exercise of travelling. we therefore determined to leave fort clatsop, ascend the river slowly, consume the month of march in the woody country, where we hoped to find subsistence, and in this way reach the plains about the st of april, before which time it will be impossible to cross them. during the winter, we have been very industrious in dressing skins; so that we now have a sufficient quantity of clothing, besides between three and four hundred pairs of moccasons. but the whole stock of goods on which we are to depend for the purchase of horses or of food, during the long journey of four thousand miles, is so much diminished, that it might all be tied in two handkerchiefs. we therefore feel that our chief dependence must be on our guns, which, fortunately, are all in good order, as we took the precaution of bringing a number of extra locks, and one of our men proved to be an excellent gunsmith. the powder had been secured in leaden canisters; and, though on many occasions they had been under water, it remained perfectly dry: and we now found ourselves in possession of one hundred and forty pounds of powder, and twice that weight of lead,--a stock quite sufficient for the route homewards. we were now ready to leave fort clatsop; but the rain prevented us for several days from calking the canoes, and we were forced to wait for calm weather before we could attempt to pass point william, which projects about a mile and a half into the sea, forming, as it were, the dividing-line between the river and the ocean; for the water below is salt, while that above is fresh. on march , at one o'clock in the afternoon, we took a final leave of fort clatsop. we doubled point william without any injury, and at six o'clock reached the mouth of a small creek, where we found our hunters. they had been fortunate enough to kill two elks, which were brought in, and served for breakfast next morning. next day, we were overtaken by two wahkiacums, who brought two dogs, for which they wanted us to give them some tobacco; but, as we had very little of that article left, they were obliged to go away disappointed. we received at the same time an agreeable supply of three eagles and a large goose, brought in by the hunters. we passed the entrance of cowalitz river, seventy miles from our winter camp. this stream enters the columbia from the north; is one hundred and fifty yards wide; deep and navigable, as the indians assert, for a considerable distance; and probably waters the country west and north of the cascade mountains, which cross the columbia between the great falls and rapids. during the day, we passed a number of fishing-camps on both sides of the river, and were constantly attended by small parties of skilloots, who behaved in the most orderly manner, and from whom we purchased as much fish and roots as we wanted, on moderate terms. the night continued as the day had been,--cold, wet, and disagreeable; which is the general character of the weather in this region at this season. march .--at an early hour, we resumed our route, and halted for breakfast at the upper end of an island where is properly the commencement of the great columbian valley. we landed at a village of fourteen large wooden houses. the people received us kindly, and spread before us wappatoo and anchovies; but, as soon as we had finished enjoying this hospitality (if it deserves that name), they began to ask us for presents. they were, however, perfectly satisfied with the small articles which we distributed according to custom, and equally pleased with our purchasing some wappatoo, twelve dogs, and two sea-otter skins. we also gave the chief a small medal, which he soon transferred to his wife. april .--we met a number of canoes filled with families descending the river. these people told us that they lived at the great rapids, but that a scarcity of provisions there had induced them to come down in hopes of finding subsistence in this fertile valley. all those who lived at the rapids, as well as the nations above them, they said, were in much distress for want of food, having consumed their winter store of dried fish, and not expecting the return of the salmon before the next full moon, which will be on the d of may. this intelligence was disagreeable and embarrassing. from the falls to the chopunnish nation, the plains afford no deer, elk, or antelope, on which we can rely for subsistence. the horses are very poor at this season; and the dogs must be in the same condition, if their food, the fish, have failed. on the other hand, it is obviously inexpedient to wait for the return of the salmon, since, in that case, we may not reach the missouri before the ice will prevent our navigating it. we therefore decided to remain here only till we collect meat enough to last us till we reach the chopunnish nation, with whom we left our horses on our downward journey, trusting that we shall find the animals safe, and have them faithfully returned to us; for, without them, the passage of the mountains will be almost impracticable. april , .--several canoes arrived to visit us; and among the party were two young men who belonged to a nation, which, they said, resides at the falls of a large river which empties itself into the south side of the columbia, a few miles below us; and they drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat. in order to verify this information, capt. clarke persuaded one of the young men, by the present of a burning-glass, to accompany him to the river, in search of which he immediately set out with a canoe and seven of our men. in the evening, capt. clarke returned from his excursion. after descending about twenty miles, he entered the mouth of a large river, which was concealed, by three small islands opposite its entrance, from those who pass up or down the columbia. this river, which the indians call multnomah, from a nation of the same name residing near it on wappatoo island, enters the columbia one hundred and forty miles above the mouth of the latter river. the current of the multnomah, which is also called willamett, is as gentle as that of the columbia; and it appears to possess water enough for the largest ship, since, on sounding with a line of five fathoms, they could find no bottom. capt. clarke ascended the river to the village of his guide. he found here a building two hundred and twenty-six feet in front, entirely above ground, and all under one roof; otherwise it would seem more like a range of buildings, as it is divided into seven distinct apartments, each thirty feet square. the roof is formed of rafters, with round poles laid on them longitudinally. the whole is covered with a double row of the bark of the white cedar, secured by splinters of dried fir, inserted through it at regular distances. in this manner, the roof is made light, strong, and durable. in the house were several old people of both sexes, who were treated with much respect, and still seemed healthy, though most of them were perfectly blind. on inquiring the cause of the decline of their village, which was shown pretty clearly by the remains of several deserted buildings, an old man, father of the guide, and a person of some distinction, brought forward a woman very much marked with the small-pox, and said, that, when a girl, she was near dying with the disorder which had left those marks, and that the inhabitants of the houses now in ruins had fallen victims to the same disease. wappatoo island and root. wappatoo island is a large extent of country lying between the multnomah river and an arm of the columbia. the island is about twenty miles long, and varies in breadth from five to ten miles. the land is high, and extremely fertile, and on most parts is supplied with a heavy growth of cottonwood, ash, and willow. but the chief wealth of this island consists of the numerous ponds in the interior, abounding with the common arrowhead (_sagittaria sagittifolia_), to the root of which is attached a bulb growing beneath it, in the mud. this bulb, to which the indians give the name of _wappatoo_, is the great article of food, and almost the staple article of commerce, on the columbia. it is never out of season; so that, at all times of the year, the valley is frequented by the neighboring indians who come to gather it. it is collected chiefly by the women, who employ for the purpose canoes from ten to fourteen feet in length, about two feet wide, and nine inches deep, tapering from the middle, where they are about twenty inches wide. they are sufficient to contain a single person and several bushels of roots; yet so light, that a woman can carry one with ease. she takes one of these canoes into a pond where the water is as high as the breast, and, by means of her toes, separates from the root this bulb, which, on being freed from the mud, rises immediately to the surface of the water, and is thrown into the canoe. in this manner, these patient females remain in the water for several hours, even in the depth of winter. this plant is found through the whole extent of the valley in which we now are, but does not grow on the columbia farther eastward. scenery of the river and shores. above the junction of the multnomah river, we passed along under high, steep, and rocky sides of the mountains, which here close in on each side of the river, forming stupendous precipices, covered with the fir and white cedar. down these heights frequently descend the most beautiful cascades,--one of which, a large stream, throws itself over a perpendicular rock, three hundred feet above the water; while other smaller streams precipitate themselves from a still greater elevation, and, separating into a mist, again collect, and form a second cascade before they reach the bottom of the rocks. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, generally abrupt and craggy, and in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, hard, basaltic rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends itself, in level plains, to a very great distance. to one remarkable elevation we gave the name of beacon rock. it stands on the north side of the river, insulated from the hills. the northern side has a partial growth of fir or pine. to the south, it rises in an unbroken precipice to the height of seven hundred feet, where it terminates in a sharp point, and may be seen at the distance of twenty miles. this rock may be considered as the point where tidewater commences. april .--we formed our camp at the foot of the long narrows, a little above a settlement of skilloots. their dwellings were formed by sticks set in the ground, and covered with mats and straw, and so large, that each was the residence of several families. the whole village was filled with rejoicing at having caught a salmon, which was considered as the harbinger of vast quantities that would arrive in a few days. in the belief that it would hasten their coming, the indians, according to their custom, dressed the fish, and cut it into small pieces, one of which was given to every child in the village; and, in the good humor excited by this occurrence, they parted, though reluctantly, with four horses, for which we gave them two kettles, reserving to ourselves only one. we resumed our route, and soon after halted on a hill, from the top of which we had a commanding view of the range of mountains in which mount hood stands, and which continued south as far as the eye could reach; their summits being covered with snow. mount hood bore south thirty degrees west; and another snowy summit, which we have called mount jefferson, south ten degrees west. capt. clarke crossed the river, with nine men and a large part of the merchandise, to purchase, if possible, twelve horses to transport our baggage, and some pounded fish, as a reserve, on the passage across the mountains. he succeeded in purchasing only four horses, and those at double the price that had been paid to the shoshonees. april .--as it was much for our interest to preserve the good will of these people, we passed over several small thefts which they had committed; but this morning we learned that six tomahawks and a knife had been stolen during the night. we addressed ourselves to the chief, who seemed angry with his people; but we did not recover the articles: and soon afterwards two of our spoons were missing. we therefore ordered them all from the camp. they left us in ill-humor, and we therefore kept on our guard against any insult. april .--we began our march at seven o'clock. we had just reached the top of a hill near the village, when the load of one of the horses turned; and the animal, taking fright at a robe which still adhered to him, ran furiously toward the village. just as he came there, the robe fell, and an indian made way with it. the horse was soon caught; but the robe was missing, and the indians denied having seen it. these repeated acts of knavery had quite exhausted our patience; and capt. lewis set out for the village, determined to make them deliver up the robe, or to burn their houses to the ground. this retaliation was happily rendered unnecessary; for on his way he met two of our men, who had found the robe in one of the huts, hid behind some baggage. april .--the indians had promised to take our canoes in exchange for horses; but, when they found that we were resolved on travelling by land, they refused giving us any thing for them, in hopes that we would be forced to leave them. disgusted at this conduct, we determined rather to cut them in pieces than suffer these people to possess them; and actually began to do so, when they consented to give us several strands of beads for each canoe. we had now a sufficient number of horses to carry our baggage, and therefore proceeded wholly by land. passing between the hills and the northern shore of the river, we had a difficult and fatiguing march over a road alternately sandy and rocky. the country through which we have passed for several days is of uniform character. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, solid rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends, in level plains, to a very great distance, and, though not as fertile as land near the falls, produces an abundant supply of low grass, which is an excellent food for horses. the grass must indeed be unusually nutritious: for even at this season of the year, after wintering on the dry grass of the plains, and being used with greater severity than is usual among the whites, many of the horses were perfectly fat; nor had we seen a single one that was really poor. having proceeded thirty-one miles, we halted for the night not far from some houses of the walla-wallas. soon after stopping, we were joined by seven of that tribe, among whom we recognized a chief by the name of yellept, who had visited us in october last, when we gave him a medal. he appeared very much pleased at seeing us again, and invited us to remain at his village three or four days, during which he would supply us with such food as they had, and furnish us with horses for our journey. after the cold, inhospitable treatment we had lately received, this kind offer was peculiarly acceptable. after having made a hasty meal, we accompanied him to his village. immediately on our arrival, yellept, who proved to be a man of much influence, collected the inhabitants, and after having made an harangue to them, the object of which was to induce them to treat us hospitably, set them an example by bringing himself an armful of wood, and a platter containing three roasted mullets. they immediately followed the example by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they use,--the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. we then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days previously. we learned from these people, that, opposite to their village, there was a route which led to the mouth of the kooskooskee; that the road was good, and passed over a level country well supplied with water and grass; and that we should meet with plenty of deer and antelope. we knew that a road in that direction would shorten our route eighty miles; and we concluded to adopt this route. fortunately there was among these walla-wallas a prisoner belonging to a tribe of the shoshonee indians. our shoshonee woman, sacajawea, though she belonged to another tribe, spoke the same language as this prisoner; and by their means we were enabled to explain ourselves to the indians, and to answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. our conversation inspired them with such confidence, that they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance. we splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought would be useful for ulcers and eruptions of the skin on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. but our most valuable medicine was eye-water, which we distributed, and which, indeed, they very much required; for complaints of the eyes, occasioned by living so much on the water, and aggravated by the fine sand of the plains, were universal among them. we were by no means dissatisfied at this new resource for obtaining subsistence, as the indians would give us no provisions without merchandise, and our stock was very much reduced. we carefully abstained from giving them any thing but harmless medicines; and our prescriptions might be useful, and were therefore entitled to some remuneration. may .--almost the only instance of rudeness we encountered in our whole trip occurred here. we made our dinner on two dogs and a small quantity of roots. while we were eating, an indian standing by, and looking with great derision at our eating dog's-flesh, threw a half-starved puppy almost into capt. lewis's plate, laughing heartily at the humor of it. capt. lewis took up the animal, and flung it back with great force into the fellow's face, and, seizing his tomahawk, threatened to cut him down if he dared to repeat such insolence. he went off, apparently much mortified; and we continued our dog-repast very quietly. here we met our old chopunnish guide and his family; and soon afterward one of our horses, which had been separated from the others in the charge of twisted-hair, was caught, and restored to us. the walla-walla. we reached (may ) a branch of the walla-walla river. the hills of this creek are generally abrupt and rocky; but the narrow bottom bordering the stream is very fertile, and both possess twenty times as much timber as the columbia itself. indeed, we now find, for the first time since leaving fort clatsop, an abundance of firewood. the growth consists of cotton-wood, birch, the crimson haw, willow, choke-cherry, yellow currants, gooseberry, honeysuckle, rose-bushes, sumac, together with some corn-grass and rushes. the advantage of a comfortable fire induced us, as the night was come, to halt at this place. we were soon supplied by drewyer with a beaver and an otter; of which we took only a part of the beaver, and gave the rest to the indians. the otter is a favorite food, though much inferior, in our estimation, to the dog, which they will not eat. the horse, too, is seldom eaten, and never except when absolute necessity compels. this fastidiousness does not, however, seem to proceed so much from any dislike to the food as from attachment to the animal; for many of them eat very freely of the horse-beef we give them. there is very little difference in the general face of the country here from that of the plains on the missouri, except that the latter are enlivened by vast herds of buffaloes, elks, and other animals, which are wanting here. over these wide bottoms we continued, till, at the distance of twenty-six miles from our last encampment, we halted for the night. we had scarcely encamped, when three young men from the walla-walla village came in with a steel-trap, which we had inadvertently left behind, and which they had come a whole day's journey on purpose to restore. this act of integrity was the more pleasing because it corresponds perfectly with the general behavior of the walla-wallas, among whom we had lost carelessly several knives, which were always returned as soon as found. we may, indeed, justly affirm, that, of all the indians whom we have met, the walla-wallas were the most hospitable, honest, and sincere. twisted-hair. on wednesday, the th of may, we reached the kooskooskee, and found it much more navigable than when we descended it last year. the water was risen, and covered the rocks and shoals. here we found the chief, named twisted-hair, in whose charge we had left our horses in our outward journey. we had suspicions that our horses, and especially our saddles, might not be easily recoverable after our long absence. the twisted-hair was invited to come, and smoke with us. he accepted the invitation, and, as we smoked our pipes over the fire, informed us, that, according to his promise, he had collected the horses, and taken charge of them; but another chief, the broken-arm, becoming jealous of him because the horses were confided to his care, was constantly quarrelling with him. at length, being an old man, and unwilling to live in perpetual disputes, he had given up the care of the horses, which had consequently become scattered. the greater part of them were, however, still in this neighborhood. he added, that on the rise of the river, in the spring, the earth had fallen from the door of the _cache_, and exposed the saddles, some of which had probably been lost; but, as soon as he was acquainted with the situation of them, he had had them buried in another place, where they were now. he promised that he would, on the morrow, send his young men, and collect such of the horses as were in the neighborhood. he kept his word. next day, the indians brought in twenty-one of the horses, the greater part of which were in excellent order; and the twisted-hair restored about half the saddles we had left in the _cache_, and some powder and lead which were buried at the same place. chapter xvii. the rocky mountains. may .--the country along the rocky mountains, for several hundred miles in length and fifty in width, is a high level plain; in all its parts extremely fertile, and in many places covered with a growth of tall, long-leaved pine. nearly the whole of this wide tract is covered with a profusion of grass and plants, which are at this time as high as the knee. among these are a variety of esculent plants and roots, yielding a nutritious and agreeable food. the air is pure and dry; the climate as mild as that of the same latitudes in the atlantic states, and must be equally healthy, since all the disorders which we have witnessed may fairly be imputed to other causes than the climate. of course, the degrees of heat and cold obey the influence of situation. thus the rains of the low grounds are snows in the high plains; and, while the sun shines with intense heat in the confined river-bottoms, the plains enjoy a much cooler air; and, at the foot of the mountains, the snows are even now many feet in depth. crossing the mountains. an attempt to cross the mountains in the early part of june failed on account of the snow, which still covered the track. it was plain we should have no chance of finding either grass or underwood for our horses. to proceed, therefore, would be to hazard the loss of our horses; in which case, if we should be so fortunate as to escape with our lives, we should be obliged to abandon our papers and collections. it was accordingly decided not to venture farther; to deposit here all the baggage and provisions for which we had no immediate use, and to return to some spot where we might live by hunting till the snow should have melted, or a guide be procured to conduct us. we submitted, june , to the mortification of retracing our steps three days' march. on the th june, having been so fortunate as to engage three indians to go with us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of two guns, we set out on our second attempt to cross the mountains. on reaching the place where we had left our baggage, we found our deposit perfectly safe. it required two hours to arrange our baggage, and prepare a hasty meal; after which the guides urged us to set off, as we had a long ride to make before we could reach a spot where there was grass for our horses. we mounted, and followed their steps; sometimes crossed abruptly steep hills, and then wound along their sides, near tremendous precipices, where, had our horses slipped, we should have been irrecoverably lost. our route lay along the ridges which separate the waters of the kooskooskee and chopunnish, and above the heads of all the streams; so that we met no running water. late in the evening, we reached a spot where we encamped near a good spring of water. it was on the steep side of a mountain, with no wood, and a fair southern aspect, from which the snow seemed to have disappeared for about ten days, and an abundant growth of young grass, like greensward, had sprung up. there was also a species of grass not unlike flag, with a broad succulent leaf, which is confined to the upper parts of the mountains. it is a favorite food with the horses; but it was then either covered with snow, or just making its appearance. june .--we continued our route over the high and steep hills of the same great ridge. at eight miles' distance, we reached an eminence where the indians have raised a conical mound of stone six or eight feet high. from this spot we have a commanding view of the surrounding mountains, which so completely enclose us, that, although we have once passed them, we should despair of ever escaping from them without the assistance of the indians; but our guides traverse this trackless region with a kind of instinctive sagacity. they never hesitate; they are never embarrassed; yet so undeviating is their step, that, wherever the snow has disappeared for even a hundred paces, we find the summer road. with their aid, the snow is scarcely a disadvantage; for although we are often obliged to slide down, yet the fallen timber and the rocks, which are now covered up, were much more troublesome when we passed in the autumn. note. a later traveller through this region writes, "the mountains are indeed _rocky_. they are rocks heaped upon rocks, with no vegetation, excepting a few cedars growing out of the crevices near their base. their tops are covered with perpetual snow. the main ridge of the mountains is of _gneiss_ rock; yet, to-day, parallel ridges of a rock, nearly allied to _basalt_, have abounded. these ridges appear to be volcanic, forced up in _dikes_ at different distances from each other, running from east-north-east to west-south-west. the strata are mostly vertical; but some are a little dipped to the south. "our encampment was near a small stream which runs through a volcanic chasm, which is more than a hundred feet deep, with perpendicular sides. here was a passage made for the _water_ by _fire_." the party agree to separate. july , .--it was agreed here that the expedition should be divided, to unite again at the confluence of the missouri and the yellowstone. the separation took place near the point where clarke's river is crossed by the forty-seventh parallel of latitude. capt. lewis, with nine men, was to cross the mountains in a direction as nearly due east as possible, expecting to find some tributary of the missouri, by following which he might reach that river, and by it retrace his way homeward. capt. clarke, with the remainder of the party, was to seek the head waters of the yellowstone, and follow that stream to the proposed place of re-union. in conformity with this arrangement, capt. lewis, under the guidance of friendly indians, crossed the mountains by a route which led him, after travelling one hundred and four miles, to medicine river, and by that river to the missouri. he reached the falls of the missouri on the th of july, and leaving there a portion of his party, under sergt. gass, to make preparations for transporting their baggage and canoes round the falls, set out, accompanied by drewyer and the two brothers fields, with six horses, to explore maria's river, to ascertain its extent toward the north. from the th to the th, they were engaged in this exploration. on the eve of their return, an event occurred, which, being the only instance in which the expedition was engaged in any conflict with the indians with loss of life, requires to be particularly related. conflict with the indians. we were passing through a region frequented by the minnetarees, a band of indians noted for their thievish propensities and unfriendly dispositions. capt. lewis was therefore desirous to avoid meeting with them. drewyer had been sent out for game, and capt. lewis ascended a hill to look over the country. scarcely had he reached the top, when he saw, about a mile on his left, a collection of about thirty horses. by the aid of his spy-glass, he discovered that one-half of the horses were saddled, and that, on the eminence above the horses, several indians were looking down towards the river, probably at drewyer. this was a most unwelcome sight. their probable numbers rendered any contest with them of doubtful issue. to attempt to escape would only invite pursuit; and our horses were so bad, that we must certainly be overtaken: besides which, drewyer could not yet be aware that indians were near; and, if we ran, he would most probably be sacrificed. we therefore determined to make the best of our situation, and advance towards them in a friendly manner. the flag which we had brought in case of such an emergency was therefore displayed, and we continued slowly our march towards them. their whole attention was so engaged by drewyer, that they did not immediately discover us. as soon as they did so, they appeared to be much alarmed, and ran about in confusion. when we came within a quarter of a mile, one of the indians mounted, and rode towards us. when within a hundred paces of us, he halted; and capt. lewis, who had alighted to receive him, held out his hand, and beckoned him to approach: but he only looked at us, and then, without saying a word, returned to his companions. the whole party now descended the hill, and rode towards us. as yet we saw only eight, but presumed that there must be more behind, as there were several more horses saddled. capt. lewis had with him but two men; and he told them his fears that these were indians of the minnetaree tribe, and that they would attempt to rob us, and advised them to be on the alert, should there appear any disposition to attack us. when the two parties came within a hundred yards of each other, all the indians, except one, halted. capt. lewis therefore ordered his two men to halt, while he advanced, and, after shaking hands with the indian, went on and did the same with the others in the rear, while the indian himself shook hands with our two men. they all now came up; and, after alighting, the indians asked to smoke with us. capt. lewis, who was very anxious for drewyer's safety, told them that the man who had gone down the river had the pipe, and requested, that, as they had seen him, one of them would accompany r. fields to bring him back. to this they assented; and fields went with a young man in search of drewyer, who returned with them. as it was growing late, capt. lewis proposed that they should encamp with us; for he was glad to see them, and had a great deal to say to them. they assented; and, being soon joined by drewyer, the evening was spent in conversation with the indians, in which capt. lewis endeavored to persuade them to cultivate peace with their neighbors. finding them very fond of the pipe, capt. lewis, who was desirous of keeping a constant watch during the night, smoked with them to a late hour; and, as soon as they were all asleep, he woke r. fields, and ordering him to rouse us all in case any indian left the camp, as he feared they would attempt to steal our horses, he lay down by the side of drewyer in the tent with the indians, while the brothers fields were stretched near the fire at the mouth of the tent. at sunrise, the indians got up, and crowded round the fire, near which j. fields, who was then on watch, had carelessly left his rifle, near the head of his brother, who was asleep. one of the indians slipped behind him, and, unperceived, took his brother's and his own rifle; while at the same time two others seized those of drewyer and capt. lewis. as soon as fields turned round, he saw the indian running off with the rifles; and, instantly calling his brother, they pursued him for fifty or sixty yards; and just as they overtook him, in the scuffle for the rifles, r. fields stabbed him through the heart with his knife. the indian ran a few steps, and fell dead. they recovered their rifles, and ran back to the camp. the moment the fellow touched his gun, drewyer, who was awake, jumped up, and wrested it from him. the noise awoke capt. lewis, who instantly started from the ground, and reached to seize his gun, but found it gone, and, turning about, saw the indian running off with it. he followed, and called to him to lay down the gun; which he did. by this time, the rest of the indians were endeavoring to drive off our horses; and capt. lewis ordered his men to follow them, and fire upon the thieves if they did not release our horses. the result was, that we recovered four of our horses, and as many of theirs which they had left behind; so that we were rather gainers by the contest. besides the indian killed by fields, one other was badly wounded. we had no doubt but that we should be immediately pursued by a much larger party. our only chance of safety was in rejoining our friends, who were many miles distant. we therefore pushed our horses as fast as we could; and, fortunately for us, the indian horses proved very good. the plains were level, free from stones and prickly-pears, and in fine order for travelling over from the late rains. we commenced our ride in the early morning. at three o'clock, we had ridden, by estimate, sixty-three miles. we halted for an hour and a half to refresh our horses; then pursued our journey seventeen miles farther, when, as night came on, we killed a buffalo, and again stopped for two hours. the sky was now overclouded; but, as the moon gave light enough to show us the route, we continued for twenty miles farther, and then, exhausted with fatigue, halted at two in the morning. next day, we rejoined the main body of our party in safety. capt. lewis with his companions pursued their way down the missouri, passing those points already noticed in their ascent. our narrative, therefore, will leave them here, and attend the course of capt. clarke and his party down the yellowstone. chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone. july , .--the party under capt. clarke, consisting of fifteen men, with fifty horses, set out through the valley of clarke's river, along the western side of which they rode in a southern direction. the valley is from ten to fifteen miles in width, and is diversified by a number of small open plains, abounding with grass and a variety of sweet-scented plants, and watered by numerous streams rushing from the western mountains. these mountains were covered with snow about one-fifth of the way from the top; and some snow was still to be seen in the hollows of the mountains to the eastward. july .--they reached wisdom river, and stopped for dinner at a hot spring situated in the open plain. the bed of the spring is about fifteen yards in circumference, and composed of loose, hard, gritty stones, through which the water boils in large quantities. it is slightly impregnated with sulphur, and so hot, that a piece of meat, about the size of three fingers, was completely cooked in twenty-five minutes. july .--they arrived at jefferson's river, where they had deposited their goods in the month of august the year before. they found every thing safe, though some of the goods were a little damp, and one of the canoes had a hole in it. they had now crossed from traveller's-rest creek to the head of jefferson's river, which seems to form the best and shortest route over the mountains during almost the whole distance of one hundred and sixty-four miles. it is, in fact, an excellent road; and, by cutting down a few trees, it might be rendered a good route for wagons, with the exception of about four miles over one of the mountains, which would require a little levelling. july .--the boats were now loaded, and capt. clarke divided his men into two bands. sergt. ordway, with nine men, in six canoes, was to descend the river; while capt. clarke, with the remaining ten, the wife and child of chaboneau, and fifty horses, were to proceed by land to the yellowstone. the latter party set out at five in the afternoon from the forks of the missouri, in a direction nearly east. the plain was intersected by several great roads leading to a gap in the mountain about twenty miles distant, in a direction east-north-east; but the indian woman, who was acquainted with the country, recommended another gap more to the south, through which capt. clarke determined to proceed. they started early the next morning, and, pursuing the route recommended by the squaw, encamped in the evening at the entrance of the gap mentioned by her. through this gap they passed next day, and, at the distance of six miles, reached the top of the dividing ridge which separates the waters of the missouri from those of the yellowstone. nine miles from the summit, they reached the yellowstone itself, about a mile and a half below where it issues from the rocky mountains. the distance from the head of the missouri to this place is forty-eight miles, the greater part of which is through a level plain. they halted for three hours to rest their horses, and then pursued the buffalo road along the banks of the river. although but just emerging from a high, snowy mountain, the yellowstone is here a bold, rapid, and deep stream, one hundred and twenty yards in width. they continued their course along the river till the d, when the party embarked on board of two canoes, each of which was twenty-eight feet long, sixteen or eighteen inches deep, and from sixteen to twenty-four inches wide. sergt. prior, with two men, was directed to take the horses to the mandans for safe keeping until the re-union of the expedition. july .--at eight o'clock, capt. clarke and the remainder of his party embarked, and proceeded very steadily down the river. they passed the mouths of several large rivers emptying into the yellowstone; one of which was called the big-horn, from the numbers of that remarkable species of sheep seen in its neighborhood. next day, capt. clarke landed to examine a curious rock, situated in an extensive bottom on the right, about two hundred and fifty paces from the shore. it is nearly two hundred paces in circumference, two hundred feet high, and accessible only from the north-east; the other sides consisting of perpendicular cliffs, of a light-colored, gritty stone. the soil on the summit is five or six feet deep, of a good quality, and covered with short grass. from this height, the eye ranges over a wide extent of variegated country. on the south-west are the rocky mountains, covered with snow; on the north, a lower range, called the little wolf mountains. the low grounds of the river extend nearly six miles to the southward, when they rise into plains, reaching to the mountains. the north side of the river is bounded by jutting, romantic cliffs, beyond which the plains are open and extensive, and the whole country enlivened by herds of buffaloes, elks, and wolves. after enjoying the prospect from this rock, to which capt. clarke gave the name of pompey's pillar, he descended, and continued his route. at the distance of six or seven miles, he stopped to secure two bighorns, which had been shot from the boat, and, while on shore, saw in the face of the cliff, about twenty feet above the water, a fragment of the rib of a fish, three feet long, and nearly three inches round, embedded in the rock itself. beavers, buffaloes, mosquitoes. the beavers were in great numbers along the banks of the river, and through the night were flapping their tails in the water round the boats. aug. .--the buffaloes appeared in vast numbers. a herd happened to be on their way across the river. such was the multitude of these animals, that although the river, including an island over which they passed, was a mile in width, the herd stretched, as thick as they could swim, completely from one side to the other. our party, descending the river, was obliged to stop for an hour to let the procession pass. we consoled ourselves for the delay by killing four of the herd, and then proceeded, till, at the distance of forty-five miles, two other herds of buffaloes, as numerous as the first, crossed the river in like manner. aug. .--the camp became absolutely uninhabitable, in consequence of the multitude of mosquitoes. the men could not work in preparing skins for clothing, nor hunt in the low grounds: in short, there was no mode of escape, except by going on the sand bars in the river, where, if the wind should blow, the insects do not venture. but when there is no wind, and particularly at night, when the men have no covering except their worn-out blankets, the pain they inflict is scarcely to be endured. on one occasion, capt. clarke went on shore, and ascended a hill after one of the bighorns; but the mosquitoes were in such multitudes, that he could not keep them from the barrel of his rifle long enough to take aim. this annoyance continued, till, on the th of september, they write, "we are no longer troubled with mosquitoes, which do not seem to frequent this part of the river; and, after having been persecuted with them during the whole route from the falls, it is a most happy exemption. their noise was very agreeably exchanged for that of the wolves, which were howling in various directions all round us." aug. , .--the party continued to descend the river. one of their canoes had, by accident, a small hole made in it; and they halted for the purpose of covering it with a piece of elk-skin. while there, about noon, they were overjoyed at seeing the boats of capt. lewis's party heave in sight. the whole expedition being now happily re-united, at about three o'clock all embarked on board the boats; but as the wind was high, accompanied with rain, we did not proceed far before we halted for the night. they part with some of their companions. on the th august, having now reached a part of the river where we occasionally met the boats of adventurous traders ascending the river, capt. lewis was applied to by one of the men, colter, who was desirous of joining two trappers, who proposed to him to accompany them, and share their profits. the offer was an advantageous one; and as he had always performed his duty, and his services might be dispensed with, capt. lewis consented to his going, provided none of the rest would ask or expect a similar indulgence. to this they cheerfully answered, that they wished colter every success, and would not apply for a discharge before we reached st. louis. we therefore supplied him, as did his comrades also, with powder and lead, and a variety of articles which might be useful to him; and he left us the next day. the example of this man shows how easily men may be weaned from the habits of civilized life, and brought to relish the manners of the woods. this hunter had now been absent many years from his country, and might naturally be presumed to have some desire to return to his native seats; yet, just at the moment when he is approaching the frontiers, he is tempted by a hunting-scheme to go back to the solitude of the woods. a few days after this, chaboneau, with his wife and child, concluded to follow us no longer, as he could be no longer useful to us. we offered to take him with us to the united states; but he said that he had there no acquaintance, and preferred remaining among the indians. this man has been very serviceable to us, and his wife particularly so, among the shoshonees. she has borne with a patience truly admirable the fatigues of our long journey, encumbered with the charge of an infant, which is now only nineteen months old. we paid him his wages, amounting to five hundred dollars and thirty-three cents, including the price of a horse and a lodge purchased of him, and pursued our journey without him. they reach home. sept. , .--we reached council bluffs, and stopped for a short time to examine the situation of the place, and were confirmed in our belief that it would be a very eligible spot for a trading establishment.[ ] being anxious to reach the junction of the platte river, we plied our oars so well, that by night we had made seventy-eight miles, and landed at our old encampment, on the ascent, twelve miles above that river. we had here occasion to remark the wonderful evaporation from the missouri. the river does not appear to contain more water, nor is its channel wider, than at the distance of one thousand miles nearer its source, although within that space it receives about twenty rivers (some of them of considerable width), and a great number of smaller streams. a few days more brought us to the mouth of the kansas river. about a mile below it, we landed to view the country. the low grounds are delightful, the whole country exhibiting a rich appearance; but the weather was oppressively warm. descending as we had done from a high, open country, between the latitudes of forty-six and forty-nine degrees, to the wooded plains in thirty-eight and thirty-nine degrees, the heat would have been intolerable, had it not been for the constant winds from the south and the south-west. on the th september, we reached the mouth of osage river. a few miles lower down, we saw on the banks some cows feeding; and the whole party involuntarily raised a shout of joy at the sight of this evidence of civilization and domestic life. we soon after reached the little french village of la charette, which we saluted with a discharge of four guns and three hearty cheers. we landed, and were received with kindness by the inhabitants, as well as by some traders who were on their way to traffic with the osages. they were all surprised and pleased at our arrival; for they had long since abandoned all hopes of ever seeing us return. the third day after this,--viz., on tuesday, the d of september, ,--we arrived at st. louis, and, having fired a salute, went on shore, and received the heartiest and most hospitable welcome from the whole village. conclusion. the successful termination of the expedition was a source of surprise and delight to the whole country. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties, too, for the safety of the party, had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumors, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters or other direct information, from the time when the party left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river, in , until their actual return to st. louis. the courage, perseverance, and discretion displayed by the commanders, and the fidelity and obedience of the men, were the theme of general approbation, and received the favorable notice of government. a donation of lands was made to each member of the party; capt. lewis was appointed governor of louisiana, which, at that time, embraced the whole country west of the mississippi, within the boundaries of the united states; and capt. clarke was made superintendent of indian affairs. it was not until some years after, however, that the world was put in possession of the detailed history of the expedition. capt. lewis, in the midst of other cares, devoted what time he could to the preparation of his journals for publication, and, in , was on his way to philadelphia for that purpose, but, at a village in tennessee, was taken ill, and prevented from proceeding. here the energetic mind, which had encountered so unfalteringly the perils and sufferings of the desert, gave way. constitutional despondency overcame him: it is probable he lost his reason; for, in a rash moment, he applied a pistol to his head, and destroyed his life. his journals were published under the charge of paul allen of philadelphia. footnote: [ ] now the site of omaha city. eldorado. eldorado chapter i. the discovery. what is meant by eldorado? is there such a country? and, if there be, where is it? the name literally means "the golden country," and was given to an unknown region in south america by the spaniards, who had heard from the indians marvellous tales of such a land lying in the interior of the continent, where gold and precious stones were as common as rocks and pebbles in other countries, and to be had for the trouble of picking them up. it was also a land of spices and aromatic gums. the first notion of this favored region was communicated by an indian chief to gonzalo pizarro, brother of the conqueror of peru, whose imagination was captivated by the account, and his ambition fired with a desire to add this, which promised to be the most brilliant of all, to the discoveries and conquests of his countrymen. he found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusiasm in the bosoms of his followers. in a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty spaniards, and four thousand indians. one hundred and fifty of his company were mounted. the indians were to carry the baggage and provisions, and perform the labors of the expedition. a glance at the map of south america will give us a clear idea of the scene of the expedition. the river amazon, the largest river of the globe, rises in the highest ranges of the andes, and flows from west to east through nearly the whole breadth of the continent. pizarro's expedition started in the year from quito, near the sources of the great river, and, marching east, soon became entangled in the deep and intricate passes of the mountains. as they rose into the more elevated regions, the icy winds that swept down the sides of the cordilleras benumbed their limbs, and many of the natives found a wintry grave in the wilderness. on descending the eastern slope, the climate changed; and, as they came to a lower level, the fierce cold was succeeded by a suffocating heat, while tempests of thunder and lightning poured on them with scarcely any intermission day or night. for more than six weeks, the deluge continued unabated; and the forlorn wanderers, wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely able to drag their limbs along the soil, broken up as it was, and saturated with the moisture. after months of toilsome travel, they reached the region where grew the spice-trees. their produce resembled the cinnamon of the east in taste, but was of inferior quality. they saw the trees bearing the precious bark spreading out into broad forests; yet, however valuable it might be for future commerce, it was of but little worth to them. but, from the savages whom they occasionally met, they learned, that at ten days' distance was a rich and fruitful land, abounding with gold, and inhabited by populous nations. the spaniards were so convinced of the existence of such a country, that if the natives, on being questioned, professed their ignorance of it, they were supposed to be desirous of concealing the fact, and were put to the most horrible tortures, and even burnt alive, to compel them to confess. it is no wonder, therefore, if they told, in many instances, such stories as the spaniards wished to hear, which would also have the effect of ridding their own territories of their troublesome guests by inducing them to advance farther. pizarro had already reached the limit originally proposed for the expedition; but these accounts induced him to continue on. as they advanced, the country spread out into broad plains, terminated by forests, which seemed to stretch on every side as far as the eye could reach. the wood was thickly matted with creepers and climbing plants, and at every step of the way they had to hew open a passage with their axes; while their garments, rotting from the effects of the drenching rains, caught in every bush, and hung about them in shreds. their provisions failed, and they had only for sustenance such herbs and roots as they could gather in the forest, and such wild animals as, with their inadequate means, they could capture. at length they came to a broad expanse of water, from whence flowed a stream,--one of those which discharge their waters into the great river amazon. the sight gladdened their hearts, as they hoped to find a safer and more practicable route by keeping along its banks. after following the stream a considerable distance, the party came within hearing of a rushing noise, that seemed like thunder issuing from the bowels of the earth. the river tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, and then discharged itself in a magnificent cataract, which they describe as twelve hundred feet high. doubtless this estimate must be taken with some allowance for the excited feelings of the spaniards, keenly alive to impressions of the sublime and the terrible. for some distance above and below the falls, the bed of the river contracted; so that its width did not exceed twenty feet. they determined to cross, in hopes of finding a country that might afford them better sustenance. a frail bridge was constructed by throwing trunks of trees across the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down a perpendicular depth of several hundred feet. over this airy causeway, the men and horses succeeded in effecting their passage; though one spaniard, made giddy by heedlessly looking down, lost his footing, and fell into the boiling surges below. they gained little by the exchange. the country wore the same unpromising aspect: the indians whom they occasionally met in the pathless wilderness were fierce and unfriendly, and the spaniards were engaged in perpetual conflict with them. from these they learned that a fruitful country was to be found down the river, at the distance of only a few days' journey; and the spaniards held on their weary way, still hoping, and still deceived, as the promised land flitted before them, like the rainbow, receding as they advanced. at length, spent with toil and suffering, pizarro resolved to construct a bark large enough to transport the weaker part of his company and his baggage. the forests furnished him with timber; the shoes of the horses, which had died on the road, or been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; gum, distilled from the trees, took the place of pitch; and the tattered garments of the soldiers served for oakum. at the end of two months, the vessel was ready, and the command given to francisco orellana. the troops now moved forward through the wilderness, following the course of the river; the vessel carrying the feebler soldiers. every scrap of provisions had long since been consumed. the last of their horses had been devoured; and they greedily fed upon toads, serpents, and even insects, which that country, teeming with the lower forms of animal life, abundantly supplied. the natives still told of a rich district, inhabited by a populous nation. it was, as usual, at the distance of several days' journey; and pizarro resolved to halt where he was, and send orellana down in his brigantine to procure a stock of provisions, with which he might return, and put the main body in condition to resume their march. orellana, with fifty of the adventurers, pushed off into the middle of the river, where the stream ran swiftly; and his bark, taken by the current, shot forward as with the speed of an arrow, and was soon out of sight. days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did not return; and no speck was to be seen on the waters as the spaniards strained their eyes to the farthest point, till the banks closed in, and shut the view. detachments were sent out, and, though absent several days, came back without intelligence of their comrades. weary of suspense, pizarro determined to continue their march down the river, which they did, with incredible suffering, for two months longer, till their doubts were dispelled by the appearance of a white man, wandering, half naked, in the woods, in whose famine-stricken countenance they recognized the features of one of their countrymen. orellana had passed swiftly down the river to the point of its confluence with the amazon, where he had been led to expect that he should find supplies for the wants of himself and his companions, but found none. nor was it possible to return as he had come, and make head against the current of the river. in this dilemma, a thought flashed across his mind: it was, to leave the party under pizarro to their fate, and to pursue his course down the great river on which he had entered; to explore eldorado for himself, and make the best of his way home to spain to claim the glory and reward of discovery. his reckless companions readily consented to this course, with the exception of the individual whom pizarro found; and him, when he remonstrated, they put ashore, and left to shift for himself. pizarro and his party, deserted in the wilderness, unable to advance farther, had no alternative but to remain, or retrace their miserable way to quito, the place they had started from more than a year before. they chose the latter, and commenced their return march with heavy hearts. they took a more northerly route than that by which they had approached the amazon; and, though it was attended with fewer difficulties, they experienced yet greater distresses, from their greater inability to overcome them. their only food was such scanty fare as they could pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some forsaken indian settlement, or wring by violence from the natives. some sickened and sank down by the way, and perished where they fell; for there was none to help them. intense misery had made them selfish; and many a poor wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, while living, by the wild animals which roamed over it. it took them a year to measure back their way to quito; and the miseries they had endured were testified to by their appearance when they arrived, in sadly reduced numbers, at the place of their starting. their horses gone, their arms broken and rusted, the skins of wild animals their only clothes, their long and matted locks streaming wildly down their shoulders, their faces blackened by the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and disfigured by scars, it seemed as if the charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with unsteady step, they crept slowly onwards. more than half of the four thousand indians who had accompanied the expedition had perished; and of the spaniards, only eighty, and many of these irretrievably broken in constitution, found their way back to quito. meanwhile, orellana glided down the stream, which then was nameless and unknown, but which has since been called by his name, though it is more generally known by a name derived from a story which orellana told, in his account of his voyage, of a nation of amazons inhabiting its banks. but an account of orellana's adventures must be reserved for our next chapter. chapter ii. orellana descends the river. when orellana, in his ill-appointed bark, and with his crew enfeebled by famine, had reached the junction of the river napo with the amazon, and found no sources of supply which he had been led to expect, he had no difficulty in satisfying his companions that their only chance of preservation was in continuing their descent of the river, and leaving the party under pizarro to their fate. he then formally renounced the commission which pizarro had given him, and received the command anew from the election of his men, that so he might make discoveries for himself, and not, holding a deputed authority, in the name of another. it was upon the last day of december, , that this voyage was begun,--one of the most adventurous that has ever been undertaken. the little stock of provisions with which they had parted from the army was already exhausted, and they boiled their leathern girdles and the leather of their shoes with such herbs as seemed most likely to be nourishing and harmless; for it was only by experiment that they were able to distinguish the wholesome from the poisonous. on the th of january, being reduced almost to the last extremity with hunger, they heard before daylight an indian drum,--a joyful sound; for be the natives what they would, friendly or hostile, this they knew, that it must be their own fault now if they should die of hunger. at daybreak, being eagerly upon the lookout, they perceived four canoes, which put back upon seeing the brigantine; and presently they saw a village where a great body of the natives were assembled, and appeared ready to defend it. the spaniards were too hungry to negotiate. orellana bade them land in good order, and stand by each other. they attacked the indians like men who were famishing, and fought for food, put them speedily to the rout, and found an immediate supply. while they were enjoying the fruits of their victory, the indians came near them, more to gratify curiosity than resentment. orellana spoke to them in some indian language which they partly understood. some of them took courage, and approached him. he gave them a few european trifles, and asked for their chief, who came without hesitation, was well pleased with the presents which were given him, and offered them any thing which it was in his power to supply. provisions were requested; and presently peacocks, partridges, fish, and other things, were brought in great abundance. the next day, thirteen chiefs came to see the strangers. they were gayly adorned with feathers and gold, and had plates of gold upon the breast. orellana received them courteously, required them to acknowledge obedience to the crown of castile, took advantage as usual of their ignorance to affirm that they consented, and took possession of their country in the emperor's name. such is orellana's own account of this first interview. it was his object to create a high idea of the riches of the provinces which he had discovered. it is not probable that these tribes had any gold; for later discoveries showed that none of the tribes on the amazon were so far advanced as to use it. it was here that they heard the first accounts of the rich and powerful nation composed wholly of women, whom, in recollection of the female warriors of classic antiquity, they called the amazons. here the spaniards built a better brigantine than the frail one in which they were embarked. all fell to work, orellana being the first at any exertion that was required. they calked it with cotton; the natives supplied pitch; and in thirty-five days the vessel was launched. on the th of april, they once more embarked. for eighty leagues, the banks were peopled with friendly tribes; then the course of the river lay between desert mountains, and they were fain to feed upon herbs and parched corn, not even finding a place where they could fish. thus far they seem to have found the natives friendly, or not actively hostile; but, as they descended, they came to a populous province, belonging to a chief called omagua, if, as is conjectured, that is not rather the name of the tribe itself than of their chief. one morning, a fleet of canoes was seen advancing with hostile demonstrations. the indians carried shields made of the skins of the alligator. they came on with beat of tambour and with war-cries, threatening to devour the strangers. the spaniards brought their two vessels close together, that they might aid one another in the defence. but, when they came to use their powder, it was damp, and they had nothing but their cross-bows to trust to; and, plying these as well as they could, they continued to fall down the stream, fighting as they went. presently they came to an indian town. half the spaniards landed to attack it, leaving their companions to maintain the fight upon the water. they won the town, and loaded themselves with provisions; but eighteen of the party were wounded, and one killed. they had neither surgeon nor any remedy for the wounded. nothing could be done for them except "psalming;" that is, repeating some verses of the psalms over the wound. this mode of treatment was not unusual; and, as it was less absurd than the methods which were ordinarily in use at that day, it is no wonder if it proved more successful. for two days and two nights after this, they were constantly annoyed by the canoes of the natives following, and endeavoring to board them. but the spaniards had now dried some powder; and one of them, getting a steady mark at the chief of the indians, shot him in the breast. his people gathered round him; and, while they were thus occupied, the brigantines shot ahead. thus they proceeded with alternate good and evil fortune, now finding the indians friendly, and supplies of provisions abundant; and then encountering hostile tribes which assailed them with all their power, or long regions of unpeopled country, where they were reduced to the utmost straits for want of food. six months had now been consumed on their voyage, and as yet no appearance of eldorado; though, if their accounts may be trusted, they several times came upon populous places, which had many streets, all opening upon the river, and apparently leading to some greater city in the interior. on the d of june, on turning an angle of the river, they saw the country far before them, and great numbers of people collected, seemingly with hostile intentions. orellana offered them trinkets, at which they scoffed; but he persisted in making towards the shore to get food, either by persuasion or force. a shower of arrows was discharged from the shore, which wounded five of the crew. they nevertheless landed, and, after a hot contest, repulsed the natives, killing some seven or eight of them. the historian of the voyage, who was one of the adventurers, affirms that ten or twelve amazons fought at the head of these people, who were their subjects, and fought desperately; because any one who fled in battle would be beaten to death by these female tyrants. he describes the women as very tall and large-limbed, white of complexion, the hair long, platted, and banded round the head. it is amusing to observe how this story was magnified by later narrators, who learned it only by tradition. it is stated in these late accounts that orellana fought on this occasion with a great army of women. of a prisoner whom they took, orellana asked questions about eldorado and the amazons, and got, as usual, such answers as he expected. this may partly be set down to the score of self-deception, and partly to the fact that they conversed with these people by signs, and by means of the few words of their language which the spaniards knew, or supposed they knew, the meaning of. he learned from the prisoner that the country was subject to women, who lived after the manner of the amazons of the ancients, and who possessed gold and silver in abundance. there were in their dominions fine temples of the sun, all covered with plates of gold. their houses were of stone, and their cities walled. we can hardly doubt that the desire to tempt adventurers to join him in his subsequent expedition to conquer and colonize those countries had its effect in magnifying these marvels. shortly after this, the spaniards thought they perceived the _tide_. after another day's voyage, they came to some inhabited islands, and, to their infinite joy, saw that they had not been mistaken; for the marks of the tide here were certain. here they lost another of their party in a skirmish with the natives. from this place the country was low; and they could never venture to land, except upon the islands, among which they sailed, as they supposed, about two hundred leagues; the tide coming up with great force. one day the smaller vessel struck upon a snag, which stove in one of her planks, and she filled. they, however, landed to seek for provisions; but the inhabitants attacked them with such force, that they were forced to retire; and, when they came to their vessels, they found that the tide had left the only serviceable one dry. orellana ordered half his men to fight, and the other half to thrust the vessel into the water: that done, they righted the old brigantine, and fastened in a new plank, all which was completed in three hours, by which time the indians were weary of fighting, and left them in peace. the next day they found a desert place, where orellana halted to repair both vessels. this took them eighteen days, during which they suffered much from hunger. as they drew near the sea, they halted again for fourteen days, to prepare for their sea-voyage; made cordage of herbs; and sewed the cloaks, on which they slept, into sails. on the th of august, they proceeded again, anchoring with stones when the tide turned, though it sometimes came in such strength as to drag these miserable anchors. here the natives were happily of a milder mood than those whom they had lately dealt with. from them they procured roots and indian corn; and, having laid in what store they could, they made ready to enter upon the sea in these frail vessels, with their miserable tackling, and with insufficient food, without pilot, compass, or any knowledge of the coast. it was on the th of august that they sailed out of the river, passing between two islands, which were about four leagues asunder. the whole length of the voyage from the place where they had embarked to the sea they computed at eighteen hundred leagues. thus far their weather had been always favorable, and it did not fail them now. they kept along the coast to the northward, just at safe distance. the two brigantines parted company in the night. they in the larger one got into the gulf of paria, from whence all their labor at the oar for seven days could not extricate them. during this time, they lived upon a sort of plum called "nogos," being the only food they could find. at length they were whirled through those tremendous channels which columbus called the "dragon's mouths," and, september the th, not knowing where they were, reached the island of cubagua, where they found a colony of their countrymen. the old brigantine had arrived at the same place two days before them. here they were received with the welcome which their wonderful adventure deserved; and from hence orellana proceeded to spain, to give the king an account of his discoveries in person. chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued. orellana arrived safe in spain, and was favorably received. his act of insubordination in leaving his commander was forgotten in the success of his achievement; for it had been successful, even if the naked facts only had been told, inasmuch as it was the first event which led to any certain knowledge of the immense regions that stretch eastward from the andes to the ocean, besides being in itself one of the most brilliant adventures of that remarkable age. but orellana's accounts went far beyond these limits, and confirming all previous tales of the wonderful eldorado, with its temples roofed with gold, and its mountains composed of precious stones, drew to his standard numerous followers. every thing promised fairly. the king granted him a commission to conquer the countries which he had explored. he raised funds for the expedition, and even found a wife who was willing to accompany him in may, , he set sail with four ships and four hundred men. but the tide of orellana's fortune had turned. he stopped three months at teneriffe, and two at the cape de verde, where ninety-eight of his people died, and fifty were invalided. the expedition proceeded with three ships, and met with contrary winds, which detained them till their water was exhausted; and, had it not been for heavy rains, all must have perished. one ship put back in this distress, with seventy men and eleven horses on board, and was never heard of after. the remaining two reached the river. having ascended about a hundred leagues, they stopped to build a brigantine. provisions were scarce here, and fifty-seven more of his party died. these men were not, like his former comrades, seasoned to the climate, and habituated to the difficulties of the new world. one ship was broken up here for the materials: the other met with an accident, and became unserviceable; and they cut her up, and made a bark of the timbers. orellana meanwhile, in the brigantine, was endeavoring to discover the main branch of the river, which it had been easy to keep when carried down by the stream, but which he now sought in vain for thirty days among a labyrinth of channels. when he returned from this fruitless search, he was ill, and told his people that he would go back to point st. juan; and there he ordered them to seek him when they had got the bark ready. but he found his sickness increase upon him, and determined to abandon the expedition, and return to europe. while he was seeking provisions for the voyage, the indians killed seventeen of his men. what with vexation and disorder, he died in the river. this sealed the fate of the expedition. the survivors made no further exertions to reach eldorado, but returned to their own country as they could. such was the fate of orellana, who, as a discoverer, surpassed all his countrymen; and though, as a conqueror, he was unfortunate, yet neither is he chargeable with any of those atrocities toward the unhappy natives which have left such a stain on the glories of cortes and pizarro. the next attempt we read of to discover eldorado was made a few years after, under hernando de ribera, by ascending the la plata, or river of paraguay. he sailed in a brigantine with eighty men, and encountered no hostility from the natives. they confirmed the stories of the amazons with their golden city. "how could they get at them?" was the next question: "by land, or by water?"--"only by land," was the reply. "but it was a two-months' journey; and to reach them now would be impossible, because the country was inundated." the spaniards made light of this obstacle, but asked for indians to carry their baggage. the chief gave ribera twenty for himself, and five for each of his men; and these desperate adventurers set off on their march over a flooded country. eight days they travelled through water up to their knees, and sometimes up to their middle. by slinging their hammocks to trees, and by this means only, could they find dry positions for the night. before they could make a fire to dress their food, they were obliged to raise a rude scaffolding; and this was unavoidably so insecure, that frequently the fire burned through, and food and all fell into the water. they reached another tribe, and were told that the amazons' country was still nine days farther on; and then still another tribe, who told them it would take a month to reach them. perhaps they would still have advanced; but here an insuperable obstacle met them. the locusts for two successive years had devoured every thing before them, and no food was to be had. the spaniards had no alternative but to march back. on their way, they were reduced to great distress for want of food; and from this cause, and travelling so long half under water, the greater number fell sick, and many died. of eighty men who accompanied ribera upon this dreadful march, only thirty recovered from its effects. this expedition added a few items to the story of eldorado. ribera declares under oath that the natives told him of a nation of women, governed by a woman, and so warlike as to be dreaded by all their neighbors. they possessed plenty of white and yellow metal: their seats, and all the utensils in their houses, were made of them. they lived on a large island, which was in a huge lake, which they called the "mansion of the sun," because the sun sank into it. the only way of accounting for these stories is, that the spaniards furnished, in the shape of questions, the information which they fancied they received in reply; the indians assenting to what they understood but imperfectly, or not at all. martinez. another expedition, not long after orellana's, was that conducted by don diego ordaz, of which sir walter raleigh, in his "history of guiana," gives an account. the expedition failed; ordaz being slain in a mutiny of his men, and those who went with him being scattered. the only noticeable result was in the adventures of one martinez, an officer of ordaz, who had charge of the ammunition. we tell the story in the language of sir walter, slightly modernized:-- "it chanced, that while ordaz, with his army, rested at the port of morequito, by some negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire; and martinez, having the chief charge thereof, was condemned by the general to be executed forthwith. martinez, being much favored by the soldiers, had all means possible employed to save his life; but it could not be obtained in other way but this,--that he should be set into a canoe alone, without any food, and so turned loose into the great river. but it pleased god that the canoe was carried down the stream, and that certain of the guianians met it the same evening: and, not having at any time seen any european, they carried martinez into the land to be wondered at; and so from town to town until he came to the great city of manoa, the seat and residence of inga, the emperor. the emperor, when he beheld him, knew him to be a christian of those who had conquered the neighboring country of peru, and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. he lived seven months in manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. he was also brought thither all the way blindfolded by the indians, until he came to the entrance of manoa itself. he avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he travelled all that day till night through the city, ere he came to the palace of inga. "after martinez had lived seven months in manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, inga asked him whether he desired to return to his own country, or would willingly abide with him. martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained permission of inga to depart, who sent with him some guianians to conduct him to the river of orinoco, with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to martinez at his departure. but, when he arrived at the river's side, the natives, being at that time at war with inga, robbed him and his guianians of all his treasure, save only two bottles made of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold, which those people thought to contain his drink or food, with which he was at liberty to depart. so, in a canoe, he passed down by the river to trinidad, and from thence to porto rico, where he died. in the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered this relation of his travels, and also called for his calabazas, or gourds of gold beads, which he gave to the church and the friars, to be prayed for. "this martinez was the one who christened the city of manoa by the name 'eldorado,' and upon this occasion. at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouses with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus: all those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsam very precious. when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon their naked bodies until they be all shining from the head to the foot. upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armors, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it eldorado." such is sir walter's narrative of one of the traditions which fired his enthusiasm to undertake the conquest of eldorado. he asserts that he read it in "the chancery of saint juan de porto rico," of which berrio had a copy. it is pretty plainly tinctured with fable, but probably had an historical foundation. after this, a good many years elapsed before any other expedition of note was fitted out in search of eldorado. but the story grew, notwithstanding. an imaginary kingdom was shaped out. it was governed by a potentate who was called the great paytiti, sometimes the great moxu, sometimes the enim, or great pará. an impostor at lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths' street. he even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. the columns of the palace were described as of porphyry and alabaster, the galleries of ebony and cedar: the throne was of ivory, and the ascent to it by steps of gold. the palace was built of white stone. at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column twenty-five feet in height. on its top was a large silver moon; and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. having passed by these keepers, you came into a quadrangle planted with trees, and watered by a silver fountain, which spouted through four golden pipes. the gate of the palace was of copper, and its bolt was received in the solid rock. within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver; and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. it may surprise us that tales so palpably false as these should have deceived any, to such an extent as to lead them to get up costly and hazardous expeditions to go in search of the wonder; but we must remember, that what the spaniards had already realized and demonstrated to the world in their conquests of mexico and peru was hardly less astonishing than these accounts. it is therefore no wonder that multitudes should be found willing to admit so much of the marvels of eldorado as to see in them a sufficient inducement to justify the search; and others less credulous were perhaps willing to avail themselves of the credulity of the multitude to accomplish plans of conquest and ambition for themselves. of the latter class, we may imagine the celebrated sir walter raleigh to be one, who, at this time, undertook an expedition for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. chapter iv. sir walter raleigh. walter raleigh was born in the year in devonshire, england, and received a good education, completed by a residence of two years at the university of oxford. at the age of seventeen, he joined a volunteer corps of english to serve in france in aid of the protestant cause. afterwards he served five years in the netherlands. in , he accompanied his half-brother, sir humphrey gilbert, on an expedition to colonize some part of north america; which expedition was unsuccessful. we next find him commanding a company of the royal troops in ireland during the rebellion raised by the earl of desmond. in consequence of some serious differences which arose between him and his superior officer, he found it necessary to repair to court to justify himself. it was at this time that an incident occurred which recommended him to the notice of queen elizabeth, and was the foundation of his fortunes. raleigh stood in the crowd one day where the queen passed on foot; and when she came to a spot of muddy ground, and hesitated for a moment where to step, he sprang forward, and, throwing from his shoulders his handsome cloak ("his clothes being then," says a quaint old writer, "a considerable part of his estate"), he spread it over the mud, so that the queen passed over dry-shod, doubtless giving an approving look to the handsome and quick-witted young officer. there is another story which is not less probable, because it is not less in character with both the parties. finding some hopes of the queen's favor glancing on him, he wrote, on a window where it was likely to meet her eye,-- "fain would i climb, but that i fear to fall." and her majesty, espying it, wrote underneath,-- "if thy heart fail thee, wherefore climb at all?" his progress in the queen's favor was enhanced by his demeanor when the matter in dispute between him and his superior officer was brought before the privy council, and each party was called upon to plead his own cause. "what advantage he had in the case in controversy," says a contemporary writer, "i know not; but he had much the better in the manner of telling his tale." the result was, that he became a man of "no slight mark;" "he had gotten the queen's ear in a trice;" "she took him for a kind of oracle," and "loved to hear his reasons to her demands," or, in more modern phrase, "his replies to her questions." the reign of queen elizabeth has been called the heroic age of england. and, let us remember, the england of that day is ours as much as theirs who still bear the name of englishmen. the men whose gallant deeds we now record were our ancestors, and their glory is our inheritance. the reformation in religion had awakened all the energies of the human mind. it had roused against england formidable enemies, among which spain was the most powerful and the most intensely hostile. she fitted out the famous armada to invade england; and england, on her part, sent various expeditions to annoy the spaniards in their lately acquired possessions in south america. these expeditions were generally got up by private adventurers; the queen and her great nobles often taking a share in them. when there was nominal peace with spain, such enterprises were professedly for discovery and colonization, though the adventurers could not always keep their hands off a rich prize of spanish property that fell in their way; but, for the last fifteen years of elizabeth's reign, there was open war between the two powers: and then these expeditions had for their first object the annoyance of spain, and discovery and colonization for their second. we find raleigh, after fortune began to smile upon him, engaged in a second expedition, with sir humphrey gilbert, for discovery and colonization in america. he furnished, from his own means, a ship called "the raleigh," on board of which he embarked; but when a few days out, a contagious disease breaking out among the crew, he put back into port, and relinquished the expedition. sir humphrey, with the rest of the squadron, consisting of five vessels, reached newfoundland without accident, took possession of the island, and left a colony there. he then set out exploring along the american coast to the south, he himself doing all the work in his little ten-ton cutter; the service being too dangerous for the larger vessels to venture on. he spent the summer in this labor till toward the end of august, when, in a violent storm, one of the larger vessels, "the delight," was lost with all her crew. "the golden hind" and "squirrel" were now left alone of the five ships. their provisions were running short, and the season far advanced; and sir humphrey reluctantly concluded to lay his course for home. he still continued in the small vessel, though vehemently urged by his friends to remove to the larger one. "i will not forsake my little company, going homeward," said he, "with whom i have passed so many storms and perils." on the th of september, the weather was rough, and the cutter was with difficulty kept afloat, struggling with the violence of the waves. when the vessels came within hearing distance, sir humphrey cried out to his companions in "the hind," "be of good courage: we are as near to heaven by sea as by land." "that night, at about twelve o'clock," writes the historian of the voyage, who was himself one of the adventurers, "the cutter being ahead of us in 'the golden hind,' suddenly her lights were out, and the watch cried, 'the general is cast away!' which was too true." so perished a christian hero. it was a fine end for a mortal man. let us not call it sad or tragic, but heroic and sublime. raleigh, not discouraged by the ill success of this expedition, shortly after obtained letters-patent for another enterprise of the same kind, on the same terms as had been granted to sir humphrey. two barks were sent to explore some undiscovered part of america north of florida, and look out for a favorable situation for the proposed colony. this expedition landed on roanoke island, near the mouth of albemarle sound. having taken formal possession of the country for the queen of england and her servant sir walter raleigh, they returned, and gave so favorable an account of the country, that her majesty allowed it to be called virginia, after herself, a virgin queen. the next year, raleigh sent out a second expedition, and left a colony of a hundred men, which was the first colony planted by englishmen on the continent of america. soon after, raleigh sent a third expedition with a hundred and fifty colonists; but having now expended forty thousand pounds upon these attempts, and being unable to persist further, or weary of waiting so long for profitable returns, he assigned over his patent to a company of merchants, and withdrew from further prosecution of the enterprise. the years which followed were the busiest of raleigh's adventurous life. he bore a distinguished part in the defeat of the spanish armada; and, in the triumphant procession to return thanks at st. paul's for that great deliverance, he was conspicuous as commander of the queen's guard. he was a member of parliament, yet engaged personally in two naval expeditions against the spaniards, from which he reaped honor, but no profit; and was at the height of favor with the queen. but, during his absence at sea, the queen discovered that an intrigue existed between raleigh and one of the maids of honor, which was an offence particularly displeasing to elizabeth, who loved to fancy that all her handsome young courtiers were too much attached to herself to be capable of loving any other object. raleigh, on his return, was committed a prisoner to the tower, and, on being released after a short confinement, retired to his estate in dorsetshire. it was during this retirement that he formed his scheme for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. it had long been a subject of meditation to raleigh, who declares in the dedication of his "history of guiana," published after his return, that "many years since, he had knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana, and of that great and golden city which the spaniards call eldorado, and the naturals manoa."--"it is not possible," says one of the historians of these events, "that raleigh could have believed the existence of such a kingdom. credulity was not the vice of his nature; but, having formed the project of colonizing guiana, he employed these fables as baits for vulgar cupidity." other writers judge him more favorably. it is probably true that he believed in the existence of such a country as eldorado; but we can hardly suppose that he put faith in all the marvellous details which accompanied the main fact in popular narration. chapter v. raleigh's first expedition. as the attempts of pizarro and orellana were made by the route of the river of the amazons, and that of ribera by the river of paraguay, raleigh's approach was by the orinoco, a river second in size only to the amazons, and which flows in a course somewhat parallel to that, and some five or ten degrees farther to the north. the region of country where this river discharges itself into the atlantic was nominally in possession of the spaniards, though they had but one settlement in what was called the province of guiana,--the town of st. joseph, then recently founded; and another on the island of trinidad, which lies nearly opposite the mouth of the river. raleigh, arriving at trinidad, stopped some days to procure such intelligence as the spaniards resident there could afford him respecting guiana. he then proceeded to the main land, destroyed the town which the spaniards had lately built there, and took the governor, berrio, on board his own ship. he used his prisoner well, and "gathered from him," he says, "as much of guiana as he knew." berrio seems to have conversed willingly upon his own adventures in exploring the country, having no suspicion of raleigh's views. he discouraged raleigh's attempts to penetrate into the country, telling him that he would find the river unnavigable for his ships, and the nations hostile. these representations had little weight with raleigh, as he attributed them to a very natural wish on berrio's part to keep off foreigners from his province; but, on trying to find the entrance to the river, he discovered berrio's account to be true, so far as related to the difficulties of the navigation. after a thorough search for a practicable entrance, he gave up all hopes of passing in any large vessel, and resolved to go with the boats. he took in his largest boat, with himself, sixty men, including his cousin, his nephew, and principal officers. another boat carried twenty, and two others ten each. "we had no other means," he says in his account afterward published, "but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat." the orinoco, at nearly forty leagues from the sea, forms, like the nile, a kind of fan, strewed over with a multitude of little islands, that divide it into numerous branches and channels, and force it to discharge itself through this labyrinth into the sea by an infinity of mouths, occupying an extent of more than sixty leagues. "the indians who inhabit those islands," says raleigh, "in the summer, have houses upon the ground, as in other places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages: for, between may and september, the river rises to thirty feet upright, and then are those islands overflowed twenty feet high above the level of the ground; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. they use the tops of palmitos for bread; and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance." raleigh's account is confirmed by later travellers. humboldt says, "the navigator, in proceeding along the channels of the delta of the orinoco at night, sees with surprise the summits of the palm-trees illuminated by large fires. these are the habitations of the guaraons, which are suspended from the trees. these tribes hang up mats in the air, which they fill with earth, and kindle, on a layer of moist clay, the fire necessary for their household wants." passing up with the flood, and anchoring during the ebb, raleigh and his companions went on, till on the third day their galley grounded, and stuck so fast, that they feared their discovery must end there, and they be left to inhabit, like rooks upon trees, with these nations; but on the morrow, after casting out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro, they got her afloat. after four days more, they got beyond the influence of the tide, and were forced to row against a violent current, till they began to despair; the weather being excessively hot, and the river bordered with high trees, that kept away the air. their provisions began to fail them; but some relief they found by shooting birds of all colors,--carnation, crimson, orange, purple, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed. an old indian whom they had pressed into their service was a faithful guide to them, and brought them to an indian village, where they got a supply of bread, fish, and fowl. they were thus encouraged to persevere, and next day captured two canoes laden with bread, "and divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat." probably these roots were no other than potatoes; for the mountains of quito, to which sir walter was now approaching, were the native country of the potato, and the region from whence it was first introduced into europe. the spaniards and portuguese introduced it earlier than the english; but to raleigh belongs the credit of making it known to his countrymen. the story is, that sir walter, on his return home, had some of the roots planted in his garden at youghal, in ireland, and that his gardener was sadly disappointed in autumn on tasting the apples of the "fine american fruit," and proceeded to root up the "useless weeds," when he discovered the tubers. raleigh treated the natives with humanity, and, in turn, received friendly treatment from them. the chiefs told him fine stories about the gold-mines; but, unfortunately, the gold was not to be had without labor, and the adventurers were in no condition to undertake mining operations. what they wanted was to find a region like mexico or peru, only richer, where gold might be found, not in the rocks or the bowels of the earth, but in possession of the natives, in the form of barbaric ornaments that they would freely barter for european articles, or images of their gods, such as christians might seize and carry away with an approving conscience. thus far, their search for such a region had been unsuccessful, and their only hope was of reaching it by farther explorations. but the river was rising daily, and the current flowed with such rapidity, that they saw clearly, if it went on to increase as it had done for some time past, it must soon debar all farther progress. raleigh found by talking with the chiefs that they were all hostile to the spaniards, and willing enough to promise him their aid in driving them out of the country. he accordingly told them that he was sent by a great and virtuous queen to deliver them from the tyranny of the spaniards. he also learned that the indians with whom he was conversing were an oppressed race, having been conquered by a nation who dwelt beyond the mountains,--a nation who wore large coats, and hats of crimson color, and whose houses had many rooms, one over the other. they were called the eperumei; and against them all the other tribes would gladly combine, for they were the general oppressors. moreover, the country of these eperumei abounded in gold and all other good things. he continued to make daily efforts to ascend the river, and to explore the tributary streams, but found his progress debarred in some quarters by the rapid current of the swollen streams, and in others by falls in the rivers. the falls of one of the tributaries of the orinoco, the caroli, he describes as "a wonderful breach of waters, running in three parts; and there appeared some ten or twelve over-falls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower." he was informed that the lake from which the river issued was above a day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which he computed at about forty miles; that many rivers fall into it, and great store of grains of gold was found in those rivers. on one of these rivers, he was told, a nation of people dwell "whose heads appear not above their shoulders;" which, he says, "though it may be thought a mere fable, yet, for my own part, i am resolved it is true, because every child in those provinces affirm the same. they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair growth backward between their shoulders." raleigh adds, "it was not my chance to hear of them till i was come away. if i had but spoken one word of it while i was there, i might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt." it might have been more satisfactory for the philosophers if he had done so; but his word was quite enough for the poets. one of that class, and the greatest of all, william shakspeare, was, at that very time, writing plays for the gratification of raleigh's gracious mistress and her subjects, and eagerly availed himself of this new-discovered tribe to introduce one of them in his play of "the tempest," under the name of caliban. he also makes othello tell the gentle desdemona "of most disastrous chances, and of the cannibals that each other eat; the anthropophagi, and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders." nor are these the only instances in which we think we trace the influence of the romantic adventurer on the susceptible poet. the name of the divinity whom caliban calls "my dam's god setebos" occurs in raleigh's narrative as the name of an indian tribe; and trinculo's plan of taking caliban to england to make a show of him seems borrowed from this hint of raleigh's. in his days of prosperity, raleigh instituted a meeting of intellectual men at "the mermaid," a celebrated tavern. to this club, shakspeare, beaumont, fletcher, jonson, selden, donne, and other distinguished literary men, were accustomed to repair; and here doubtless the adventures and discoveries of sir walter, set forth with that talent of which his writings furnish abundant proof, often engaged the listening group. raleigh was then forty-eight, and shakspeare thirty-six, years old. but, in justice to raleigh, it should be added, that he did not invent these stories, and that later travellers and missionaries testify that such tales were current among the indians, though as yet no specimen of the tribe has been seen by trustworthy narrators. raleigh now found that he must bring his westward progress to a conclusion: "for no half-day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully; and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance, and men began to cry out for want of shift; for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times a day; and we had now been near a month, every day passing to the westward, farther from our ships." they turned back, therefore, and, passing down the stream, went, without labor and against the wind, little less than one hundred miles a day. they stopped occasionally, both for provisions, and for conference with the natives. in particular, one old chief, with whom he had conferred formerly on his ascent, gave him the confidential communication, that the attempt to attack the city of manoa, at that time, was desperate; for neither the time of the year was favorable, nor had he nearly a sufficient force. he advised, that, forbearing any further attempts at that time, raleigh should rest satisfied with the information he had gained, and return to his own country for a larger force, with which to come again the next year, and unite all the tribes which were hostile to the eperumei, or people of manoa, and by their aid make an easy conquest of them. the old chief added, that, for his part and his people's, they wanted no share of the spoils of gold or precious stones: they only wanted to be avenged on their enemies, and to rescue from them their women whom the eperumei had carried away in their frequent incursions; "so that, whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve wives apiece, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four." raleigh met with no material misadventure in his way down the river; and, though a storm attacked them the same night, they anchored in the mouth of the river; so that, in spite of every shelter they could derive from the shores, the galley "had as much to do to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her:" yet next day they arrived safe at the island of trinidad, and found the ships at anchor, "than which," says raleigh, "there was never to us a more joyful sight." raleigh was not favorably received by the queen on his return, nor was he welcomed with any popular applause; for he had brought home no booty, and his account of the riches of the land into which he had led the way was received with suspicion. he published it under this boastful title: "the discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana; with a relation of the great and golden city of manoa, which the spaniards call eldorado. performed by sir walter raleigh." in spite of all the great promises which he held out, the acknowledgment that he had made a losing voyage tended to abate that spirit of cupidity and enterprise which he wished to excite. sir walter's history of his expedition contains, besides the marvels already cited, numerous others, some of which have a basis of fact, others not. of the former kind is his account of oysters growing on trees. he says, "we arrived at trinidado the d of march, casting anchor at port curiapan. i left the ships, and kept by the shore in my barge, the better to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island. in the way, i passed divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river, that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees. all their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground. the like is commonly seen in the west indies and elsewhere." upon this narrative, sir robert schomburgh, a late explorer, has the following remark: "the first accounts brought to europe, of oysters growing on trees, raised as great astonishment as the relation of eldorado itself; and to those who were unacquainted with the fact that these mollusks select the branches of the tree, on which they fix themselves during high water, when the branches are immersed, it may certainly sound strange, that shells, which we know live in europe on banks in the depths of the sea, should be found in the west indies on the branches of trees. they attach themselves chiefly to the mangrove-tree, which grows along the shore of the sea, and rivers of brackish water, and covers immense tracts of coast; rooting and vegetating in a manner peculiar to itself, even as far as low-water mark. the water flowing off during ebb leaves the branches, with the oysters attached to them, high and dry." respecting the republic of amazons, sir walter says, "i made inquiry among the most ancient and best travelled of the orenoqueponi; and i was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. i will set down what hath been delivered me for truth of those women; and i spake with a cacique, or lord of people, who said that he had been in the river, and beyond it also. the nations of those women are on the south side of the river, in the province of topago; and their chiefest strengths and retreats are in the islands of said river. they accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which, i gather from their relation, to be in april. at that time, all the kings of the borders assemble, and the queens of the amazons; and, after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. this one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and, the moon being done, they all depart to their own provinces. if a son be born, they return him to the father; if a daughter, they nourish it and retain it, all being desirous to increase their own sex and kind. they carry on wars, and are very blood-thirsty and cruel." sir robert schomburgh, who explored these regions extensively between the years and , says, in reference to this subject, "the result of this fatiguing and perilous journey has only strengthened our conviction that this republic of women was one of those inventions, designed merely to enhance the wonders, of which the new world was regarded as the seat." it would, however, be unjust to condemn raleigh's proneness to a belief in their existence, when we find that condamine believed in them; that humboldt hesitated to decide against them; and that even southey, the learned historian of brazil, makes this remark, "had we never heard of the amazons of antiquity, i should, without hesitation, believe in those of america. their existence is not the less likely for that reason; and yet it must be admitted, that the probable truth is made to appear suspicious by its resemblance to a known fable." chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued. when raleigh, on his first arrival, broke up the spanish settlement in trinidad, he took berrio, the governor, prisoner, and carried him with him in his voyage up the river. berrio seems to have borne his fate with good temper, and conciliated the good will of raleigh; so that, when the expedition returned to the mouth of the river, he was set at liberty, and collected his little colony again. berrio probably shared the same belief as raleigh in the existence of the kingdom of eldorado within the limits of his province, and was naturally desirous to avail himself of the respite which he gained by the termination of raleigh's expedition, until it should return in greater force to penetrate to eldorado, and take possession for himself and his countrymen. with these views, he sent an officer of his, domingo de vera, to spain, to levy men; sending, according to raleigh's account, "divers images, as well of men as of beasts, birds, and fishes, cunningly wrought in gold," in hopes to persuade the king to yield him some further help. this agent was more successful than raleigh in obtaining belief. he is described as a man of great ability, and little scrupulous as to truth. having been favorably received by the government, he attracted notice by appearing in a singular dress, which, as he was of great stature, and rode always a great horse, drew all eyes, and made him generally known as the indian chief of eldorado and the rich lands. some trinkets in gold he displayed, of indian workmanship, and some emeralds, which he had brought from america, and promised stores of both; and, by the aid of influential persons, he obtained seventy thousand dollars at madrid, and five thousand afterwards at seville, authority to raise any number of adventurers (though berrio had asked only for three hundred men), and five good ships to carry them out. adventurers flocked to him in toledo, la mancha, and estremadura. the expedition was beyond example popular. twenty captains of infantry, who had served in italy and flanders, joined it. not only those who had their fortunes to seek were deluded: men of good birth and expectations left all to engage in the conquest of eldorado; and fathers of families gave up their employments, and sold their goods, and embarked with their wives and children. solicitations and bribes were made use of by eager volunteers. the whole expedition consisted of more than two thousand persons. they reached trinidad after a prosperous voyage, and took possession of the town. the little mischief which raleigh had done had been easily repaired; for indeed there was little that he could do. the place did not contain thirty families, and the strangers were to find shelter as they could. rations of biscuit and salt meat, pulse, or rice, were served out to them; but, to diminish the consumption as much as possible, detachments were sent off in canoes to the main land, where berrio had founded the town of st. thomas. some flotillas effected their progress safely; but one, which consisted of six canoes, met with bad weather, and only three succeeded in entering the river, after throwing their cargoes overboard. the others made the nearest shore, where they were descried by the caribs, a fierce tribe of natives, who slew them all, except a few women whom they carried away, and one soldier, who escaped to relate the fate of his companions. the city of st. thomas contained at that time four hundred men, besides women and children. berrio, to prepare the way for the discovery and conquest of eldorado, sent out small parties of the new-comers under experienced persons, that they might be seasoned to the difficulties which they would have to undergo, and learn how to conduct themselves in their intercourse with the indians. they were to spread the news that the king had sent out many spaniards, and a large supply of axes, caps, hawk-bells, looking-glasses, combs, and such other articles of traffic as were in most request. they saw no appearance of those riches which raleigh had heard of, nor of that plenty which he had found. the people with whom they met had but a scanty subsistence for themselves, and so little of gold or silver or any thing else to barter for the hatchets and trinkets of the spaniards, that they were glad of the chance to labor as boatmen, or give their children, in exchange for them. berrio was not discouraged by the result of these journeys. like raleigh, he was persuaded that the great and golden city stood on the banks of a great lake, from which the river caroli issued, about twelve leagues east of the mouth whereof his town was placed. a force of eight hundred men was now ordered on the discovery. the command was given to correa, an officer accustomed to indian warfare. three franciscan monks, and a lay brother of the same order, accompanied the expedition. having reached a spot where the country was somewhat elevated, and the temperature cooler than in the region they had passed, they hutted themselves on a sort of prairie, and halted there in the hope that rest might restore those who began to feel the effect of an unwholesome climate. the natives not only abstained from any acts of hostility, but supplied them with fruits, and a sort of cassava (tapioca). this they did in sure knowledge that disease would soon subdue these new-come spaniards to their hands. it was not long before a malignant fever broke out among the adventurers, which carried off a third part of their number. one comfort only was left them: the friars continued every day to perform mass in a place where all the sufferers could hear it; and no person died without performing and receiving all the offices which the romish church has enjoined. correa himself sank under the disease. he might possibly have escaped it, acclimated as he was, if he had not overtasked himself when food was to be sought from a distance, and carried heavy loads to spare those who were less equal to the labor: for now the crafty indians no longer brought supplies, but left the weakened spaniards to provide for themselves as they could; and when correa was dead, of whom, as a man accustomed to indian war, they stood in fear, they collected their forces, and fell upon the spaniards, who apprehended no danger, and were most of them incapable of making any defence. the plan appears to have been concerted with a young indian chief who accompanied the spaniards under pretence of friendship; and the women whom the indians brought with them to carry home the spoils of their enemies bore their part with stones and stakes in the easy slaughter. the spaniards who escaped the first attack fled with all speed, some without weapons, and some without strength to use them. the friars were the last to fly. with the soldiers to protect them, they brought off their portable altar, two crosses, and a crucifix. no attempt at resistance was made, except when a fugitive fell by the way. the word then passed for one of the fathers: some soldiers stood with their muskets to protect him while he hastily confessed and absolved the poor wretch, whom his countrymen then commended to god, and left to the mercy of the indians. in some places, the enemy set fire to the grass and shrubbery, which in that climate grow with extreme luxuriance; by which means many of this miserable expedition perished. not quite thirty out of the whole number got safe back to the town of st. thomas. that place was in a deplorable state, suffering at once from a contagious disease and from a scarcity of provisions. to add to the distress, about a hundred persons more had just arrived from trinidad. they came of necessity; for there were no longer supplies of food at trinidad to sustain them. but they came with high-raised hopes, only repining at their ill luck in not having been in the first expedition, by which they supposed the first spoils of eldorado had already been shared. they arrived like skeletons at a city of death. not only were provisions scarce, but the supply of salt had altogether failed; and, without it, health in that climate cannot be preserved. to add to their misery, the shoes had all been consumed, and the country was infested by that insect (the chigua) which burrows in the feet, and attacks the flesh wherever the slightest wound gives it access. the torment occasioned by these insects was such, that the men willingly submitted to the only remedy they knew of, and had the sores cauterized with hot iron. among those who had come from spain to enter upon this land of promise, there was a "beata," or pious woman, who had been attached to a convent in madrid, and accompanied a married daughter and her husband on this unhappy adventure, and devoted herself to the service of the sick. some of the women, and she among them, looking upon the governor, berrio, as the cause of their miseries, and thinking, that, as long as he lived, there was no hope of their escaping from this fatal place, resolved to murder him, and provided themselves with knives for the purpose. the indignation against him was so general, that they hesitated not to impart their design to one of the friars; and, luckily for berrio, he interposed his influence to prevent it. one of the women who had sold her possessions in spain to join the expedition made her way to the governor when the officers and friars were with him, and, emptying upon the ground before him a bag which contained one hundred and fifty doubloons, said, "tyrant, take what is left, since you have brought us here to die." berrio replied, with less of anger than of distress in his countenance, "i gave no orders to domingo de vera that he should bring more than three hundred men." he offered no opposition to the departure of such as would. many who had strength or resolution enough trusted themselves to the river in such canoes as they could find, without boatmen or pilot, and endeavored to make their way back to trinidad; some perishing by the hands of the natives, others by drowning, others by hunger, on the marshy shores which they reached. vera soon died of a painful disease in trinidad; and berrio did not long survive him. such was the issue of this great attempt for the conquest of the golden empire; "of which," says an old spanish historian, "it may be said, that it was like nebuchadnezzar's image, beginning in gold, but continuing through baser metal, till it ended in rude iron and base clay." chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition. raleigh's first voyage disappointed every one but himself. he pretended to have obtained satisfactory evidence of the existence of eldorado, and information of the place where it was; also proof of the existence of mines of gold; and to have conciliated the good will of the natives, and secured their co-operation with him in any future attempt. but he had brought home no gold; the shining stones which his followers had abundantly supplied themselves with were found to be worthless: and there was no evidence of the existence of a native sovereignty as far advanced in civilization and refinement as the mexicans and peruvians, the conquest of which would reflect as much glory upon the english name as the achievements of cortez and pizarro had reflected upon that of spain. raleigh's boastful representations, therefore, failed of effect. none of his countrymen were inclined to join with him in a further prosecution of the enterprise; and the subject was dropped for the time. raleigh was soon restored to favor, and employed in the naval expeditions against spain which took place at this time. he greatly distinguished himself on several occasions, and was in high favor with queen elizabeth till her death; but, with the accession of james, his fortunes fell. he was accused (whether justly or not is still doubtful) of being concerned in treasonable plots against the king, and was brought to trial, found guilty, condemned to death, and committed prisoner to the tower to await the execution of his sentence. raleigh, withdrawn from active labors by his imprisonment, was not idle. he turned to intellectual pursuits, and, with many minor pieces in prose and verse, executed his greatest work, "the history of the world,"--a project of such vast extent, that the bare idea of his undertaking it excites our admiration. as an author, he stands on an eminence as high as that which he obtained in other paths. hume says, "he is the best model of our ancient style;" and hallam confirms the judgment. his imprisonment lasted thirteen years. at the expiration of that time, he had influence to have his sentence so far remitted as to allow him to go on a second expedition in search of eldorado. twenty years had elapsed since the former expedition; and the present was of a magnitude more like a national enterprise than a private one. sir walter's own ship, "the destiny," carried thirty-six guns and two hundred men. there were six other vessels, carrying from twenty-five guns to three each. raleigh embarked all his means in this expedition. his eldest son commanded one of the ships; and eighty of his companions were gentlemen volunteers and adventurers, many of them his relations. those who have thoughtfully considered raleigh's career have seen reason to doubt whether he really believed the stories which he was so anxious to impress upon others. they have thought it more likely that his real object was to emulate the fame of cortez and pizarro; to dispossess spain of some portion of her conquests in south america, and transfer them to his own country. this latter object was admissible at the time of his first expedition, because spain and england were then at war; but was not so on the second, as the two nations were then at peace. but raleigh had reason to think, that, if he could succeed in his object, there was no danger of his being called to very strict account respecting his measures. he arrived off the coast of guiana on the th of november, ; having had a long and disastrous voyage. one ship had left him, and returned home; another had foundered; forty-two of his men had died; many were suffering from sickness, and himself among the number. but he found the indians friendly, and not forgetful of his former visit. he writes to his wife, "to tell you that i might be here king of the country were a vanity; but my name hath still lived among them here. they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields. all offer to obey me." being too feeble from sickness to go himself, he sent forward an expedition, under capt. keymis, to enter the orinoco, and take possession of the mines. five companies of fifty men each, in five shallops, composed the expedition; raleigh, with the remainder of his vessels, repairing to trinidad to await the result. since raleigh's former expedition, the spaniards had made a settlement upon the main land, and founded a town to which they gave the name of st. thomas. the governor resided there, and there were in all about five hundred inhabitants. on the th of january, the english flotilla reached a part of the river twelve leagues from st. thomas; and an indian fisherman carried the alarm to that place. the governor, palameque, mustered immediately the little force which he had at hand. this consisted of fifty-seven men only. messengers were sent to summon those men who were at their farms, and two horsemen were sent out to watch the invaders' movements. at eleven in the forenoon, the vessels anchored about a league from the town. the men landed, and the scouts hastened back with the intelligence. a spanish officer, with ten men, was placed in ambush near the city. as soon as he was informed of the direction which the english were taking, he cut a match-cord in pieces, which he lighted at dark, and placed at intervals, where they might deceive the invaders by presenting the appearance of a greater force. the first discharge was from two pieces of cannon against the boats. the spaniard, with his little band, then opened his fire upon the troops, and kept it up from the bushes as he retired before them. this skirmishing continued about an hour and a half, till he had fallen back to the place where the governor and his people were drawn up, at the entrance of the city, to make a stand. it was now nine at night. raleigh says, in his account of the action, that some of the english, at the first charge, began to pause and recoil shamefully; whereupon his son, not tarrying for any musketeers, ran up at the head of a company of pikemen, and received a shot wound. pressing then upon a spanish captain with his sword, the spaniard, taking the small end of his musket in his hand, struck him on the head with the stock, and felled him. his last words were, "lord, have mercy upon me, and prosper the enterprise!" and his death was instantly avenged by his sergeant, who thrust the spaniard through with his halberd. in the heat of the fight, and in the confusion which the darkness occasioned, the spanish commander was separated from his people, and slain. the spaniards, however, had the advantage of knowing the ground; and, betaking themselves to the houses, they fired from them on the english, and killed many, till the assailants set fire to the houses; thus depriving themselves of that booty which was their main object. the english were now masters of the place; the remainder of the defendants, with the women and children, under the command of grados, the officer who had deported himself so well in the first ambush, effecting their escape across the river. grados stationed them at a place about ten miles distant from the town, where a few slight huts were erected for the women and children. the captors searched in vain for gold in the city; but they had an idea that there was a rich gold-mine a short distance up the river. accordingly, two launches, with twenty or thirty men in each, were despatched up the orinoco. they came to the mouth of the creek, which led to the place where grados had hutted the women and children; and the largest of the launches was about to enter, when grados, who had posted nine of the invalids in ambush there, with about as many indian bowmen, fired upon them so unexpectedly, and with such good aim, that only one of the crew is said to have escaped unhurt. the other launch also suffered some loss. three days after, three launches were sent to take vengeance for this defeat; but grados had removed his charge some two leagues into the country, and these vessels went up the river about a hundred leagues, treating with the indians, to whom they made presents and larger promises, and after eighteen or twenty days returned, having effected nothing of importance. the english had now been four weeks in the city, annoyed by the spaniards and indians, and losing many of their men, cut off in their foraging excursions by ambushes. after the unsuccessful attempt to discover the mine, no further effort was made for that purpose; keymis alleging in his excuse, that "the spaniards, being gone off in a whole body, lay in the woods between the mine and us, and it was impossible, except they had been beaten out of the country, to pass up the woods and craggy hills without the loss of the commanders, without whom the rest would easily be cut to pieces." the english, accordingly, retreated from the city, setting fire to the few houses that remained, and promising the indians, as they went, that they would return next year, and complete the destruction of the spaniards. raleigh was by no means satisfied with keymis's excuses for his failure to discover the mine, and reproached him with so much severity, that keymis, after the interview, retired to his cabin, and shot himself through the heart. when raleigh arrived in england, he found that the tidings of his attack on the spaniards, and the utter failure of his expedition, had reached there before him. the spanish ambassador was clamorous for punishment on what he called a piratical proceeding; and the king and the nation, who might have pardoned a successful adventurer, had no indulgence to extend to one so much the reverse. finding a proclamation had been issued for his arrest, raleigh endeavored to escape to france, but was taken in the attempt, and committed close prisoner to the tower. he was made a victim to court intrigue. the weak king, james, was then negotiating a spanish match for his son, and, to gratify the king of spain and his court, sacrificed one of the noblest of his subjects. without being put on trial for his late transactions, raleigh's old sentence, which had been suspended sixteen years, was revived against him; and on the th of october, , four months after his arrival, he was beheaded on the scaffold. the fate of raleigh caused a great sensation at the time, and has not yet ceased to excite emotion. the poet thomson, in his "summer," finely alludes to the various circumstances of his history, which we have briefly recorded:-- "but who can speak the numerous worthies of the 'maiden reign'? in raleigh mark their every glory mixed,-- raleigh, the scourge of spain, whose breast with all the sage, the patriot, and the hero, burned. nor sunk his vigor when a coward reign the warrior fettered, and at last resigned to glut the vengeance of a vanquished foe: then, active still and unrestrained, his mind explored the vast extent of ages past, and with his prison-hours enriched the world; yet found no times in all the long research so glorious or so base as those he proved in which he conquered and in which he bled." chapter viii. the french philosophers. after so many abortive attempts to reach the golden empire, the ardor of research greatly abated. no expeditions, composed of considerable numbers, have since embarked in the enterprise; but from time to time, for the century succeeding raleigh's last attempt, private expeditions were undertaken and encouraged by provincial governors; and several hundred persons perished miserably in those fruitless endeavors. the adventure we are now about to record was of an entirely different character in respect to its objects and the means employed; but it occupied the same field of action, and called into exercise the same qualities of courage and endurance. in , the french academy of science made arrangements for sending out two commissions of learned men to different and distant parts of the world to make measurements, with a view to determining the dimensions and figure of the earth. the great astronomer, sir isaac newton, had deduced from theory, and ventured to maintain, that the earth was not a perfect globe, but a spheroid; that is, a globe flattened at the poles. for a long time after newton's splendid discoveries in astronomy, a degree of national jealousy prevented the french philosophers from accepting his conclusions; and they were not displeased to find, when they could, facts opposed to them. now, there were some supposed facts which were incompatible with this idea of newton's, that the earth was flattened at the poles. the point was capable of being demonstrated by measurements, with instruments, on the surface; for, if his theory was true, a degree of latitude would be longer in the northern parts of the globe than in the regions about the equator. we must not allow our story to become a scientific essay; and yet we should like to give our readers, if we could, some idea of the principle on which this process, which is called the measurement of an arc of the meridian, was expected to show the magnitude and form of the earth. we all know that geographical latitude means the position of places north or south of the equator, and is determined by reference to the north or pole star. a person south of the equator would not see the pole-star at all. one at the equator, looking at the pole-star, would see it, if no intervening object prevented, in the horizon. advancing northward, he would see it apparently rise, and advance toward him. as he proceeded, it would continue to rise. when he had traversed half the distance to the pole, he would see the pole-star about as we see it in boston; that is, nearly midway between the horizon and the zenith: and, when he had reached the pole, he would see the pole-star directly over his head. dividing the quarter circle which the star has moved through into ninety parts, we say, when the star has ascended one-ninetieth part, that the observer has travelled over one degree of latitude. when the observer has reached boston, he has passed over somewhat more than forty-two degrees, and, when he has reached the north-pole, ninety degrees, of latitude. thus we measure our latitude over the earth's surface by reference to a circle in the heavens; and, because the portions into which we divide that circle are equal, we infer that the portions of the earth's surface which correspond to them are equal. this would be true if the earth were a perfect globe: but if the earth be a spheroid, as newton's theory requires it to be, it would _not_ be true; for that portion of the earth's surface which is flattened will have less curvature than that which is not so, and less still than that portion which is protuberant. the degrees of least curvature will be longest, and those of greatest curvature shortest; that is, one would have to travel farther on the flattened part of the earth to see any difference in the position of the north-star than in those parts where the curvature is greater. so a degree of latitude near the pole, if determined by the position of the north-star, would be found, by actual measurement, to be longer than one similarly determined at the equator. it was to ascertain whether the fact was so that the two scientific expeditions were sent out. the party which was sent to the northern regions travelled over snow and ice, swamps and morasses, to the arctic circle, and fixed their station at tornea, in lapland. the frozen surface of the river afforded them a convenient level for fixing what is called by surveyors the base line. the cold was so intense, that the glass froze to the mouth when they drank, and the metallic measuring rod to the hand. in spite, however, of perils and discomforts, they persevered in their task, and brought back careful measurements of a degree in latitude ° north, to be compared with those made by the other party at the equator, whose movements we propose more particularly to follow. before we take leave of the northern commissioners, however, we will mention another method they took of demonstrating the same fact. if the earth be depressed at the poles, it must follow that bodies will weigh heavier there, because they are nearer the centre of the earth. but how could they test this fact, when all weights would be increased alike,--the pound of feathers and the pound of lead? the question was settled by observing the oscillation of a pendulum. the observers near the pole found that the pendulum vibrated faster than usual, because, being nearer the centre of the earth, the attracting power was increased. to balance this, they had to lengthen the pendulum; and the extent to which they had to do this measured the difference between the earth's diameter at the poles, and that in the latitude from which they came. the commissioners who were sent to the equatorial regions were messrs. bouguer, la condamine, and godin, the last of whom was accompanied by his wife. two spanish officers, messrs. juan and de ulloa, joined the commission. the party arrived at quito in june, , about two hundred years after gonzalo pizarro started from the same place in his search for eldorado. in the interval, the country had become nominally christian. the city was the seat of a bishopric, an audience royal, and other courts of justice; contained many churches and convents, and two colleges. but the population was almost entirely composed of indians, who lived in a manner but very little different from that of their ancestors at the time of the conquest. cuença was the place next in importance to the capital; and there, or in its neighborhood, the chief labors of the commission were transacted. they were conducted under difficulties as great as those of their colleagues in the frozen regions of the north, but of a different sort. the inhabitants of the country were jealous of the french commissioners, and supposed them to be either heretics or sorcerers, and to have come in search of gold-mines. even persons connected with the administration employed themselves in stirring up the minds of the people, till at last, in a riotous assemblage at a bullfight, the surgeon of the french commissioners was killed. after tedious and troublesome legal proceedings, the perpetrators were let off with a nominal punishment. notwithstanding every difficulty, the commissioners completed their work in a satisfactory manner, spending in all eight years in the task, including the voyages out and home. the commissioners who had made the northern measurements reported the length of the degree at ° north latitude to be . toises; messrs. bouguer and la condamine, the equatorial degree, . toises; showing a difference of toises, or , -¾ feet. the difference, as corrected by later measurements, is stated by recent authorities at , english feet; by which amount the polar degree exceeds the equatorial. thus newton's theory was confirmed. his scientific labors having been finished, la condamine conceived the idea of returning home by way of the amazon river; though difficulties attended the project, which we who live in a land of mighty rivers, traversed by steamboats, can hardly imagine. the only means of navigating the upper waters of the river was by rafts or canoes; the latter capable of containing but one or two persons, besides a crew of seven or eight boatmen. the only persons who were in the habit of passing up and down the river were the jesuit missionaries, who made their periodical visits to their stations along its banks. a young spanish gentleman, don pedro maldonado, who at first eagerly caught at the idea of accompanying the french philosopher on his homeward route by way of the river, was almost discouraged by the dissuasives urged by his family and friends, and seemed inclined to withdraw from the enterprise; so dangerous was the untried route esteemed. it was, however, at length resolved that they should hazard the adventure; and a place of rendezvous was appointed at a village on the river. on the th of july, , la condamine commenced his descent of one of the streams which flow into the great river of the amazons. the stream was too precipitous in its descent to be navigated by boats of any kind, and the only method used was by rafts. these are made of a light kind of wood, or rather cane, similar to the bamboo, the single pieces of which are fastened together by rushes, in such a manner, that they yield to every shock of moderate violence, and consequently are not subject to be separated even by the strongest. on such a conveyance, the french philosopher glided down the stream of the chuchunga, occasionally stopping on its banks for a day or two at a time to allow the waters to abate, and admit of passing a dangerous rapid more safely; and sometimes getting fast on the shallows, and requiring to be drawn off by ropes by the indian boatmen. it was not till the th of july that he entered the main river at laguna, where he found his friend maldonado, who had been waiting for him some weeks. on the d of july, , they embarked in two canoes of forty-two and forty-four feet long, each formed out of one single trunk of a tree, and each provided with a crew of eight rowers. they continued their course night and day, in hopes to reach, before their departure, the brigantines of the missionaries, in which they used to send once a year, to pará, the cacao which they collected in their missions, and for which they got, in return, supplies of european articles of necessity. on the th of july, la condamine and his companion passed the village of a tribe of indians lately brought under subjection, and in all the wildness of savage life: on the th, they reached another more advanced in civilization, yet not so far as to have abandoned their savage practices of artificially flattening their heads, and elongating their ears. the st of august, they landed at a missionary station, where they found numerous indians assembled, and some tribes so entirely barbarous as to be destitute of clothing for either sex. "there are in the interior," the narration goes on to say, "some tribes which devour the prisoners taken in war; but there are none such on the banks of the river." after leaving this station, they sailed day and night, equal to seven or eight days' journey, without seeing any habitation. on the th of august, they arrived at the first of the portuguese missionary stations, where they procured larger and more commodious boats than those in which they had advanced hitherto. here they began to see the first signs of the benefits of access to european sources of supply, by means of the vessel which went every year from pará to lisbon. they tarried six days at the last of the missionary stations, and again made a change of boats and of indian crews. on the th august, being yet six hundred miles from the sea, they perceived the ebb and flow of the tide. on the th september, they arrived at pará, which la condamine describes as a great and beautiful city, built of stone, and enjoying a commerce with lisbon, which made it flourishing and increasing. he observes, "it is, perhaps, the only european settlement where silver does not pass for money; the whole currency being cocoa." he adds in a note, "specie currency has been since introduced." the portuguese authorities received the philosophers with all the civilities and hospitalities due to persons honored with the special protection and countenance of two great nations,--france and spain. the cannon were fired; and the soldiers of the garrison, with the governor of the province at their head, turned out to receive them. the governor had received orders from the home government to pay all their expenses, and to furnish them every thing requisite for their comfort and assistance in their researches. la condamine remained three months at pará; and then, declining the urgent request of the governor to embark in a portuguese vessel for home by way of lisbon, he embarked in a boat rowed by twenty-two indians, under the command of a portuguese officer, to coast along the shores of the continent to the french colony of cayenne. the city of pará from whence he embarked is not situated upon the amazon river, but upon what is called the river of pará, which branches off from the amazon near its mouth, and discharges itself into the sea at a distance of more than a hundred miles east of the amazon. the intervening land is an island called marajo, along the coast of which la condamine and his party steered till they came to the place where the amazon river discharges into the sea that vast bulk of waters which has been swelled by the contributions of numerous tributaries throughout a course of more than three thousand miles in length. it here meets the current which runs along the north-eastern coast of brazil, and gives rise to that phenomenon which is called by the indians pororoca. the river and the current, having both great rapidity, and meeting nearly at right angles, come into contact with great violence, and raise a mountain of water to the height of one hundred and eighty feet. the shock is so dreadful, that it makes all the neighboring islands tremble; and fishermen and navigators fly from it in the utmost terror. the river and the ocean appear to contend for the empire of the waves: but they seem to come to a compromise; for the sea-current continues its way along the coast of guiana to the island of trinidad, while the current of the river is still observable in the ocean at a distance of five hundred miles from the shore. la condamine passed this place of meeting in safety by waiting for a favorable course of tides, crossing the amazon at its mouth, steering north; and after many delays, caused by the timidity and bad seamanship of his indian crew, arrived at last safe at cayenne on the th february, , having been eight months on his voyage, two of which were spent in his passage from pará, a passage which he avers a french officer and crew, two years after him, accomplished in six days. la condamine was received with all possible distinction at cayenne, and in due time found passage home to france, where he arrived th february, . chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon. one of the french commissioners, m. godin, had taken with him on his scientific errand to peru his wife; a lady for whom we bespeak the kind interest of our readers, for her name deserves honorable mention among the early navigators of the amazon. the labors of the commission occupied several years; and when, in the year , those labors were happily brought to a conclusion, m. godin was prevented, by circumstances relating to himself individually, from accompanying his colleagues in their return to france. his detention was protracted from year to year, till at last, in , he repaired alone to the island of cayenne to prepare every thing necessary for the homeward voyage of himself and his wife. from cayenne he wrote to paris to the minister of marine, and requested that his government would procure for him the favorable interposition of the court of portugal to supply him with the means of ascending the river amazon to bring away his wife from peru, and descend the stream with her to the island of cayenne. thirteen years had rolled by since their arrival in the country, when at last madame godin saw her earnest wish to return home likely to be gratified. all that time, she had lived apart from her husband; she in peru, he in the french colony of cayenne. at last, m. godin had the pleasure to see the arrival of a galoot (a small vessel having from sixteen to twenty oars on a side, and well adapted for rapid progress), which had been fitted out by the order of the king of portugal, and despatched to cayenne for the purpose of taking him on his long-wished-for journey. he immediately embarked; but, before he could reach the mouth of the amazon river, he was attacked by so severe an illness, that he saw himself compelled to stop at oyapoc, a station between cayenne and the mouth of the river, and there to remain, and to send one tristan, whom he thought his friend, in lieu of himself, up the river to seek madame godin, and escort her to him. he intrusted to him also, besides the needful money, various articles of merchandise to dispose of to the best advantage. the instructions which he gave him were as follows:-- the galiot had orders to convey him to loreto about half-way up the amazon river, the first spanish settlement. from there he was to go to laguna, another spanish town about twelve miles farther up, and to give mr. godin's letter, addressed to his wife, in charge to a certain ecclesiastic of that place, to be forwarded to the place of her residence. he himself was to wait at laguna the arrival of madame godin. the galiot sailed, and arrived safe at loreto. but the faithless tristan, instead of going himself to laguna, or sending the letter there, contented himself with delivering the packet to a spanish jesuit, who was going to quite another region on some occasional purpose. tristan himself, in the mean while, went round among the portuguese settlements to sell his commodities. the result was, that m. godin's letter, passing from hand to hand, failed to reach the place of its destination. meanwhile, by what means we know not, a blind rumor of the purpose and object of the portuguese vessel lying at loreto reached peru, and came at last, but without any distinctness, to the ears of madame godin. she learned through this rumor that a letter from her husband was on the way to her; but all her efforts to get possession of it were fruitless. at last, she resolved to send a faithful negro servant, in company with an indian, to the amazon, to procure, if possible, more certain tidings. this faithful servant made his way boldly through all hinderances and difficulties which beset his journey, reached loreto, talked with tristan, and brought back intelligence that he, with the portuguese vessel and all its equipments, were for her accommodation, and waited her orders. now, then, madame godin determined to undertake this most perilous and difficult journey. she was staying at the time at riobamba, about one hundred and twenty miles south of quito, where she had a house of her own with garden and grounds. these, with all other things that she could not take with her, she sold on the best terms she could. her father, m. grandmaison, and her two brothers, who had been living with her in peru, were ready to accompany her. the former set out beforehand to a place the other side of the cordilleras to make arrangements for his daughter's journey on her way to the ship. madame godin received about this time a visit from a certain mr. r., who gave himself out for a french physician, and asked permission to accompany her. he promised, moreover, to watch over her health, and to do all in his power to lighten the fatigues and discomforts of the arduous journey. she replied, that she had no authority over the vessel which was to carry her, and therefore could not answer for it that he could have a place in it. mr. r., thereupon, applied to the brothers of madame godin; and they, thinking it very desirable that she should have a physician with her, persuaded their sister to consent to take him in her company. so, then, she started from riobamba, which had been her home till this time, the st of october, , in company of the above-named persons, her black man, and three indian women. thirty indians, to carry her baggage, completed her company. had the luckless lady known what calamities, sufferings, and disappointments awaited her, she would have trembled at the prospect, and doubted of the possibility of living through it all, and reaching the wished-for goal of her journey. the party went first across the mountains to canelos, an indian village, where they thought to embark on a little stream which discharges itself into the amazon. the way thither was so wild and unbroken, that it was not even passable for mules, and must be travelled entirely on foot. m. grandmaison, who had set out a whole month earlier, had stopped at canelos no longer than was necessary to make needful preparations for his daughter and her attendants. then he had immediately pushed on toward the vessel, to still keep in advance, and arrange matters for her convenience at the next station to which she would arrive. hardly had he left canelos, when the small-pox, a disease which in those regions is particularly fatal, broke out, and in one week swept off one-half of the inhabitants, and so alarmed the rest, that they deserted the place, and plunged into the wilderness. consequently, when madame godin reached the place with her party, she found, to her dismay, only two indians remaining, whom the fury of the plague had spared; and, moreover, not the slightest preparation either for her reception, or her furtherance on her journey. this was the first considerable mishap which befell her, and which might have served to forewarn her of the greater sufferings which she was to encounter. a second followed shortly after. the thirty indians who thus far had carried the baggage, and had received their pay in advance, suddenly absconded, whether from fear of the epidemic, or that they fancied, having never seen a vessel except at a distance, that they were to be compelled to go on board one, and be carried away. there stood, then, the deserted and disappointed company, overwhelmed, and knowing not what course to take, or how to help themselves. the safest course would have been to leave all their baggage to its fate, and return back the way they came; but the longing of madame godin for her beloved husband, from whom she had now been separated so many years, gave her courage to bid defiance to all the hinderances which lay in her way, and even to attempt impossibilities. she set herself, therefore, to persuade the two indians above mentioned to construct a boat, and, by means of it, to take her and her company to andoas, another place about twelve days' journey distant. they willingly complied, receiving their pay in advance. the boat was got ready; and all the party embarked in it under the management of the two indians. after they had run safely two days' journey down the stream, they drew up to the bank to pass the night on shore. here the treacherous indians took the opportunity, while the weary company slept, to run away; and, when the travellers awoke next morning, they were nowhere to be found. this was a new and unforeseen calamity, by which their future progress was rendered greatly more hazardous. without a knowledge of the stream or the country, and without a guide, they again got on board their boat, and pushed on. the first day went by without any misadventure. the second, they came up with a boat which lay near the shore, alongside of an indian hut built of branches of trees. they found there an indian, just recovered from the sickness, and prevailed on him, by presents, to embark with them to take the helm. but fate envied them this relief: for, the next day, mr. r.'s hat fell into the water; and the indian, in endeavoring to recover it, fell overboard, and was drowned, not having strength to swim to the shore. now was the vessel again without a pilot, and steered by persons, not one of whom had the least knowledge of the course. ere long, the vessel sprung a leak; and the unhappy company found themselves compelled to land, and build a hut to shelter them. they were yet five or six days' journey from andoas, the nearest place of destination. mr. r. offered, for himself and another frenchman his companion, to go thither, and make arrangements, that, within fourteen days, a boat from there should arrive and bring them off. his proposal was approved of. madame godin gave him her faithful black man to accompany him. he himself took good care that nothing of his property should be left behind. fourteen days were now elapsed; but in vain they strained their eyes to catch sight of the bark which mr. r. had promised to send to their relief. they waited twelve days longer, but in vain. their situation grew more painful every day. at last, when all hope in this quarter was lost, they hewed trees, and fastened them together as well as they could, and made in this way a raft. when they had finished it, they put on their baggage, and seated themselves upon it, and suffered it to float down the stream. but even this frail bark required a steersman acquainted with navigation; but they had none such. in no long time, it struck against a sunken log, and broke to pieces. the people and their baggage were cast into the river. great, however, as was the danger, no one was lost. madame godin sunk twice to the bottom, but was at last rescued by her brothers. wet through and through, exhausted, and half dead with fright, they at last all gained the shore. but only imagine their lamentable, almost desperate, condition! all their supplies lost; to make another raft impossible; even their stock of provisions gone! and where were they when all these difficulties overwhelmed them? in a horrid wilderness, so thick grown up with trees and bushes, that one could make a passage through it no other way than by axe and knife; inhabited only by fiercest tigers, and by the most formidable of serpents,--the rattlesnake. moreover, they were without tools, without weapons! could their situation be more deplorable? chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued. the unfortunate travellers had now but the choice of two desperate expedients,--either to wait where they were the termination of their wretched existence, or try the almost impossible task of penetrating along the banks of the river, through the unbroken forest, till they might reach andoas. they chose the latter, but first made their way back to their lately forsaken hut to take what little provisions they had there left. having accomplished this, they set out on their most painful and dangerous journey. they observed, when they followed the shore of the river, that its windings lengthened their way. to avoid this, they endeavored, without leaving the course of the river, to keep a straight course. by this means, they lost themselves in the entangled forest; and every exertion to find their way was ineffectual. their clothes were torn to shreds, and hung dangling from their limbs; their bodies were sadly wounded by thorns and briers; and, as their scanty provision of food was almost gone, nothing seemed left to them but to sustain their wretched existence with wild fruit, seeds and buds of the palm-trees. at last, they sank under their unremitted labor. wearied with the hardships of such travel, torn and bleeding in every part of their bodies, and distracted with hunger, terror, and apprehensions, they lost the small remnant of their energy, and could do no more. they sat down, and had no power to rise again. in three or four days, one after another died at this stage of their journey. madame godin lay for the space of twenty-four hours by the side of her exhausted and helpless brothers and companions: she felt herself benumbed, stupefied, senseless, yet at the same time tormented by burning thirst. at last, providence, on whom she relied, gave her courage and strength to rouse herself and seek for a rescue, which was in store for her, though she knew not where to look for it. around lay the dead bodies of her brothers and her other companions,--a sight which at another time would have broken her heart. she was almost naked. the scanty remnants of her clothing were so torn by the thorns as to be almost useless. she cut the shoes from her dead brothers' feet, bound the soles under her own, and plunged again into the thicket in search of something to allay her raging hunger and thirst. terror at seeing herself so left alone in such a fearful wilderness, deserted by all the world, and apprehension of a dreadful death constantly hovering before her eyes, made such an impression upon her, that her hair turned gray. it was not till the second day after she had resumed her wandering that she found water, and, a little while after, some wild fruit, and a few eggs of birds. but her throat was so contracted by long fasting, that she could hardly swallow. these served to keep life in her frame. eight long days she wandered in this manner hopelessly, and strove to sustain her wretched existence. if one should read in a work of fiction any thing equal to it, he would charge the author with exaggeration, and violation of probability. but it is history; and, however incredible her story may sound, it is rigidly conformed to the truth in all its circumstances, as it was afterwards taken down from the mouth of madame godin herself. on the eighth day of her hopeless wandering, the hapless lady reached the banks of the bobonosa, a stream which flows into the amazon. at the break of day, she heard at a little distance a noise, and was alarmed at it. she would have fled, but at once reflected that nothing worse than her present circumstances could happen to her. she took courage, and went towards the place whence the sound proceeded; and here she found two indians, who were occupied in shoving their boat into the water. madame godin approached, and was kindly received by them. she told to them her desire to be conveyed to andoas; and the good savages consented to carry her thither in their boat. they did so; and now behold her arrived at that place which the mean and infamous treachery of mr. r. was the only cause of her not having reached long ago. this base fellow had, with unfeeling cruelty, thrown to the winds his promise to procure them a boat, and had gone on business of his own to omaguas, a spanish mission station, without in the least troubling himself about his pledged word, and the rescue of the unfortunates left behind. the honest negro was more true to duty, though he was born and bred a heathen, and the other a christian. while the civilized and polished frenchman unfeelingly went away, and left his benefactress and her companions to languish in the depths of misery, the sable heathen ceased not his exertions till he had procured two indians to go up the river with him, and bring away his deserted mistress and her companions. but, most unfortunately, he did not reach the hut where he had left them before they had carried into execution the unlucky determination to leave the hut, and seek their way through the wilderness. so he had the pain of failing to find her on his arrival. even then, the faithful creature did not feel as if all was done. he, with his indian companions, followed the traces of the party till he came to the place where the bodies of the perished adventurers lay, which were already so decayed, that he could not distinguish one from the other. this pitiable sight led him to conclude that none of the company could have escaped death. he returned to the hut to take away some things of madame godin's which were left there, and carried them not only back with him to andoas, but from thence (another touching proof of his fidelity) to omaguas, that he might deposit the articles, some of which were of considerable value, in the hands of the unworthy mr. r., to be by him delivered to the father of his lamented mistress. and how did this unworthy mr. r. behave when he was apprised by the negro of the lamentable death of those whom he had so unscrupulously given over to destitution? did he shudder at the magnitude and baseness of his crime? oh, no! like a heartless knave, he added dishonesty to cruelty, took the things into his keeping, and, to secure himself in the possession of them, sent the generous negro back to quito. joachim--for that was the name of this honest and noble black man--had unluckily set out on his journey back before madame godin arrived at andoas. thus he was lost to her; and her affliction at the loss of such a tried friend showed that the greatness of her past misfortunes had not made her incapable of feeling new distresses. in andoas she found a christian priest, a spanish missionary; and the behavior of this unchristian christian contrasts with the conduct of her two indian preservers, as that of the treacherous r. with that of the generous negro. for instance, when madame godin was in embarrassment how to show her gratitude to the good indians who had saved her life, she remembered, that, according to the custom of the country, she wore around her neck a pair of gold chains, weighing about four ounces. these were her whole remaining property; but she hesitated not a moment, but took them off, and gave one to each of her benefactors. they were delighted beyond measure at such a gift; but the avaricious and dishonest priest took them away from them before the face of the generous giver, and gave them instead some yards of coarse cotton cloth, which they call, in that country, tukujo. and this man was one of those who were sent to spread christianity among the heathen, and one from whom those same indians whom he had treated so dishonestly would hear the lesson, "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods"! madame godin felt, at seeing such unchristian and unmanly behavior, such deep disgust, that, as soon as she was somewhat recruited from the effects of so many sufferings, she longed for a sight of some boat to enable her to escape from the companionship of this unjust priest, and get to laguna, one of the aforementioned spanish mission stations. a kind indian woman made her a petticoat of cotton cloth, though madame godin had nothing to give her in payment for it. but this petticoat was to her, afterwards, a sacred thing, that she would not have parted with for any price. she laid it carefully away with the slippers which she made of her brothers' shoes, and never could, in after-times, look at the two without experiencing a rush of sad and tender recollections. at laguna she had the good fortune to find a missionary of better disposition. this one received her with kindness and sympathy, and exerted himself every way he could to restore her health, shattered by so much suffering. he wrote also on her behalf to the governor of omaguas, to beg him to aid in expediting her journey. by this means, the elegant mr. r. learned that she was still alive; and as she was not likely in future to be burdensome to him, while he might, through her means, get a passage in the portuguese vessel, he failed not to call upon her at laguna. he delivered to her there some few of the things which joachim had left in his charge; but to the question, "what had become of the rest?" he had no other answer to make but "they were spoilt." the knave forgot, when he said this, that gold bracelets, snuff-boxes, ear-rings, and pearls, of which this property consisted, are not apt to spoil. madame godin could not forbear making to him the well-merited reproach that he was the cause of her late sufferings, and guilty of the mournful death of her brothers and her other companions. she desired to know, moreover, why he had sent away her faithful servant, the good joachim; and his unworthy reply was, he had apprehensions that he would murder him. to the question, how he could have such a suspicion against a man whose tried fidelity and honest disposition were known to him, he knew not what to answer. the good missionary explained to madame godin, after she was somewhat recruited from her late sufferings, the frightful length of the way, and the labors and dangers of her journey yet to come, and tried hard to induce her to alter her intention, and return to rio bambas, her former residence, instead of setting forth to encounter a new series of disappointments and perils. he promised, in that case, to convey her safely and with comfort. but the heroic woman rejected the proposal with immovable firmness. "god, who had so wonderfully protected her so far," she said, "would have her in his keeping for the remainder of her way. she had but one wish remaining, and that was to be re-united to her husband; and she knew no danger terrible enough to induce her to give up this one ruling desire of her heart." the missionary, therefore, had a boat got ready to carry her to the portuguese vessel. the governor of omaguas furnished the boat, and supplied it well with provisions: and, that the commander of the portuguese galiot might be informed of her approach, he sent a smaller boat with provisions, and two soldiers by land, along the banks of the river, and betook himself to loreto, where the galiot had been so long lying; and there he waited till madame godin arrived. she still suffered severely from the consequences of the injuries which she had sustained during her wanderings in the wilderness. particularly, the thumb of one hand, in which she had thrust a thorn, which they had not been able to get out, was in a bad condition. the bone itself was become carious, and she found it necessary to have the flesh cut open to allow fragments of the bone to come out. as for the rest, she experienced from the commander of the portuguese vessel all possible kindness, and reached the mouth of the amazon river without any further misadventure. mr. godin, who still continued at oyapoc (the same place where on account of sickness he had been obliged to stop), was no sooner informed of the approach of his wife than he went on board a vessel, and coasted along the shore till he met the galiot. the joy of again meeting, after a separation of so many years, and after such calamities undergone, was, as may well be supposed, on both sides, indescribably great. their re-union seemed like a resurrection from the dead, since both of them had more than once given up all hope of ever seeing the other in this life. the happy husband now conveyed his wife to oyapoc, and thence to cayenne; whence they departed on their return to france, in company with the venerable mr. de grandmaison. madame godin remained, however, constantly sad, notwithstanding her present ample cause for joy; and every endeavor to raise her spirits was fruitless, so deep and inextinguishable an impression had the terrible sufferings she had undergone made upon her mind. she spoke unwillingly of all that she had suffered; and even her husband found out with difficulty, and by little and little, the circumstances which we have narrated, taken from accounts under his own hand. he thought he could thereby infer that she had kept to herself, to spare his feelings, many circumstances of a distressing nature, which she herself preferred to forget. her heart, too, was, by reason of her sufferings, so attuned to pity and forbearance, that her compassion even extended to the base and wicked men who had treated her with such injustice. she would therefore add nothing to induce her husband to invoke the vengeance of the law against the faithless tristan, the first cause of all her misfortunes, who had converted to his own use many thousand dollars' worth of property which had been intrusted to him. she had even allowed herself to be persuaded to take on board the boat from omaguas down, for a second time, the mean-souled mr. r. so true is it that adversity and suffering do fulfil the useful purpose of rendering the human heart tender, placable, and indulgent. chapter xi. herndon's expedition. in the month of august, , lieut. herndon, of the united-states navy, being on board the frigate "vandalia," then lying at anchor in the harbor of valparaiso, received information that he was designated by the secretary of the navy to explore the valley of the amazon. on the th of april, being then at lima, he received his orders, and, on the st of may, commenced his land journey to the highest point on the amazon navigable for boats, which is about three hundred miles from its source; in which distance there are twenty-seven rapids, the last of which is called the pongo (or falls) de manseriche. over these the water rushes with frightful rapidity; but they are passed, with great peril and difficulty, by means of rafts. from the pongo de manseriche, lieut. herndon states that an unbroken channel of eighteen feet in depth may be found to the atlantic ocean,--a distance of three thousand miles. the party consisted of lieut. herndon, commander; passed-midshipman gibbon; a young master's mate named richards; a young peruvian, who had made the voyage down the amazon a few years before, who was employed as interpreter to the indians; and mauricio, an indian servant. they were mounted on mules; and their baggage of all kinds, including looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets for the indians, and some supplies of provisions, were carried also on muleback, under the charge of an _arriero_, or muleteer, who was an indian. the party were furnished with a tent, which often came in use for nightly shelter, as the roadside inns furnished none, and the haciendas, or farm-houses, which they sometimes availed themselves of, afforded but poor accommodation. the following picture of the lieutenant's first night's lodgings, not more than ten miles from lima, is a specimen: "the house was built of _adobe_, or sun-dried bricks, and roofed with tiles. it had but one room, which was the general receptacle for all comers. a mud projection, of two feet high and three wide, stood out from the walls of the room all around, and served as a permanent bedplace for numbers. others laid their blankets and cloaks, and stretched themselves, on the floor; so that, with whites, indians, negroes, trunks, packages, horse-furniture, game-cocks, and guinea-pigs, we had quite a caravansera appearance." the lieutenant found the general answer to his inquiry for provisions for his party, and of fodder for their animals, was, "no hay" (there is none). the refusal of the people to sell supplies of these indispensable articles was a source of continued inconvenience. it arose probably from their fear to have it known that they had possessions, lest the hand of authority should be laid upon them, and their property be taken without payment. the cultivators, it must be remembered, are native indians, under the absolute control of their spanish masters, and have no recognized rights protected by law. while this state of things continues, civilization is effectually debarred progress. the usual day's travel was twelve to fifteen miles. the route ascended rapidly; and the river rimac, along whose banks their road lay, was soon reduced to a mountain torrent, raging in foam over the fragments of the rocky cliffs which overhung its bed. the road occasionally widened out, and gave room for a little cultivation. may .--they had now reached a height of ten thousand feet above the level of the sea. here the traveller feels that he is lifted above the impurities of the lower regions of the atmosphere, and is breathing air free from taint. the stars sparkled with intense brilliancy. the temperature at night was getting cool, and the travellers found they required all their blankets. but by day the heat was oppressive until tempered by the sea-breeze, which set in about eleven o'clock in the morning. the productions of the country are indian corn, alfalfa (a species of lucern), and potatoes. the potato, in this its native country, is small, but very fine. they saw here a vegetable of the potato kind called _oca_. boiled or roasted, it is very agreeable to the taste, in flavor resembling green corn. here they entered upon the mining region. "the earth here shows her giant skeleton bare: mountains, rather than rocks, rear their gray heads to the skies; and proximity made the scene more striking and sublime." lieut. herndon had brought letters to the superintendent of the mines, who received the travellers kindly and hospitably. this establishment is managed by a superintendent and three assistants, and about forty working hands. the laborers are indians,--strong, hardy-looking fellows, though low in stature, and stupid in expression. the manner of getting the silver from the ore is this: the ore is broken into pieces of the size of an english walnut, and then ground to a fine powder. the ground ore is then mixed with salt, at the rate of fifty pounds of salt to every six hundred of ore, and taken to the ovens to be toasted. after being toasted, the ore is laid in piles of about six hundred pounds upon the stone floor. the piles are then moistened with water, and quicksilver is sprinkled on them through a woollen cloth. the mass is well mixed by treading with the feet, and working with hoes. a little calcined iron pyrites, called _magistral_, is also added. the pile is often examined to see if the amalgamation is going on well. it is left to stand for eight or nine days until the amalgamation is complete; then carried to an elevated platform, and thrown into a well, or cavity: a stream of water is turned on, and four or five men trample and wash it with their feet. the amalgam sinks to the bottom, and the mud and water are let off by an aperture in the lower part of the well. the amalgam is then put into conical bags of coarse linen, which are hung up; and the weight of the mass presses out a quantity of quicksilver, which oozes through the linen, and is caught in vessels below. the mass, now dry, and somewhat harder than putty, is carried to the ovens, where the remainder of the quicksilver is driven off by heat, and the residue is _plata pina_, or pure silver. the proportion of pure silver in the amalgam is about twenty-two per cent. this is an unusually rich mine. returning from the mine, the party met a drove of llamas on their way from the hacienda. this is quite an imposing sight, especially when the drove is encountered suddenly at a turn of the road. the leader, who is always selected on account of his superior height, has his head decorated with tufts of woollen fringe, hung with little bells; and his great height (often six feet), gallant and graceful carriage, pointed ear, restless eye, and quivering lip, as he faces you for a moment, make him as striking an object as one can well conceive. upon pressing on him, he bounds aside either up or down the cliff, and is followed by the herd, scrambling over places that would be impassable for the mule or the ass. the llama travels not more than nine or ten miles a day, his load being about one hundred and thirty pounds. he will not carry more, and will be beaten to death rather than move when he is overloaded or tired. the males only are worked: they appear gentle and docile, but, when irritated, have a very savage look, and spit at the object of their resentment. the guanaco, or alpaca, is another species of this animal, and the vicunia a third. the guanaco is as large as the llama, and bears a fleece of long and coarse wool. the vicunia is much smaller, and its wool is short and fine: so valuable is it, that it brings at the port of shipment a dollar a pound. our travellers saw no guanacos, but now and then, in crossing the mountains, caught a glimpse of the wild and shy vicunia. they go in herds of ten or fifteen females, accompanied by one male, who is ever on the alert. on the approach of danger, he gives warning by a shrill whistle; and his charge make off with the speed of the wind. on the st of may, the thermometer stood at thirty-six degrees at five, a.m. this, it must be remembered, was in the torrid zone, in the same latitude as congo in africa, and sumatra in asia; yet how different the climate! this is owing to the elevation, which at this water-shed of the continent, which separates the rivers of the atlantic from those of the pacific, was about sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. the peaks of the cordillera presented the appearance of a hilly country at home on a winter's day; while the lower ranges were dressed in bright green, with placid little lakes interspersed, giving an air of quiet beauty to the scene. the travellers next arrived at morococha, where they found copper-mining to be the prevailing occupation. the copper ore is calcined in the open air, in piles consisting of ore and coal, which burn for a month. the ore thus calcined is taken to the ovens; and sufficient heat is employed to melt the copper, which runs off into moulds below. the copper, in this state, is impure, containing fifty per cent of foreign matter; and is worth fifteen cents the pound in england, where it is refined. there is a mine of fine coal near the hacienda, which yields an abundant supply. the travellers passed other mining districts, rich in silver and copper. a large portion of the silver which forms the circulation of the world is dug from the range of mountains which they were now crossing, and chiefly from that slope of them which is drained off into the amazon. their descent, after leaving the mining country, was rapid. on june , we find them at the head of a ravine leading down to the valley of tarma. the height of this spot above the level of the sea was , feet. as they rode down the steep descent, the plants and flowers that they had left on the other side began to re-appear. first the short grass and small clover, then barley, lucern, indian corn, beans, turnips, shrubs, bushes, trees, flowers, growing larger and gayer in their colors, till the pretty little city of tarma, imbosomed among the hills, and enveloped in its covering of willows and fruit-trees, with its long lawns of _alfalfa_ (the greenest of grasses) stretching out in front, broke upon their view. it is a place of seven thousand inhabitants, beautifully situated in an amphitheatre of mountains, which are clothed nearly to the top with waving fields of barley. the lieutenant gives an attractive description of this mountain city, whose natural productions extend from the apples and peaches of the temperate zone to the oranges and pine-apples of the tropics; and whose air is so temperate and pure, that there was but one physician to a district of twenty thousand people, and he was obliged to depend upon government for a part of his support. the party left tarma on the th of june, and resumed their descent of the mountains. the ride was the wildest they had yet had. the ascents and descents were nearly precipitous; and the scene was rugged, wild, and grand beyond description. at certain parts of the road, it is utterly impossible for two beasts to pass abreast, or for one to turn and retreat; and the only remedy, when they meet, is to tumble one off the precipice, or to drag him back by the tail until he reaches a place where the other can pass. they met with a considerable fright in this way one day. they were riding in single file along one of those narrow ascents where the road is cut out of the mountain-side, and the traveller has a perpendicular wall on one hand, and a sheer precipice of many hundreds of feet upon the other. mr. gibbon was riding ahead. just as he was about to turn a sharp bend of the road, the head of a bull peered round it, on the descent. when the bull came in full view, he stopped; and the travellers could see the heads of other cattle clustering over his quarters, and hear the shouts of the cattle-drivers far behind, urging on their herd. the bull, with lowered crest, and savage, sullen look, came slowly on, and actually got his head between the perpendicular rock and the neck of gibbon's mule. but the sagacious beast on which he was mounted, pressing her haunches hard against the wall, gathered her feet close under her, and turned as upon a pivot. this placed the bull on the outside (there was room to pass, though no one would have thought it); and he rushed by at the gallop, followed in single file by the rest of the herd. the lieutenant owns that he and his friend "felt frightened." on the th of june, they arrived at the first hacienda, where they saw sugar-cane, yucca, pine-apples, and plantains. besides these, cotton and coffee were soon after found in cultivation. the laborers are native indians, nominally free, but, by the customs of the country, pretty closely held in subjection to their employers. their nominal wages are half a dollar a day; but this is paid in articles necessary for their support, which are charged to them at such prices as to keep them always in debt. as debtors, the law will enforce the master's claim on them; and it is almost hopeless for them to desert; for, unless they get some distance off before they are recognized, they will be returned as debtors to their employers. freedom, under such circumstances, is little better than slavery; but it _is_ better, for this reason,--that it only requires some improvement in the intelligence and habits of the laborers to convert it into a system of free labor worthy of the name. the _yucca_ (cassava-root) is a plant of fifteen or twenty feet in height. it is difficult to distinguish this plant from the _mandioc_, which is called "wild yucca;" and this, "sweet yucca." this may be eaten raw; but the other is poisonous until subjected to heat in cooking, and then is perfectly wholesome. the yucca answers the same purpose in peru that the mandioc does in brazil. it is the general substitute for bread, and, roasted or boiled, is very pleasant to the taste. the indians also make from it an intoxicating drink. each plant will give from twenty to twenty-five pounds of the eatable root, which grows in clusters like the potato, and some tubers of which are as long and thick as a man's arm. chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued. on the th of july, the travellers arrived at the great mining station of cerro pasco. the weather was so cold, that the lieutenant, not being quite well, sat by the fire all day, trying to keep himself warm. the town is a most curious-looking place, entirely honey-combed, and having the mouths of mines, some of them two or three yards in diameter, gaping everywhere. from the top of a hill, the best view is obtained of the whole. vast pits, called tajos, surround this hill, from which many millions of silver have been taken; and the miners are still burrowing, like so many rabbits, in their bottoms and sides. the hill is penetrated in every direction; and it would not be surprising if it should cave in, any day, and bury many in its ruins. the falling-in of mines is of frequent occurrence: one caved in, some years ago, and buried three hundred persons. an english company undertook mining here in , and failed. vast sums have been spent in constructing tunnels, and employing steam machinery to drain the mines; and the parties still persevere, encouraged by discovering, that, the lower they penetrate, the richer are the ores. the yield of these mines is about two million dollars' worth a year, which is equal to the yield of all the other mines of peru together. the lieutenant found the leading people here, as well as at tarma, enthusiastic on the subject of opening the amazon to foreign commerce. it will be a great day for them, they say, when the americans get near them with a steamer. on the th of july, they arrived at a spot of marshy ground, from which trickled in tiny streams the waters, which, uniting with others, swell till they form the broad river huallaga, one of the head tributaries of the amazon. their descent was now rapid; and the next day they found themselves on a sudden among fruit-trees, with a patch of sugar-cane, on the banks of the stream. the sudden transition from rugged mountain-peaks, where there was no cultivation, to a tropical vegetation, was marvellous. two miles farther on, they came in sight of a pretty village, almost hidden in the luxuriant vegetation. the whole valley here becomes very beautiful. the land, which is a rich river-bottom, is laid off into alternate fields of sugar-cane and alfalfa. the blended green and yellow of this growth, divided by willows, interspersed with fruit-trees, and broken into wavy lines by the serpentine course of the river, presented a scene which filled them with pleasurable emotions, and indicated that they had exchanged a semi-barbarous for a civilized society. the party had had no occasion to complain of want of hospitality in any part of their route; but here they seemed to have entered upon a country where that virtue flourished most vigorously, having at its command the means of gratifying it. the owner of the hacienda of quicacan, an english gentleman named dyer, received the lieutenant and his large party exactly as if it were a matter of course, and as if they had quite as much right to occupy his house as they had to enter an inn. the next day they had an opportunity to compare with the englishman a fine specimen of the peruvian country gentleman. col. lucar is thus described: "he is probably the richest and most influential man in the province. he seems to have been the father of husbandry in these parts, and is the very type of the old landed proprietor of virginia, who has always lived upon his estates, and attended personally to their cultivation. seated at the head of his table, with his hat on to keep the draught from his head, and which he would insist upon removing unless i would wear mine; his chair surrounded by two or three little negro children, whom he fed with bits from his plate; and attending with patience and kindness to the clamorous wants of a pair of splendid peacocks, a couple of small parrots of brilliant and variegated plumage, and a beautiful and delicate monkey,--i thought i had never seen a more perfect pattern of the patriarch. his kindly and affectionate manner to his domestics, and to his little grand-children, a pair of sprightly boys, who came in the evening from the college, was also very pleasing." the mention of a college in a region in some respects so barbarous may surprise our readers; but such there is. it has a hundred pupils, an income of seventy-five thousand dollars yearly, chemical and philosophical apparatus, and one thousand specimens of european minerals. ijurra, our lieutenant's peruvian companion, had written to the governor of the village of tingo maria, the head of canoe navigation on the huallaga, to send indians to meet the travellers here, and take their luggage on to the place of embarkation. july .--the indians came shouting into the farm-yard, thirteen in number. they were young, slight, but muscular-looking fellows, and wanted to shoulder the trunks, and be off at once. the lieutenant, however, gave them some breakfast; and then the party set forward, and, after a walk of six miles, reached the river, and embarked in the canoe. two indian laborers, called _peons_, paddled the canoe, and managed it very well. the peons cooked their dinner of cheese and rice, and made them a good cup of coffee. they are lively, good-tempered fellows, and, properly treated, make good and serviceable travelling companions. the canoe was available only in parts of the river where the stream was free from rapids. where these occur, the cargo must be landed, and carried round. lieut. herndon and his party were compelled to walk a good part of the distance to tingo maria, which was thirty-six miles from where they first took the canoe. "i saw here," says our traveller, "the _lucernago_, or fire-fly of this country. it is a species of beetle, carrying two white lights in its eyes, or rather in the places where the eyes of insects generally are, and a red light between the scales of the belly; so that it reminded me somewhat of the ocean steamers. they are sometimes carried to lima (enclosed in an apartment cut into a sugar-cane), where the ladies at balls or theatres put them in their hair for ornament." at tingo maria, their arrival was celebrated with much festivity. the governor got up a ball for them, where there was more hilarity than ceremony. the next morning, the governor and his wife accompanied our friends to the port. the governor made a short address to the canoe-men, telling them that their passengers were "no common persons; that they were to have a special care of them; to be very obedient," &c. they then embarked, and stood off; the boatmen blowing their horns, and the party on shore waving their hats, and shouting their adieus. the party had two canoes, about forty feet long by two and a half broad, each hollowed out of a single log. the rowers stand up to paddle, having one foot in the bottom of the boat, and the other on the gunwale. there is a man at the bow of the boat to look out for rocks or sunken trees ahead; and a steersman, who stands on a little platform at the stern of the boat, and guides her motions. when the river was smooth, and free from obstruction, they drifted with the current, the men sitting on the trunks and boxes, chatting and laughing with each other; but, when they approached a "bad place," their serious looks, and the firm position in which each one planted himself at his post, showed that work was to be done. when the bark had fairly entered the pass, the rapid gestures of the bow-man, indicating the channel; the graceful position of the steersman, holding his long paddle; and the desperate exertions of the rowers, the railroad rush of the canoes, and the wild screaming laugh of the indians as the boat shot past the danger,--made a scene so exciting as to banish the sense of danger. after this specimen of their travel, let us take a glimpse of their lodging. "at half-past five, we camped on the beach. the first business of the boatmen, when the canoe is secured, is to go off to the woods, and cut stakes and palm-branches to make a house for the 'commander.' by sticking long poles in the sand, chopping them half-way in two about five feet above the ground, and bending the upper parts together, they make in a few minutes the frame of a little shanty, which, thickly thatched with palm-leaves, will keep off the dew or an ordinary rain. some bring the drift-wood that is lying about the beach, and make a fire. the provisions are cooked and eaten, the bedding laid down upon the leaves that cover the floor of the shanty, the mosquito nettings spread; and after a cup of coffee, a glass of grog, and a cigar (if they are to be had), everybody retires for the night by eight o'clock. the indians sleep round the hut, each under his narrow mosquito curtain, which glisten in the moonlight like so many tombstones." the indians have very keen senses, and see and hear things that would escape more civilized travellers. one morning, they commenced paddling with great vigor; for they said they heard monkeys ahead. it was not till after paddling a mile that they reached the place. "when we came up to them," says the lieutenant, "we found a gang of large red monkeys in some tall trees by the river-side, making a noise like the grunting of a herd of hogs. we landed; and, in a few moments, i found myself beating my way through the thick undergrowth, and hunting monkeys with as much excitement as i had ever felt in hunting squirrels when a boy." they found the game hard to kill, and only got three,--the lieutenant, with his rifle, one; and the indians, with their blow-guns, two. the indians roasted and ate theirs, and lieut. herndon tried to eat a piece; but it was so tough, that his teeth would make no impression upon it. aug. .--the party arrived at tarapoto. it is a town of three thousand five hundred inhabitants, and the district of which it is the capital numbers six thousand. the principal productions are rice, cotton, and tobacco; and cotton-cloth, spun and woven by the women, with about as little aid from machinery as the women in solomon's time, of whom we are told, "she layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff." the little balls of cotton thread which the women spin in this way are used as currency (and this in a land of silver-mines), and pass for twenty-five cents apiece in exchange for other goods, or twelve and a half cents in money. most of the trade is done by barter. a cow is sold for one hundred yards of cotton cloth; a fat hog, for sixty; a large sheep, twelve; twenty-five pounds of salt fish, for twelve; twenty-five pounds of coffee, six; a head of plantains, which will weigh from forty to fifty pounds, for three needles; and so forth. all transportation of merchandise by land is made upon the backs of indians, for want of roads suitable for beasts of burden. the customary weight of a load is seventy-five pounds: the cost of transportation to moyobamba, seventy miles, is six yards of cloth. it is easy to obtain, in the term of six or eight days, fifty or sixty peons, or indian laborers, for the transportation of cargoes, getting the order of the governor, and paying the above price, and supporting the peons on the way. the town is the most important in the province of mainas. the inhabitants are called civilized, but have no idea of what we call comfort in their domestic arrangements. the houses are of mud, thatched with palm, and have uneven earth floors. the furniture consists of a grass hammock, a standing bedplace, a coarse table, and a stool or two. the governor of this populous district wore no shoes, and appeared to live pretty much like the rest of them. vessels of five feet draught of water may ascend the river, at the lowest stage of the water, to within eighteen miles of tarapoto. our travellers accompanied a large fishing-party. they had four or five canoes, and a large quantity of barbasco; a root which has the property of stupefying, or intoxicating, the fish. the manner of fishing is to close up the mouth of an inlet of the river with a network made of reeds; and then, mashing the barbasco-root to a pulp, throw it into the water. this turns the water white, and poisons it; so that the fish soon begin rising to the surface, dead, and are taken into the canoes with small tridents, or pronged sticks. almost at the moment of throwing the barbasco into the water, the smaller fish rise to the surface, and die in one or two minutes; the larger fish survive longer. the salt fish, which constitutes an important article of food and also of barter trade, is brought from down the river in large pieces of about eight pounds each, cut from the _vaca marina_, or sea-cow, also found in our florida streams, and there called _manatee_. it is found in great numbers in the amazon and its principal tributaries. it is not, strictly speaking, a fish, but an animal of the whale kind, which nourishes its young at the breast. it is not able to leave the water; but, in feeding, it gets near the shore, and raises its head out. it is most often taken when feeding. our travellers met a canoe of indians, one man and two women, going up the river for salt. they bought, with beads, some turtle-eggs, and proposed to buy a monkey they had; but one of the women clasped the little beast in her arms, and set up a great outcry, lest the man should sell it. the man wore a long cotton gown, with a hole in the neck for the head to come through, and short, wide sleeves. he had on his arm a bracelet of monkeys' teeth, and the women had nose-rings of white beads. their dress was a cotton petticoat, tied round the waist; and all were filthy. sept. .--they arrived at laguna. here they found two travelling merchants, a portuguese and a brazilian. they had four large boats, of about eight tons each, and two or three canoes. their cargo consisted of iron and iron implements, crockery-ware, wine, brandy, copper kettles, coarse short swords (a very common implement of the indians), guns, ammunition, salt, fish, &c., which they expected to exchange for straw hats, cotton cloth, sugar, coffee, and money. they were also buying up all the sarsaparilla they could find, and despatching it back in canoes. they invited our travellers to breakfast; and the lieutenant says, "i thought that i never tasted any thing better than the _farinha_, which i saw now for the first time." farinha is a general substitute for bread in all the course of the amazon below the brazilian frontier. it is used by all classes; and the boatmen seemed always contented with plenty of salt fish and farinha. the women make it in this way: they soak the root of the _mandioc_ in water till it is softened a little, when they scrape off the skin, and grate the root upon a board, which is made into a rude grater by being smeared with some of the adhesive gums of the forest, and then sprinkled with pebbles. the white grated pulp is put into a conical-shaped bag made of the coarse fibres of the palm. the bag is hung up to a peg driven into a post of the hut; a lever is put through a loop at the bottom of the bag; the short end of the lever is placed under a chock nailed to the post below; and the woman hangs her weight on the long end. this elongates the bag, and brings a heavy pressure upon the mass within, causing the juice to ooze out through the wicker-work of the bag. when sufficiently pressed, the mass is put on the floor of a mud oven; heat is applied, and it is stirred with a stick till it granulates into very irregular grains, and is sufficiently toasted to drive off all the poisonous qualities which it has in a crude state. it is then packed in baskets (lined and covered with palm-leaves) of about sixty-four pounds' weight, which are generally sold all along the river at from seventy-five cents to one dollar. the sediment of the juice is tapioca, and is used to make custards, puddings, starch, &c. it will surprise some of our readers to be told that the juice extracted in the preparation of these wholesome and nutritive substances is a powerful poison, and used by the indians for poisoning the points of their arrows. chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued. the huallaga is navigable, for vessels drawing five feet depth of water, miles; and forty miles farther for canoes. our travellers had now arrived at its junction with the amazon; and their first sight of its waters is thus described: "the march of the great river in its silent grandeur was sublime; but in the untamed might of its turbid waters, as they cut away its banks, tore down the gigantic denizens of the forest, and built up islands, it was awful. i was reminded of our mississippi at its topmost flood; but this stream lacked the charm which the plantation upon the bank, the city upon the bluff, and the steamboat upon the waters, lend to its fellow of the north. but its capacities for trade and commerce are inconceivably great; and to the touch of steam, settlement, and cultivation, this majestic stream and its magnificent water-shed would start up in a display of industrial results that would make the valley of the amazon one of the most enchanting regions on the face of the earth." lieut. herndon speaks of the valley of the amazon in language almost as enthusiastic as that of sir walter raleigh: "from its mountains you may dig silver, iron, coal, copper, zinc, quicksilver, and tin; from the sands of its tributaries you may wash gold, diamonds, and precious stones; from its forests you may gather drugs of virtues the most rare, spices of aroma the most exquisite, gums and resins of the most varied and useful properties, dyes of hue the most brilliant, with cabinet and building woods of the finest polish and the most enduring texture. its climate is an everlasting summer, and its harvest perennial." sept. .--the party encamped at night on an island near the middle of the river. "the indians, cooking their big monkeys over a large fire on the beach, presented a savage and most picturesque scene. they looked more like devils roasting human beings, than any thing mortal." we ask ourselves, on reading this, whether some such scene may not have given rise to the stories of cannibalism which raleigh and others record. they arrived at nauta, a village of a thousand inhabitants, mostly indians. the governor of the district received them hospitably. each district has its governor, and each town its lieutenant-governor. these are of european descent. the other authorities of a town are _curacas_, captains, alcades, and constables. all these are indians. the office of curaca is hereditary, and is not generally interfered with by the white governor. the indians treat their curaca with great respect, and submit to corporal punishment at his mandate. sarsaparilla is one of the chief articles of produce collected here. it is a vine of sufficient size to shoot up fifteen or twenty feet from the root without support. it thus embraces the surrounding trees, and spreads to a great distance. the main root sends out many tendrils, generally about the thickness of a straw, and five feet long. these are gathered, and tied up in bundles of about an _arroba_, or thirty-two pounds' weight. it is found on the banks of almost every river of the region; but many of these are not worked, on account of the savages living on them, who attack the parties that come to gather it. the price in nauta is two dollars the arroba, and in europe from forty to sixty dollars. from nauta, lieut. herndon ascended the ucayali, a branch of the amazon, stretching to the north-west in a direction somewhat parallel to the huallaga. there is the essential difference between the two rivers, as avenues for commerce, that the ucayali is still in the occupation of savage tribes, unchristianized except where under the immediate influence of the mission stations planted among them; while the population of the huallaga is tolerably advanced in civilization. the following sentences will give a picture of the indians of the ucayali: "these people cannot count, and i can never get from them any accurate idea of numbers. they are very little removed above 'the beasts that perish.' they are filthy, and covered with sores. the houses are very large, between thirty and forty feet in length, and ten or fifteen in breadth. they consist of immense roofs of small poles and canes, thatched with palm, and supported by short stakes, four feet high, planted in the ground three or four feet apart, and having the spaces, except between two in front, filled in with cane. they have no idea of a future state, and worship nothing. but they can make bows and canoes; and their women weave a coarse cloth from cotton, and dye it. their dress is a long cotton gown. they paint the face, and wear ornaments suspended from the nose and lower lip." next let us take a view of the means in operation to elevate these people to civilization and christianity. sarayacu is a missionary station, governed by four franciscan friars, who are thus described: "father calvo, meek and humble in personal concerns, yet full of zeal and spirit for his office, clad in his long serge gown, belted with a cord, with bare feet and accurate tonsure, habitual stoop, and generally bearing upon his shoulder a beautiful and saucy bird of the parrot kind, was my beau-ideal of a missionary monk. bregati is a young and handsome italian, whom father calvo sometimes calls st. john. lorente is a tall, grave, and cold-looking catalan. a lay-brother named maguin, who did the cooking, and who was unwearied in his attentions to us, made up the establishment. i was sick here, and think that i shall ever remember with gratitude the affectionate kindness of these pious and devoted friars of st. francis." the government is paternal. the indians recognize in the "padre" the power to appoint and remove curacas, captains, and other officers; to inflict stripes, and to confine in the stocks. they obey the priests' orders readily, and seem tractable and docile. the indian men are drunken and lazy: the women do most of the work; and their reward is to be maltreated by their husbands, and, in their drunken frolics, to be cruelly beaten, and sometimes badly wounded. our party returned to the amazon; and we find occurring in their narrative names which are familiar to us in the history of our previous adventurers. they touched at omaguas, the port where madame godin found kind friends in the good missionary and the governor, and where she embarked on her way to the galiot at loreto; and they passed the mouth of the napo, which enters the amazon from the north,--the river down which orellana passed in the first adventure. the lieutenant says, "we spoke two canoes that had come from near quito by the napo. there are few christianized towns on the napo; and the rowers of the boats were a more savage-looking set than i had seen,"--so slow has been the progress of civilization in three hundred years. the amazon seems to be the land of monkeys. our traveller says, "i bought a young monkey of an indian woman to-day. it had coarse gray and white hair; and that on the top of its head was stiff, like the quills of the porcupine, and smoothed down in front as if it had been combed. i offered the little fellow some plantain; but, finding he would not eat, the woman took him, and put him to her breast, when he sucked away manfully and with great gusto. she weaned him in a week, so that he would eat plantain mashed up, and put into his mouth in small bits; but the little beast died of mortification because i would not let him sleep with his arms around my neck." they got from the indians some of the milk from the cow-tree. this the indians drink, when fresh; and, brought in a calabash, it had a foamy appearance, as if just drawn from the cow. it, however, coagulates very soon, and becomes as hard and tenacious as glue. it does not appear to be as important an article of subsistence as one would expect from the name. dec. .--they arrived at loreto, the frontier town of the peruvian territory, and which reminds us again of madame godin, who there joined the portuguese galiot. loreto is situated on an eminence on the left bank of the river, which is here three-fourths of a mile wide, and one hundred feet deep. there are three mercantile houses in loreto, which do a business of about ten thousand dollars a year. the houses at loreto are better built and better furnished than those of the towns on the river above. the population of the place is two hundred and fifty, made up of brazilians, mulattoes, negroes, and a few indians. at the next town, tabatinga, the lieutenant entered the territory of brazil. when his boat, bearing the american flag, was descried at that place, the brazilian flag was hoisted; and when the lieutenant landed, dressed in uniform, he was received by the commandant, also in uniform, to whom he presented his passport from the brazilian minister at washington. as soon as this document was perused, and the lieutenant's rank ascertained, a salute of seven guns was fired from the fort; and the commandant treated him with great civility, and entertained him at his table, giving him roast beef, which was a great treat. it was quite pleasant, after coming from the peruvian villages, which are all nearly hidden in the woods, to see that tabatinga had the forest cleared away from about it; so that a space of forty or fifty acres was covered with green grass, and had a grove of orange-trees in its midst. the commandant told him that the trade of the river was increasing very fast; that, in , scarce one thousand dollars' worth of goods passed up; in , two thousand five hundred dollars; and this year, six thousand dollars. the sarsaparilla seems thus far to have been the principal article of commerce; but here they find another becoming of importance,--_manteca_, or oil made of turtle-eggs. the season for making manteca generally ends by the st of november. a commandant is appointed every year to take care of the beaches, prevent disorder, and administer justice. sentinels are placed at the beginning of august, when the turtles commence depositing their eggs. they see that no one wantonly interferes with the turtles, or destroys the eggs. the process of making the oil is very disgusting. the eggs are collected, thrown into a canoe, and trodden into a mass with the feet. water is poured on, and the mass is left to stand in the sun for several days. the oil rises to the top, is skimmed off, and boiled in large copper boilers. it is then put in earthen pots of about forty-five pounds' weight. each pot is worth, on the beach, one dollar and thirty cents; and at pará, from two and a half to three dollars. the beaches of the amazon and its tributaries yield from five to six thousand pots annually. it is used for the same purposes as lard with us. chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded. on jan. , at about the point of the junction of the purus river with the amazon, lieut. herndon remarks, "the banks of the river are now losing the character of savage and desolate solitude that characterizes them above, and begin to show signs of habitation and cultivation. we passed to-day several farms, with neatly framed and plastered houses, and a schooner-rigged vessel lying off several of them." they arrived at the junction of the river negro. this is one of the largest of the tributaries of the amazon, and derives its name from the blackness of its waters. when taken up in a tumbler, the water is a light-red color, like a pale juniper-water, and is probably colored by some such berry. this river, opposite the town of barra, is about a mile and a half wide, and very beautiful. it is navigable for almost any draughts to the masaya, a distance of about four hundred miles: there the rapids commence, and the farther ascent must be made in boats. by this river, a communication exists with the orinoco, by means of a remarkable stream, the cassaquiare, which seems to have been formed for the sole purpose of connecting these two majestic rivers, and the future dwellers upon them, in the bonds of perpetual union. humboldt, the great traveller and philosopher, thus speaks of it, "the cassaquiare, as broad as the rhine, and whose course is one hundred and eighty miles in length, will not much longer form in vain a navigable canal between two basins of rivers which have a surface of one hundred and ninety thousand square leagues. the grain of new grenada will be carried to the banks of the rio negro; boats will descend from the sources of the napo and the ucayali, from the andes of quito and upper peru, to the mouths of the orinoco. a country nine or ten times larger than spain, and enriched with the most varied productions, is accessible in every direction by the medium of the natural canal of the cassaquiare and the bifurcation of the rivers." the greatest of all the tributaries of the amazon is the madeira, whose junction our travellers next reached. for four hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, there is good navigation: then occur cascades, which are navigable only for boats, and occupy three hundred and fifty miles, above which the river is navigable for large vessels, by its great tributaries, into bolivia and brazil. they next entered the country where the cocoa is regularly cultivated; and the banks of the river present a much less desolate and savage appearance than they do above. the cocoa-trees have a yellow-colored leaf; and this, together with their regularity of size, distinguishes them from the surrounding forest. lieut. herndon says, "i do not know a prettier place than one of these plantations. the trees interlock their branches, and, with their large leaves, make a shade impenetrable to any ray of the sun; and the large, golden-colored fruits, hanging from branch and trunk, shine through the green with a most beautiful effect. this is the time of the harvest; and we found the people of every plantation engaged in the open space before the house in breaking open the shells of the fruit, and spreading the seed to dry in the sun. they make a pleasant drink for a hot day by pressing out the juice of the gelatinous pulp that envelops the seeds. it is called cocoa-wine: it is a white, viscid liquor, has an agreeable, acid taste, and is very refreshing." we must hasten on, and pass without notice many spots of interest on the river; but, as we have now reached a comparatively civilized and known region, it is less necessary to be particular. the tapajos river stretches its branches to the town of diamantino, situated at the foot of the mountains, where diamonds are found. lieut. herndon saw some of the diamonds and gold-sand in the possession of a resident of santarem, who had traded much on the river. the gold-dust appeared to him equal in quality to that he had seen from california. gold and diamonds, which are always united in this region as in many others, are found especially in the numerous water-courses, and also throughout the whole country. after the rains, the children of diamantino hunt for the gold contained in the earth even of the streets, and in the bed of the river ouro, which passes through the city; and they often collect considerable quantities. it is stated that diamonds are sometimes found in the stomachs of the fowls. the quantity of diamonds found in a year varies from two hundred and fifty to five hundred _oitavas_; the oitava being about seventeen carats. the value depends upon the quality and size of the specimen, and can hardly be reduced to an estimate. it is seldom that a stone of over half an oitava is found; and such a one is worth from two to three hundred dollars. as an offset to the gold and diamonds, we have this picture of the climate: "from the rising to the setting of the sun, clouds of stinging insects blind the traveller, and render him frantic by the torments they cause. take a handful of the finest sand, and throw it above your head, and you would then have but a faint idea of the number of these demons who tear the skin to pieces. it is true, these insects disappear at night, but only to give place to others yet more formidable. large bats (true, thirsty vampires) literally throng the forests, cling to the hammocks, and, finding a part of the body exposed, rest lightly there, and drain it of blood. the alligators are so numerous, and the noise they make so frightful, that it is impossible to sleep." at santarem they were told the tide was perceptible, but did not perceive it. at gurupa it was very apparent. this point is about five hundred miles from the sea. about thirty-five miles below gurupa commences the great estuary of the amazon. the river suddenly flows out into an immense bay, which might appropriately be called the "bay of a thousand islands;" for it is cut up into innumerable channels. the travellers ran for days through channels varying from fifty to five hundred yards in width, between numberless islands. this is the india-rubber country. the shores are low: indeed, one seldom sees the land at all; the trees on the banks generally standing in the water. the party stopped at one of the establishments for making india-rubber. the house was built of light poles, and on piles, to keep it out of the water, which flowed under and around it. this was the store, and, rude as it was, was a palace compared to the hut of the laborer who gathers the india-rubber. the process is as follows: a longitudinal gash is made in the bark of the tree with a hatchet. a wedge of wood is inserted to keep the gash open; and a small clay cup is stuck to the tree, beneath the gash. the cups may be stuck as close together as possible around the tree. in four or five hours, the milk has ceased to run, and each wound has given from three to five table-spoonfuls. the gatherer then collects it from the cups, pours it into an earthen vessel, and commences the operation of forming it into shapes, and smoking it. this must be done at once, as the juice soon coagulates. a fire is made on the ground, and a rude funnel placed over it to collect the smoke. the maker of the rubber now takes his last, if he is making shoes, or his mould, which is fastened to the end of a stick, pours the milk over it with a cup, and passes it slowly several times through the smoke until it is dry. he then pours on the other coats until he has the required thickness, smoking each coating till it is dry. from twenty to forty coats make a shoe. the soles and heels are, of course, given more coats than the body of the shoe. the figures on the shoes are made by tracing them on the rubber, while soft, with a coarse needle, or bit of wire. this is done two days after the coating. in a week, the shoes are taken from the last. the coating occupies about twenty-five minutes. the tree is tall, straight, and has a smooth bark. it sometimes reaches a diameter of thirteen inches or more. each incision makes a rough wound on the tree, which, although it does not kill it, renders it useless, because a smooth place is wanted to which to attach the cups. the milk is white and tasteless, and may be taken into the stomach with impunity. our travellers arrived at pará on the th of april, , and were most hospitably and kindly received by mr. norris, the american consul. the journey of our travellers ends here. lieut. herndon's book is full of instruction, conveyed in a pleasant style. he seems to have manifested throughout good judgment, good temper, energy, and industry. he had no collisions with the authorities or with individuals, and, on his part, seems to have met friendly feelings and good offices throughout his whole route. william lewis herndon was born in fredericksburg, va., on the th of october, . he entered the navy at the age of fifteen; served in the mexican war; and was afterwards engaged for three years, with his brother-in-law, lieut. maury, in the national observatory at washington. in - , he explored the amazon river, under commission of the united-states government. in , he was commander of the steamer "central america," which left havana for new york on sept. , having on board four hundred and seventy-four passengers and a crew of one hundred and five men, and about two million dollars of gold. on sept. , during a violent gale from the north-east and a heavy sea, she sprung a leak, and sunk, on the evening of sept. , near the outer edge of the gulf stream, in lat. ° ´ n. only one hundred and fifty of the persons on board were saved, including the women and children. the gallant commander of the steamer was seen standing upon the wheel-house at the time of her sinking. in a former chapter, we have told the fate of sir humphrey gilbert. how fair a counterpart of that heroic death is this of the gallant herndon! chapter xv. latest explorations. in the year , an english gentleman, henry walter bates, visited the region of the amazon for the purpose of scientific exploration. he went prepared to spend years in the country, in order to study diligently its natural productions. his stay was protracted until , during which time he resided successively at pará, santarem, ega, barra, and other places; making his abode for months, or even years, in each. his account of his observations and discoveries was published after his return, and affords us the best information we possess respecting the country, its inhabitants, and its productions, brought down almost to the present time. our extracts relate to the cities, the river and its shores, the inhabitants civilized and savage, the great tributary rivers, the vegetation, and the animals of various kinds. before proceeding with our extracts, we will remark the various names of the river. it is sometimes called, from the name of its discoverer, "orellana." this name is appropriate and well-sounding, but is not in general use. the name of "marañon," pronounced maranyon, is still often used. it is probably derived from the natives. it is called "the river of the amazons," from the fable of its former inhabitants. this name is shortened into "the amazons," and, without the plural sign, "the amazon," in common use. above the junction of the river negro, the river is designated as "the upper amazon," or "solimoens." parÃ�. "on the morning of the th of may, , we arrived at our destination. the appearance of the city at sunrise was pleasing in the highest degree. it is built on a low tract of land, having only one small rocky elevation at its southern extremity: it therefore affords no amphitheatral view from the river; but the white buildings roofed with red tiles, the numerous towers and cupolas of churches and convents, the crowns of palm-trees reared above the buildings, all sharply defined against the clear blue sky, give an appearance of lightness and cheerfulness which is most exhilarating. the perpetual forest hems the city in on all sides landwards; and, towards the suburbs, picturesque country-houses are seen scattered about, half buried in luxuriant foliage. "the impressions received during our first walk can never wholly fade from my mind. after traversing the few streets of tall, gloomy, convent-looking buildings near the port, inhabited chiefly by merchants and shopkeepers; along which idle soldiers, dressed in shabby uniforms, carrying their muskets carelessly over their arms; priests; negresses with red water-jars on their heads; sad-looking indian women, carrying their naked children astride on their hips; and other samples of the motley life of the place,--were seen; we passed down a long, narrow street leading to the suburbs. beyond this, our road lay across a grassy common, into a picturesque lane leading to the virgin forest. the long street was inhabited by the poorer class of the population. the houses were mostly in a dilapidated condition; and signs of indolence and neglect were everywhere visible. but amidst all, and compensating every defect, rose the overpowering beauty of the vegetation. the massive dark crowns of shady mangoes were seen everywhere among the dwellings, amidst fragrant, blossoming orange, lemon, and other tropical fruit-trees,--some in flower, others in fruit at various stages of ripeness. here and there, shooting above the more dome-like and sombre trees, were the smooth columnar stems of palms, bearing aloft their magnificent crowns of finely-cut fronds. on the boughs of the taller and more ordinary-looking trees sat tufts of curiously leaved parasites. slender woody lianas hung in festoons from the branches, or were suspended in the form of cords and ribbons; while luxuriant creeping plants overran alike tree-trunks, roofs, and walls, or toppled over palings in copious profusion of foliage. "as we continued our walk, the brief twilight commenced; and the sounds of multifarious life came from the vegetation around,--the whirring of cicadas; the shrill stridulation of a vast number of crickets and grasshoppers, each species sounding its peculiar note; the plaintive hooting of tree-frogs, all blended together in one continuous ringing sound,--the audible expression of the teeming profusion of nature. this uproar of life, i afterwards found, never wholly ceased, night or day: in course of time, i became, like other residents, accustomed to it. after my return to england, the death-like stillness of summer days in the country appeared to me as strange as the ringing uproar did on my first arrival at pará." cametÃ�. "i staid at cametá five weeks, and made a considerable collection of the natural productions of the neighborhood. the town, in , was estimated to contain about five thousand inhabitants. the productions of the district are cacao, india-rubber, and brazil nuts. the most remarkable feature in the social aspect of the place is the mixed nature of the population,--the amalgamation of the white and indian races being here complete. the aborigines were originally very numerous on the western bank of the tocantins; the principal tribe being the cametás, from which the city takes its name. they were a superior nation, settled, and attached to agriculture, and received with open arms the white immigrants who were attracted to the district by its fertility, natural beauty, and the healthfulness of the climate. the portuguese settlers were nearly all males. the indian women were good-looking, and made excellent wives; so the natural result has been, in the course of two centuries, a complete blending of the two races. "the town consists of three long streets running parallel to the river, with a few shorter ones crossing them at right angles. the houses are very plain; being built, as usual in this country, simply of a strong framework, filled up with mud, and coated with white plaster. a few of them are of two or three stories. there are three churches, and also a small theatre, where a company of native actors, at the time of my visit, were representing light portuguese plays with considerable taste and ability. the people have a reputation all over the province for energy and perseverance; and it is often said that they are as keen in trade as the portuguese. the lower classes are as indolent and sensual here as in other parts of the province,--a moral condition not to be wondered at, where perpetual summer reigns, and where the necessaries of life are so easily obtained. but they are light-hearted, quick-witted, communicative, and hospitable. i found here a native poet, who had written some pretty verses, showing an appreciation of the natural beauties of the country; and was told that the archbishop of bahia, the primate of brazil, was a native of cametá. it is interesting to find the mamelucos (half-breeds) displaying talent and enterprise; for it shows that degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture of white and indian blood. "the forest behind cametá is traversed by several broad roads, which lead over undulating ground many miles into the interior. they pass generally under shade, and part of the way through groves of coffee and orange trees, fragrant plantations of cacao, and tracts of second-growth woods. the narrow, broad-watered valleys, with which the land is intersected, alone have remained clothed with primeval forest, at least near the town. the houses along these beautiful roads belong chiefly to mameluco, mulatto, and indian families, each of which has its own small plantation. there are only a few planters with large establishments; and these have seldom more than a dozen slaves. besides the main roads, there are endless by-paths, which thread the forest, and communicate with isolated houses. along these the traveller may wander day after day, without leaving the shade, and everywhere meet with cheerful, simple, and hospitable people." rivers and creeks. "we made many excursions down the irritiri, and saw much of these creeks. the magoary is a magnificent channel: the different branches form quite a labyrinth, and the land is everywhere of little elevation. all these smaller rivers throughout the pará estuary are of the nature of creeks. the land is so level, that the short local rivers have no sources and downward currents, like rivers, as we understand them. they serve the purpose of draining the land; but, instead of having a constant current one way, they have a regular ebb and flow with the tide. the natives call them _igarapés_, or canoe-paths. they are characteristic of the country. the land is everywhere covered with impenetrable forests: the houses and villages are all on the water-side, and nearly all communication is by water. this semi-aquatic life of the people is one of the most interesting features of the country. for short excursions, and for fishing in still waters, a small boat, called _montaria_, is universally used. it is made of five planks,--a broad one for the bottom, bent into the proper shape by the action of heat, two narrow ones for the sides, and two triangular pieces for stem and stern. it has no rudder: the paddle serves for both steering and propelling. the montaria takes here the place of the horse, mule, or camel of other regions. besides one or more montarias, almost every family has a larger canoe, called _igarité_. this is fitted with two masts, a rudder, and keel, and has an arched awning or cabin near the stern, made of a framework of tough _lianas_, thatched with palm-leaves. in the igarité, they will cross stormy rivers fifteen or twenty miles broad. the natives are all boat-builders. it is often remarked by white residents, that the indian is a carpenter and shipwright by intuition. it is astonishing to see in what crazy vessels these people will risk themselves. i have seen indians cross rivers in a leaky montaria when it required the nicest equilibrium to keep the leak just above water: a movement of a hair's-breadth would send all to the bottom; but they manage to cross in safety. if a squall overtakes them as they are crossing in a heavily-laden canoe, they all jump overboard, and swim about until the heavy sea subsides, when they re-embark." junction of the madeira. "our course lay through narrow channels between islands. we passed the last of these, and then beheld to the south a sea-like expanse of water, where the madeira, the greatest tributary of the amazons, after two thousand miles of course, blends its waters with those of the king of rivers. i was hardly prepared for a junction of waters on so vast a scale as this, now nearly nine hundred miles from the sea. while travelling week after week along the somewhat monotonous stream, often hemmed in between islands, and becoming thoroughly familiar with it, my sense of the magnitude of this vast water-system had become gradually deadened; but this noble sight renewed the first feelings of wonder. one is inclined, in such places as these, to think the paraenses do not exaggerate much when they call the amazons the mediterranean of south america. beyond the mouth of the madeira, the amazons sweeps down in a majestic reach, to all appearance not a whit less in breadth before than after this enormous addition to its waters. the madeira does not ebb and flow simultaneously with the amazons; it rises and sinks about two months earlier: so that it was now fuller than the main river. its current, therefore, poured forth freely from its mouth, carrying with it a long line of floating trees, and patches of grass, which had been torn from its crumbly banks in the lower part of its course. the current, however, did not reach the middle of the main stream, but swept along nearer to the southern shore. "the madeira is navigable miles from its mouth: a series of cataracts and rapids then commences, which extends, with some intervals of quiet water, about miles, beyond which is another long stretch of navigable stream." junction of the rio negro. "a brisk wind from the east sprung up early in the morning of the d: we then hoisted all sail, and made for the mouth of the rio negro. this noble stream, at its junction with the amazons, seems, from its position, to be a direct continuation of the main river; while the solimoens, which joins it at an angle, and is somewhat narrower than its tributary, appears to be a branch, instead of the main trunk, of the vast water-system. "the rio negro broadens considerably from its mouth upward, and presents the appearance of a great lake; its black-dyed waters having no current, and seeming to be dammed up by the impetuous flow of the yellow, turbid solimoens, which here belches forth a continuous line of uprooted trees, and patches of grass, and forms a striking contrast with its tributary. in crossing, we passed the line a little more than half-way over, where the waters of the two rivers meet, and are sharply demarcated from each other. on reaching the opposite shore, we found a remarkable change. all our insect pests had disappeared, as if by magic, even from the hold of the canoe: the turmoil of an agitated, swiftly-flowing river, and its torn, perpendicular, earthy banks, had given place to tranquil water, and a coast indented with snug little bays, fringed with sloping, sandy beaches. the low shore, and vivid, light-green, endlessly varied foliage, which prevailed on the south side of the amazons, were exchanged for a hilly country, clothed with a sombre, rounded, and monotonous forest. a light wind carried us gently along the coast to the city of barra, which lies about seven or eight miles within the mouth of the river. "the town of barra is built on a tract of elevated but very uneven land, on the left bank of the rio negro, and contained, in , about three thousand inhabitants. it is now the principal station for the lines of steamers which were established in ; and passengers and goods are trans-shipped here for the solimoens and peru. a steamer runs once a fortnight between pará and barra; and another as often between this place and nauta, in the peruvian territory." mamelucos, or half-breeds. "we landed at one of the cacao-plantations. the house was substantially built; the walls formed of strong, upright posts, lathed across, plastered with mud, and whitewashed; and the roof tiled. the family were mamelucos, or offspring of the european and the indian. they seemed to be an average sample of the poorer class of cacao-growers. all were loosely dressed, and barefooted. a broad veranda extended along one side of the house, the floor of which was simply the well-trodden earth; and here hammocks were slung between the bare upright supports, a large rush-mat being spread on the ground, upon which the stout, matron-like mistress, with a tame parrot perched upon her shoulder, sat sewing with two pretty-looking mulatto-girls. the master, coolly clad in shirt and drawers, the former loose about his neck, lay in his hammock, smoking a long gaudily painted wooden pipe. the household utensils--earthenware jars, water-pots, and sauce-pans--lay at one end, near which was a wood-fire, with the ever-ready coffee-pot simmering on the top of a clay tripod. a large shed stood a short distance off, embowered in a grove of banana, papaw, and mango trees; and under it were the troughs, ovens, sieves, and other apparatus, for the preparation of mandioc. the cleared space around the house was only a few yards in extent: beyond it lay the cacao-plantations, which stretched on each side parallel to the banks of the river. there was a path through the forest, which led to the mandioc-fields, and, several miles beyond, to other houses on the banks of an interior channel. we were kindly received, as is always the case when a stranger visits these out-of-the-way habitations; the people being invariably civil and hospitable. we had a long chat, took coffee; and, on departing, one of the daughters sent a basketful of oranges, for our use, down to the canoe." mÃ�ra indians. "on the th of january, we arrived at matari, a miserable little settlement of múra indians. here we again anchored, and went ashore. the place consisted of about twenty slightly built mud-hovels, and had a most forlorn appearance, notwithstanding the luxuriant forest in its rear. the absence of the usual cultivated trees and plants gave the place a naked and poverty-stricken aspect. i entered one of the hovels, where several women were employed cooking a meal. portions of a large fish were roasting over a fire made in the middle of the low chamber; and the entrails were scattered about the floor, on which the women, with their children, were squatted. these had a timid, distrustful expression of countenance; and their bodies were begrimed with black mud, which is smeared over the skin as a protection against musquitoes. the children were naked: the women wore petticoats of coarse cloth, stained in blotches with _murixi_, a dye made from the bark of a tree. one of them wore a necklace of monkey's teeth. there were scarcely any household utensils: the place was bare, with the exception of two dirty grass hammocks hung in the corners. i missed the usual mandioc-sheds behind the house, with their surrounding cotton, cacao, coffee, and lemon trees. two or three young men of the tribe were lounging about the low, open doorway. they were stoutly-built fellows, but less well-proportioned than the semi-civilized indians of the lower amazons generally are. the gloomy savagery, filth, and poverty of the people in this place made me feel quite melancholy; and i was glad to return to the canoe." marauÃ� tribe. a pleasanter picture is presented by the indians of the marauá tribe. our traveller thus describes a visit to them:-- "our longest trip was to some indian houses, a distance of fifteen or eighteen miles up the sapó; a journey made with one indian paddler, and occupying a whole day. the stream is not more than forty or fifty yards broad: its waters are dark in color, and flow, as in all these small rivers, partly under shade, between two lofty walls of forest. we passed, in ascending, seven habitations, most of them hidden in the luxuriant foliage of the banks; their sites being known only by small openings in the compact wall of forest, and the presence of a canoe or two tied up in little shady ports. the inhabitants are chiefly indians of the marauá tribe, whose original territory comprises all the by-streams lying between the jutahí and the juruá, near the mouths of both these great tributaries. they live in separate families, or small hordes; have no common chief; and are considered as a tribe little disposed to adopt civilized customs, or be friendly with the whites. one of the houses belonged to a jurí family; and we saw the owner, an erect, noble-looking old fellow, tattooed, as customary with his tribe, in a large patch over the middle of his face, fishing, under the shade of a colossal tree, with hook and line. he saluted us in the usual grave and courteous manner of the better sort of indians as we passed by. "we reached the last house, or rather two houses, about ten o'clock, and spent there several hours during the heat of the day. the houses, which stood on a high, clayey bank, were of quadrangular shape, partly open, like sheds, and partly enclosed with rude, mud walls, forming one or two chambers. the inhabitants, a few families of marauás, received us in a frank, smiling manner. none of them were tattooed: but the men had great holes pierced in their ear-lobes, in which they insert plugs of wood; and their lips were drilled with smaller holes. one of the younger men, a fine, strapping fellow, nearly six feet high, with a large aquiline nose, who seemed to wish to be particularly friendly to me, showed me the use of these lip-holes, by fixing a number of little sticks in them, and then twisting his mouth about, and going through a pantomime to represent defiance in the presence of an enemy. "we left these friendly people about four o'clock in the afternoon, and, in descending the umbrageous river, stopped, about half-way down, at another house, built in one of the most charming situations i had yet seen in this country. a clean, narrow, sandy pathway led from the shady port to the house, through a tract of forest of indescribable luxuriance. the buildings stood on an eminence in the middle of a level, cleared space; the firm, sandy soil, smooth as a floor, forming a broad terrace round them. the owner was a semi-civilized indian, named manoel; a dull, taciturn fellow, who, together with his wife and children, seemed by no means pleased at being intruded on in their solitude. the family must have been very industrious; for the plantations were very extensive, and included a little of almost all kinds of cultivated tropical productions,--fruit-trees, vegetables, and even flowers for ornament. the silent old man had surely a fine appreciation of the beauties of nature; for the site he had chosen commanded a view of surprising magnificence over the summits of the forest; and, to give a finish to the prospect, he had planted a large number of banana-trees in the foreground, thus concealing the charred and dead stumps which would otherwise have marred the effect of the rolling sea of greenery. the sun set over the tree-tops before we left this little eden; and the remainder of our journey was made slowly and pleasantly, under the checkered shade of the river banks, by the light of the moon." the forest. the following passage describes the scenery of one of the peculiar channels by which the waters of the amazon communicate with those of the pará river:-- "the forest wall under which we are now moving consists, besides palms, of a great variety of ordinary forest-trees. from the highest branches of these, down to the water, sweep ribbons of climbing-plants of the most diverse and ornamental foliage possible. creeping convolvuli and others have made use of the slender lianas and hanging air-roots as ladders to climb by. now and then appears a mimosa or other tree, having similar fine pinnate foliage; and thick masses of ingá border the water, from whose branches hang long bean-pods, of different shape and size according to the species, some of them a yard in length. flowers there are very few. i see now and then a gorgeous crimson blossom on long spikes, ornamenting the sombre foliage towards the summits of the forest. i suppose it to belong to a climber of the combretaceous order. there are also a few yellow and violet trumpet-flowers. the blossoms of the ingás, although not conspicuous, are delicately beautiful. the forest all along offers so dense a front, that one never obtains a glimpse into the interior of the wilderness." the liana. "the plant which seems to the traveller most curious and singular is the liana, a kind of osier, which serves for cordage, and which is very abundant in all the hot parts of america. all the species of this genus have this in common, that they twine around the trees and shrubs in their way, and after progressively extending to the branches, sometimes to a prodigious height, throw out shoots, which, declining perpendicularly, strike root in the ground beneath, and rise again to repeat the same course of uncommon growth. other filaments, again, driven obliquely by the winds, frequently attach themselves to contiguous trees, and form a confused spectacle of cord, some in suspension, and others stretched in every direction, not unfrequently resembling the rigging of a ship. some of these lianas are as thick as the arm of a man; and some strangle and destroy the tree round which they twine, as the boa-constrictor does its victims. at times it happens that the tree dies at the root, and the trunk rots, and falls in powder, leaving nothing but the spirals of liana, in form of a tortuous column, insulated and open to the day. thus nature laughs to scorn and defies the imitations of art." cacao. "the amazons region is the original home of the principal species of chocolate-tree,--the theobroma cacao; and it grows in abundance in the forests of the upper river. the forest here is cleared before planting, and the trees are grown in rows. the smaller cultivators are all very poor. labor is scarce: one family generally manages its own small plantation of ten to fifteen thousand trees; but, at harvest-time, neighbors assist each other. it appeared to me to be an easy, pleasant life: the work is all done under shade, and occupies only a few weeks in the year. "the cultivated crop appears to be a precarious one. little or no care, however, is bestowed on the trees; and weeding is done very inefficiently. the plantations are generally old, and have been made on the low ground near the river, which renders them liable to inundation when this rises a few inches more than the average. there is plenty of higher land quite suitable to the tree; but it is uncleared: and the want of labor and enterprise prevents the establishment of new plantations." the cow-tree. "we had heard a good deal about this tree, and about its producing from its bark a copious supply of milk as pleasant to drink as that of the cow. we had also eaten of its fruit at pará, where it is sold in the streets by negro market-women: we were glad, therefore, to see this wonderful tree growing in its native wilds. it is one of the largest of the forest-monarchs, and is peculiar in appearance, on account of its deeply-scored, reddish, and ragged bark. a decoction of the bark, i was told, is used as a red dye for cloth. a few days afterward, we tasted its milk, which was drawn from dry logs that had been standing many days in the hot sun at the saw-mills. it was pleasant with coffee, but had a slight rankness when drunk pure. it soon thickens to a glue, which is very tenacious, and is often used to cement broken crockery. i was told that it was not safe to drink much of it; for a slave had recently lost his life through taking it too freely. "to our great disappointment, we saw no flowers, or only such as were insignificant in appearance. i believe it is now tolerably well ascertained that the majority of forest-trees in equatorial brazil have small and inconspicuous flowers. flower-frequenting insects are also rare in the forest. of course, they would not be found where their favorite food was wanting. in the open country, on the lower amazons, flowering trees and bushes are more abundant; and there a large number of floral insects are attracted. the forest-bees in south america are more frequently seen feeding on the sweet sap which exudes from the trees than on flowers." chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon. on the th of january, the dry season came abruptly to an end. the sea-breezes, which had been increasing in force for some days, suddenly ceased, and the atmosphere became misty: at length, heavy clouds collected where a uniform blue sky had for many weeks prevailed, and down came a succession of heavy showers, the first of which lasted a whole day and night. this seemed to give a new stimulus to animal life. on the first night, there was a tremendous uproar,--tree-frogs, crickets, goat-suckers, and owls, all joining to perform a deafening concert. one kind of goat-sucker kept repeating at intervals, throughout the night, a phrase similar to the portuguese words, 'joao corta pao,'--'john, cut wood;' a phrase which forms the brazilian name of the bird. an owl in one of the trees muttered now and then a succession of syllables resembling the word 'murucututu.' sometimes the croaking and hooting of frogs and toads were so loud, that we could not hear one another's voices within doors. swarms of dragon-flies appeared in the day-time about the pools of water created by the rain; and ants and termites came forth in great numbers." ants. this region is the very headquarters and metropolis of ants. there are numerous species, differing in character and habits, but all of them at war with man, and the different species with one another. our author thus relates his observations of the saüba-ant:-- "in our first walks, we were puzzled to account for large mounds of earth, of a different color from the surrounding soil, which were thrown up in the plantations and woods. some of them were very extensive, being forty yards in circumference, but not more than two feet in height. we soon ascertained that these were the work of the saübas, being the outworks, or domes, which overlie and protect the entrances to their vast subterranean galleries. on close examination, i found the earth of which they are composed to consist of very minute granules, agglomerated without cement, and forming many rows of little ridges and turrets. the difference of color from the superficial soil is owing to their being formed of the undersoil brought up from a considerable depth. it is very rarely that the ants are seen at work on these mounds. the entrances seem to be generally closed: only now and then, when some particular work is going on, are the galleries opened. in the larger hillocks, it would require a great amount of excavation to get at the main galleries; but i succeeded in removing portions of the dome in smaller hillocks, and then i found that the minor entrances converged, at the depth of about two feet, to one broad, elaborately worked gallery, or mine, which was four or five inches in diameter. "the habit of the saüba-ant, of clipping and carrying away immense quantities of leaves, has long been recorded in books of natural history; but it has not hitherto been shown satisfactorily to what use it applies the leaves. i discovered this only after much time spent in investigation. the leaves are used to thatch the domes which cover the entrances to their subterranean dwellings, thereby protecting from the deluging rains the young broods in the nests beneath. small hillocks, covering entrances to the underground chambers, may be found in sheltered places; and these are always thatched with leaves, mingled with granules of earth. the heavily-laden workers, each carrying its segment of leaf vertically, the lower end secured by its mandibles, troop up, and cast their burthens on the hillock; another relay of laborers place the leaves in position, covering them with a layer of earthy granules, which are brought one by one from the soil beneath. "it is a most interesting sight to see the vast host of busy, diminutive workers occupied on this work. unfortunately, they choose cultivated trees for their purpose, such as the coffee and orange trees." the fire-ant. "aveyros may be called the headquarters of the fire-ant, which might be fittingly termed the scourge of this fine river. it is found only on sandy soils, in open places, and seems to thrive most in the neighborhood of houses and weedy villages, such as aveyros: it does not occur at all in the shades of the forest. aveyros was deserted a few years before my visit, on account of this little tormentor; and the inhabitants had only recently returned to their houses, thinking its numbers had decreased. it is a small species, of a shining reddish color. the soil of the whole village is undermined by it. the houses are overrun with them: they dispute every fragment of food with the inhabitants, and destroy clothing for the sake of the starch. all eatables are obliged to be suspended in baskets from the rafters, and the cords well soaked with copaiba-balsam, which is the only thing known to prevent them from climbing. they seem to attack persons from sheer malice. if we stood for a few moments in the street, even at a distance from their nests, we were sure to be overrun, and severely punished; for, the moment an ant touched the flesh, he secured himself with his jaws, doubled in his tail, and stung with all his might. the sting is likened, by the brazilians, to the puncture of a red-hot needle. when we were seated on chairs in the evenings, in front of the house, to enjoy a chat with our neighbors, we had stools to support our feet, the legs of which, as well as those of the chairs, were well anointed with the balsam. the cords of hammocks are obliged to be smeared in the same way, to prevent the ants from paying sleepers a visit." butterflies. "at villa nova, i found a few species of butterflies which occurred nowhere else on the amazons. in the broad alleys of the forest, several species of morpho were common. one of these is a sister-form to the morpho hecuba, and has been described under the name of morpho cisseis. it is a grand sight to see these colossal butterflies by twos and threes floating at a great height in the still air of a tropical morning. they flap their wings only at long intervals; for i have noticed them to sail a very considerable distance without a stroke. their wing-muscles, and the thorax to which they are attached, are very feeble in comparison with the wide extent and weight of the wings; but the large expanse of these members doubtless assists the insects in maintaining their aerial course. the largest specimens of morpho cisseis measure seven inches and a half in expanse. another smaller kind, which i could not capture, was of a pale, silvery-blue color; and the polished surface of its wings flashed like a silver speculum, as the insect flapped its wings at a great elevation in the sunlight." the bird-catching spider. "at cametá, i chanced to verify a fact relating to the habits of a large, hairy spider of the genus mygale, in a manner worth recording. the individual was nearly two inches in length of body; but the legs expanded seven inches, and the entire body and legs were covered with coarse gray and reddish hairs. i was attracted by a movement of the monster on a tree-trunk: it was close beneath a deep crevice in the tree, across which was stretched a dense white web. the lower part of the web was broken; and two small birds, finches, were entangled in the pieces. they were about the size of the english siskin; and i judged the two to be male and female. one of them was quite dead; the other lay under the body of the spider, not quite dead, and was smeared with the filthy liquor, or saliva, exuded by the monster. i drove away the spider, and took the birds; but the second one soon died. the fact of a species of mygale sallying forth at night, mounting trees, and sucking the eggs and young of hummingbirds, has been recorded long ago by madame merian and palisot de beauvois; but, in the absence of any confirmation, it has come to be discredited. from the way the fact has been related, it would appear that it had been derived from the report of natives, and had not been witnessed by the narrators. i found the circumstance to be quite a novelty to the residents hereabouts. "the mygales are quite common insects. some species make their cells under stones; others form artificial tunnels in the earth; and some build their dens in the thatch of houses. the natives call them crab-spiders. the hairs with which they are clothed come off when touched, and cause a peculiar and almost maddening irritation. the first specimen that i killed and prepared was handled incautiously; and i suffered terribly for three days afterward. i think this is not owing to any poisonous quality residing in the hairs, but to their being short and hard, and thus getting into the fine creases of the skin. some mygales are of immense size. one day, i saw the children belonging to an indian family who collected for me with one of these monsters, secured by a cord round its waist, by which they were leading it about the house as they would a dog." bats. "at caripí, near pará, i was much troubled by bats. the room where i slept had not been used for many months, and the roof was open to the tiles and rafters. i was aroused about midnight by the rushing noise made by vast hosts of bats sweeping about the room. the air was alive with them. they had put out the lamp; and, when i relighted it, the place appeared blackened with the impish multitudes that were whirling round and round. after i had laid about well with a stick for a few minutes, they disappeared among the tiles; but, when all was still again, they returned, and once more extinguished the light. i took no further notice of them, and went to sleep. the next night, several of them got into my hammock. i seized them as they were crawling over me, and dashed them against the wall. the next morning, i found a wound, evidently caused by a bat, on my hip. this was rather unpleasant: so i set to work with the negroes, and tried to exterminate them. i shot a great many as they hung from the rafters; and the negroes, having mounted with ladders to the roof outside, routed out from beneath the eaves many hundreds of them, including young broods. there were altogether four species. by far the greater number belonged to the dysopes perotis, a species having very large ears, and measuring two feet from tip to tip of the wings. i was never attacked by bats, except on this occasion. the fact of their sucking the blood of persons sleeping, from wounds which they make in the toes, is now well established; but it is only a few persons who are subject to this blood-letting." parrots. "on recrossing the river in the evening, a pretty little parrot fell from a great height headlong into the water near the boat, having dropped from a flock which seemed to be fighting in the air. one of the indians secured it for me; and i was surprised to find the bird uninjured. there had probably been a quarrel about mates, resulting in our little stranger being temporarily stunned by a blow on the head from the beak of a jealous comrade. it was of the species called by the natives maracaná; the plumage green, with a patch of scarlet under the wings. i wished to keep the bird alive, and tame it; but all our efforts to reconcile it to captivity were vain: it refused food, bit every one who went near it, and damaged its plumage in its exertions to free itself. my friends in aveyros said that this kind of parrot never became domesticated. after trying nearly a week, i was recommended to lend the intractable creature to an old indian woman living in the village, who was said to be a skilful bird-tamer. in two days, she brought it back almost as tame as the familiar love-birds of our aviaries. i kept my little pet for upward of two years. it learned to talk pretty well, and was considered quite a wonder, as being a bird usually so difficult of domestication. i do not know what arts the old woman used. capt. antonio said she fed it with her saliva. "our maracaná used to accompany us sometimes in our rambles, one of the lads carrying it on his head. one day, in the middle of a long forest-road, it was missed, having clung probably to an overhanging bough, and escaped into the thicket without the boy perceiving it. three hours afterwards, on our return by the same path, a voice greeted us in a colloquial tone as we passed, 'maracaná!' we looked about for some time, but could not see any thing, until the word was repeated with emphasis, 'maracaná!' when we espied the little truant half concealed in the foliage of a tree. he came down, and delivered himself up, evidently as much rejoiced at the meeting as we were." turtle-eggs and oil. "i accompanied cardozo in many wanderings on the solimoens, or upper amazons, during which we visited the _praias_ (sand-islands), the turtle-pools in the forests, and the by-streams and lakes in the great desert river. his object was mainly to superintend the business of digging up turtle-eggs on the sand-banks; having been elected _commandante_ for the year of the _praia-real_ (royal sand-island) of shimuni, the one lying nearest to ega. there are four of these royal praias within the district, all of which are visited annually by the ega people, for the purpose of collecting eggs, and extracting oil from their yolks. each has its commander, whose business is to make arrangements for securing to every inhabitant an equal chance in the egg-harvest, by placing sentinels to protect the turtles while laying. the turtles descend from the interior pools to the main river in july and august, before the outlets dry up, and then seek, in countless swarms, their favorite sand-islands; for it is only a few praias that are selected by them out of the great number existing. "we left ega, on our first trip to visit the sentinels while the turtles were yet laying, on the th of september. we found the two sentinels lodged in a corner of the praia, or sand-bank, where it commences, at the foot of the towering forest-wall of the island; having built for themselves a little rancho with poles and palm-leaves. great preparations are obliged to be taken to avoid disturbing the sensitive turtles, who, previous to crawling ashore to lay, assemble in great shoals off the sand-bank. the men, during this time, take care not to show themselves, and warn off any fisherman who wishes to pass near the place. their fires are made in a deep hollow near the borders of the forest, so that the smoke may not be visible. the passage of a boat through the shallow waters where the animals are congregated, or the sight of a man, or a fire on the sand-bank, would prevent the turtles from leaving the water that night to lay their eggs; and, if the causes of alarm were repeated once or twice, they would forsake the praia for some quieter place. soon after we arrived, our men were sent with the net to catch a supply of fish for supper. in half an hour, four or five large basketsful were brought in. the sun set soon after our meal was cooked: we were then obliged to extinguish the fire, and remove our supper-materials to the sleeping-ground, a spit of land about a mile off; this course being necessary on account of the musquitoes, which swarm at night on the borders of the forest. "i rose from my hammock at daylight, and found cardozo and the men already up, watching the turtles. the sentinels had erected for this purpose a stage about fifty feet high, on a tall tree near their station, the ascent to which was by a roughly-made ladder of woody lianas. the turtles lay their eggs by night, leaving the water in vast crowds, and crawling to the central and highest part of the praia. these places are, of course, the last to go under water, when, in unusually wet seasons, the river rises before the eggs are hatched by the heat of the sand. one would almost believe from this that the animals used forethought in choosing a place; but it is simply one of those many instances in animals where unconscious habit has the same result as conscious prevision. the hours between midnight and dawn are the busiest. the turtles excavate, with their broad-webbed paws, deep holes in the fine sand; the first-comer, in each case, making a pit about three feet deep, laying, its eggs (about a hundred and twenty in number), and covering them with sand; the next making its deposit at the top of that of its predecessor; and so on, until every pit is full. the whole body of turtles frequenting a praia does not finish laying in less than fourteen or fifteen days, even when there is no interruption. when all have done, the area over which they have excavated is distinguishable from the rest of the praia only by signs of the sand having been a little disturbed. "on arriving at the edge of the forest, i mounted the sentinels' stage just in time to see the turtles retreating to the water on the opposite side of the sand-bank after having laid their eggs. the sight was well worth the trouble of ascending the shaky ladder. they were about a mile off; but the surface of the sand was blackened with the multitudes which were waddling towards the river. the margin of the praia was rather steep; and they all seemed to tumble, head-first, down the declivity, into the water." * * * * * when the turtles have finished depositing their eggs, the process of collecting them takes place, of which our author gives an account as follows:-- the egg-harvest. "my next excursion was made in company of senior cardozo, in the season when all the population of the villages turns out to dig up turtle-eggs, and to revel on the praias. placards were posted on the church-doors at ega, announcing that the excavation on shimuni would commence on the th october. we set out on the th, and passed on the way, in our well-manned igarité (or two-masted boat), a large number of people, men, women, and children, in canoes of all sizes, wending their way as if to a great holiday gathering. by the morning of the th, some four hundred persons were assembled on the borders of the sand-bank; each family having erected a rude temporary shed of poles and palm-leaves to protect themselves from the sun and rain. large copper kettles to prepare the oil, and hundreds of red earthenware jars, were scattered about on the sand. "the excavation of the _taboleiro_, collecting the eggs, and preparing the oil, occupied four days. the commandante first took down the names of all the masters of households, with the number of persons each intended to employ in digging. he then exacted a payment of about fourpence a head towards defraying the expense of sentinels. the whole were then allowed to go to the taboleiro. they ranged themselves round the circle, each person armed with a paddle, to be used as a spade; and then all began simultaneously to dig, on a signal being given--the roll of drums--by order of the commandante. it was an animating sight to behold the wide circle of rival diggers throwing up clouds of sand in their energetic labors, and working gradually toward the centre of the ring. a little rest was taken during the great heat of mid-day; and, in the evening, the eggs were carried to the huts in baskets. by the end of the second day, the taboleiro was exhausted: large mounds of eggs, some of them four or five feet in height, were then seen by the side of each hut, the produce of the labors of the family. "when no more eggs are to be found, the mashing process begins. the egg, it may be mentioned, has a flexible or leathery shell: it is quite round, and somewhat larger than a hen's egg. the whole heap is thrown into an empty canoe, and mashed with wooden prongs; but sometimes naked indians and children jump into the mass, and tread it down, besmearing themselves with the yolk, and making about as filthy a scene as can well be imagined. this being finished, water is poured into the canoe, and the fatty mass then left for a few hours to be heated by the sun, on which the oil separates, and rises to the surface. the floating oil is afterwards skimmed off with long spoons, made by tying large mussel-shells to the end of rods, and purified over the fire in copper-kettles. at least six thousand jars, holding each three gallons of the oil, are exported annually from the upper amazons and the madeira to pará, where it is used for lighting, frying fish, and other purposes." electric eels. "we walked over moderately elevated and dry ground for about a mile, and then descended three or four feet to the dry bed of another creek. this was pierced in the same way as the former water-course, with round holes full of muddy water. they occurred at intervals of a few yards, and had the appearance of having been made by the hands of man. as we approached, i was startled at seeing a number of large serpent-like heads bobbing above the surface. they proved to be those of electric eels; and it now occurred to me that the round holes were made by these animals working constantly round and round in the moist, muddy soil. their depth (some of them were at least eight feet deep) was doubtless due also to the movements of the eels in the soft soil, and accounted for their not drying up, in the fine season, with the rest of the creek. thus, while alligators and turtles in this great inundated forest region retire to the larger pools during the dry season, the electric eels make for themselves little ponds in which to pass the season of drought. "my companions now cut each a stout pole, and proceeded to eject the eels in order to get at the other fishes, with which they had discovered the ponds to abound. i amused them all very much by showing how the electric shock from the eels could pass from one person to another. we joined hands in a line, while i touched the biggest and freshest of the animals on the head with my hunting-knife. we found that this experiment did not succeed more than three times with the same eel, when out of the water; for, the fourth time, the shock was hardly perceptible." chapter xvii. animated nature. "the number and variety of climbing trees in the amazons forests are interesting, taken in connection with the fact of the very general tendency of the animals also to become climbers. all the amazonian, and in fact all south-american monkeys, are climbers. there is no group answering to the baboons of the old world, which live on the ground. the gallinaceous birds of the country, the representatives of the fowls and pheasants of asia and africa, are all adapted, by the position of the toes, to perch on trees; and it is only on trees, at a great height, that they are to be seen. many other similar instances could be enumerated." monkeys. "on the upper amazons, i once saw a tame individual of the midas leoninus, a species first described by humboldt, which was still more playful and intelligent than the more common m. ursulus. this rare and beautiful monkey is only seven inches in length, exclusive of the tail. it is named leoninus on account of the long, brown mane which hangs from the neck, and which gives it very much the appearance of a diminutive lion. in the house where it was kept, it was familiar with every one: its greatest pleasure seemed to be to climb about the bodies of different persons who entered. the first time i went in, it ran across the room straightway to the chair on which i had sat down, and climbed up to my shoulder: arrived there, it turned round, and looked into my face, showing its little teeth, and chattering, as though it would say, "well, and how do _you_ do?" m. de st. hilaire relates of a species of this genus, that it distinguished between different objects depicted on an engraving. m. ardouin showed it the portraits of a cat and a wasp: at these it became much terrified; whereas, at the sight of a figure of a grasshopper or beetle, it precipitated itself on the picture, as if to seize the objects there represented." the caiarÃ�ra. "the light-brown caiarára is pretty generally distributed over the forests of the level country. i saw it frequently on the banks of the upper amazons, where it was always a treat to watch a flock leaping amongst the trees; for it is the most wonderful performer in this line of the whole tribe. the troops consist of thirty or more individuals, which travel in single file. when the foremost of the flock reaches the outermost branch of an unusually lofty tree, he springs forth into the air without a moment's hesitation, and alights on the dome of yielding foliage belonging to the neighboring tree, maybe fifty feet beneath; all the rest following his example. they grasp, on falling, with hands and tail, right themselves in a moment, and then away they go, along branch and bough, to the next tree. "the caiarára is very frequently kept as a pet in the houses of natives. i kept one myself for about a year, which accompanied me in my voyages, and became very familiar, coming to me always on wet nights to share my blanket. it keeps the house where it is kept in a perpetual uproar. when alarmed or hungry, or excited by envy, it screams piteously. it is always making some noise or other, often screwing up its mouth, and uttering a succession of loud notes resembling a whistle. mine lost my favor at last by killing, in one of his jealous fits, another and much choicer pet,--the nocturnal, owl-faced monkey. some one had given this a fruit which the other coveted: so the two got to quarrelling. the owl-faced fought only with his paws, clawing out, and hissing, like a cat: the other soon obtained the mastery, and, before i could interfere, finished his rival by cracking its skull with its teeth. upon this i got rid of him." the coaita. "the coaita is a large, black monkey, covered with coarse hair, and having the prominent parts of the face of a tawny, flesh-colored hue. the coaitas are called by some french zoölogists spider-monkeys, on account of the length and slenderness of their body and limbs. in these apes, the tail, as a prehensile organ, reaches its highest degree of perfection; and, on this account, it would perhaps be correct to consider the coaita as the extreme development of the american type of apes. "the tail of the coaita is endowed with a wonderful degree of flexibility. it is always in motion, coiling and uncoiling like the trunk of an elephant, and grasping whatever comes within reach. "the flesh of this monkey is much esteemed by the natives in this part of the country; and the military commandant every week sends a negro hunter to shoot one for his table. one day i went on a coaita-hunt, with a negro-slave to show me the way. when in the deepest part of the ravine, we heard a rustling sound in the trees overhead; and manoel soon pointed out a coaita to me. there was something human-like in its appearance, as the lean, shaggy creature moved deliberately among the branches at a great height. i fired, but, unfortunately, only wounded it. it fell, with a crash, headlong, about twenty or thirty feet, and then caught a bough with its tail, which grasped it instantaneously; and there the animal remained suspended in mid-air. before i could reload, it recovered itself, and mounted nimbly to the topmost branches, out of the reach of a fowling-piece, where we could perceive the poor thing apparently probing the wound with its fingers." the tame coaita. "i once saw a most ridiculously tame coaita. it was an old female, which accompanied its owner, a trader on the river, in all his voyages. by way of giving me a specimen of its intelligence and feeling, its master set to, and rated it soundly, calling it scamp, heathen, thief, and so forth, all through the copious portuguese vocabulary of vituperation. the poor monkey, quietly seated on the ground, seemed to be in sore trouble at this display of anger. it began by looking earnestly at him; then it whined, and lastly rocked its body to and fro with emotion, crying piteously, and passing its long, gaunt arms continually over its forehead; for this was its habit when excited, and the front of the head was worn quite bald in consequence. at length, its master altered his tone. 'it's all a lie,' my old woman. 'you're an angel, a flower, a good, affectionate old creature,' and so forth. immediately the poor monkey ceased its wailing, and soon after came over to where the man sat." scarlet-faced monkey. the most singular of the simian family in brazil are the scarlet-faced monkeys, called by the indians uakari, of which there are two varieties, the white and red-haired. mr. bates first met with the white-haired variety under the following circumstances:-- "early one sunny morning, in the year , i saw in the streets of ega a number of indians carrying on their shoulders down to the port, to be embarked on the upper amazons steamer, a large cage made of strong lianas, some twelve feet in length, and five in height, containing a dozen monkeys of the most grotesque appearance. their bodies (about eighteen inches in height, exclusive of limbs) were clothed from neck to tail with very long, straight, and shining whitish hair; their heads were nearly bald, owing to the very short crop of thin gray hairs; and their faces glowed with the most vivid scarlet hue. as a finish to their striking physiognomy, they had bushy whiskers of a sandy color, meeting under the chin, and reddish yellow eyes. they sat gravely and silently in a group, and altogether presented a strange spectacle." another interesting creature is the owl-faced night ape. these monkeys are not only owl-faced, but their habits are those of the moping bird. "they sleep all day long in hollow trees, and come forth to prey on insects, and eat fruits, only in the night. they are of small size, the body being about a foot long, and the tail fourteen inches; and are clothed with soft gray and brown fur, similar in substance to that of the rabbit. their physiognomy reminds one of an owl or tiger-cat. the face is round, and encircled by a ruff of whitish fur; the muzzle is not at all prominent; the mouth and chin are small; the ears are very short, scarcely appearing above the hair of the head; and the eyes are large, and yellowish in color, imparting the staring expression of nocturnal animals of prey. the forehead is whitish, and decorated with three black stripes, which, in one of the species, continue to the crown, and in the other meet on the top of the forehead. "these monkeys, although sleeping by day, are aroused by the least noise; so that, when a person passes by a tree in which a number of them are concealed, he is startled by the sudden apparition of a group of little striped faces crowding a hole in a trunk." mr. bates had one of the nyctipithæci for a pet, which was kept in a box containing a broad-mouthed glass jar, into which it would dive, head foremost, when any one entered the room, turning round inside, and thrusting forth its inquisitive face an instant afterward to stare at the intruder. the nyctipithecus, when tamed, renders one very essential service to its owner: it clears the house of bats as well as of insect vermin. the most diminutive of the brazilian monkeys is the "hapale pygmæus," only seven inches long in the body, with its little face adorned with long, brown whiskers, which are naturally brushed back over the ears. the general color of the animal is brownish-tawny; but the tail is elegantly barred with black. mr. bates closes his account by stating that the total number of species of monkeys which he found inhabiting the margins of the upper and lower amazons was thirty-eight, belonging to twelve different genera, forming two distinct families. the sloth. "i once had an opportunity, in one of my excursions, of watching the movements of a sloth. some travellers in south america have described the sloth as very nimble in its native woods, and have disputed the justness of the name which has been bestowed upon it. the inhabitants of the amazons region, however, both indians and descendants of the portuguese, hold to the common opinion, and consider the sloth as the type of laziness. it is very common for one native to call to another, in reproaching him for idleness, 'bicho do embaüba' (beast of the cecropia-tree); the leaves of the cecropia being the food of the sloth. it is a strange sight to see the uncouth creature, fit production of these silent woods, lazily moving from branch to branch. every movement betrays, not indolence exactly, but extreme caution. he never looses his hold from one branch without first securing himself to the next; and, when he does not immediately find a bough to grasp with the rigid hooks into which his paws are so curiously transformed, he raises his body, supported on his hind legs, and claws around in search of a fresh foothold. after watching the animal for about half an hour, i gave him a charge of shot: he fell with a terrific crash, but caught a bough in his descent with his powerful claws, and remained suspended. two days afterward, i found the body of the sloth on the ground; the animal having dropped, on the relaxation of the muscles, a few hours after death. in one of our voyages, i saw a sloth swimming across a river at a place where it was probably three hundred yards broad. our men caught the beast, and cooked and ate him." the anaconda. "we had an unwelcome visitor while at anchor in the port. i was awakened a little after midnight, as i lay in my little cabin, by a heavy blow struck at the sides of the canoe close to my head, succeeded by the sound of a weighty body plunging in the water. i got up; but all was quiet again, except the cackle of fowls in our hen-coop, which hung over the side of the vessel, about three feet from the cabin-door. next morning i found my poultry loose about the canoe, and a large rent in the bottom of the hen-coop, which was about two feet from the surface of the water. a couple of fowls were missing. "antonio said the depredator was the sucumjú, the indian name for the anaconda, or great water-serpent, which had for months past been haunting this part of the river, and had carried off many ducks and fowls from the ports of various houses. i was inclined to doubt the fact of a serpent striking at its prey from the water, and thought an alligator more likely to be the culprit, although we had not yet met with alligators in the river. some days afterward, the young men belonging to the different settlements agreed together to go in search of the serpents. they began in a systematic manner, forming two parties, each embarked in three or four canoes, and starting from points several miles apart, whence they gradually approximated, searching all the little inlets on both sides of the river. the reptile was found at last, sunning itself on a log at the mouth of a muddy rivulet, and despatched with harpoons. i saw it the day after it was killed. it was not a very large specimen, measuring only eighteen feet nine inches in length, and sixteen inches in circumference at the widest part of the body." alligators. "our rancho was a large one, and was erected in a line with the others, near the edge of the sand-bank, which sloped rather abruptly to the water. during the first week, the people were all more or less troubled by alligators. some half-dozen full-grown ones were in attendance off the praia, floating about on the lazily flowing, muddy water. the dryness of the weather had increased since we left shimuni, the currents had slackened, and the heat in the middle of the day was almost insupportable. but no one could descend to bathe without being advanced upon by one or other of these hungry monsters. there was much offal cast into the river; and this, of course, attracted them to the place. every day, these visitors became bolder: at length, they reached a pitch of impudence that was quite intolerable. cardozo had a poodle-dog named carlito, which some grateful traveller whom he had befriended had sent him from rio janeiro. he took great pride in this dog, keeping it well sheared, and preserving his coat as white as soap and water could make it. we slept in our rancho, in hammocks slung between the outer posts; a large wood fire (fed with a kind of wood abundant on the banks of the river, which keeps alight all night) being made in the middle, by the side of which slept carlito on a little mat. one night, i was awoke by a great uproar. it was caused by cardozo hurling burning firewood with loud curses at a huge cayman, which had crawled up the bank, and passed beneath my hammock (being nearest the water) towards the place where carlito lay. the dog raised the alarm in time. the reptile backed out, and tumbled down the bank into the river; the sparks from the brands hurled at him flying from his bony hide. cardozo threw a harpoon at him, but without doing him any harm." the puma. "one day, i was searching for insects in the bark of a fallen tree, when i saw a large, cat-like animal advancing towards the spot. it came within a dozen yards before perceiving me. i had no weapon with me but an old chisel, and was getting ready to defend myself if it should make a spring; when it turned round hastily, and trotted off. i did not obtain a very distinct view of it; but i could see its color was that of the puma, or american lion, although it was rather too small for that species. "the puma is not a common animal in the amazons forests. i did not see altogether more than a dozen skins in the possession of the natives. the fur is of a fawn-color. the hunters are not at all afraid of it, and speak in disparaging terms of its courage. of the jaguar they give a very different account." the great ant-eater. "the great ant-eater, _tamandua_ of the natives, was not uncommon here. after the first few weeks of residence, i was short of fresh provisions. the people of the neighborhood had sold me all the fowls they could spare. i had not yet learned to eat the stale and stringy salt fish which is the staple food of these places; and for several days i had lived on rice-porridge, roasted bananas, and farinha. florinda asked me whether i could eat tamandua. i told her almost any thing in the shape of flesh would be acceptable: so she went the next day with an old negro named antonio, and the dogs, and, in the evening, brought one of the animals. the meat was stewed, and turned out very good, something like goose in flavor. the people of caripí would not touch a morsel, saying it was not considered fit to eat in those parts. i had read, however, that it was an article of food in other countries of south america. during the next two or three weeks, whenever we were short of fresh meat, antonio was always ready, for a small reward, to get me a tamandua. "the habits of the animal are now pretty well known. it has an excessively long, slender muzzle, and a worm-like, extensile tongue. its jaws are destitute of teeth. the claws are much elongated, and its gait is very awkward. it lives on the ground, and feeds on termites, or white ants; the long claws being employed to pull in pieces the solid hillocks made by the insects, and the long flexible tongue to lick them up from the crevices." the jaguar. our traveller, though he resided long and in various parts of the amazon country, never saw there a jaguar. how near he came to seeing one appears in the following extract. this animal is the nearest approach which america presents to the leopards and tigers of the old world. "after walking about half a mile, we came upon a dry water-course, where we observed on the margin of a pond the fresh tracks of a jaguar. this discovery was hardly made, when a rush was heard amidst the bushes on the top of a sloping bank, on the opposite side of the dried creek. we bounded forward: it was, however, too late; for the animal had sped in a few minutes far out of our reach. it was clear we had disturbed on our approach the jaguar while quenching his thirst at the water-hole. a few steps farther on, we saw the mangled remains of an alligator. the head, fore-quarters, and bony shell, were all that remained: but the meat was quite fresh, and there were many footmarks of the jaguar around the carcass; so that there was no doubt this had formed the solid part of the animal's breakfast." parÃ�. "i arrived at pará on the th of march, , after an absence in the interior of seven years and a half. my old friends, english, american, and brazilian, scarcely knew me again, but all gave me a very warm welcome. i found pará greatly changed and improved. it was no longer the weedy, ruinous, village-looking place that it had appeared when i first knew it in . the population had been increased to twenty thousand by an influx of portuguese, madeiran, and german immigrants; and, for many years past, the provincial government had spent their considerable surplus revenue in beautifying the city. the streets, formerly unpaved, or strewed with stones and sand, were now laid with concrete in a most complete manner: all the projecting masonry of the irregularly-built houses had been cleared away, and the buildings made more uniform. most of the dilapidated houses were replaced by handsome new edifices, having long and elegant balconies fronting the first floors, at an elevation of several feet above the roadway. the large swampy squares had been drained, weeded, and planted with rows of almond and other trees; so that they were now a great ornament to the city, instead of an eye-sore as they formerly were. sixty public vehicles, light cabriolets, some of them built in pará, now plied in the streets, increasing much the animation of the beautified squares, streets, and avenues. i was glad to see several new book-sellers' shops; also a fine edifice devoted to a reading-room, supplied with periodicals, globes, and maps; and a circulating library. there were now many printing-offices, and four daily newspapers. the health of the place had greatly improved since ,--the year of the yellow-fever; and pará was now considered no longer dangerous to new-comers. "so much for the improvements visible in the place; and now for the dark side of the picture. the expenses of living had increased about fourfold; a natural consequence of the demand for labor and for native products of all kinds having augmented in greater ratio than the supply, in consequence of large arrivals of non-productive residents, and considerable importations of money, on account of the steamboat-company and foreign merchants. "at length, on the d of june, i left pará,--probably forever. i took a last view of the glorious forest for which i had so much love, and to explore which i had devoted so many years. the saddest hours i recollect ever to have spent were those of the succeeding night, when, the pilot having left us out of sight of land, though within the mouth of the river, waiting for a wind, i felt that the last link which connected me with the land of so many pleasing recollections was broken." the end. press of geo. c. rand & avery, no. , cornhill, boston. +------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the | | original document have been preserved. | | | | typographical errors corrected in the text: | | | | page sascatchawan changed to saskatchawan | | page cameawait changed to cameahwait | | page chinnook changed to chinook | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page killamucks changed to killimucks | | page wakiacums changed to wahkiacums | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page sacajaweah chanaged to sacajawea | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page palmitoes changed to palmitos | | page groweth changed to growth | | page pursuaded changed to persuaded | +------------------------------------------------+ transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. on page , "mearly" may be a typo for "merely". on page , "could't" may be a typo for "couldn't". the text refers to both "the dalles" and "the dalles". on page , "ever charge" may be a typo for "every charge". on pages and , rev. waller's name is spelled alvan then alvin. on page , "lahiana" may be a typo for "lahaina". the quarterly of the oregon historical society volume iv march, -december, edited by frederic george young j. r. whitney, state printer salem, oregon contents. subject index. page astoria, the educational history of. alfred a. cleveland - astoria, social and economic history of. alfred a. cleveland - baker, dorsey s.: a pioneer railroad builder. miles c. moore - bancroft, the origin and authorship of the pacific states publications: a history of a history. william alfred morris - calapooia, the upper. george o. goodall - captain of industry in oregon, a pioneer (joseph watt). james r. robertson - centennial, the lewis and clark. f. g. young - corrections, some. f. g. young and h. s. lyman - , , civil war, oregon and its share in the. robert treat platt - code of oregon, history of the preparation of the first. james k. kelly - cone, anson sterling, reminiscences of. h. s. lyman - documents:-- first installment--two whitman sources: "arrival from oregon"--an editorial from the _new york daily tribune_ of march , , and "cruising in the sound"-- communication to the _new york spectator_, april , ; newspaper excerpts relating to the oregon emigration movement - - second installment--oregon material taken from file of an independence (mo.) and weston (mo.) paper for - and from other papers in that vicinity - third installment--letter of jedediah s. smith, david e. jackson, and william l. sublette ( ) giving an account of the taking of the first wagons to the rocky mountains and of the hudson bay company post, fort vancouver, also operations of company in oregon country & excerpts from st. louis papers, - , on the migration to and settlement of oregon - early days in oregon, glimpses of. charlotte moffett cartwright - easts, two, the great west and the. henry e. reed - economic history of astoria, social and. alfred a. cleveland - educational history of astoria, the. alfred a. cleveland - holman, joseph, short biography of. dictated by himself - hopkins, mrs. rebeka, reminiscences. h. s. lyman - independence (mo.), excerpts from papers of - indian tradition, minto pass; its history and an. john minto - indian wars of southern oregon. william m. colvig - industry, a pioneer captain of, in oregon. (joseph watt) - jackson, david e., letter of, with jedediah s. smith and william l. sublette - la bonte's, louis, recollections of men. h. s. lyman - lane county, early schools in. jos. h. sharp - lewis and clark, the, centennial. f. g. young - minto pass: its history and an indian tradition. john minto - montures on french prairie, the. s. a. clarke - oregon and its share in the civil war. robert treat platt - oregon, history of the preparation of the first code of. james k. kelly - oregon, indian wars of southern. william m. colvig - pacific states publications, the origin and authorship of the bancroft. william alfred morris - papers, pioneer, of puget sound. clarence b. bagley - paternalism, an object lesson in. t. w. davenport - puget sound, pioneer papers of. clarence b. bagley - railroad builder, a pioneer: dorsey s. baker. miles c. moore - rees, willard h., in memoriam of. john minto - reminiscences anson sterling cone. mrs. rebeka hopkins, mrs. anna tremewan, and louis la bonte - san francisco. from walla walla to captain john mullan, u. s. a. - schools, early, in lane county. jos. h. sharp - social and economic history of astoria. alfred a. cleveland - smith, jedediah s., letter of, with david e. jackson and william l. sublette - southern oregon, indian wars of. william m. colvig - sublette, william l., letter of, with david e. jackson and jedediah s. smith - tremewan, mrs. anna, reminiscences of. h. s. lyman - walla walla, from, to san francisco. captain john mullan, u. s. a. - west, the great, and the two easts. henry e. reed - weston (mo.), excerpts from papers of - wood, tallmadge b., letters of - authors' index. page _bagley, clarence b._--pioneer papers of puget sound - _cartwright, charlotte moffett_--glimpses of early days in oregon - _clarke, s. a._--the montures on french prairie - _cleveland, alfred a._--the educational history of astoria - _cleveland, alfred a._--social and economic history of astoria - _colvig, william m._--indian wars of southern oregon - _davenport, t. w._--an object lesson in paternalism - _goodall, george o._--the upper calapooia - _jackson, david e._--letter of, with smith and sublette - _kelly, james k._--history of the preparation of the first code of oregon - _lyman, horace s._--reminiscences of, anson sterling cone; mrs. rebeka hopkins; mrs. anna tremewan; louis la bonte - _lyman, horace s._--some corrections - _minto, john_--minto pass: its history and an indian tradition - _minto, john_--in memoriam of willard h. rees - _moore, miles c._--a pioneer railroad builder: dorsey s. baker - _mullan, captain john_--from walla walla to san francisco - _platt, robert treat_--oregon and its share in the civil war - _reed, henry e._--the great west and the two easts - _robertson, james rood_--a pioneer captain of industry in oregon (joseph watt) - _sharp, jos. h._--early schools in lane county - _smith, jedediah s._--letter of, with jackson and sublette - _sublette, william l._--letter of, with jackson and smith - _wood, tallmadge b._--letters of - _young, frederic george_--the lewis and clark centennial - the quarterly of the oregon historical society. volume iv. march, number the lewis and clark centennial. the occasion and its observance. much that seems favorable, and not a little that is clearly unfavorable, has come to the lewis and clark centennial because its date is just a year later than that of the louisiana purchase centennial. a striking advantage in this close succession is, however, still to be used. it is the idea of a centennial at portland in the columbia valley in the very next year following one at saint louis on the mississippi that needs to be exploited. in this close succession of these two centennials of the access of the american nationality to regions of which one lies far beyond the other we have the key to the fullest interpretation of the national significance of the anniversary of the lewis and clark expedition. nothing else could so tellingly exhibit the basis for a peculiar national interest in our anniversary as the fact that it is virtually contemporary with that to be observed at saint louis. the purchase of louisiana bears practically the same natal relation to the western half of the mississippi valley that the lewis and clark expedition does to the pacific northwest. this the average american citizen no doubt finds it hard to realize. oregon, however, can boast age over the other commonwealths west of the mississippi, excepting only missouri and iowa and they are barely older. the western half of the mississippi valley has far outstripped us in material development. nevertheless, considering the conditions of isolation under which the people of oregon have labored they can be justly proud of the progress that has been made here in all lines of endeavor. saint louis will be justified in vaunting in the achievements and results of a century of development in the region of which she is the metropolis; but portland, as the metropolis of the pacific northwest, would have been culpably derelict if she had not undertaken an observance of the centennial of the lewis and clark expedition that shall emphasize to the nation and to the world the significance of the occupation of the pacific coast by the american people, and to foster the aspirations of one of the most favored sections on the face of the earth. the basis of our claim to a national recognition of our anniversary is something more solid than the fact that we have added what we have to the material strength of the nation. the secret of the unparalleled effort that oregon proposes to make for the observance of the lewis and clark centennial lies deeper than a mere feeling of exultation over material development and the hope of advertising our resources to the world. the lewis and clark centennial exposition has clearly two unique and complementary missions. it should bring fully into the national consciousness the historic services through which this nation attained an outlook upon the pacific comparable with that on the atlantic, and the significance of this to the future of the american people. it should address itself to the peculiar problems of progress on this coast and thus mark an epoch in the added impetus, the better organization, and the higher aims it gives us as a people; rightly planned it would be an exposition of patriotic national services and of the problems of largest social progress--an exposition of western history and western problems. the lewis and clark expedition and the oregon movement, or the american movement to the pacific, which the lewis and clark expedition initiated, have not yet had anything like an adequate interpretation in american history. oregon represents the greatest opportunity in our national life--an opportunity that the fathers of oregon made as well as seized. a sequel to the oregon opportunity, or rather a part of it, were the immense gains south of the forty-second parallel on the pacific slope. through the oregon opportunity realized this american democracy has a territorial basis for supremacy among the nations of the world, and this nation and all mankind will profit from it to the end of time. the louisiana purchase was not an opportunity made, but only one accepted when it was tossed into the nation's lap. the oregon opportunity, as it stands in history and in promise for the future--in what is realized and in what is only potential--is in its import only second to the american opportunity. it had to do with the winning of a domain that made our nation four-square and continental, with a national territory commensurate with the spirit and possibilities of the american people. the development of the situation on this coast, which the lewis and clark expedition converted into america's opportunity, was something like this: four hundred years ago this continent lay unoccupied save by a race destined to melt away before the onslaughts of the sturdier european. the spaniard, schooled by eight centuries of crusading against the moor, whom he had finally driven from spanish soil, was in the moment of victory, when his hands were free and spirit exultant, pointed by columbus the supposed way to the indies, long-famed for unparalleled riches. spanish hopes were high and the cavaliers came on. they passed by the west indies in quest of gold. cortes and pizarro found something of their hearts' desire in mexico and peru. so on they pressed down the west coast of south america and up the west coast of north america and across the pacific; but the vigor of the spaniard was about wasted. he hung helplessly to his outposts on the flanks of the pacific northwest. at the beginning of the last quarter of the eighteenth century he rallied and sent vessels up and down the coast of oregon; but his explorations were not determinate, and they were not followed by occupation. early in the eighteenth century the muscovite, advancing eastward across siberia, had reached the shores of the pacific, and soon gained a foothold on our northern shores, with designs on all this coast. england, too, was ready to have a hand in the contest for this last great territorial prize on the north american continent. elated by her decisive victories over her mortal enemy, france, and, by the treaty of paris, , the proud possessor of all of the eastern half of this continent, of india, mistress of the seas, conscious also of the great advantages that the invention of the steam engine, the power loom and other machinery gave her, she dispatched explorers to scan the different quarters of the globe for new possessions. captain cook outlined the shores of australia and of many other lands of the south seas, and in was off the oregon coast. at the same time enterprising britons were pressing westward along the great lakes and overland toward this still available portion of the continent. thus, the progressive nations of the world were closing in on this last choice imperial domain of the temperate zone awaiting a pre-emptor--the possessor of which would be the natural master of the pacific. at this critical juncture the then young american nation was fortunate in the spirit of maritime enterprise among the merchants of boston. seeking the profits of trade in furs which the voyage of cook had revealed, they sent captains gray and kendrick to the north pacific coast, and in gray, in the ship columbia, performed the feat that secured to this country priority of right to the basin of the columbia. still more fortunate was this country at this time in having the prescient mind of thomas jefferson devoted to its interests. while gray's vessel was lying in the columbia he was getting up a subscription for sending explorers overland to the pacific. even ten years before this he had proposed an expedition to the pacific under the leadership of george rogers clark. he then had it in mind to head off an english enterprise of which he had heard; but it was not until , twenty years after his first effort in this direction, that jefferson succeeded in getting the means for the first and by far the most important of our national exploring expeditions--the lewis and clark. but this was not simply an exploring expedition. it represents better than any other one event the expansion of this nation from the mississippi to the pacific. the expedition was great not merely even in what it symbolizes. it was grandly great in itself, in its inception, and in execution. it was the herald of the american democracy making its way across the continent to the pacific, but it was more. there was the highest nobility of purpose in its inception, and matchless skill and fortitude in its execution. not only in the train of its consequences, but in every aspect was it glorious and worthy of a national celebration. the burden of the special message of january , , through which president jefferson secured an appropriation for it, was the maintenance of the factory system, or the trading posts, among the indian tribes of the west. jefferson took keenest delight in a project to extend the bounds of knowledge and which he hoped would open a water route of commerce across the continent with asia. yet on the face of it the lewis and clark expedition had primarily its inception as a means for promoting the success of these government trading posts among the indians. this governmental policy, connected with the administration of the factory system, was the one comprehensive, wise, and humane national effort to raise a lower race to the plane of civilization. the idea was to supply the indian at cost, in exchange for his furs and other products, the implements of husbandry and the comforts of civilized life, at the same time to protect him from the demoralizing influences of the vicious among the white men. the lewis and clark expedition was thus in its origin associated with a work of the largest philanthropy, "a system," says captain chittenden, author of "the american fur trade in the far west," "which, if followed out as it should have been, would have led the indian to his new destiny by easy stages, and would have averted the long and bloody wars, corruption, and bad faith, which have gained for a hundred years of our dealings with the indians the unenviable distinction of a 'century of dishonor.'" in his instructions to the leaders of the expedition jefferson showed the tenderest solicitude for the welfare of the red man. the expedition could not have been in better hands. captain chittenden says of it: "this celebrated performance stands as incomparably the most perfect achievement of its kind in the history of the world." dr. elliott coues has this about it: "the story of this adventure stands easily first and alone. this is our national epic of exploration." to appreciate the unique skill of leadership in this expedition we need but compare its success with the wretched failure of the "yellowstone expedition" of , which was to have gone over but a part of the route of lewis and clark. this had an outfit many times more expensive than that of lewis and clark and ten times as many men; but it went to pieces before it got beyond what is now omaha. unique as the lewis and clark expedition was in its original purposes and in its execution, the oregon people are sponsors for the celebration of its coming centennial anniversary mainly because of the consequences with which it was fraught. theodore roosevelt, in his "winning of the west," speaks of it as opening "the door into the heart of the west." his book has the date mark " ." it was written before the battle of manila, and the treaty closing the spanish-american war which placed the philippines permanently under our care, before america's determining part in preserving the integrity of china after the quelling of the boxer insurrection. it was written before president roosevelt had set his eyes upon the pacific northwest. if, after the latter days of this month (may), he ever again has occasion to characterize the import of the lewis and clark expedition, his dictum will be more like this: "it led to the acquisition of the whole pacific coast, containing the fairest and richest regions under the american flag, and made inevitable the american mastery of the pacific and american supremacy among the nations of the world." it is, surely, not preposterous to expect a revision of the verdict of history on the significance of the lewis and clark expedition. henry adams, than whom no scholar has done better work on the history of the united states, in volume iv of his history, with date mark, , speaks of the lewis and clark expedition in this wise: "the crossing of the continent was a great feat, but it was nothing more. * * great gains to civilization could be made only on the atlantic coast under the protection of civilized life." mr. adams in this estimate seems wholly blind to the fact that nations like individuals have opportunities presented to them which seized may not give immediate results but which have an ever increasing influence upon their destiny. in the lewis and clark expedition this nation took the flood tide to world supremacy. three years ago, when american arms and diplomacy were exercising such a determining influence on the problem of mankind in china, i heard prof. f. j. turner of the university of wisconsin, the highest authority on western history, who writes so forcibly on the louisiana purchase in the current number of the _review of reviews_, say, that "the occupation of the pacific coast by the american people was not only the greatest event in american history, but a great event in all history." that the american movement oregonward and pacificward followed strictly in the wake of the lewis and clark expedition has many proofs. even before lewis and clark reached saint louis on their homeward journey they met parties of traders and trappers bound for the heart of the wilderness from which they were returning. these were acting on the information lewis and clark had sent back from their mandan winter quarters. a few months after they reached saint louis the missouri fur company was organized to conduct operations on the upper missouri, that is, on the trail of lewis and clark. four years later john jacob astor organized the pacific fur company, and devised plans including a great emporium at the mouth of the columbia, trade with china on the west, with the russian settlements on the north, and a line of trading posts overland on the lewis and clark route. astor's scheme was a feasible one, but the war of came on and england dispatched a vessel to capture the american post on the columbia. before this reached astoria the british sympathizers among astor's partners sold him out. astor was probably the first to have a vision not only of what the nation was to gain on this coast, but also of what more might have been gained had president madison been as bold in regard to his enterprise as was jefferson in the louisiana purchase. had this been so captain chittenden thinks "the political map of north america would not be what it is to-day," implying that there would have been an uninterrupted american pacific coast line from the extreme north to the mexican boundary. so far our rights to the region were based on priority in discovery, in exploration, and in occupation; but now for a period of thirty years the british hudson bay company was to have almost undisputed possession. however, the rights established by gray, lewis and clark, and astor did not lapse and could not be set aside through occupation by a mere trading company. during nearly all of this thirty-year period the boston schoolmaster, hall j. kelley, was agitating the colonization of oregon, and in , and again in , nathaniel j. wyeth, with herculean effort, indomitable perseverance, and incredible energy led expeditions to the columbia only to meet with disaster when with his slender means he was pitted against the mighty corporation in possession here. with wyeth came the first party of missionaries. the "mountain men"--retired trappers--soon followed, seeking homes here; and, beginning with , annual migrations of thousands of oregon pioneers were on the way. the lewis and clark exploration had thus led to a national movement--"the migration of a people," says captain chittenden, "seeking to avail itself of opportunities which have come but rarely in the history of the world, and which will never come again." the route traced by these oregon pioneers will some day be restored as a national memorial highway, and will be celebrated in song and story, every mile of which has the tenderest associations of hardship and suffering, but also of high purpose and stern determination; and yet the oregon trail was in the strictest sense a derivative of the lewis and clark trail. for nearly twenty years the lewis and clark route up the missouri river had been the only one used to reach the rocky-mountain wilderness, but in the fall of a party of trappers, pushing westward from the yellowstone and desirous of avoiding the implacable blackfeet on the upper missouri, turned to the south and discovered in south pass, an easy crossing of the rocky mountains. the region beyond on the headwaters of the green and snake rivers, and in the basin of the great salt lake, was found to be rich in furs. henceforth to some point in this region the annual cavalcades of the fur companies would come and there meet their own trappers, the free trappers, and the indians of all the interior country. this was the annual rendezvous for trading, for the delivery of the season's catch of furs, and for equipment for the next year's activity. in making this annual round trip from saint louis the original route into this transmontane country, the half-circle route along the missouri, was naturally abandoned for a great cut-off from the western borders of missouri to the south pass. a direct route northwestward across the plains of present kansas and nebraska to the platte, up the platte and the north fork and its tributary, the sweetwater, was found to be the finest natural highway in the world. to reach oregon the pioneers took this great cut off of the lewis and clark trail, and from its western terminus on the upper waters of the snake they had but to follow the route of hunt's astor party until the original lewis and clark trail was struck again on the columbia. the lewis and clark trail was thus the basis from which was developed the oregon trail. during the forties, when the national movement was setting strongly towards the pacific, oregon was an uppermost subject in the thought, and frequently in the plans, of a large portion of the people of this country. oregon pioneers were clinching our hold upon the pacific coast. the party slogan of "fifty-four forty or fight" in had response deep in the hearts of a great majority of the people of the northern part of the mississippi valley, and stirred the whole nation. american influences and activities in california from on radiated mainly from oregon. captain fremont was sent out originally to explore the best route to oregon, and went to california from oregon. william marshall, the discoverer of gold in california in was an oregon pioneer of . peter h. burnett, the first governor of california, was an oregon pioneer of . the exclusion of slave labor from the mines of california was largely due to the "columbia-river men." but now at the close of the forties came the diversion of the national interest from oregon amounting almost to an eclipse of oregon for some fifty years. the annexation of texas, the war with mexico, the gold discovery in california, the opening of the kansas and nebraska lands, the civil war, the development of the manufacturing industries, the occupation of the dakotas, absorbed in turn the main attention and energies of the nation, leaving outlying oregon in comparative obscurity, with resources developing but slowly. oregon's day, however, is dawning again. america's surplus energy is no longer absorbed in gold mining in california, in occupying the plains of kansas, nebraska, or the dakotas. the overloaded passenger trains to the pacific northwest tell unmistakably the nation's need of this region. it needs our farm lands. it will more and more urgently need our lumber and our water power and our outlook upon the pacific; and to whom do the american people owe the possession of these incomparable and growing boons but to lewis and clark and to the pioneers to whom lewis and clark pointed the way. governor chamberlain was right the other night when at boise he spoke of the lewis and clark expedition as jefferson's greatest act. alongside the two inscriptions on jefferson's monument selected by him, namely, that he was the author of the declaration of independence and that he was the founder of the university of virginia, posterity will fain inscribe the fact that he was the promoter and organizer of the lewis and clark expedition. the observance of the lewis and clark centennial, therefore, is an occasion in which the american people as a whole and through their government have the largest reasons for generous participation. for great was the oregon opportunity to the nation and the lewis and clark expedition was the key that opened it. all honor from the nation at large is due to those who made this national opportunity and seized it. the possession of the pacific coast was the corollary and sequel to the oregon movement; but the oregon movement itself was corollary to nothing less than the spirit and vigor of the american people and their foothold upon this continent. we have, then, a national occasion second only to that of philadelphia in ; and the first great mission of the centennial will be realized when its occasion has been so interpreted and enforced that a hearty and liberal participation in the celebration on the part of the nation has been secured so that our american national consciousness may fully realize what has been "the course of empire" with us as a nation and what it is almost certain to be in the future. the accomplishment of the other mission of the exposition requires a true interpretation of the problem of largest progress for the pacific northwest. expositions worthy of the name can not be "hit or miss" affairs. they are not mere congeries of remarkable products. an exposition should have an organic unity and a distinct aim. its aim must bear directly on the highest interests of the supporting community. there are peculiar reasons for the exercise of the highest degree of care and insight in the organization of the lewis and clark centennial exposition. no people ever before invested so heavily in proportion to their means as portland and oregon propose to invest in the lewis and clark centennial. no exposition was ever held in a community so plastic, so completely in the making as are portland and oregon. the current of common thought and effort is so strongly set toward the lewis and clark centennial that the very cast of oregon's civilization in the future will surely come from what is realized in that event. the exposition will leave an inspired, unified, and enlightened people, with ideals newly defined and elevated; or it will be followed by more or less of humiliation, factional strife, disgrace, blighting discouragement, with sordid ideals and disordered social relations. most auspicious was oregon's response to the idea of a celebration. stronger faith in the good that may come from unity in action toward higher things no other people has ever shown; and why should not oregon have faith in greater things for herself and the pacific northwest? the pacific northwest bears almost exactly the same relation to the rest of the nation east of us geographically, historically, and economically that greece bore to the orient, and that england bore to the continental nations of europe. i take it, then, that the normal attitude towards the exposition project is one that regards it as a serious undertaking, having tremendous possibilities for making or marring much in the future of oregon. the exposition comes when oregon is just at the flood tide of new opportunities--opportunities that require twentieth century enlightenment on the part of the masses if these opportunities are to yield anything like unmixed good. just as the lewis and clark expedition was the key that opened the oregon opportunity to the nation so is the lewis and clark centennial admirably adapted to become the key to open the way to the highest development of industrial democracy in the pacific northwest and to realize its leadership in social progress on this continent. we have, i think, a fine example given us by the authorities of louisiana purchase exposition of how to plan definitely an exposition to accomplish a great purpose. the main idea with them is to make a world's fair for the first time represent the world in epitome as a "going concern." they thus express their main purpose: "as to the lesson for the world, the directorate desire to make a leading point. it is to show life and movement. * * an attempt will be made to put the world before the eye of the visitor, each exhibit being so displayed as to make plain its story, its purpose, and its aim." and again: "the department of education is made the first department of the classification in accordance with the theory upon which the entire exposition is founded. * * * through education man comes to a knowledge of his powers, and of the possibilities of life, and upon it are dependent the processes which extend throughout all the fields of industry. this correlation of the powers of the brain and of the hand of man, extending throughout the entire exhibit scheme of the exposition, will, for the first time in the history of expositions, afford a strictly scientific basis for the collection and classification of objects." and finally: "at saint louis, the prevailing characteristic, it is intended, shall be life and motion, and the installation of products and processes in juxtaposition. the classification is based upon this plan, and its effects upon the proportions of the buildings is noticeable in that machinery hall is relatively so small in area. the machines through whose operation raw material is converted into use and the processes employed in utilizing natural products will be exhibited, so that not only will the fund of human information be greatly increased, but suggestion will be made to students, scientists, and inventors that will give still greater development to genius in the following than in the preceding decade." the world's fair, in this carefully planned purpose, affords a fine model for the lewis and clark exposition. but portland is not simply to do for the pacific northwest and the other peoples in close economic and commercial relations with it what saint louis aspires to do for the world. saint louis undertakes what was distinctively the nineteenth century problem--that of mastery by man of the physical forces of the world and of more nearly perfect adjustment to his natural environment. the louisiana purchase exposition, with its world congress of the arts and sciences, and all of its exhibits arranged to promote the development of invention and the application of scientific methods to industry, has a great mission; and yet the peculiar field which belongs to the lewis and clark exposition gives it, if not a greater mission, at least one more advanced--if you please a twentieth century mission. man in the pacific northwest has a peculiar problem. all the science and art of the past are his legacy. they fairly press in upon him in their appeal to him for utilization here. man here has a physical environment so rich and so diversified as not only to invite the largest application of science and art, but also one that demands the highest organization of associated effort. in other words, the pacific northwest places man in such relation to history, to nature, and to his fellow-man, as to promise him here, if his inheritance is not sold for a mess of pottage, man's highest development. it rests with the lewis and clark exposition to rise to the occasion. for it represents a first possible step in a grand cooperative effort to develop a social environment here commensurate with what nature has done for us. if for a ruthless, wasteful course of social evolution that would never reach any desirable goal we would realize one of steady, frictionless progress, with opportunities of fullest life open to all, we must make the lewis and clark centennial fulfill its high mission. if the people of oregon and the pacific northwest do not persist in their determination to make this concerted effort toward the inauguration of the highest policies of social progress here it is hard to see what occasion can bring them so near this mood again. it is the spell that the commemoration of a great event and a great movement casts over them that will hardly be repeated. the lewis and clark centennial then is the flood tide of opportunity. if it is not seized and we lapse again into mere individualistic policies "all the voyage" of life in the future of the pacific northwest will be bound in comparative "shallows and in miseries." an exposition planned to meet the twentieth century needs becomes the herald of an industrial democracy in which there is a completely harmonious cooperation for the realization of the highest social ideals. it is dawning upon us that publicity is the first condition of relief from the trust evil. we need yet, however, to realize that essential publicity or light is the talisman for developing a true democratic spirit to which are disclosed ever expanding vistas of possibilities. the first great duty of the exposition authorities is to bring to the people of the pacific northwest the largest enlightenment on the natural resources of this region. taking our timber resources as an illustration, we are painfully aware that the timber holdings are not as widely and equably distributed among the masses as one could wish; but we have many rich natural monopolies which the whole people should share. they have common and incalculable permanent interests in the forests of oregon, in the water power of our streams, in our facilities for irrigation, in the mines, and in the ensemble of natural beauty here. shall the great natural forest areas in oregon which may become the source of an ever increasing flow of wealth for all time for the whole people be allowed, without state forestry activity, to become mere waste places for weed trees? we are told by mr. elwood mead, chief of the division of irrigation, that he believes oregon "has the largest area of unimproved land whereon irrigation is possible of any state in the union." here is a great interest in which most fortunately a policy of coöperation between the state and the nation has been instituted. what could be more propitious for the good fortune of the people than an active coöperation between the authorities of the exposition and the united states bureaus of forestry, irrigation, and the united states geological survey in preparing an exhibit of the data on the interests of the people of the state in these natural resources? with such definite, earnest, and laudable purposes in view, congress and the administration would respond to the claims of the lewis and clark exposition in a very different spirit from that with which they have met recent expositions. by means of models, relief maps, photographs, drawings, charts, and graphic representations generally, along with congresses and the discussions by the press, the people, and their legislators, would come to take an intelligent and far-sighted view of these great inheritances of theirs. a whole summer given to the exposition of the people's interests in their common heritage, with the use of the best art of illustration, representation, and elucidation, would awaken a living interest so that they would make sure of their rights, conserve an equality of opportunities and make our natural resources yield their highest social utility. our experience with our state school lands shows that such a fortunate condition is absolutely impossible without the influence an exposition could exert toward an enlightenment on our public inheritances. the municipal exposition at dresden, germany, during this summer, gives a suggestion for a municipal department for our exposition that would work a transformation in our civic spirit and enlightenment. how glorious it would be for oregon if the lewis and clark fair clubs would in dead earnest determine to possess themselves of the philosophy of city making, and to do their best to control municipal activity in oregon so as to make it conserve highest economic and æsthetic ends and bring about rational unity in all municipal development and foster an architectural spirit. why not commission a delegate to dresden? why not begin to make wholesome, beautiful, and edifying the oregon village and city, so that, as a whole, each may be a positive joy forever? the same strenuous idealism would find a rich field in the affairs of our counties and of our school districts. the oregon farm must come in for as many meliorating influences as the oregon town. all that good roads, graded schools, traveling libraries, neighborhood telephones, and model farm establishments can do to elevate the social conditions of farm life will be greatly furthered by the exposition; but the problem that is fundamental with the people, both of the town and of the country, pertains not merely to sharing the unearned increment of the natural and artificial monopolies, but also to participation in the gains of all capitalized industry. it is the problem of "peopleizing" the industries. corporate organization and management should be a department of the exposition. by the elimination of all the unnecessary risk in investments in corporation securities through effective governmental regulation and supervision the people may gain control and reap the large profits of capitalized industry. the exposition will have its highest mission in securing to the people an interest in the gains and a share in the control of our industrial organizations. the next generation of oregonians will not be found wanting in their ardor for the welfare of the state as a whole, in patriotic zeal for the betterment of all the conditions of life here and in aspiration to give the pacific northwest leadership in social progress if the schools are furnished the story of the oregon opportunity as it was made and realized. this, as told by the actors themselves, should be compiled and distributed to the districts. the highest pitch of emulation to the mastery of this story and interest in the aims of the exposition may advisedly be secured by a system of prize essays on important topics pertaining to oregon's development. this outline of the features that the exposition might include does not debar from it popular and recreative attractions. it does not slur the exhibition of the remarkable products of the farm, the orchard, the mine, the river, the forests, and the factory. the ideas emphasized will only give these products multiplied significance, bringing them into vital relations with life that is more than meat, drink, and wear. an exposition thus rationally planned will be the poor man's greatest hope. if he loses the aid it would give him toward the right solution of the social problem the odds are terribly against him in the race for an equitable distribution. such an exposition would go far toward securing an open door to an equality of opportunity for all in oregon. to block the organization of such an exposition would not be far from social suicide for the masses. the dominance of economic forces in progress is becoming more and more exclusive. it devolves upon the people to comprehend fully the living forces, and, by comprehending them, put themselves in position to control them and mold them to the higher uses of conserving an equality of opportunity for all. the lewis and clark exposition lends itself wholly to this great mission. it is hard to see how a means quite so propitious will be available again. f. g. young. the educational history of astoria, oregon. the study of the school history of astoria is of interest to the student of education in that it reveals a condition different from that of some of the other cities of oregon, particularly those of the willamette valley. in the latter, private and public schools struggled for the mastery, with the private school far in the lead for many years.[ ] in astoria, on the contrary, the public school idea had a firm hold from the beginning and asserted itself as soon as the establishment of a public school was possible. the history of astoria's educational progress, covering a period of fifty-two years, is chiefly the story of the beginning and gradual development of a system of public schools. there is traceable, however, something of the conflict, so prominent elsewhere, between the public and the private school idea. private schools. astoria's first school, started in , was of necessity private, owing to the fact that the school law, passed in , was practically inoperative, and, in consequence, no public money was available. in the summer of the rev. c. o. hosford, a methodist minister, at the earnest solicitation of some dozen parents, opened a school near the corner of eighth and bond streets, in a small two-room building, erected for use as dwelling house for the teacher, and schoolhouse.[ ] this little pioneer school had an enrollment of ten pupils, and was supported by private subscription. public sentiment favored a public school, and its modifying influence is seen at this time. no tuition was charged the individual pupil, but the parents contributed toward the support of the school each according to his means rather than in proportion to the number of children he sent to the school. mr. v. boelling, in addition to furnishing the schoolhouse and residence for the teacher free of charge, contributed twenty of the forty dollars paid monthly to the teacher.[ ] the school was in session during the months of june, july, august, and september.[ ] it is probable that between the closing of this school and the starting of the public school proper there were other semi-public schools.[ ] private schools were a necessity in upper astoria, owing to the small number of families there and the lack of means of communication between the two parts of the town. there were at least two private schools here prior to , and they were patronized by the children of three families.[ ] that this was done in at least one case from necessity, rather than choice, is shown by the fact that one of the patrons of these schools, t. p. powers, a few years later, was the prime mover in the establishment of the upper astoria public school.[ ] miss pope and mrs. h. b. morse were two of the teachers employed in these schools. in the first school that was in any sense a rival of the public school was started. the grace church parish school became the rallying point for the first opposition to public education. this support alone would perhaps not have been sufficient to maintain it; but it also filled a place in the educational field which the public school seemed unable to occupy. that there was a real need for the school is apparent from the class of pupils that attended it. large pupils who, owing to lack of early advantages, were far behind in their classes and who would have preferred to remain away rather than be classed with children much younger than themselves, and pupils advanced beyond the studies offered at the time by the district school, made up a large part of the number in attendance.[ ] latin, algebra, natural philosophy, and other advanced subjects were taught, and pupils for these studies came from the public school which had just previous to this time decided to exclude all branches beyond those usually taught in a district school.[ ] this school was opened in the old "methodist church" situated on the corner of fifteenth street and franklin avenue, and was in charge of the rector of the episcopal church, rev. t. h. hyland. mrs. hyland, who had been a teacher in the east, taught most of the classes.[ ] the school was supported entirely by tuition fees which were $ per quarter of thirteen weeks. three quarters were taught each year, and the attendance ranged between twenty and thirty pupils.[ ] rev. mr. hyland was appointed to the astoria parish while it was a missionary station and so received no salary from the home congregation. the parish school was started chiefly as a means of revenue to help pay for the maintenance of the church.[ ] former pupils testify to the excellence of the school and to the popularity of its founders and teachers. in the school moved to the rear of the church on commercial street, between eighth and ninth, and continued regularly until the departure of rev. mr. hyland and wife in .[ ] during the fall and winter of - a night school, at which bookkeeping, writing, and arithmetic were taught, was taught by mr. kincaid in the gray building.[ ] in there were at least four private schools in astoria. mrs. maxwell young taught a school of twenty-five pupils in a building where st. mary's hospital stands.[ ] miss cora vandusen taught a summer session in the building near the southeast corner of tenth and duane streets, which was rented by the school board and furnished to miss vandusen free of charge during the vacation of the public school.[ ] when the public school opened in the fall this school was moved to the room formerly occupied by the parish school. professor worthington, principal of the public school, taught a private school of six pupils. the fourth private school was taught by miss johnson. the increase in the number of private schools was due to two causes: dissatisfaction in some quarters with some action of the principal of the "lower town school,"[ ] and the great increase in the school population. the latter cause was no doubt the more potent. at this time there were over five hundred children of school age in astoria. in - miss hewett conducted a private school at grace church, with an average attendance of twenty-six pupils and an enrollment of forty-six. from to miss emma c. warren conducted a private school on exchange street, between eleventh and twelfth. this was by far the largest and most pretentious private school ever opened in astoria, and yet represented only to a very small degree the idea antagonistic to the public school. all the grammar grades were taught, and also classes in advanced subjects, including latin and german.[ ] this school occupied to a great extent the place that should have been filled by a public high school. with the establishment of the high school in - its field of usefulness was greatly limited, and in it was merged into the high school by the employment of the principal, miss warren, as the head of the department of english and english literature, and the entrance of most of the pupils of miss warren's school into the high school.[ ] the public school. the earliest schools of astoria were supported by private funds, yet the payment of any fixed sum was not made a condition for entrance. they were supported by private subscription for the benefit of all the children of the town. in district no. was established, and included a large tract of land bounded by young's river, from the falls to its juncture with columbia, the columbia river and a zigzag line starting near thirty-eighth street, and connecting the columbia river with the young's river falls.[ ] to this district, in october of the same year, was paid the sum of $ , all the school money then available.[ ] the next year, under the revised law of - , the county fund yielded more, and district no. received $ . . a part of this amount was from tax, and the rest from fines.[ ] the first school taught after the district was organized, as near as can be ascertained (there are no records in existence), was taught in what was known as the "old methodist church,"[ ] a building erected in - ,[ ] on a piece of land donated for church and school purposes,[ ] by james welch, to the trustees of the methodist church. j. w. wayne was probably the first teacher in the district. nothing is known of the condition of the school, except that there were very few in attendance, and the school was in session only a very few months. miss liza lincoln, mrs. hill, an english lady, and mr. moore, are names associated with the early schools, but the exact time of their service is not known, but all taught school some time before . in that year judge a. a. skinner took charge of the public school in a building near bain's mill, known as the "holman house."[ ] he was assisted by mrs. skinner, _nee_ miss lincoln. the next year the public school was taught by mr. brown in the "old hospital" building, situated between ninth and tenth streets, on duane. mr. brown is remembered for his skill in handling the large boys.[ ] he was succeeded by mr. maxwell. up to this time the district had been without a schoolhouse, but in a building was erected on the corner of ninth and exchange streets. j. t. maulsby taught the first term of school in it in . the school was now too large for one teacher and the following year the board engaged the services of j. d. deardorff and wife. he was a man of ability in his line of work and was well liked by both parents and pupils.[ ] during the next term he was assisted by mrs. dr. owens-adair,[ ] and the year following by mr. williamson,[ ] a college bred man, who assisted much in building up the reputation of the school. under mr. deardorff's management a nine or ten months' term was taught each year, and there were between ninety and one hundred pupils in attendance.[ ] astoria was maintaining an expensive school, and the money for its support was raised almost entirely by tax and private subscription,[ ] as the money from the county school fund was inconsiderable at this time. this fund yielded to the district $ . in , $ . in , and $ . in .[ ] there is no record of tuition ever having been charged the pupils of the district. while mr. deardorff taught advanced classes were formed and pupils who had finished the ordinary grades of the school were enabled to continue their education.[ ] later opposition to these classes arose and finally the school board decided that only studies of the grammar grade should be taught. when this order was carried into effect, during mr. r. k. warren's term as teacher, a vigorous protest was made against it, and its enforcement caused much dissatisfaction.[ ] the grace church parish school had just been organized, and, no doubt, profited by the dissension in the ranks of the friends of the public school. the increasing burden of maintaining the school and the presence of the parish school ready to receive the advanced pupils, gave strength to the position of those who were opposed to teaching branches above the grade of the ordinary district school. in there was an average attendance of one hundred and ten pupils and a nine months' term.[ ] this year the four districts of the county received $ . from the county fund and raised $ , . by district tax.[ ] in - the average attendance in the public schools had dropped to eighty-four,[ ] caused, in all probability, by the exclusion of the advanced classes and their transfer to the grace church parish school. mr. finlayson and wife and professor robb were the teachers between and . from to very little change in the condition of the school is noted, except that there was a slight increase in attendance due to the return to the policy of providing instruction for all who had finished the grammar grades. in the state school fund became available and district no. received $ . in coin and $ . in currency.[ ] in prof. w. l. worthington, a very able instructor, was elected principal, and remained several years. more than one hundred children were in attendance in ,[ ] and the citizens of astoria were justly proud of their school. the _astorian_ in its initial number[ ] says: "we notice that the school is well supplied with maps, charts, dictionaries, gazetteers, atlases, etc. we doubt that any common school in oregon is better supplied with such articles. * * the public school affords every opportunity for getting a good english education." the teachers were professor worthington, principal; miss watt and miss lawrence, assistants.[ ] the history from is concerned chiefly with the rapid increase in the school population, the division of the district into six separate districts, the subsequent consolidation of all these districts, the final readjustment of the boundaries, so as to include only the schools within the corporate limits of astoria, and the establishment of the high school, as the completion of the city's educational system. district no. , the "upper astoria" district, was established in , but no school was taught here until . mrs. w. w. parker, who taught the first term of school in the district, had a school of fifteen pupils, and received as compensation $ per month and board.[ ] t. p. powers organized the district, and when over seventy years of age taught a term of three months in this district in order that the right to draw school money should not be forfeited. the population of astoria in the two years between - nearly doubled, owing to the rapid growth of the fishing industry, and the schools were not able to keep pace with this growth.[ ] in there were over two hundred pupils in actual attendance at the "lower schoolhouse." professor worthington, the principal, was assisted by miss brown, miss mcgregor, miss neale, and miss hewett.[ ] in the first, or highest grade, algebra, physiology, and natural philosophy were taught.[ ] the _astorian_ says of the school: "the public school of astoria is divided into three grades, with three classes in each grade. there has been a written examination in three of the grades [probably classes]. in this examination great care has been taken to make it impossible for the pupils to derive any assistance from text-books or from friends."[ ] this crowded condition lasted until when a temporary relief was afforded by the establishment of district no. and the building of two of the six rooms of the shirely school. a ten-mill tax was levied for this purpose. the sudden increase in the school population brought with it such a large proportion of the county and state school fund that the money from this source, amounting to $ , . ,[ ] paid the entire cost of the school during the year , the six-mill tax not having been used. "the district is now out of debt, and has $ cash on hand."[ ] the erection of a new school building was the main question before the taxpayers at the school meeting of . that it was a necessity was admitted by all. the _astorian_ said editorially: "there are three things astoria needs--and we place them in their relative importance--a new schoolhouse, a flouring mill, and a new theater."[ ] at the meeting held april , , four mills for current expenses and five mills for building purposes were levied and a new schoolhouse ordered built.[ ] the present mcclure is the result of that meeting. district no. , known locally as alderbrook, was established in . by a legislative act of the four districts, now included in the city schools, together with the schools at john days and walluski, were consolidated into one district of the first class. this arrangement proved unsatisfactory, and in the boundaries were again changed so as to exclude the two districts lying outside the corporate limits of the city. during the fifty years that the public school system has been in existence the school population has increased an hundredfold. the distance between "upper" and "lower" astoria, the rapid growth of the town during the seventies, made the division of the district almost a necessity. the gradual growing together of the two parts of the town making the interchange of classes possible and the consequent improvement of the schools with a lessening of the expense of maintaining them led to the consolidation in and the readjustment of the boundaries in . the high school. the high school is the result of a slow growth and its continued existence is due perhaps as much to indifference as to any very active sentiment in its favor. it started as an advanced grade of the public school when for financial reasons it was desired to keep as many pupils as possible in attendance. the presence of the large pupils and the quality of the work done gave the school a standing in outside districts and created a feeling of pride in the citizens of the town. the higher classes were disbanded in or . the _marine gazette_ thus comments: "during the past week we have noticed considerable discussion in doors and out about the village district school. * * it was generally admitted that the school of eighteen months ago, i think it was--at any rate the one that contained all the larger boys and girls of the village with several others from clatsop plains, oysterville, etc.,--was the best school we had had for three years or even a longer period. * * about the time named the teacher was restricted as to the amount or kind of instruction to be given in the school to the so-called advanced pupils. this restriction caused the disbanding or dismissal of several classes of the largest and oldest pupils. they quit the school, dispersed, went home, or to other schools distant to our town."[ ] advanced studies were restored later and became a recognized part of the course of study. the high school sentiment, stimulated no doubt by the record of the public for excellence in the past and to some extent by the desire to keep pace with the standard of scholarship set by the private schools, increased and resulted in the establishment of the present efficient high school in and . the grammar schools are loyally supported in spite of the high rate of taxation[ ] necessary to maintain them; but there is still a well defined sentiment against the maintenance of the high school at public expense, though this sentiment seems to be decreasing. what the school history of astoria reveals. the earliest schools were semi-public, though supported entirely by private subscription. public sentiment clearly favored the public school and secured its establishment so soon as conditions, including the necessary school laws, made it possible. the reason for the predominance of this sentiment in favor of the public schools can be found in the fact that many of the leaders in the development of the city came from the northern and middle western states, where the idea of public education had a firm hold. v. boelling, s. t. mckean, w. w. parker, col. james taylor, and later capt. george flavel, mrs. h. b. parker, john hobson and many others were earnest advocates and liberal supporters of public schools. the public school has had an almost uninterrupted growth from the beginning, and to-day shows the result of half a century of effort. alfred a. cleveland. footnotes: [ ] an historical survey of public education in eugene, oregon, by prof. joseph schafer, quarterly, march, . [ ] letter of c. o. hosford, january , . [ ] letter of c. o. hosford, january , . [ ] ibid. [ ] letter of e. c. jeffers, february , . [ ] interview with mr. sam adair. [ ] interview with mrs. mary leinweber. [ ] interview with rev. t. h. hyland and wife. [ ] _marine gazette_, may , . [ ] _weekly astorian_, december , . [ ] interview with mrs. young. [ ] interview with mrs. c. j. trenchard, _nee_ miss vandusen. [ ] interview with miss warren. [ ] county superintendent's record book no. , - . [ ] interview with j. m. welch, and others. [ ] deed book no. , clatsop county. [ ] interview with j. w. welch. [ ] interview with f. j. taylor, and others. [ ] history of oregon and washington, northwest publishing company, vol. ii, pp. - . [ ] letter of mrs. w. w. parker, december , . [ ] county superintendent's record book no. , - . [ ] _marine gazette_, may , . [ ] report of county superintendent w. b. gray, . [ ] report of state superintendent to governor geo. l. woods. [ ] _astorian_, july , . [ ] letter of mrs. w. w. parker, december , . [ ] _weekly astorian_, february , . [ ] _weekly astorian_, december , . [ ] county superintendent's record book no. , - . [ ] _weekly astorian_, april , . [ ] _daily astorian_, april , . [ ] _daily astorian_, april , . [ ] _marine gazette_, may , . [ ] an eleven-mill tax was levied at the last school meeting. an object lesson in paternalism even among those who have devoted their lives to the study of sociological problems, there is much difference of opinion as to the quantitative and qualitative influence of certain social conditions in producing the generally admitted bad or adverse phases of human society. at one time we read that poverty degrades men morally, and we peruse carefully prepared and apparently veracious tables showing that in the older countries there is an unfailing correspondence between criminal statistics and the price of bread; the per cent of offenses against persons and property increasing with the cost of the necessaries of life and diminishing with the amount of human exertion required to obtain them. such is the generally received opinion of the common people, and we hear from the political platform and see in the publications of reform parties the assertion that it is useless to preach morals to those whose minds are mainly occupied in devising means to keep the wolf from the door. those of our citizens who have given special attention to the debauching effects of the drink habit, call upon all to come to the rescue of american homes and american institutions, by banishing the american saloon, to which comes the response that poverty is the principal cause of intemperance and its incidents, and that the first duty of patriots is to remove poverty. equally certain and circumstantial, on the other hand, are those who affirm that there is no necessary connection between poverty and criminality, and that, as a general rule, debauchery and consequent decadence of moral faculty go hand in hand with material prosperity; and if mixed coincidence can establish casual connection, they are not at fault, for long before goldsmith wrote of the time "when wealth accumulates and men decay," keen eyed observers had connected a general laxity of morals with the abundance and diffusion of wealth. the failure of intertropical countries to furnish high grade men of morals and intellect, doctor draper attributes, not more to the enervating influence of heat, than to the ease with which human beings supply themselves with the necessaries of life. coming down to the present period, it is common knowledge--the expanding profligacy and criminality of the mining camps where men could obtain extravagant wages in gold for services which in other pursuits would yield them a scanty living. probably from such lump comparisons and crude observations, under complex conditions, have arisen two schools of social economists, one whose principal and primary aim is to abolish poverty as the chief obstacle in the way of human progress, and the other whose purpose is not definitely stated, but which conservatively clings to the _laissez faire_ doctrine of letting every man's condition depend upon his individual exertion; and as so far, in the world's history, poverty has been the condition of the great mass of mankind, in spite of individual exertion, the anti-poverty school of necessity, must resort to collective or state control of the industries of men, and thus relieve them from want and the fear of want, which are thought to be so depressing upon their energies. just how or to what extent the state is to interfere with the individual's management of himself, or to what extent or in what manner he shall be relieved when he has failed to provide for his own wants and the wants of those depending upon him, are at present outside of any satisfactorily practical programme, and hence collectivism may be held to include all socialistic schemes from bellamy up or down. in fact, collectivism is entered upon the moment the state is organized, for in the rudest criminal code there is a manifest attempt to relieve the individual from the otherwise caution and care necessary to defend his person and property; and in truth, as government has advanced, so has collectivism advanced, until now in the united states of america the commonwealth is giving children primary education, supporting and caring for the deaf, blind, idiotic, insane, and criminal classes, beside stimulating certain industries with bounties upon production or relieving them from the disastrous effects of free competition, by levying taxes upon competing products. it does much more. commerce and agriculture have been relieved of their old time dread of the elements, for government now keeps watch and ward over the wind and waves, and gives timely notice of approaching disaster by land and sea. in the endeavor to pass benefits around, hatcheries for fish, experiment stations, laboratories, and various commissions have been organized and conducted at public expense; likewise the mails are carried, the public lands distributed to actual settlers or given to railroad companies, patents issued to inventors, bounties paid for the destruction of wild animals, noxious weeds exterminated, public officers appointed to examine food products, to conduct experiments upon flocks and herds, and to destroy those infected with contagious diseases. all this and much more are the results of collectivism, and there seems to be a constant tendency, as well as a constant demand, for more in the same direction. individualism is alarmed and socialism hopeful; the former, at the encroachments upon personal liberty and the discouragement of personal exertion, and the latter, from the prospect of a complete disappearance of the competitive principle from social life. here are two violent antagonisms, while there is no line of demarcation between them, as well defined as the most tortuous isothermal crossing the american continent. there is no scientific boundary of government. as between the two disputants it is a blind push and pull, in which neither party is satisfied with the result. there are gradations upon either side, and long ago herbert spencer became alarmed at the coming slavery, and that good man gerritt smith thought government should have nothing to do with the education of children; that it is altogether a private function and can not be usurped by the state without serious injury to those most nearly interested. while, however, doctrinaires have been groping for the scientific boundary, government has gone forward experimentally, with no chart but experience, sometimes right and sometimes wrong, no doubt, in its endeavors to follow the line of least resistance and do that which seemed likely to promote the general welfare. granting the evident natural law that development is the result of activity of faculty, and, as a consequence, that individual improvement must come from individual exertion, it may be safe to say that the scope of government should be such as to give or permit the greatest normal and harmonious activity to the units of population, in order to bring about the greatest amount of aggregate excellence and happiness; and still it appears to be a matter of experience and experiment, in which science and altruism play but a subordinate part. nevertheless, there should be investigation of governmental experiments, and the great and ever recurring question is, what do these show? has government help promoted individual competence, and has it promoted the general welfare? in answering this question it will not do to look at it as a whole; each experiment must be taken by itself, and there must be an elimination, so far as may be, of complicating and conflicting elements. of course there will be no attempt in this paper to do more than report upon a single phase of government help, and one, too, which to my knowledge has never been utilized for throwing light upon the great economic question. i refer to the settlement of oregon and washington under government auspices. it would seem as though there never existed more favorable conditions for a successful experiment in planting a model colony than were found here upon this northwest coast. certainly nature was lavish and the government munificent, and if these are chiefly instrumental in putting a community on its feet to stay, here should be found the living proof. let us see; and first as to the country. the cascade range of mountains, a high ridge bearing north and south, nearly parallel to the eastern shore of the pacific ocean and about one hundred miles therefrom, divides the states of oregon and washington into two unequal parts, popularly known as eastern and western oregon and washington. bordering the coast of both states is another ridge, much lower, and between these two mountain ridges, are cross mountains connecting them, and forming valleys with independent river systems. these western valleys are but little above the sea level, have moist, equable climates, abundant timber, and rich soils; while the country east of the cascades is an elevated table-land, sparsely wooded, quite arid, is subject to greater extremes of heat and cold and possessed of a strongly alkaline soil. it is to the western valleys i wish to refer in this connection, as in these the donation land law chiefly operated until its expiration in the year . under that law every adult male citizen and his wife, immigrating to this coast before the year , were entitled to six hundred and forty acres of land selected by the donees in such shape as they chose, and those coming after that time, were entitled to three hundred and twenty acres taken by legal subdivisions. never before or since have such magnificent inducements been offered to settlers, and by the close of the year nearly all of the good lands in the willamette, umpqua, and rogue river valleys were occupied by the donees who came from every state in the union, but chiefly from the mississippi valley. saying that these lands were taken by families, in section and half-section tracts, gives but a faint idea of what was acquired. doctor johnson's description of the happy valley in rasselas would be rather too poetical to adopt for this country, as this is too far north for people to depend upon the spontaneous productions of the earth, but in many respects there is much similarity. the great doctor's fancy had not been expanded and enlightened by the vast accomplishments of modern science and invention, whereby the forces of nature have been utilized, and, as a consequence, his happy valley was constructed more to gratify an indolent and dreamy æstheticism than to promote economic industry. in these western valleys, however, is everything that should stimulate men to the use of all their faculties, if steady and sure returns for exertion are better than unearned gratification of human wants and desires. let the reader picture to himself an evergreen valley one hundred and fifty miles long and forty miles wide, a navigable river running the whole length, through its middle, with numerous branches on each side, the smaller rising in the foothills, the larger emerging from the forest covered mountains, the rich agricultural surface of the valley interspersed with timber and prairie in profitable proportions, and rising in gentle hills, among which are innumerable springs of pure, soft water, or subsiding into lowlands, here and there dotted by buttes, and he has the willamette valley, said by saxe of vermont to be the best poor man's country on the globe. this picture does not represent all its advantages by any means. probably no farming country known has water power so abundant and diffused as here. niagara is unrivaled for power, but the principal question there is one of distribution. here the problem of distribution is reduced to small proportions, for no village or city is far away from water power. the cascade mountains, through their whole extent, are resonant with the clamorings of unused force, and likely, in their dark fir forests will first be realized edison's dreams of the application of electric power,--trees felled, cut into saw logs and conveyed to the mill, with little of man's help except intelligent superintendence. to be sure the first settlers of oregon had no such anticipations as these, but they were not slow to perceive the advantages everywhere around them; sawmills were erected in advance of the great bulk of the immigration, so that immigrants were not required to go through the experience of the first settlers of ohio and indiana, housing one or two generations in log cabins. no description of soil or surface or scenery can give an adequate presentation of this country, as upon the climate depends nearly everything which makes it, pre-eminently, a never failing supplier of man's wants. in this latitude, countries east of the rocky mountains have long cold winters and short hot summers, while west of the cascades no such extremes are ever known. the kuro-shiwo of japan, a broad, deep, and warm current of ocean water flows along our western shore, tempering the mountain air and covering the valleys with perpetual verdure. at this writing, the twenty-fifth of january, the fields have been once whitened with snow, cattle are pasturing upon unfrosted grass, and wild daisies are in bloom. occasionally a cold wave from the north pushes seaward the tropical warmth, when for a few days the inhabitants get a mitigated sample of the arctic regions, but such incursions are few and far between,--say once in ten years, and not to be compared with the winter climate of idaho, montana, or the eastern states. so seldom and short are the periods, when the ground is frozen, that agriculture is continuous through the whole year. in every winter month plowing is done and grain sown. in what country, between the parallels forty-two and forty-nine north latitude, would cattle live through the winter upon grass, which was the dependence of those who crossed the great plains to this coast in the days of the pioneer? arriving in these western valleys during the months of september and october, their teams worn and impoverished, were turned out upon the prairies and by midwinter were fat enough for beef. such was the country and the climate of the west coast to which the immigrants came, a land flowing with milk (no honey), beautiful and grand beyond description, rich beyond expectation, healthful beyond comparison; its streams abounding with fish, and its mountains with game; a country where there has been no failure of crops, and where blizzards, hurricanes, and cyclones are unknown. now a few words as to the character of the people who settled it, and in this examination i shall try to steer clear of the poetry and romance which are beginning to dehumanize them. it is not necessary for the purpose of this paper to show that the pioneers were more moral or more intelligent than those they left in the enjoyment of the peace and comforts of well regulated society, but it is important to know that they were a fair average in all respects as human beings, and as this question can not be determined by a personal examination, we must resort to the environment they voluntarily chose, or, in other words, to the objects and conditions which impelled them to the undertaking. the indolent and cowardly are not attracted by dangers, and hence we infer that volunteers make better soldiers than conscripts, and this inference is borne out by experience. enterprises of great danger, forlorn hopes, are not chosen by those who love ease and quiet pleasure, but by the courageous and venturesome; those who take pleasure in overcoming resistance, surmounting obstacles, and braving dangers. the former are inclined to remain upon the old homestead, under the protection of law and the restraining influence of conservative public opinion; the latter push for the frontier, with apparent relish for the kind of life found only on the fretful edge of civilization. some have assumed, therefore, that the borders are chiefly peopled by the reckless and immoral, those who would not be subject to proper restraint in the older communities; such an assumption, however, is wide of the mark. under our flag there are no penal colonies; people go where they choose to go, and the currents of population are determined by self-selection. places of trial and danger are taken by those who are not dismayed by such incidents, and unless we are willing to admit that there is a necessary connection between courage and criminality--that the enterprising and resolute are as a consequence tinctured with immoral tendencies--we shall believe what is more reasonable and in full accord with our experience, that the manly virtues are quite compatible with the moral attributes. i lived on the frontier, the platte purchase in missouri, right among the people who contributed in men and money to the invasion of kansas a few years afterwards, and i must say that i never lived in a more hospitable and law-abiding community. the forceful faculties were more prominent than in new england, but for personal honor, honesty, and brotherly feeling it would compare favorably with any portion of the united states. i had left that country when the kansas troubles began, and was somewhat puzzled to reconcile the doings of the border ruffians with the character of the people as i knew them, but when i considered that a large majority of them were from the south, and, being born to the institution of slavery, were inheritors of all that such a state of society implies, i ceased to wonder. notwithstanding the great advance in biological science, the human being is very much of an enigma, and, however well disposed he may be from natural endowment, we can not guess what he may do until his previous environment has been examined. suppose john brown had been born and raised in the south, and had read his bible through southern spectacles, and had heard the word expounded by devout defenders of the patriarchal institution, would he not have been found praying and fighting with stonewall jackson when the time came for war? a large proportion of the pioneers were from missouri, and at the time of the adoption of our constitution, which submitted the question of slavery to a popular vote, much solicitude was felt by anti-slavery men as to the result. argument and inquiry were on the wing, and there was eminent opportunity, not only to learn the opinions and wishes of men but how those opinions and wishes came to be formed. some of the ablest and best advocates of a free state were from the south and some of those who voted to fasten the relic of barbarism upon this free soil were from the north. one solid, earnest, but uneducated free state man, born and raised in kentucky, and a resident of missouri for several years just before coming to the oregon territory, was asked as to the evolution of his opinion and answered "that when living in his native state, a doubt as to the rightfulness of slavery had never crossed his mind; that he regarded abolitionists the same as horse thieves, and would have meted out to them the same punishment; that when he got to northern missouri, where there were but few slaves, he was struck with the difference he felt and saw, as respects social conditions; people were more on an equality; that conservative deference paid to slaveholders was conspicuous by its absence, and when he got to oregon, the spirit of abolitionism was in the air." he thought that if the good people of kentucky could experience what he had they would clear slavery from that state in a year. i was intimately acquainted with that man for thirty years, and i am confident that i never saw one more honest and truthful, or one more ready to assist in reforms or more willing to be informed. ignorance was his sin, as it was of the majority of those subject to the malign influence of slavery, and yet in his native state he was a possible border ruffian. what an honest, earnest man believes to be right he will defend, and for his convictions there is always a higher law to which he will appeal, notwithstanding the limitations of statutes and constitutions. though a webster might lose himself in adoration of the federal union and an everett offer up his mother a living sacrifice to preserve it, it is to the credit of human nature that human rights, human interests, human convictions and affections stand nearer and dearer to the people than any mere machinery of human government. the abolitionists believed the constitution of the united states was a covenant with death and a league with hell, and they protested with all their soul and strength; to those southerners reared to believe in the divinity of slavery, the constitution was a worthless rag, for it did not protect them in their supposed rights. to the men of earnest convictions on both sides we owe our present disenthrallment. the foregoing apparent digression has been indulged for the reason that the oregon people were severely criticised and denounced in connection with our indian wars, spoilation claims, and the votes cast in favor of slavery upon the adoption of our free constitution; and also for the reason that the aspect of character has a sociological bearing. advanced evolutionists include with their scientific shibboleth, "the survival of the fittest," an ethical element, when applied to civilized society. the early settlements here were singularly free from transgressors. there was no criminal code and no courts of law up to the time of the provisional government. every man was a law unto himself, and it is said there was no offense against person or property of sufficient importance to require them. these were halcyon days, often referred to by old oregonians, who say that crime and criminals were unknown until society was put under the tantalizing reign of law. i have heard not a few, in referring to the good old times, express the opinion that mankind are governed too much by statute and thereby released, in a great degree, from moral restraint. there is occasionally an old settler so impressed with pioneer equality, fraternity, and purity, that he lays all subsequent social disturbance to the provoking interference of legal machinery with natural rights, and he longs "for a lodge in some vast wilderness" where he can end his days in peace, away from penalties and penal institutions and the temptations which civil government offers to the predatory instincts of men. such logical metonomy is not mentioned here except to show that the pioneers were lovers of peace and good order, and fully subject to enlightened moral restraint. as before mentioned, they were peculiar in one respect, that is, in the possession of a large share of the executive or heroic qualities. the great american desert, with its sand stretches, waterless wastes, unbridged rivers, rocky mountains, and predatory savages, loomed up deterrently to the spiritless. a four to six months' journey in wagons, exposed to all the vicissitudes of travel and climate and the forays of more dreadful foes, ever on the alert to dispossess travelers of their only means of conveyance, was not to be considered a pleasure trip. no doubt that to a certain but undefinable extent and in numerous ways, the circumstances and incidents to be expected on the overland journey were selective, and yet the oregon pioneer, as pictured by his eulogists, is rather a fanciful personage. not that the incidents from which the picture is drawn are to any unusual degree false, but that there is too much of the commonplace left out, and so the typical pioneer, like the typical yankee, is a caricature. the pioneers, as a body, were only a little different from those who were too affectionate or diffident to start, and among them were all sorts of people; but looking only to those who endured extraordinary privations, to those who developed an uncommon degree of strength, courage, and virtue, there have grown up the poetry and romance of the pioneers, and to none is this more evident than the pioneers themselves. at one of their annual gatherings, when an eloquent speaker was narrating the trying incidents of the overland journey, one of the earlier immigrants inquisitively remarked "i wonder if i ever crossed the plains?" i was querying the same; still we must not neglect to state that the speaker was dealing in facts. he was leaving out so much that those who had passed the ordeal wondered if they had ever been there. indeed, the speakers and writers who have been called to the task of perpetuating pioneer history have had the usual inducements to false coloring, which has been the curse of all history in all times. striking incidents, battles, sieges, marches, insurrections, revolutions, and the leading actors in them, of such is the warp and woof of history, until man is understood to be a mere fighting animal, although the greater part of his life has been spent in peaceful avocations and the greater exertion of his force and faculties has been devoted to constructive industry. out of such partiality has inevitably grown the great man theory of human progression. the student of history passes along from point to point in the bloody trail of the historian, stopping at such characters as alexander, cæsar, charlemagne, napoleon, etc., until these great destroyers are looked upon as the prime factors of the evolutionary state. of course, these and such as these must not be ignored or left out, for history would cease to be history without them, but it is equally important to know that man, judged only by them, ceases to be man. of late an improved philosophy of history assigns them their proper place and significance as an index of evolution, and gives us the hopeful sign that notwithstanding the occasional irruption of man's destructive faculties, his progress is principally due to the subordination of the militant spirit. and now, while the principal part of our early history, territorial and state, is devoted to our really insignificant indian wars and the principal characters on both sides, it is well enough to think that the greater constructive works of peace have been going forward with hardly a halt, and the more sober tints are yet to be given the picture of early oregon times. with such coloring as we now have of pioneer life and the passage of the great plains, posterity will wonder, as did the pioneer before quoted, if the pioneers ever did cross, and also what kind of people they must have been to undertake, with such slender means, so perilous a journey. samuel r. thurston, oregon's first delegate under the territorial government, advertised his constituents as "fellows who could whip their weight in wildcats," very good electioneering taffy, no doubt, but rather strong and really degrading language to apply to the earnest men and women who so patiently toiled to the northwest coast. of a higher type and tone was the poetical exaggeration "only the brave started, only the strong got through." the facts are different. some arrant cowards and many more physically weak persons, by some sufficient means, found their way here. the emigrant train was not a forlorn hope; no such test was made for membership. neither was it a test of patriotism; albeit every citizen is a quixotic propagator of his republican faith. various were the inducements in the minds of those who left the older states for the pacific slope. many, like ex-senator nesmith, did not really know, as they had no well defined purpose, but might answer in his language, and with probable truth, that they were "impelled by a vague spirit of adventure." restless spirits are always ready for any move, promising unusual scope for the exercise of their faculties. many were along to enjoy the exhilaration of travel, in a new, strange, and truly wonderful country. many, long wasted by the miasmatic fevers of the overrich and productive mississippi valley, sought immunity in the untainted mountain air of the far west. a few of the daniel boone stripe were too much crowded where inhabitants exceeded one to the square mile, and took one more move with the hope that the hum drum of civilization would never overtake them. a few of a poetical turn of mind, tired of the monotony of the greater east, sought fresh inspiration and a home upon the picturesque shores of the sunset seas. but while all of the foregoing and many other inducements might have been present in varying degree, the great incentive to immigration was free land. not only land for the landless, but land for all, and in unstinted quantity. the scenes at oklahoma divest the emigration to oregon of all mystery, and while there was probably small difference in kind or degree of virtue between those who came and those who remained, of one fact pioneers are cognizant, namely, that the incidents and trials of the overland journey were a wonderful developer and equalizer. the fictitious gloss of so-called society was abraded, and the shams of character in which human beings had invested themselves, like weakly oxen, were left on the road. everywhere this is observable, and it is often remarked that the true pioneer is never afterward subject to an undue self-inflation. it seems as though a few months' practice of sincere brotherhood is fatal to an offensive amount of arrogance and egotism. now let us inquire as to the use and the tenacity of hold the pioneers had for their unbought possessions. there was no sign of indolence on their part upon arriving. the same pushing qualities which enabled them to surmount all difficulties in getting here were not wanting when homes were to be made and farms to be cultivated. to all appearances the older community, with an infusion of vigor born of success and adventure, had been transplanted upon virgin soil. of necessity population was sparse. in large districts, principally settled by immigrants before , there was but one family to the square mile, and in other portions were those arriving afterwards and settling two to the square mile. in this way a few people cover, or rather appropriate, a large country, and their improvements, though considerable, appear very meager. every thing, however, was at hand; rail timber ten cuts to the tree; cedar for shingles and shakes; poles straight enough for rafters without hewing, and fir trees, seemingly grown for the special purpose of house frames. the soil was favorable. though producing a good growth of the most nutritious native grass, it was easily plowed, two good horses being sufficient to turn over two acres of sod in a day, and, unlike the sward in other countries, was mellow from the first harrowing. many a family coming as late as october plowed and fenced forty acres and raised from twelve hundred to sixteen hundred bushels of wheat the next harvest, working their cattle that hauled them across the plains and feeding them nothing but the bunch grass upon which they pastured through the winter months. after the discovery of gold in california, the market for all farm products was at almost every man's door and at marvelous prices. butter from fifty cents to a dollar a pound; bacon from twenty-five to fifty cents a pound; chickens from $ to $ per dozen; eggs from twenty-five to fifty cents per dozen; sheep from $ to $ per head; cows, $ ; horses, $ ; oxen from $ to $ per yoke; wheat from $ to $ per bushel, and labor from $ to $ per day. of course, such prices gradually wore down, but the opportunity for large profits in farming and stock raising continued for a quarter of a century. our public disbursements, however, were not on the same scale. up to the year uncle sam paid a good share of the governmental expenses, and at that time our state government was organized under a constitution that has often been called parsimonious. the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections of each township, or lands in lieu thereof, were devoted by congress to common schools; land was also given to found a state university and agricultural college, and five hundred thousand acres along with five per cent of the sales of public lands were given to an internal improvement fund to be used by the state. add to this the swamp lands, amounting to several hundred thousand acres of the most valuable, all given without cost, and one might well ask, "in the name of common sense what more should a paternal government do for a people?" and yet it has done more. coast defenses and lighthouses have been built, the rivers dredged, harbors improved, something near a million dollars appropriated to cut a canal around the cascade falls, and military roads and posts established to protect our inhabitants from the aborigines. in common with all the other inhabitants of the united states, we have been suffering for the last few years from an aggravating increase of our great american industry, politics, but until the discovery was made, that people can grow rich by taxing themselves, the people of oregon were contented with small levies for public purposes. indeed, we have done little in the way of public improvements to create expense. with the exception of county roads, which are mainly ungraded dirt ways, and the bridging of streams, nothing of importance has been attempted. in view of all the foregoing comes the sharp contrast of the present condition of the pioneers and their immediate descendants. in the absence of any reliable census reports, i have been obliged to rely upon regional inspection, taking a township here and there and tracing up the career of the first white inhabitants. for this purpose i have selected, for an average, one hundred square miles on the east side of the willamette valley, in marion county, which contains the state capital, and an examination shows that sixty-six per cent of the donation claims have passed out of the possession of the donees and their descendants, another fifteen per cent are mortgaged for all they are worth, and for practical purposes may be considered as lost to them. not more than fifteen per cent of the whole have been ordinarily successful in holding and improving a part of their possessions and are now free from debt. only five of all of them have increased their holdings and are thrifty. eighty-seven per cent held section claims, and it may be mentioned that the half-section claimants were more successful in holding their own, and add very much to the favorableness of this report. in the better part of this county, a hundred square miles in a body might be selected where the per cent of loss would be greater, but this was settled chiefly by french, scotch, and english canadians, mountain men and trappers of nomadic habits, who married indian women of the whole or half-breed, and of whose descendants less is expected, as they are passionately fond of ardent spirits. a teetotaler of mixed blood would be a rare sight. neighborly, clever people, of lax business habits, and of necessity trustful, they were soon beat out of their landed possessions. probably in no american community has the credit system been so much in vogue as on this northwest coast, and likely for the reason that in no other place are crops so sure, and certainly in no other place was a broad basis of credit so much at the disposal of debtors. a family with a section of land that produces unfailing crops at small cost, can get credit anywhere; and what a harvest it has been for merchants and middlemen in these western valleys until recently. ah, man! you are, indeed, a wanting animal, one whose wants are ever multiplying and exacting. only a few of the race are securely provident by immediate self-denial, and this truth applies equally to the pioneers, those resolute men and women-- who kept step with the patient ox, and toiled by the rolling wheel, drew success from the sand and rocks, as sparks from the flint and steel. the heads of families did not so readily depart from their early habits of economy, but the children soon reveled in their magnificent possessions. girls and boys alike became semi-nomads, or properly speaking, fell into the ways of the baronial english or the planter class of the south. as a consequence of their newly found competence and leisure "they took to horse," and strange, what a fascination comes over a human being when he takes to horse. in truth, that boy who did not admire the splendid aboriginal equestrians of the great plains and get filled with the spirit of the wild and free, as he saw them scurrying along the mountain side or sweeping down into the valley with the speed of the wind; that boy must have been an unchangeable clodhopper or a born philosopher. very few of them escaped the uncivilizing contamination, and many a youth, fresh from an unfinished course at school, had his book education cut sadly short by bestriding a cayuse and becoming a practical cowboy. the infatuation was not confined to the boys. the girls, too, had as much fondness for the noble brute, and were as expert and graceful in his management. some of them have ridden seventy-five miles in a day. as a means of social communication at that time it had no equal; and for stock raising and the round-up in such a country, the horseman was unapproachable. still, with all such advantages, and they were many, which could have been turned into permanent profit, the cowboy generation, though having a "heap of fun," and no doubt genuine pleasure, let the earth slip from under his feet. how could it be otherwise? who could deny them? a party of boys and girls on their favorite steeds, the former in leggings, bell spurs, and the graceful sirrapa; the latter in the freshness of physical beauty and bedecked with flowing skirts and scarlet streaming sash--when such a cavalcade went galloping over the prairies with a speed that put to shame a sheridan's ride, what parent could or would deny them. well, the parents did not deny them this and other diversions from gainful industry, and, little by little, the princely donations of land went into the till of the shopkeeper or the safe of the money changer. landless and moneyless, they scattered over the country, and, as it were, dropped into all kinds of callings. many of them have gone east of the cascades and taken homesteads and pre-emptions in the arid regions, and there upon the bunch grass lands have gained a living and some a competence by stock raising and wool growing. others followed up the streams into the mountains and in some narrow valley made a home away from the every day temptations of the lowlanders. others went to the coast. many of the young have found ample success in other avocations and do not regret the loss of the parental donations. they are found on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, in the governmental employ, in college faculties, and in all honorable pursuits. only a few have ignobly failed, and those few do not invalidate the maxim that "where there is a will there is a way" for falling into the drink habit they lost their wills. in conclusion, i am not willing to assert that the policy of the general government, in donating land as a reward for taking possession of this northwest coast, was not a wise policy or that it was an injury to the donees, though in the main they failed to keep the gift, but the lesson is none the less valuable; and what is it but a confirmation of the general truth that "necessity is the mother of invention," the spur to exertion, and that success in this life is to be obtained only through the school of experience as the reward of continued and temperate effort. as there is no royal road to knowledge so there is no royal road to wealth or any other valuable acquisition; and it is not proper to confine this edict of fate to mere material things, although to be fed and clothed is the first and most imperious demand of nature. man in all of his successful undertakings is an evolutionary being. whether intellectually, morally, or physically considered, he keeps best what he has produced, what he has earned. as a hard and fast donee, he is not a success; as a beggar, he is disgusting even to himself. sometimes he needs charity, but always justice. t. w. davenport. glimpses of early days in oregon. it would be difficult, indeed, to find anything new to say of pioneering or pioneers, and useless to trace the pioneers along their journey across the plains. we will pass over an interval of eight months and introduce our loved fathers and mothers on their arrival at where portland now stands. on the first of november, , after a journey of eight months of inconceivable hardships, a small party of those pioneers first stepped on the banks of the grand willamette river, near where morrison street is now located. the rays of the setting sun casting their light and shade o'er the beautiful landscape, impressed the beholders with a deep feeling of thankfulness that they were permitted to reach the new land, and stand on the shore of the wonderful river of the west. the wind murmuring through the branches of the stately fir bade them welcome, and the old trees served as shelter for the next two months. with the aid of flint, steel, and powder, a large camp fire was soon burning brightly, casting a rich glow o'er the magnificent wall of forest trees. it was a picturesque scene. the soft moonlight, the sparkle of the water, the lurid light from the resinous fire, formed a scene worthy of a painter's skill. they sat around the fire for hours reveling in the luxury of rest; and they arrived destitute in all save character, determination, and self-reliance. with such sterling qualities failure was impossible. the little company did not retire early, as they were forming plans for their future work. at a late hour buffalo robes and blankets were spread on the ground, and soon all were lost in sleep. the only sound that broke the silence was the yelp of the prowling coyote. with the first rosy blushes of the dawn the men began to rise, and before the sun was fairly over the horizon the sound and echoes of their axes brought cheer to our mothers' hearts, for they knew ere long homes would shelter them from the winter's storms. weeks of hard labor were required to fell the trees, and clear away the brush, and prepare the site on which to build. trees were cut the proper length, one side of the log hewed smooth with a broadax, and fitted so they would join at the corners and lie compact. it was no easy task, but our loved pioneers, with only a saw, auger and ax, broadaxe and adze would put to shame some of the more modern workmen. logs for the puncheon floors were split and smoothed with an adze, and fitted close together, making a warm and solid floor. the structure raised to a proper height, poles were used for rafters; some of the logs were cut three feet in length, from which shakes were made and used in place of shingles. the fireplace and chimney was built with sticks and plastered inside and out with a thick coating of clay. some had a stout iron bar securely fastened on one side of the large fireplace; on this bar, which was called a crane, iron hooks were placed, on which the teakettle and other cooking utensils were hung; all cooking and baking was done before the open fire and broad clay hearth. windows were a sort of sliding door in the wall, without glass. the furniture was extremely simple, being split out of fir or cedar trees, and, if not elegant, was substantial; doors were also made of shakes, and hung on wooden hinges. wooden pegs were used in place of nails. rough bedsteads were placed in one corner of the large room, the trundle bed pushed under it during the day, and at night drawn out ready for the little ones. for one to see the number of sweet faces and bright eyes of the many children lying in their beds, the scene would put the old woman who lived in her shoe far in the minority. large quantities of moss stripped from the trees made good mattresses; with buffalo robes and blankets they had comfortable beds. their primitive cabins completed ready for occupancy, with heartfelt thankfulness they left the shelter of the trees for their first oregon home. the latchstring, like a welcome hand, bade them enter. a bright fire greeted them with her golden rays and warmth, and the sound of the teakettle, cheerily singing, they catch the glad refrain and quickly joined with-- "home! home! sweet, sweet home! be it ever so humble, there's no place like home." how well they realized the true meaning of home, as no roof had sheltered them for the past ten months. as the family gathered around the ruddy light of the cheerful fire, which was their only light, plans were made to visit oregon city for supplies of food and clothing. indians, with their canoes, conveyed them to their destination. soon wheat, bolts of flannel, with other necessary articles, were purchased and shipped; fathers stepped on board, and the trusty indian with a stroke of the paddle sent the frail craft swiftly gliding o'er limpid water. ere long they were rushing over the clackamas rapids, which in hurried haste, flows on and yet is never gone. as the sun was sinking behind the hills, they reached home, where the anxious mother, blinded by tears of gladness, thanked god for the much needed supply of clothing and wheat, which was their only bread. deer and other game were plentiful, and easily brought down by their trusty rifle. salmon was bought of the indians. ducks, geese, and swan were numerous. all winter mothers were kept busy cutting and making clothing for the entire household; also teaching their daughters how to sew, knit, and attend to general housework; and if mothers were sick they did the work with willing hands. the canoe and bateaux were their only means of transportation. neighbors would surprise the family by bringing their violins, and spending the evening talking and dancing. the large room would be cleared of all furniture, which was placed in the loft where the small children were put to bed; soon the merry sound of tripping feet were keeping time to money musk, and other old time music, the old men talked over the possibilities of oregon. one thought bridges would span the willamette; others shook their heads, saying not while we live. our children may live to see one. others thought railroads would be built across the continent; all looked at the speaker and echoed "a railroad! never, over those mountains. why, man, no one in god's world will live to see that day. steamers and ships will come, but no railroad." our pioneer mothers made their dresses with plain skirts; waists were sewed onto the skirt; sleeves were much like those worn by the women of to-day. their hair was combed smooth by their forehead and wound in a coil high on their head, many wore side combs, a high back comb held their coil of glossy hair. hairpins were an unknown luxury. white handkerchiefs were worn in place of collars, and they looked very pretty crossed or tied in a bow at the throat. all were deft with the needle, also weaving; those who have the rare blue and gray counterpanes, manufactured by their willing hands, possess an heirloom of great value. in the spring of gardens were made by those living on farms, from which early vegetables were procured, and in the fall many bushels of potatoes, pease, and other vegetables were stored; of summer fruit there were wild strawberries, and later raspberries and blackberries, of which large quantities were picked and dried; also hazel bushes, producing nuts in abundance, which were gathered and stored for winter use. there was not much buying and selling, except of wheat, which was used as currency, as well as for food. portland was founded in by pioneers who were quick to see the magnitude and resources of the country. j. b. stephens, who was a cooper, saw the large revenue to be made by exporting salmon, and soon began making barrels and kegs, from which he netted a large profit. the first tannery built in portland was erected near where the exposition building is located, by d. h. lownesdale, who had the honor of introducing a new circulating medium, which was oregon tanned leather. in the first ferry from the east bank to the west shore was a canoe. in portland was named. in the first blacksmith shop was erected on the northwest corner of first and morrison streets. in h. luelling brought the first grafted fruit trees to the northwest. his famous nursery was located near milwaukie. in captain crosby built the first frame house; others soon followed. hotels, stores, and business houses were also erected. at that time the united states mail arrived yearly. in the first methodist church was organized in portland, and a church building was begun by j. h. wilbur; doing good for others was his greatest pleasure. blessed be his name! in the first congregational church was erected on the northwest corner of second and jefferson streets. the oldest congregational church in oregon was organized in at or near hillsboro. the second was organized in at oregon city by harvey clark, with three members; he also organized the first congregational church in forest grove; his many golden words and good examples are his living monument. in colonel william king built the first sawmill ever built in portland, which was run by water power. soon after it was finished it was destroyed by fire. in w. p. abrams and c. a. reed erected the first steam sawmill in oregon on the river bank near where jefferson street is located. this proved a profitable enterprise. just south of the mill was an indian encampment, occupied by different tribes. their wigwams were constructed of bark and brush. squaws sat on mats, weaving their water tight baskets, often very prettily decorated, while the indian men lounged about in scarlet blankets, as if posing for a picture, and their children sat in their canoes gliding o'er the water with swanlike grace. information had been circulated among them that the mill would be started up on a certain afternoon, and all were curious to see the working of this new evidence of the white man's superiority. at the stated time the indians were in and around the mill; suddenly the steam whistle sounded its shrill shrieks in a continuous blood curdling blast, which sent every indian man, woman and child fleeing for their lives into the dense woods. it was a long time before they could be induced to go near the mill. in , , and many emigrants arrived who settled in portland, adding thrift and push to our small colony. the discovery of gold in california on the twenty-fourth of january, , caused portland to look like a deserted hamlet, as all men and boys caught the gold fever and started for the golden shores of california, where many were killed by the digger indians; others died of various diseases, and some returned home broken in health, while others returned with their hard earned gold. ships arrived yearly in oregon with supplies for the hudson bay company, by way of the sandwich islands. in twenty vessels arrived, and quickly loaded with flour, salmon, pork, shingles, lumber, and other products, which they carried to the california market. from that time portland began laying aside her swaddling clothes. the first mayor of portland was hugh d. o'bryant, who was elected in . when the city was incorporated it was in washington county, and the people from portland had to go to hillsboro to hold court. in a meeting of the citizens of portland was called to organize a volunteer company to protect the people and property, in case of an indian outbreak; two hundred names were enrolled and h. w. davis was appointed captain. in the steamer lot whitcombe was built at milwaukie, oregon. in the steamers eagle and black hawk were running between portland and oregon city, where those who wished to proceed farther south, would walk to canemah and there board the steamer beaver or enterprise which would convey them to any of these points: butteville, champoeg, mission bottom, or salem. steamers belle and fashion were running between portland and the cascades. in david monnastes and h. w. davis erected a foundry on first street. many other industries were established. among the pioneer doctors were doctors hawthorne and lorrea, who erected the first hospital on taylor, between first and second streets. soon after they selected a beautiful location in east portland, surrounded by forest trees, and erected a home for the insane. in w. s. ladd built the first brick building in portland. others soon followed, and frame houses were now in evidence, and the log cabin in which so many happy hours were spent around the great fireside was fast disappearing, although built from necessity, not choice--happy memories of it still linger which time can not efface. in several families left portland to reside on their donation land claims. i will describe one of these homes: a frame house with large rooms, papered, and woodwork painted, glass windows, sitting room with a large brick fireplace, with a mantle of oak, easy chairs, a large mirror, table, and a corner cupboard filled with dishes. the kitchen was furnished with a cook stove and all other necessary articles. feather beds were now in use. this house was erected near the bank of the ever beautiful willamette. on the west a creek glided in sparkling beauty by the kitchen door, supplying the household with cold mountain water. memory loves to recall those scenes. in a garden early vegetables and a variety of flower seeds were growing. a large frame barn stood on the hill, with pigpen and chicken house close by; a woodshed filled with wood stood near the back gate. in the fall, when it was time to garner the wheat, oats, or hay, neighbors, bringing their scythes and other instruments used to mow the harvest, would surprise the farmer at early dawn, saying, "well, neighbor, i have come to help you with your harvesting;" and they never left until the bountiful crop had been garnered. the golden rule, do unto others as you would have them do unto you, was lived and practiced and represents to us that period in our social system when a neighborhood was as one great family. in a mint was erected in oregon city to coin five- and ten-dollar gold pieces, which were known as beaver money. in the fall of a party of oregonians, embarked on a sailing vessel, left california for portland. the captain proved to be a most unkind and brutal master, not only to the sailors but to the passengers, who were compelled to eat the worst of food. after sailing for twenty-two days they encountered a violent gale, and were driven out of their course. as they were nearing the columbia-river bar the vessel was drawn into the breakers at north beach and was deserted by captain, crew, and passengers, who in their haste to save themselves forgot their gold. on reaching shore they were exhausted and were obliged to walk around the entire night to keep from freezing. in the early morning they saw smoke a short distance up the beach. each man hurried to the scene. they found a comfortable house where they were made to feel at home in true pioneer style by the owner, a mr. johnson, who was, as all scotchmen are, loyal and hospitable. as they were in a weakened condition the good man gave them a small quantity of food at first, which was fish cooked on the point of a stick held before the fire. all agreed that was the best food they had ever eaten. now they related their hardships encountered on the voyage. mr. johnson sent out his indians with instructions to reach the wreck and bring everything available ashore. this order seemed scarcely possible, but the brave indians went through the breakers, reaching the vessel, and before night brought all the sacks of gold dust and many articles of wearing apparel ashore, where each man could claim his own. the party remained several days with their benefactor, who kindly conveyed them to astoria. in thomas fraser was the first to agitate the public school question. the following public spirited men were present: thomas fraser, w. s. ladd, josiah failing, h. w. corbett, p. raleigh, a. d. shelby, t. n. larkin, a. l. davis, c. abrams, l. limerick. all of these noble and unselfish men, except one, have passed on to their higher home--h. w. corbett, the surviving one, a pioneer of , loved, honored, and justly called the father of portland, is still the first to give his time and money for the betterment and upbuilding of the city and state. god grant that he may be spared many, many more years. no monument need be erected to their memory. the nobility of their lifework is woven and cemented deeply in the hearts of the people. december, , multnomah county was organized. in january following l. limerick was appointed county school superintendent. december , , the first weekly _oregonian_ was published in portland by t. j. dryer. in the first regular monthly mail service began between portland and san francisco, per steamer columbia. before oregon was admitted to the union in the log cabins had been cleared away, showing the pioneers were progressive. in c. stewart erected the first theatre building in portland. _wilcox school_--the first day school of any kind was opened in portland in the fall of , by dr. ralph wilcox. it was conducted in a house erected by mr. mcnemee at the foot of taylor street. it was properly a private school and continued one quarter. the names of some of the pupils are given: frances mcnemee (now mrs. e. j. northup), her brothers moses, adam, and william; charlotte terwilliger (now mrs. c. m. cartwright), milton doan's children--sarah, mary, peter and john, henry hill, helen hill (now mrs. wm. powell), j. miller,--murphy, lucy and charlotte barnes, emma and sarah ross, lorenzo terwilliger, and john terwilliger. doctor wilcox came to oregon in . _carter school_--in february, , miss julia carter taught school in a log cabin on the corner of second and stark streets. she had thirty or more pupils. those who attended doctor wilcox's school, also these additional: john cullen, carrie polk, the warren girls--one now mrs. richard white, the other mrs. d. c. coleman; milton, john, albert, matilda, and susan apperson, were her pupils. _hyde school_--in the winter of and , aaron j. hyde taught school in what was known as the cooper shop, which was the only public hall in portland. it was located on the west side of first street, between morrison and yamhill streets. _lyman school_--late in december, , rev. horace lyman opened a school in a frame building, which was built by col. wm. king for church and school purposes. it was located on first street, second door north of oak. on this building was placed a bell, which weighed about three hundred pounds. stephen coffin bought this bell at his own expense. rev. jas. h. wilbur bought the bell of mr. coffin and placed it on the first methodist church. it now hangs in the steeple of the taylor-street m. e. church. he taught three months, had forty pupils. among his pupils he recalls the coffins, chapmans, parrishes, kings, hills, terwilligers, appersons, watts, and mcnemees. _delos jefferson school_--in august, , delos jefferson, now a farmer of marion county, opened a school and taught three months. _reed school_--in april, , cyrus a. reed taught school for three months. he had an average of sixty pupils. among his pupils he recalls the names, carters, cullen, coffin, hill, chapman, terwilliger, parrishes, stephens, mcnemee, and watts. there was no other district organization. _rev. doane's school_--following mr. jefferson, came rev. n. doane, then and now a minister of the m. e. church. he taught nine months, beginning december , . to the former lists of pupils he adds davises, crosbys, lownesdale, and parrishes. _central school_--the central school occupied the present site of the portland hotel. monday, may , , the first school in the central building was opened by l. l. terwilliger, principal, with two assistants, mrs. mary j. hensill and owen connelly. from the records i find that up to july , , two hundred and eighty different pupils had been enrolled. the names of pupils, parents, and residences are on record. of all the residences noted, but two were west of seventh street. those two were f. m. warren and wm. h. king. most of the residences were on first, second, third, and fourth streets, with quite a number in couch's addition. mr. terwilliger was principal of the central school for two and a quarter years. _bishop scott's academy_--was opened in the spring of , at milwaukie. _saint mary's academy_--the oldest denominational school in portland, was founded in by the sisters of the most holy name of jesus and mary. the first catholic church in oregon was erected in at saint paul, marion county. in a catholic church was dedicated in oregon city. in the first catholic church was erected in portland, and dedicated in by archbishop blanchet, who labored with zeal to better the condition of all. peace to his memory. in george abernethy, who resided in oregon city, was chosen to serve as governor of oregon. he was a man of sterling qualities and well qualified for the office, and was a pioneer of . in the fall of the academy on seventh and jefferson streets was opened with c. s. kingsley, teacher. the school was surrounded by large trees and was a long distance from the village. no streets were improved near the school. one could follow the cow path that wound around, and the tinkling of the cow bell could be heard as late as , when a law was passed prohibiting cattle from roaming on the streets. glimpse of one of many similar scenes endured our loved pioneers. in mr. s. m. hamilton, with his wife and four children, after a long journey across the plains arrived at the cascades. they were impressed with the towering mountains and beautiful scenery. here they decided to locate on a donation land claim, which is now known as hamilton's island. a comfortable house soon greeted them. mrs. hamilton, who is still with us, is a woman of culture and refinement, and many owe their success in life to her loving example and words of cheer; but dark days were hovering around their peaceful home. the terrible news that indians were lurking to plunder and kill had filled their hearts with terror. mr. hamilton had arranged, if the outbreak did occur, that two men were to take charge of the boat, while others were to remain and defend their property. a bateaux lay in readiness. on the morning of the th of march, , the dreaded signal sounded, striking terror to the stoutest hearts. mr. hamilton hurried to his home, where wife and children were terrified. his first word was "mary, the yakima indians have attacked the men, who were working on the portage railroad, and will soon reach our home. your only safety is to embark at once, with other families, who are hurrying to reach the boat, their only means of escape." all were now on board except one woman, who was carrying her babe, and running over the rocks as fast as her strength would permit. one of the men who had charge of the boat said "push out and leave her." mr. hamilton placed his hand on the boat, saying, "no, no; never leave man, woman, or child who is in sight." by this time the woman and child were on board; quickly the boat was in the swift current, the occupants were lying on the bottom to escape the whizzing bullets and arrows of the savages, whose demoniacal and blood curdling yells added terror to the mothers' hearts. picture the agony of those mothers as they were floating away from loved ones and home, listening to the frightful shrieks and rapid shooting of the indians. for a moment the father watched the receding craft that held all that was dear--dearer than life--not knowing when, or if ever, they would meet again. with upturned face he exclaimed "oh, god, have mercy and protect the dear ones." a bullet whistled past his head; he raised his trusty rifle, fired, one indian fell; again and again his rifle was reloaded and fired, each time sure of its mark. that night his house was burned. the indians were armed with guns and arrows. they killed one woman and her husband; several men were killed; after hours of suspense those in the boat sighted the steamer fashion. she quickly halted, taking all on board, turned back, reaching vancouver the following day, where the alarm was sounded, and the steamer hurried on to portland; there the bells tolling forth called out the citizens, who, on hearing the terrible news began collecting guns and ammunition; the entire population was aroused. nothing since the whitman massacre had brought such sorrow to their hearts. early in the morning the steamer, loaded with human freight, started for the sad scene. a steamer had left fort vancouver with our illustrious sheridan, who, with forty men reached the cascades first. on landing they received a volley from the indians, who fought like demons. now the steamer arrived with the portland volunteers. at the same time colonel steptoe, from the dalles, with infantry and volunteers, arrived, who surprised the indians, many of whom were horse racing, others were watching sheridan. as they saw the new arrival of blue coats, they fled to the hills. nine of the ring leaders were captured and hung. to relate all the thrilling incidents encountered by the early pioneers would fill volumes, and in conclusion, i feel that the hallowed remembrances of all our loyal patriotic pioneer fathers and mothers will live to the end of time, as they braved dangers that tongue or pen fail to express, and by their life's work each one has erected their invincible monument. charlotte moffett cartwright, pioneer of . the upper calapooia. by geo. o. goodall. the early history of the white man in the upper calapooia was a quiet and uneventful one. the travelers coming in from their long trip across the plains, pushed up the willamette valley, and, attracted by the beautiful and fertile calapooia valley, with its abundance of grass on its surrounding hills, and plentiful supply of water, settled there to live the peaceful life of farmers or stock raisers, with very little trouble of any kind to disturb them in their occupation of home-making. in those early days the hills, most of which are now heavily wooded, were free from timber and covered with beautiful grass. one old settler said: "you can not imagine the beauty of this country when we first came here." the indians had kept the brush burned down, burning over the hills each year. the white man neglected to do this, and now in many places the grass has given way to moss and timber. according to the best information i could get, the first settlers came to the calapooia in . t. a. riggs, who came in , and whose statement is appended below, says that when he came there were three or four settlers near where brownsville now stands, and one, r. c. finley, six miles up stream. this man finley was the settler farthest up the stream till riggs and his partner, asa moore, took up donation claims two or three miles above finley on brush creek, a tributary of the calapooia. from this time on more settlers came every year and settled all along the calapooia valley and on streams tributary. the settlement here preceded that in the upper willamette to some extent, because out in the valley there was less timber, water was less plentiful, and the soil was not considered as good as in the calapooia. most of the settlers who came were farmers. r. c. finley, however, was a millwright, and in [ ] built a flouring mill, which still stands, six miles above brownsville. in templeton built a sawmill; in finley built one, and in p. v. crawford built one near the present site of holley. the first settlers had gone to oregon city for flour, and later to salem. after finley's mill was built people came from as far away as the umpqua valley to get flour there. schools were founded at an early date, the first being taught by rev. h. h. spalding in a log house one mile above where brownsville now stands, in the summer of . this was a subscription school. the first district was organized on the calapooia in , being the third district in linn county. the first school after the district was organized was taught by robert moore in the summer of . the churches commenced work very soon and several denominations were represented. joab powell, the celebrated baptist evangelist, used to preach there, and gave it as his opinion that "thar was some mighty big sinners on the head of the calapooia." dr. j. n. perkins preached for the christians, and rev. h. h. spalding for the presbyterians. p. v. crawford, for whom crawfordsville is named, was the first regularly appointed postmaster on the calapooia. previous to his appointment in there had been a supplied post office at william heisler's store, where crawfordsville now is. there was never any great number of manufacturing enterprises in the calapooia country. a flouring mill, a sawmill or two, and the woolen mill at brownsville, built about , constitute the sum of such enterprises. the chief production is still from the farm--live stock and farm produce. the range is now greatly curtailed through growth of brush, close pasturage, and taking up of land. there were in this region several men who were public spirited and prominent in oregon affairs in early times. foremost of all was delazon smith, who lived down toward albany, on the albany prairie, but was well known and claimed by all the linn county section. smith was a preacher when he first lived in oregon. on one occasion he was heard to say, when preaching at brownsville, that he had been urged to give up preaching and go into law, but that he would not give up what religion he had for all the wealth of the world. strange to say, however, that was really the last sermon he ever preached. soon after he is said to have been offered a fee of $ , to defend a man in a criminal case, and from that time on he followed law and politics. he was a member of the constitutional convention, was in the legislature, and stumped the state with col. e. d. baker in the race for united states senator. hugh brown, founder of brownsville, was also prominent in politics and was a member of the constitutional convention. j. n. rice and robert glass were in the legislature in early times, and r. c. finley, though not so prominent politically, was a wealthy, liberal, public spirited man, who wielded considerable influence. no serious indian troubles ever came upon the settlers on the calapooia. t. a. riggs tells how the indians used to steal from the whites, and describes a little difficulty he and a neighbor had with them over the stealing of an ox, but the indians of this section never attempted to make war on the whites. at a later time, , there was a fear that the indians on the other side of the cascades, who were then on the warpath, might come over and fall upon the settlers along the calapooia. at fern ridge a fort was built in anticipation of such a contingency, but results proved their fears groundless, and that they had perhaps given the eastern indians credit for more energy than they possessed. during war times there was considerable feeling in this region. the people were many of them from missouri, and many were douglas democrats. when the war commenced a considerable number of douglas democrats turned republicans. a party composed of union men and douglas democrats put out a county ticket in in linn county. it was called the cayuse ticket. both union and non-union men formed secret societies. the democrats organized a secret society known as the knights of the golden circle, one of its objects being to prevent a draft. george helm was the leading democrat at this time in this section, and was called the "lion of linn." the union men formed the union league, the chief object of which was to watch the democrats. it was thought at one time that the knights of the golden circle would attempt to capture the fort at vancouver, but no such attempt was ever made. as i have before stated, the course of settlement and development in the calapooia country was quiet and uneventful. the settlers were at first all poor, all subject to the hardships incident to living in a new country, shut off from many conveniences of an older community, and obliged to ascertain by experiment what crops paid best and how they were best handled. currency was scarce in the settlement and wheat served to a large extent as a medium of exchange. when the men who had been drawn to the gold mines to seek their fortunes began to return with their gold dust there was a rapid advance in business and prosperity. the first newspaper of this locality was printed by george dyson; the name and date i can not now give. the second was the _informant_, printed, like the first, at brownsville, and by a man named stein. this was in . in the _express-advance_ was started with the _informant's_ plant and continued two years. the _brownsville times_ was started june , , by mcdonald & cavendish. with several changes of editors this paper is still printed, the present proprietors being f. m. brown and a. b. cavender. the question as to why the first settlers came to oregon is difficult to determine. it seems, however, from the very limited amount of direct testimony i have been able to get, that there were two forces which at least had a powerful influence, and these were, first, curiosity to see this great western country; and, secondly, the desire to pick out a good piece of land from the thousands of acres open to settlement here. albany, oregon, september , . _mr. geo. o. goodall, eugene, oregon_-- dear sir: in compliance with your request i will write a short account of the early settlement of the upper calapooia valley and some of the annoyances with which the first settlers had to contend, and as i have to depend entirely on memory, i am aware that my account will be very imperfect and the more so as i am almost alone as one of the first settlers, and i believe the only one above brownsville. i crossed the plains in , stopping near oregon city till the next fall, when i settled in brush creek valley, brush creek being the south fork of the calapooia. when i came here i found alexander kirk, w. r. kirk, james blakely, hugh l. brown, and jonathan keeney, all living in the vicinity of where brownsville now is, they all having crossed the plains in and come on up the valley to the calapooia. i also found r. c. finley some six miles farther up the stream, who also crossed the plains the same year, but settled on the calapooia in the spring of . mrs. agnes b. courtnay, who came to oregon in , and whose husband had been killed near oregon city by a falling tree, made up the settlers on the calapooia at that time. i will state here that mr. finley had settled at the falls of the calapooia where he contemplated building, and did in build a flouring mill, being the first mill south of salem. in the fall of , as before stated, i and asa moore settled in brush creek valley above mr. finley, he being the upper settler up to that time, and at the same time james mchargue and robert montgomery, who crossed the plains that season, settled below mr. finley and thomas fields several miles farther up the stream. wm. t. templeton, william robnett, william mccaw, john findlay, john a. dunlap, and thomas s. woodfin all crossed the plains in and subsequently settled on the calapooia, but after the annoyance with the indians had ceased. the indians in these early days were in the habit of stealing horses and cattle from the settlers and butchering them, and the settlers would trail them up and if able to catch them would flog them severely, but the indians seemed to care about as much as a cur for such treatment and would laugh about it as if it was all a huge joke. some time during the summer of isaac b. courtnay was hunting in brush creek valley, being above the settlement at that time, when he met with a few indians, who took his gun and ammunition and allowed him to go home. during the fall and winter of the indians annoyed mr. fields so much that he finally moved down to my place on brush creek and stayed until the spring of . in the fall of when i and mr. moore came into brush creek valley we were not aware that there were any indians near there and selected a place to build a cabin in which to spend the winter, we being single men, were going to batch through the winter, when i intended to bring my mother to live with me, my father having died soon after starting for oregon. when we commenced cutting logs for our cabin two or three indians appeared on the scene and inquired what we were doing there, and on being told we were going to settle there they demanded pay for the land, and we finally made a bargain with them agreeing to pay them in wheat and pease after the next harvest, this being the way in which many of the early settlers bargained with them. during the fall and early winter when an indian happened to be present at mealtime we gave him something to eat, but it soon became apparent that if we kept this up we would run out of provisions before spring, as there were one or more indians there nearly every meal, so we were obliged to quit feeding them, when they demanded pay for their land again we told them, however, that we would pay them according to contract. soon after this they moved away, and we saw no more of them on brush creek. as mr. finley was contemplating the building of a mill the next summer he traded for a fat ox which i had brought with me, intending to butcher him when he commenced work, but soon after the indians left the ox disappeared also. when we missed him from the other cattle mr. finley and i took a circuit around the range of the cattle and struck his trail going toward the santiam, and after tracking him a mile or two we came across the same indians, where they were camped and were drying the beef, having killed the ox. when we turned toward the camp mr. finley said if that indian runs i'll shoot him. when they saw us coming they broke for the brush and mr. finley fired at one of them, they in their hurry leaving everything in camp, including the only gun they had. after selecting such things as we could carry that would be of any value we made a bonfire of the rest, burning everything they had. when we started away i saw an indian head come up by the side of a log in the timber and took a shot at him, it was a long shot, and i think the ball struck the log, but the head disappeared very suddenly. another indian started to run from behind a tree when mr. finley fired, aiming, as he said, to break a leg, wounding the indian above the knee, but not disabling him. this caused quite an excitement in the settlement, the indians and many of the settlers fearing it would cause an outbreak among the indians, arguing that we ought not have shot at them, but should have treated them as others had done. however, mr. finley and i told them that if they didn't want to be shot at they must not steal from us, as we would shoot every time and that to kill. this put a stop to their stealing in this part of the country and we were not annoyed after that by the natives, and they never called for the pay for their land. the rev. h. h. spalding taught a neighborhood school in a log schoolhouse one mile above where brownsville now stands in the summer of , there being no public schools in the country at that time. the first school district on the calapooia, being the third in linn county, was organized, i think, in the spring of ; but many of the early records of the county were burned in the courthouse, and i am unable to give the precise date. the first school was taught in the district in the summer of by robert moore. as to the motive for coming to the willamette valley at that early date i hardly know how to answer, unless it was love of adventure, as the question of sovereignty had not been settled between the united states and england when i came here. true, the united states senate had been discussing the matter of giving each settler in oregon six hundred and forty acres of land, and we rather expected that would be done, but we had no real assurance that such would be the case. among the early county officers of linn county, after its organization under the territorial government, quite a number were living on the calapooia, alexander kirk being elected county judge, n. d. jack assessor, john a. dunlap representative, and william mccaw clerk in , and in several men who were elected to county officers went to the mines and failed to qualify, among them the county treasurer, and at a special election i was elected to that office and received and disbursed the first taxes ever collected in linn county. in i was elected assessor and was the second man to assess the county. in i served as second lieutenant in the rogue-river war. in was elected sheriff for two years. yours truly, t. a. riggs. footnotes: [ ] riggs says ; several old settlers say . documents. a letter of m. m. mccarver to hon. a. c. dodge, delegate to congress from iowa, written immediately on the arrival of the immigration of . [_explanation_: this document was copied from the _ohio statesman_, which had taken it from the _iowa gazette_, where it was originally printed.] (reprinted from the _ohio statesman_ of september , .) oregon. arrival of emigration company no. i. on the first page of to-day's paper will be found a notice of the return of lieutenant fremont's exploring company. by this company we are put into possession of several interesting letters from different members of the emigrating company, and, among others, three from our former townsman, m. m. mccarver, one of which, directed to our delegate, together with a letter written by p. h. burnett to the _saint louis reporter_, we publish below.--_iowa gazette_ [burlington]. twalatine plains, oregon territory, november , . dear sir: i avail myself of an opportunity offered by one of the vessels belonging to the hudson bay company to forward you a few lines. the emigrants have not all arrived, though more than half are here, and the remainder may be looked for in a few days, all were at the methodist mission, about one hundred and fifty miles distant, near the dalles. on last week several of the families arrived within a few days of fort vancouver and the wallammatte falls--some by water and others over the cascade mountains. the waggons will be brought from the dalles by water, as the season is now too far advanced to open a road through the mountains. this expedition establishes the practicability beyond doubt of a waggon road across the continent by the way of the southern pass in the rocky mountains. we have had no difficulty with the natives, although we have had a tedious journey. we have had less obstacles in reaching here than we had a right to expect, as it was generally understood before leaving the states that one third of the distance, to wit, from fort hall to this place, was impassable with waggons. great credit, however, is due to the energy, perseverance, and industry of this emigrating company, and particularly to doctor whitman, one of the missionaries at the walla walla mission, who accompanied us out. his knowledge of the route was considerable, and his exertions for the interest of the company were untiring. our journey may now be said to be at an end, and we are now in the wallammatte valley. i have been here near three weeks, having left my waggon in charge of the teamster and proceeded on horseback from fort hall in company with some thirty persons, principally young men. your first question now will be, "how are you satisfied with the country? is it worthy of the notice that congress has given it?" i would answer these in the affirmative. perhaps there is no country in the world of its size that offers more inducements to enterprise and industry than oregon. the soil in this valley and in many other portions of the territory is equal to that of iowa, or any other portion of the united states, in point of beauty and fertility, and its productions in many articles are far superior, particularly in regard to wheat, potatoes, beets, and turnips. the grain of the wheat is more than one third larger than any i have seen in the states. potatoes are abundant and much better than those in the states. i measured a beet which grew in doctor whitman's garden which measured in circumference two inches short of three feet, and there is now growing in the field of mr. james johns, less than a mile from this place where i write you, a turnip measuring in circumference four and one half feet, and he thinks it will exceed five feet before pulling time. indeed, everything here is in a flourishing condition--trade brisk and everybody doing well. the emigrants generally are all, as far as i know, satisfied. wages for a common hand is from $ to $ . per day, and mechanics from $ to $ . wheat is quite abundant and sold to ship or emigrants at $ per bushel. flour is from $ to $ per barrel; potatoes and turnips fifty cents per bushel; beef from six to eight cents per pound; american cows from $ to $ ; california, from $ to $ . the prairie is coated with a rich green grass, perhaps the most nutritious in the world; and i am told that the winter is never so severe or the grass so scarce that a poor horse will not fatten in the space of one month. nothing is wanted but industry to make this one of the richest little countries in the world. i say little, because the fertile part of it is small compared with the very extensive fertile countries in the valley of the mississippi; yet we have a country sufficient in extent and resources to maintain in lucrative occupations millions of inhabitants. its great hydraulic power immediately on the seashore, the advantages for stock grazing or wool growing, its fertile soil and indeed, its very isolated situation from competition with the rest of the civilized world, all combine with other circumstances to make it one of the most desirable countries under the sun for industry and enterprise. i am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, m. m. mccarver. _hon. c. a. dodge._ two letters by tallmadge b. word, written from oregon territory in and . see "documents" of preceding number of the quarterly for an account of the author: clatsop, clatsop co., oregon territory, february , . dear brother: it was with pleasure i received yours of march , ; also one from cyrel at the same time (nov. last, ), and was happy to hear of general health, and that i am blest with the same, and have been ever since i have been in this territory; and, in fact, i have not had an hour's sickness for five years past. you ask me to give a sketch of my travels since i first arrived in missouri. it is not possible for me to do so, with any degree of accuracy at present. although i have a journal of much of my trampings, it is now miles distant, and i will not be able to get it before our mail starts for the u. s. i have also a daily journal of our journey to this country, and one of the weather for the first year i was here, which i sent you by the return party of , but we have ascertained, that our letters were all lost, so i am aware you did not receive mine of ' , but hope it may not keep you from writing in the spring. the ship by which i intended to send you letters, was sold at the sandwich islands, and consequently did not return to the u. s. now of my tramp: i will mearly say that i have ranged over nearly the whole country west of the missouri river and east of the rocky mountains, from the british line on the north to the center of new mexico on the south. the country is nearly of a sameness, quite a barren, sandy desert, with the exception of borders of streams, valleys, mountains, &c. the whole country abounds in game and indians--the latter generally hostile. i could tell you of some long hunting yarns, and indian fights, but they are of too little interest to spend time with now; so i will wait until i take a walk down east, and then some long evening, over a mug of cider and dish of apples, you shall have them. i was some of the time in employ of fur & trading co., and some of my time a free trapper. a hunter's life is a dog's life, exposed to all kinds of danger and hardships, and but little gained at last, but men soon get so accustomed to it that in a short time they fear neither man, musket, or the d----, and there is so much nature, romance, and excitement in their way of living, that they soon become much attached to it, for it is much easier for a white man to become an indian, than to reverse the thing. i have been compelled to [by] hunger to eat mules, horses, dogs, wolves, badgers, ground hogs, skunks, frogs, crickets, ants, and have been without food of any kind for six days and nights. cats, dogs, or anything else, is right good eating meat at such times. at another time we were four days, and three out of the four compelled to fight our way as we traveled, but hungry men are fond of fight and fear nothing, and so we walked through. you may think crickets and ants rather small game to shoot at, and so it is, but we have another way of taking them, which is by going in search, early in the morning, when the crickets (which are in some parts very numerous and as large as the end of your thumb,) by the coolness of the air and dew are very stupid, and climb to the top of weeds in great numbers that the sun may get a fair chance at them; they are at such times easily captured by jarring them off into a basket and then roasting them with hot stones,--feathers, guts, and all,--and make very good eating--when one gets used to it. the ants are taken by sticking a stick in the center of their hill, and making a fire around it, which compels them to ascend the stick, and from that to the basket or sack; in this way a meal is soon procured. but those times are all past with me. i am now where we have plenty to eat and out of many dangers to which a man is exposed, and i know well how to prize it. as to how i got here i think i gave you some idea in my letter of , and as i am not able to give the particulars, i will say nothing about it, but i will assure you i am here on clatsop plains, at the mouth of the columbia river, within three quarters of a mile of the pacific ocean, in a country that when i arrived here was so thinly populated that i was able to become acquainted with every white person in the territory; but the two last years has so increased the population that two fifths are now strangers to me; gave by land an emigration of about , ; nearly twice that number; this year we expect them by the thousands. the people who come here are from all parts of the globe, but mostly from the western states of the u. s. a great portion are single men, roving characters, who are from every place but this, and this they can not well leave; and the prospects of our infant country are so flattering that we have no inclination to leave it; at present almost every man that arrives here, is at once filled with enterprise, and dives heels over head into something. we have now a population of five or six thousand; there is now in operation six sawmills and five flouring mills, six stores, exclusive of the hudson bay co., six blacksmith shops, and three gunsmiths, carpenter shops in any number, two tan yards, lawyers, doctors, and preachers by the dozen. we have a legislature, and they have made scores of laws, the particulars of which you will get in the _oregon spectator_, a paper which is printed at wellemette falls, once in two weeks; the first number came out last week. i sent you one or two numbers of the first print of the _northwest coast_. i presume you would like to know something of the situation of our country, the climate, production, natural resources, &c., of which i will attempt to give you a slight idea. the general character of the country is broken and mountainous, but is interspersed with beautiful valleys. the first i shall introduce to you is the place of clatsop; it is very small, but beautiful; it is bounded on the north by the columbia, west by the ocean, and south and east by heavy timbered land; it is about twenty miles in length by two in breadth; from the sea beach to the big timber the soil is of the best quality, capable of producing any vegetation grown in any of the northern or western states in the u. s. as the wind is nine tenths of the time from the salt water, i believe it to be one of the most healthy places on the globe. it is now four years since the first whites settled here, and there has not been a case of sickness nor a death as yet, and but ten or fifteen births, for there is not a woman that has a husband, but what well fulfills the commandment by about every year giving birth to a fine chub, and very often two at a time, and some instances of women, without husbands, lending a hand in populating our valuable country, and all owing to the climate and shellfish (?) which we have in abundance. the number of families at this place is fourteen, counting in five bachelor halls. the tide flows from to feet perpendicular at the mouth of the columbia. we will now proceed up the river. thirteen miles from the bar is old astoria, now occupied by the h. b. co. this place is a beautiful situation for a town, and will probably be the new york of oregon; it has a full view of the whole harbor, and a vessel can lay at any time in perfect safety. now three miles and we come to tongue point; this is a narrow point of land running into the river; a fortification on it could have full command of the river, as the channel runs near the point. on we go; heavy timber and broken land on each side of the river, which is from three to ten miles wide; we now come to the mill which i told you i was erecting. i will tell you more of that by and by, but we will go ahead. the banks of the river heavy timbered and broken, but the soil rich; we now come to coulitye [cowlitz] river, which is about yards wide at the mouth, comes in on the north side of the columbia, about miles from the mouth of the columbia. we will ascend this river miles, against a strong current. the country now opens out into a large plain, many miles in length and breadth, the soil of the best quality, beautifully watered, and interspersed with timber. at the time i first visited these parts there were but fourteen families of french and half-breeds, but since that time there has been a number of american families settled in this section. the valley is one or more hundred miles, in diameter, and situated on one of the noblest harbors on our coast, that, is the puget sound. now we will return to the columbia, and ascend miles to the willemette river, of which you will get an idea by the paper which i send. six miles above the willemette river is vancouvers, the principal depot of the hudson bay co.; all of their shipping ascends to this place, though not without some difficulty, particularly if the craft draws more than thirteen feet of water. in the vicinity of fort vancouver there is much fine farming land. the company has fine farms, and many thousand head of cattle. fifty or sixty miles above are the cascades; it is where the river crosses the cascade mountains, a range running north and south. east of these mountains is a country extending many hundred miles in each direction, and most particularly adapted to grazing. stock of all kinds can live here winter and summer without the least care. this is as far as i have seen the country, though it is said there is much fine country in the south of the territory, but no settlements in that section. our stock keeps fat through the winter without care; we had no snow last winter nor this. buds are now swelling, and some flowers in bloom. you wished to know where we get saws to saw our big timber. i brought two, of the longest kind, with me, and we have since had two from the hudson bay co., and three from the states. we have timber of all sizes, so we take our choice; we have some feet in diameter and feet in length; no mistake. i have measured such. we have shipped three cargoes of lumber to the sandwich islands, for which we received $ per thousand feet, clear of freight. lumber is, and will be, a great source of wealth to this country. the columbia, and its tributaries, are alive with salmon during the summer months; the indians take them in great numbers with spears, nets, and seines; there are many packed and sent to foreign markets annually. i am now improving me a farm on clatsop plains. i have a splendid claim of six hundred and forty acres of land, about fifty acres timber, the rest prairie--laying immediately on the pacific. we are all very anxious to hear the result of the treaty (if one is made) between the _u. s._ and john bull. we are very much afraid uncle will fool away the north of the columbia; if he does we shall be _silux_. we are very anxious the u. s. should extend her jurisdiction over our valuable country, and we are nearly out of patience with the delay. we are not all thieves and runaways, as represented by the hon mr. mc----, nor our country a booty. boy, if it is, it's inferior to none in point of beauty, pleasant climate, natural resources, and advantages of wealth; and if the settlers were ever thieves they have wholly reformed, for it is generally believed that no other colony has ever equaled this in point of bravery, enterprise, hospitality, honesty, and morality. there are men who arrived here in october last who have at this time one hundred acres fenced and sown to wheat. now, all we want is a little of uncle sam's care, that capitalists may be safe in investing their money. merchandise is generally high here, owing to the scarcity and great demand. salt $ per bush.; sugar ½ cts. per lb.; coffee cts. per lb.; molasses cts. per gal.: tea cts. to $ . ; nails cts.: window glass to cts. per light; dry goods in proportion; beef, pork, hides, tallow, and most kinds of produce taken in payment; beef $ per h.; pork $ ; hides $ apiece by the lot; tallow to ; butter to ; wheat cts. to $ ; oats cts.; potatoes cts. per bu.; lumber from to $ per , feet; shingles to $ per , ; common laborers $ per day, and mechanics $ . you see by the manner of my writing that i am in great haste, therefore you must allow me to close. after you peruse this i want you to enclose it, and, with love and respect, send it to cyrel, for i have not a moment's time to write to him, and i have nothing to say to him only to be sure he is right and then go ahead; and for you both, to send me letters every chance, for i value each letter at five hundred dollars--provided i could get them no cheaper. give my love to father, sister, and all inquiring friends, and should like to see some of you in oregon. yours, most affectionate, t. b. wood. (i. nash.--my consent to publish this if you think it of any interest). the above letter was written by tallmadge b. wood, from clatsop, clatsop county, oregon territory, february , , to isaac m. nash, his brother-in-law, at ballston spa, saratoga county, new york.--_florence e. baker._ copy of a letter written from oregon city, formerly willemette falls, oregon, december , , by tallmadge b. wood to his brother-in-law, isaac nash, and sister.--_florence e. baker._ oregon city, december , ' . dear brother: i avail myself of this opportunity of writing you a few lines that you may know that i am still in the land of the living. i received one letter from you by the arrival of mr. shively, being the second one that i have received from you since i have been in this brush. we, of course, got news of the fate of the "oregon bill" of last session, and as you may judge was very much disappointed, but we grin and bear it because there is no other way for us to do. we are at present in rather an awkward situation; there has of late been some serious difficulties with the upper country indians in which dr. whitman, wife and nine others were murdered. there were fifty men dispatched last week to protect the mission at the dals, [dalles]; we have had no news from them since. there are orders for the raising of five hundred men to go up and give the scoundrels a wiping out. so you may say we have the loud cry of war in oregon; but what is done here, is done by the voluntary acts of the people and without pay. and as there is such a diversity of opinions, as to the best way to proceed, i think there will not be as much done at present, as we have got so many people here that it is not so easy for them all to agree as it was in former times. this year's emigration was very large. they all got through with less difficulties than that of last year. there has been considerable sickness with them. their disease being the measles, the disorder is proving quite fatal with the natives; it was in consequence of this that dr. whitman was killed, as they held a malice against the whites for bringing the disorder unto the country. our legislature being in session, it has authorized mr. meek to go to the united states with dispatches to the government, informing it of our situation. he starts to-morrow morning, and it is by him that i send this letter. it is a general time of good health and spirits, in oregon, with the exception of now and then a case of the measles. our commerce has much improved within the last year. a large number of ships have left our port the last season well ladened. the winter thus far is very fine, no freezing, and little rain. wheat looks well, and great quantity sown. i have sold my interest in my mill, and also my farm. i am going to put up salmon next spring, and after the season is over, which will be in august, i am going to build a mill, as i now have one of the best sites on the columbia, and lumbering the best business in oregon. i would write much more, had i time and room on my sheet--though i am sure it would not be very interesting. be sure and send me a letter every time the ship whiton sailed for the u. s. as it will return to this country. be sure and avail that chance though i missed it. give father my respects; tell him i intend on coming to see him once more. i must scratch a few lines to sisters, so i bid you a farewell. dear sisters, i have only room to tell you that i am well. i farmed it and did housework last summer, but i guess i don't do it again soon. there are lots of pretty girls here now, but i do not get time to get one of them just now, but will take a year or two, by and by, and attend to these matters. frances must write to cyrel for me, for it is now late and i haven't time. give my love to all cousins and inquiring friends. write every chance. good by, your affectionate brother, t. b. wood. to _i. nash_, _s. c. nash_, _j. a. wood_. the above letter was folded, and sent without an envelope: it was sealed with a red seal; it cost ten cents postage; it was mailed at st. joseph, mo.; it was directed to isaac nash, ballston spa, sarotogo county, n. y.; it arrived at sarotogo springs june th. it was marked _missent_. this letter was written on large sheets of pale blue paper with black ink, and is in good preservation now, .--_florence e. baker._ some corrections. "seth luelling," near the bottom of page of volume iii should be henderson luelling. in the twelfth line of page of the same volume the word "clearer" in brackets should be omitted, as the author intended by the word "lighter" to refer to the specific gravity of the water. in the seventeenth line of page of the same volume the words "blue" and "mountain" should not begin with capital letters. mr. h. s. lyman requests the insertion of the following note referring to the recently published "complete history of oregon": _to the editor_-- as my attention has been called to some points deemed erroneous in the history of oregon, i would ask space in the oregon historical quarterly to say to subscribers or purchasers of the work that i would esteem it a favor that any matter deemed inaccurate or erroneous be communicated to me. errors in a publication are usually of the following character: typographical, merely; slips of the proofreader; mistakes of transcription; misapprehension of the writer; or of differences in authorities. besides this there is the wide field of differences in opinions, or conclusions--many being unable to distinguish between a fact and what is properly but their own personal inference from facts, or supposed facts. still further, different persons will estimate differently the value of events, and give varying proportions to the elements constituting the whole. typographical errors, or mere blunders of haste, should not, certainly, be expected in a standard work; yet are almost invariably found, particularly in the first edition; and, indeed, seldom or never disappear entirely; almost every teacher, or student, including myself, having noticed, or reported such even in standard text-books. by reference to the preface of my history it will be seen that the work was undertaken with full understanding that a complete, or critical, history of oregon could not yet be written; but it was thought worth while now to lay the basis of an investigation and ask the patronage of the public. i would, therefore, feel it a most friendly courtesy if any supposedly erroneous matter, whether mere slips, or differences of information or opinion--in the great number of details that it has been attempted to furnish--would be reported to me. i am confident that the work has been begun on a sufficiently broad basis to bear much further elaboration. any mistakes reported, together with such as may be found by myself, will, if they seem sufficiently numerous and formidable, be collated and published as a page of errata, and the corrected list be furnished each subscriber or purchaser, so far as these may be known. i hope that this may prove a useful line of inquiry, and place the readers somewhat on their own mettle, and thus furnish me matter for notice in a second edition, if this should be produced. such investigation and criticism would also establish more firmly in public confidence such data as do not prove open to question. h. s. lyman. _astoria, oregon, may , ._ the quarterly of the oregon historical society. volume iv. june, number oregon and its share in the civil war.[ ] by the convention of , renewed in , the oregon country, comprising a large part of what is now denominated in general terms, the pacific northwest, was under the joint occupancy of great britain and the united states. the practical evidence of this joint sovereignty on the part of the british, was the sway of the hudson bay company through its network of trading stations and outfitting points for its cohorts of frontiersmen and trappers. until the advent of the missionary movement from the states, there was little practical evidence of the coordinate sovereignity of the united states. when the missionary movement took important shape numerically it resulted in a vital need for some form of local government, and hence there arose the provisional government of oregon, as it was called, fashioned on the lines of state or territorial governments on the other side of the intervening mountains and plains, "deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed," and empowered by that consent to maintain inviolate as far as possible "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." in , abandoning the political war cry of "fifty-four forty or fight," which had served its demagogic use as a partisan rallying call, a boundary treaty was finally concluded between england and the united states fixing the forty-ninth parallel of latitude as the northern most boundary of the oregon country and of the united states in the northwest. but still the provisional government of the immigrants, incomplete in concept, rude in operation, imperfect in power, was the only form of government, the ten to fifteen thousand americans in this vast domain had to insure domestic tranquillity or oppose resistance to the ever present savage foe. in message after message president polk called the attention of congress to its inaction and the dangers to which that inaction exposed the settlers and how far short of its manifest duty the national legislators were in their neglect; but there were mighty reasons back of this neglect; mighty forces were battling in the halls of legislation--the titanic combat was on between freedom and slavery and the missouri compromise line was some leagues to the northward of where california began. the provisional legislature of had taken firm ground on the slavery question and the ordinance of prohibiting slavery was incorporated in its organic law. the douglas house bill of , seeking to organize a territorial government for oregon, followed in this regard the expressed desire of the colonists, and met a prompt and instant defeat at the hands of the southern senators. thereupon, douglas sought to get around the question by a different bill (he was then in the senate) containing a clause sanctioning the colonial laws of oregon, which would, as a matter of fact, accomplish the same result. joseph l. meek, an accredited representative of the colonists had undergone a dangerous overland winter journey to enforce upon the president and congress the necessity of immediate action and of federal aid in the constant conflict with the surrounding indian tribes. judge thornton, the personal representative of governor abernethy of the provisional government, was also in washington on the same errand, having come by ocean. the senate bill of douglas was finally passed, after being amended in the spirit of compromise ever dominant in those days, whereby the colonial laws on the subject of slavery were to be continued in force until such time as "the legislature could adopt some other law on the subject," but the house promptly laid this bill on the table and rejoined with a measure practically identical with the douglas house bill of , and after a long and bitter contest, in which thomas h. benton led the fight for oregon, on the fourteenth of august, , oregon became a territory of the united states on her own terms, and free soil in name as well as in fact. president polk promptly appointed general joseph lane, of indiana, a native of north carolina, and a veteran commander of the mexican war, as the first territorial governor of oregon, and urged upon him the immediate organization of the government, in order that it might be inaugurated before march , , when there would be a change in the presidency. the long journey of governor lane, accompanied by ex-delegate meek, now united states marshal, across the continent by the santa fé trail, and up the coast from san francisco, is one of the stirring incidents of those stirring times, and on the third of march, , but one day before the expiration of president polk's term of office, general lane issued a proclamation making known that he entered upon the discharge of the duties of his office, and proclaiming the federal laws in force over the oregon country. thus was the consummation so longed for by the president brought to pass, and what he had striven for so long and so patriotically fulfilled in the closing hours of his administration. during the years of territorial government the slavery question that was tormenting the brain and conscience of the north and the heart and chivalry of the south, played but little part in the life of the far distant territory. the political complexion of the territory was overwhelmingly democratic, but it was democracy of the free soil order, which only asked of the negro to keep out of its sight and out of its mind. in line with this temper was the enforcement against two unfortunate blacks of the territorial enactment against free negroes, which being promptly held constitutional by the territorial supreme court, the two offenders were gently but firmly deported from the boundaries of the "white man's country." this same deep-lying sentiment found added expression in the forth coming state constitution, wherein it was enacted "no free negro or mulatto not residing in this state at the time of the adoption of this constitution shall come, reside, or be within this state, or hold any real estate, or make any contracts, or maintain any suit therein; and the legislative assembly shall provide by penal laws for the removal by public officers of all such negroes and mulattoes, and for their effectual exclusion from the state, and for the punishment of persons who shall bring them into the state or employ or harbor them." added expression was given to this point of view in the vote on the subject of admission of free negroes, submitted to the people in connection with the vote on the adoption of the proposed constitution--here the vote in favor of their admission was , , contrarywise , . a potent influence at washington towards oregon's admission as a state was the well-known democracy of the state, and at home the indebtedness to the colonists of the national government in connection with the indian wars--it seemed plain that two senators and one congressman who could vote as well as talk could accomplish more than one delegate who could only talk; and so the vote for the adoption of the state constitution was , for and only , against. on the subject of slavery, submitted to the people at the same election, the vote was likewise significant and illuminating, , voted for freedom and but , for slavery. coming as this overwhelming vote did when the agitation of the slavery question was at a white heat both in and out of congress, it was startling in its clear and unequivocal verdict on this great question--and it is especially significant when we recall the great preponderance of oregon voters born in slaveholding states and cradled in the doctrine of african bondage. can the conclusion be other than that they realized the economic and moral blight of the slave system and resolved to have none of it in their fair state. in this election the free soil democrats and the whigs under thomas j. dryer were found quietly but none the less actually fighting shoulder to shoulder. it is a delicate task to attempt to chronicle history while yet the actual participants are some of them living and the children and grandchildren of many more constitute our friends and neighbors, and far be it from me to criticise the motives or sincerity of those who were wrong in the troublous days that followed except in so far as is necessary to set forth the facts of history. on the fourteenth of february, , oregon became a state of the union. from the loins of the old whig party in oregon, as well as elsewhere in the country, sprang forth that young giant the republican party, and to the leadership of dryer was added the silvery eloquence of edward d. baker, lately come from california. the uncompromising slavery wing of the democratic party nominated john c. breckinridge for president and joseph lane, oregon's first territorial governor and present senator, for vice president. stephen a. douglas headed the regular democratic ticket and abraham lincoln was the republican chieftain. in oregon there was a new alignment alike of leaders and of the rank and file--despite the wonderful personal popularity of oregon's favorite son joseph lane, and the passionate oratory of delazon smith his chief campaigner, oregon cast her vote for abraham lincoln for president of the united states. the combined douglas and lincoln vote was , , while breckinridge and lane polled , ; and from this computation we see that a trifle more than one third of the voters of oregon were apparently prepared to follow the programme of disunion and secession. colonel baker, by a coalition of republicans and douglas democrats, was chosen united states senator, and left almost immediately for washington to take up his official duties; but he left behind him the courageous inspiration of his lofty patriotism--he had played upon and touched both the heart and conscience of the young commonwealth, and while the months that followed were months of waiting and watching and of prayer, as elsewhere in the union, there was never any real question, after the wonderful rousing of the public mind and the public heart of oregon, largely wrought by his matchless eloquence and high ideals, that should war, that saddest of all conflicts, a civil war, ensue, the brave young state would stand by the flag of the fathers and the cause of human liberty. at the city of san francisco, _en route_ for washington, colonel baker, in fiery and impassioned rhetoric, nailed his banner and oregon's to the nation's masthead. he said "as for me, i dare not, will not, be false to freedom. where the feet of my youth were planted, there by freedom my feet shall ever stand. i will walk beneath her banner. i will glory in her strength. i have seen her in history struck down on a hundred fields of battle. i have seen her friends fly from her, her foes gather around her. i have seen her bound to a stake. i have seen them give her ashes to the winds; but when they turned to exult, i have seen her again meet them face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing in her strong right hand a flaming sword, red with insufferable light. i take courage. the people gather round her. the genius of america will yet lead her sons to freedom." how could such a spirit, such a faith fail to overcome the forces of disunion and slavery or fail to inspire his fellow-oregonians with his own unalterable patriotism. despite all the warnings, despite all the months and years of anticipation and alarm, here, as elsewhere, the fall of sumpter came like an electric shock. douglas democrats and republicans alike became but union men and the old flag waving in the breeze brought tears, tears of shame and tears of determination, even to the eyes of many who had voted for breckinridge and lane. on the same steamer that brought the news of the fall of sumpter, came joseph lane, the ex-senator, the defeated candidate for vice president. it is known that he came prepared, if not officially, yet fully authorized to head a movement for capturing oregon for disunion. numerous boxes of guns and ammunition accompanied him to his destination for this purpose. but scarcely had he put foot on the wharves of the oregon metropolis, than he realized the vast misconception he had made of his home people. douglas democrats and republicans, and many who had but lately voted for him for the vice presidency, declared without hesitation for the union; and the idol of the oregon democracy, tainted with secession and disunion, spurned even by his former friends, made his way unaccompanied and unheralded to his southern oregon home by a devious trail, fearing the mob justice of the justly enraged citizens of the leading valley towns. and yet it was not all one way in oregon in those troublous days. in certain quarters the disunion sentiment was powerful and dangerous. in the historical society's rooms in portland hangs a banner first flung to the breeze on july , , not forty miles from that city. it is fashioned of long strips of red and white ribbon, and in the center of its starry field is an eagle, made by the deft fingers of a pioneer woman. the old immigrant who donated it to the historical society has related how, when he heard the news of the fall of sumpter, he immediately determined to celebrate the fourth of july by flinging the stars and stripes to the breeze from his own home and with that end in view had procured the ribbon and caused his liberty loving wife to fashion it into his country's flag. this coming to the ears of certain hot-heads among his neighbors, he was called upon by a committee and asked if it was true that he intended hoisting the old flag on the anniversary of the nation's birth. to his affirmative reply came the sharp retort that it would never be allowed to stay, but would forthwith be torn down. "no man will haul down that flag except over my dead body," was the stern reply of the sturdy old pioneer. the days ran by and the self-formed committee thought that the old pioneer had heeded their warning, when one day the news spread that a flagstaff, tall and straight, and as unbending as the old man's determination, lay before the pioneer house. then the elders of the hot-heads began to counsel moderation, to tell of the old neighbor's good deeds, of his unswerving sense of duty, of his faultless marksmanship that before that flag could be lowered not only the rough old patriot must lie cold in death but many of the attacking party would bite the dust. reflection cooled the disunion ardor; perhaps "a tinge of sadness, a blush of shame o'er the face of the leader came," howbeit on the fourth of july, , that beautiful silken banner floated on the wings of the whispering wind and in the eagle's beak a dead serpent hung, sounding a note of derision as well as of triumph from the old man's heart. and while in a few days a more generous impulse came over him, and he himself took down the flag and had the serpent removed from the eagle's beak, yet with that single exception, until the final pæan of victory was sung at appomattox, that silken emblem of his beloved country caressed by summer zephyrs and kissed by the soft mists of winter, floated undisturbed above his patriotic home. col. george hunter, in his quaintly interesting narrative "reminiscences of an old timer," tells of a somewhat similar incident down in the rogue river country. he says: "one day there had assembled at a store, where the double-distilled extract of corn was chiefly dispensed, a considerable crowd of men, most of whom were violent secessionists, and they were soon filled up, as good democrats were supposed to be, with the exhilarating beverage. from some cause or other the grand old stars and stripes had on this day been raised on a pole or staff near by, and pretty soon these half-tipsy fellows took offense at the defiant colors, and swore they would tear it down. two or more of them started to execute the threat. some of the crowd remonstrated, but to no avail. i being a stranger and a democrat, supposed the republicans present would protect the flag, but seeing no movement in that direction, and that if the flag was kept floating something must be done and done quickly, i grabbed an old musket that chanced to be standing in the corner of the store, and with my best speed i made for that flagstaff. my great-grandfathers had both served with washington at brandywine and valley forge, and my grandfather with jackson at new orleans, and i could't stand by and see the grand old banner disgracefully lowered by a drunken rabble of rebel sympathizers. as i ran swiftly forward i called frequently to their leader to stop, but he paid no attention to me. knowing that nearly all men carried pistols in those days, and that these men were made desperate by drink, i determined to have the first shot. i took a quick aim and drew the trigger. the cap burst clear, but no report followed. then there was a race between me and their leader for the flagstaff (all the rest stopped when the cap burst). we met at the flagstaff, and just as he was about to cut the halyards to lower the flag, my gun went off in a different way (it didn't snap that time), and the barrel brought down on his head proved more effective than the bullet which refused to leave the barrel. "well, he laid down sudden like, and as i now had time to draw my revolver, i informed the mob that i would shoot the first man that attempted to haul down that flag before sundown. that settled it. friends removed my man to the store, and many union men gathered to my assistance, which had the effect of stopping any further demonstrations in that direction. at the going down of the sun, we lowered the flag, cheering as we did so, and laid it away with the honor we considered to be due the 'flag of the brave and the emblem of the free.'" in there were only about seven hundred men and nineteen commissioned officers in the regular army in the whole of oregon and washington, the force having been reduced to its lowest possible limit by withdrawals to strengthen the forces in the east. these troops were distributed as follows: men, under capt. h. m. black, at vancouver; men, under major lugenbeel, at colville; men, under major steen, at walla walla; men, under captain van voast, at the cascades; men, under capt. f. t. dent, at hoskins; men at the two posts of steilacoom and camp pickett, and men under lieutenant-colonel buchanan, at the dalles, all under the general command of colonel wright, with brig.-gen. e. v. sumner commanding the military department of the pacific. twofold dangers threatened the widely scattered settlements; from without, the ever hostile indians who were further emboldened by the inevitable spirit of uncertainty and unrest that followed on the heels of civil war, and from within, disunion intrigue might at any time blaze into armed rebellion. it was a time that tried men's souls. in june, , colonel wright made a requisition upon governor whiteaker for a three-year cavalry company to be mustered into the service of the united states and a. p. dennison, former indian agent at the dalles, was appointed enrolling officer. suspicion of the loyalty of both the governor and of dennison to the union cause, retarded enlistment and finally led to the abandonment of the undertaking. in november, , the war department made thomas r. cornelius colonel, and directed him to raise ten companies of cavalry for the service of the united states for three years, to be a part, as it was supposed, of the five hundred thousand volunteers called for by president lincoln. colonel baker from washington had taken an active interest in encouraging the raising of this famous regiment--it was the original regiment of rough riders of the west. there was an impression that nowhere in the east could there be gathered together cavalrymen to withstand the onslaughts of the dashing southron on his black charger and the first oregon cavalry was recruited on the express promise that should the war continue they would be speedily transferred to the army of the potomac and given opportunity to cross swords with the flower of southern chivalry. from the lava beds of jackson county to the plains of the tualatin rang the bugle call to duty and the pick of the youth of this young state were soon in the saddle under the guidon of freedom. r. f. maury was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, benjamin f. harding, quartermaster, c. s. drew major, and j. s. rinearson junior major. each volunteer furnished his own horse and received for himself and mount $ a month, $ bounty and a land warrant for one hundred and sixty acres of land. company "a" was raised in jackson county, capt. t. s. harris; company "b" in marion county, capt. e. j. harding; "c" at vancouver, capt. wm. kelly; "d" in jackson county by capt. s. truax; "e" by capt. george b. currey in wasco county; "f" by capt. william j. matthews in josephine county; and capt. d. p. thompson of oregon city and capt. r. cowles of the umpqua also had companies. six complete companies rendezvoused at vancouver in may, , and were clothed in government uniforms and armed with old-fashioned muzzle-loading rifles, pistols, and sabres. colonel baker was the warm personal friend of lincoln; he had promised the boys of the first oregon cavalry before recruiting began that they should have a chance, if the war continued, of serving in the east; many of the present survivors have told me that they enlisted on this express promise, and had colonel baker lived there is every reason to believe that with his strong personal influence with the president, "tom cornelius' rough riders of oregon" would have been the prototype in fame, as they were in fact, of "roosevelt's rough riders" of the spanish war. colonel baker was the colonel of the fourth illinois in the mexican war, and it was hardly to be expected that a man of his ardent temperament could sit tamely in the halls of legislation while the rattle of musketry and the roll of drums were heard at the very gates of the national capital. and thus it came to pass, for on june , , he was mustered into service for three years as colonel of the first california infantry, a regiment he recruited largely in pennsylvania, and which was afterwards denominated the seventy-first pennsylvania. on august , , he was commissioned brigadier-general of volunteers, to rank from may , which commission, although confirmed by the senate, he declined, as he did also a later appointment as major-general of volunteers, as either appointment would have necessitated his resignation as senator from oregon. it is stated that when general scott had to give up general command of the army on account of his advancing years, president lincoln tendered the succession to colonel baker, which was alike declined for the same reason. with impetuous courage and passionate desire to serve his country upon the field of battle as well as on the floor of the senate, colonel baker could not stay at the rear, but joined his regiment at the front, and was as active in the work of the camp as he had been upon the stump and rostrum. occasionally he would revisit the senate and participate in a day's debate and then hurry back to his military duties. it was at such a time, sitting in his seat in the senate, clad in his colonel's uniform that john c. breckinridge of kentucky, late pro slavery candidate for the presidency with joseph lane, delivered a speech which was but a reflection of the secession views of those braver southerners who were already in armed rebellion. colonel baker grew restive under the words of breckinridge, his face glowed with passionate excitement, and he sprang to the floor when the senator from kentucky took his seat and then and there without previous preparation delivered that wonderful philippic, abounding in denunciation and invective which alone would make a niche for him in the world's temple of fame. passionately he asked "what would have been thought, if in another capitol, in a yet more martial age, a senator with the roman purple flowing from his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of roman glory, and declared that advancing hannibal was just and that carthage should be dealt with in terms of peace? what would have been thought, if after the battle of cannæ, a senator had denounced every levy of the roman people, every expenditure of its treasure, every appeal to the old recollections and the old glories?" mr. fessenden, of maine, who sat near, responded in an undertone, "he would have been hurled from the tarpeian rock;" and in tones of thunder baker flashed forth the suggested fate and continued "are not the speeches of the senator from kentucky intended for disorganization? are they not intended to destroy our zeal? are they not intended to animate our enemies? sir, are they not words of brilliant polished treason even in the very capitol of the republic?" and then replying to a taunt of breckinridge about the loyalty of the pacific coast, he went on "when the senator from kentucky speaks of the pacific i see another distinguished friend from illinois, now worthily representing the state of california, who will bear witness that i know that state, too, and well. i take the liberty, i know that i but utter his sentiments, to say that that state will be true to the union to the last of her blood and treasure. there may be some disaffected men there and in oregon, but the great portion of our population are loyal to the core and in every chord of their hearts. they are offering to add to the legions of the country, every day, by the hundred and the thousand. they are willing to come thousands of miles with their arms on their shoulders, at their own expense, to share, with the best offering of their heart's blood, in the great struggle of constitutional liberty." can there be any different conclusion than that in that strong passage, colonel baker referred among others to the first oregon cavalry, which, though largely recruited after his death, was the direct product of his inspiration and suggestion. on the twenty-first of october, , while gallantly leading his regiment at the battle of ball's bluff, colonel baker was instantly killed, and with his death went the chance of the oregon regiment to obtain service at the seat of war. as the months rolled by and no fulfillment came of the promises that had been made for eastern service, the regiment joined in a round robin to president lincoln in which they recited the promises that had been made to them and asked for their fulfillment. the president's answer, filled with the lofty patriotism and spirit of unselfishness, that was his daily part, told them that the greatest and highest duty for all, was that which lay nearest at hand and with the regular troops almost all withdrawn from oregon and washington, and the tide of immigrants and scattered settlements open to indian attack and the towns and villages liable to disunion, intrigue, and plot, their nearest as well as their highest duty was to guard the state from foes both savage and traitorous from without and from open treason within. and to the gallant men of the first oregon cavalry the word of the great president was final. they accepted the task he set them to accomplish, and although to them the pomp and circumstance of war were missing, although no patriotic millions stood by to applaud their gallant feats, and the eye of government was not upon them, yet for three long weary years they did their duty faithfully and well, and by that faithfulness preserved their beautiful state for the union and the wonderful future that has come to it. some there were of oregon blood and oregon soil, however, who could not remain away from the greater theater of war, where the more dramatic destiny of the nation was being wrought out in havoc of blood and treasure. col. joseph hooker, "fighting joe hooker," living at salem when the war broke out, went east, and became a brigadier-general, and bancroft speaks of others as follows: "volney smith, son of delazon smith, was for a short time lieutenant in a new york regiment; james w. lingenfelter, residing at jacksonville, was made captain of a volunteer company, and killed at fortress monroe october , ; john l. boon, son of the state treasurer, who had been a student of the wesleyan university, delaware, ohio, was at the battles of shiloh and corinth, in an ohio regiment, in gen. lew wallace's division; major snooks, of the sixty-eighth ohio, was formerly an oregonian of the immigration of ' ; george williams, of salem, was second lieutenant of the fourth infantry, and in the second battle of bull run, antietam, frederickburg, and gettysburg, losing a foot at gettysburg; frank w. thompson, of linn county, was colonel of the third virginia volunteers in ; henry butler, of oakland, was a member of the eighty sixth illinois volunteers; charles harker was a lieutenant; roswell c. lampson, still living in portland, was the first naval cadet from oregon, and served with conspicuous gallantry and fidelity throughout the war; capt. w. l. dall, of the steamship columbia, was appointed a lieutenant in the navy; and many of the regular army officers, whose northwestern service is indissolubly connected with its early history, rose to great eminence during the progress of the war. "notable among them was rufus ingalls, who became lieutenant colonel on mcclellan's staff; captain hazen and lieutenant lorraine, who was wounded at bull run. grant, sheridan, augur, ord, wright, smith, casey, russell, reynolds, and alvord, all became generals, as well as stevens, who had received a military education, but was not in the regular army." it is not the purpose of this paper to follow the patriotic service of the first oregon cavalry during the long and wearisome months and years during which they labored in heat and cold, in storm and sunshine, under pioneer and frontier hardships, in chastising the hostile indians, guarding the immigrant caravans, or holding in check the forces of disunion and secession. that there was need of them, for all these high and patriotic duties, there is no doubt. as early as shortly after lincoln's election in , senator gwin, of california, with the undoubted knowledge and coöperation of joseph lane, of oregon, formulated a plan for a slave-holding republic on the pacific coast, with an aristocracy similar to the old republic of venice, vesting all power in a hereditary nobility, with an executive elected from themselves. should the southern states succeed in withdrawing from the union and setting up a southern confederacy without war, then with a continuous line of slave territory from texas to the pacific, the pacific coast should combine with the south; but if war ensued between the north and south, then the coast should be captured, and the venetian republic be inaugurated separately, and slaves imported from the isles of the sea. bancroft, the historian, asserts that but for the strong restraining advice of jesse applegate and the overwhelming sentiment against him on his return, there is no doubt but what general lane would have embarked in the enterprise, and that the boxes of arms and ammunition which accompanied his return were intended for that purpose. in it became known all through the pacific coast that an oath bound secret organization of confederate sympathizers were holding almost nightly meetings at many places; and self-appointed union detectives, from points of vantage could hear the tread of martial feet and the hoarse notes of command. high authority has asserted that gwin of california, lane of oregon, and a man named tilden of washington, were the instigators and advisors of this second movement to steal the pacific coast from the federal union and hold it for the forces of disunion and secession. they chose for a title the quaint and striking name of "knights of the golden circle." one of the best posted historical authorities on the pacific coast told me a few days ago that he had in his possession cipher documents of that strange disloyal order, which some day experts should decipher and give to the world, but as yet it was too early for history to record anything but the things that were notorious. the same authority told me of how one night in san francisco, eight hundred knights of the golden circle, armed to the teeth, had met to make the initial outbreak, capture the benicia arsenal and arm all rebel sympathizers of san francisco therefrom and carry out the long cherished plan of seizing the pacific coast for disunion. at the last moment realizing the awful, momentous responsibility of their projected attack they clamored for a leader whom they could follow as one man. in a moment one name was on every lip, an old hero of the vigilante days--in haste he was sent for (he was not a member of their order) and their plan revealed to one whom they thought disloyal like themselves, but they had reckoned without their man--he was as loyal as the sturdy patriots who fell at bunker hill, fighting the earlier battle of freedom with bare hands and clubbed muskets. knowing that by a brief delay only could he lull them to security, and at the same time save the day for the old flag, he asked until o'clock the next morning to give his answer, they to remain where they were until his answer should be returned. taking this as a practical assent, and that he only went to arrange his private affairs, the balance of the night wore on; but the old vigilante was not idle; calling together as many of the old vigilante committee as were available and of known loyalty, he unfolded the treason that was lurking in the city's midst, and as they were swift to act in the days of ' , so were they now; the loyalty of the commandant at the benicia arsenal being questioned, he was promptly replaced by one of true and tried steel, and loyalists were armed and ready in more than one secret place in the city midst if needed and then at o'clock as agreed the answer went to the waiting knights of the golden circle that the old vigilante could not be their leader. thus all up and down the pacific coast there was work to be done by the troops at home in guarding against the spirit of disloyalty which fostered by the early reserves of the union arms was dangerous and threatening. the situation of oregon at this time was one of peculiar danger. both england and france were in open sympathy with the states in revolt. the french government were setting up an empire in mexico. england was causing trouble over the disputed boundary at the entrance to puget sound. not a single fort or coast or river defense existed in either oregon or washington, and at any time these hostile foreign powers might combine with the indians as they had done in earlier wars and with the disloyal and disaffected within. separated by such vast reaches of country from the loyal states of the union nothing of assistance could be expected from them in case of trouble, in time to be effective and hence it was that for upwards of three years, not merely the peace and security of oregon but its permanency as a part of the federal union depended on the first cavalry. the war governor, addison c. gibbs, a strong and patriotic man, organized a valuable addition to the military forces of the state in a state militia, whose chief duty was to hold in check the knights of the golden circle, to which it was a direct antithesis. at the second election of president lincoln it was a known fact that the knights had their arms cached in the neighborhood of the leading polling places, and intended to carry the election by force of arms. this was only prevented by the militia who were superior in numbers and who adopted similar tactics which proved effective. one shudders at the fratricidal bloodshed and awful guerilla warfare that would have come to pass in this mountainous and thinly settled country had the first outbreak happened and the torch of rebellion been lighted. that it did not so come to pass was another evidence of the mysterious workings of divine providence. in governor gibbs called for ten companies to be known as the first oregon infantry, each company to consist of eighty-two privates, maximum, or sixty-four minimum, besides officers. eight companies were ultimately enlisted, and at first were chiefly employed in garrison duty throughout the northwest, but later performed gallant service in the indian wars that were ever in progress. i wish that it were possible within the necessary limits of this article to write down some of the many deeds of matchless heroism wrought by the loyal men of the northwest in the dark days of the war--deeds fit to rank with the gallantry of sheridan's dashing troopers, with the glorious achievements of sherman's march to the sea, with the steadfastness of the iron phalanxes of the immortal grant. but we can at least pay our tribute of praise to those rude frontiersmen of the pacific, who loved their country, their country's flag, and the cause of freedom,--who fulfilled, without murmur, the self-sacrificing duty placed upon them by the martyr president, who wrought out in blood and fire the destiny of the northwest, and whose only reward has been the sense of duty done. of each of them the beautiful words of tennyson are peculiarly appropriate: "not once or twice in our rough island story the path of duty was the way to glory: he that walks it, only thirsting for the right, and learns to deaden love of self, before his journey closes, he shall find the stubborn thistle bursting into glossy purples, which outredden all voluptuous garden roses. not once or twice in our fair island's story the path of duty was the way to glory: he that ever following her commands, on with toil of heart and knees and hands, thro' the long gorge to the far light has won his path upward, and prevailed, shall find the toppling crags of duty scaled are close upon the shining table-lands to which our god himself is moon and sun. such was he, his work is done. but while the races of mankind endure let his great example stand colossal, seen of every land, and keep the soldier firm, the statesman pure: till in all lands and thro' all human story the path of duty be the way to glory." robert treat platt. footnotes: [ ] an address delivered before the university of oregon, may , . the great west and the two easts. a resounding chorus of gratulations will herald to the world within the next two years the first centennial of two events upon which the history of the great west is founded--the purchase of louisiana and the expedition of lewis and clark to the mouth of the columbia river. whether the student of history at the saint louis world's fair in pause in admiration of the political foresight of jefferson, or join in the general acclaim of the heroism of our first explorers at portland, in , the fact that will most impress him is that geographical lines have been obliterated and there is no west. migrations having their origin in the dim, remote past, and continuing down to the present, have brought the aryan race face to face on the opposite shores of the great western ocean, and the world finds itself confronted with that condition which william h. seward predicted, when, addressing himself to the commerce, politics, thought, and activities of europe, he said they "will ultimately sink in importance, while the pacific, its shores, its islands, and the vast regions beyond, will become the chief theater of events in the world's great hereafter." the east that columbus sailed westward from spain to discover will ever be the world's east; the west, "the remote shores that drake had once called by the name of new albion," will be the east of the world's great east, and the west only in its geographical relation to the atlantic seaboard of our own country. the west has fulfilled every promise of its value to the union made by its champions when its cause was before the people of the new republic; it has refuted every prediction of dire effect made by the opponents of its acquisition. when the purchase of louisiana was under consideration, the fear was expressed that people who would move to that region would scarcely ever feel the rays of the general government, their affections would be alienated by distance, and american interests would become extinct. the generous response of men and money made by missouri, kansas, and iowa, when the union was in the throes of a struggle for its preservation, attests the loyalty of the louisiana region. a southern senator asked, in , what good was oregon for agricultural purposes, and said he would not give a pinch of snuff for the whole territory. yet the oregon country has given the union three sovereign states, and part of its territory has been taken to form two other states; its occupation by americans was a direct cause of the annexation of california; it has in the columbia river and puget sound two important bases for military and naval operations; far from being inhospitable to the honest farmer of the atlantic seaboard, or the ohio valley, it has one hundred thousand farms, valued at nearly $ , , . alaska was denounced as a barren waste, that would never add one dollar to our wealth, or furnish homes to our people. yet in less than forty years alaska has supplied gold, fish, and furs worth $ , , , and has paid revenue to the government exceeding by $ , , the price russia got for it in ; and at no distant day hawaii and the philippines will justify american occupation by statistics as telling as those here presented of louisiana, oregon, and alaska. if a nonexpansive policy had prevailed in our national councils at the beginning of the nineteenth century; if the presidential chair had been occupied by another than the broad statesman who saw beyond the mississippi, over the rockies to the pacific, and over the pacific to the cradle of the world, we should now have an intolerable situation of affairs in north america. had we refused louisiana from napoleon, what is now the united states would be partitioned, geographically, about as follows: east of the mississippi would be the republic of the united states of america of , with england in canada on the north, and spain in florida and fringing the gulf of mexico. louisiana would have fallen into england's hands as a result of the napoleonic wars, and so, perhaps, oregon, either by reason of a favorable interpretation of the nootka convention, or vancouver's discoveries. mexico, as the successor of spain, would own texas and all the remainder of the west south of the forty-second parallel and not included in louisiana. with a republic on one side, and european sovereignty on the other, the mississippi would to-day be bristling with cannon. the purchase of louisiana was political foresight, and the completion of our title to oregon was a direct result of the louisiana transaction. the war with mexico was the logical sequence of both. from whatever point we may regard it, the acquisition of the trans-mississippi region, viewed in the perspective of a century, was worth what it cost in money, actual war, and risk of war with what, in the early stages of our history was the most powerful nation on the globe. the beginnings of the west date from . further back the census reports do not present statistics that can be compared for valuable purposes, with present standards, although as early as there were nine hundred thousand people along the western shore of the mississippi in arkansas, iowa, louisiana, and missouri. these states were long on the firing line of american civilization, and their people subsisted by general farming, or by outfitting ox-train merchandise caravans for santa fé and chihuahua, or by outfitting and trading with pioneer settlers _en route_ to oregon, or gold seekers flocking to california. jim bridger put up in southwestern wyoming in the first post for the purpose of trading built west of the mississippi river, and its establishment marked the beginning of the era of emigration to the far west. until a comparatively recent period a goodly portion of the public domain lying west of the missouri river, and comprising perhaps five hundred thousand square miles, was mapped as the "great american desert" and they who penetrated its solitudes and returned unscathed to "civilization" were regarded with that curiosity that pertains to a traveler who has visited an unknown land. with the upbuilding of the country and the spread of knowledge of its capabilities, the title of "great american desert" has been swept away, and the colored maps that illustrate the books of the twelfth census, regard the white portion as "unsettled area." this includes a considerable area in every state and territory west of the ninety-ninth degree of longitude. east of that line the only white portion is in southeastern florida. progress in the half-century comprehended in this brief review has been remarkable and the present position of the west is strikingly shown in the appended statement, which represent its percentages of the total for the united states for the different items tabulated. in a few instances comparisons are made with and : =====================================+============================ | per cent. +---------+---------+-------- | . | . | . +---------+---------+-------- gross area with alaska | . | ---- | ---- gross area without alaska | . | ---- | ---- population, gross | . | . | . urban population | . | [ ] . | . number of farms | . | . | . acres improved | . | . | . farms, total valuation | . |[ ] . | . farm products, value | . | . | . farm animals | . | ---- | . wool, yield | . | ---- | . hops, yield | . | ---- | . timber, area | . | ---- | ---- lumber product, value | . | . | . gold, yield | . | ---- | ---- silver, commercial value | . | ---- | ---- coal | . | ---- | ---- railroad mileage | . | ---- | . manufactures, value of product | . | . | . operatives in factories | . | . | . imports and exports | . | ---- | ---- -------------------------------------+---------+---------+-------- population. aggregate population has increased . per cent in fifty years, and foreign population has grown faster than native: ==================+============+============+===========+=========== | | | | per cent | . | . | . | of | | | | increase, | | | | - . +------------+------------+-----------+----------- americans | , , | , , | , , | . foreigners | , , | , , | , | . +------------+------------+-----------+----------- total | , , | , , | , , | . | | | | per cent american | . | . | . | per cent foreign | . | . | . | ------------------+------------+------------+-----------+----------- the proportion of native born, which suffered a sharp decline between and , because of the influx of foreigners to the mines of california, montana, and nevada, and to the farm lands of minnesota and the dakotas, is again in the ascendant, the net gain for the decade just ended having been . per cent. the native population is largest in the group of southwestern states and territories, arkansas leading with . per cent; indian territory, . per cent; louisiana, . per cent; oklahoma, . per cent. along the pacific coast it is highest in oregon, with . per cent, and lowest in california, with . per cent, washington coming in between with . per cent. north dakota, with . per cent, makes the poorest showing. the proportion of natives in the west as a whole in was per cent above the average for the union, which was . per cent. the per cent of foreigners is highest in north dakota, where it is . , and lowest in arkansas, where it is . . minnesota is the only state having to exceed , foreigners. california and iowa have over , each. the population of the west in consisted of , , farmers and traders in the louisiana country, that is, missouri, iowa, arkansas, minnesota; , odd who had swarmed into texas after it had been wrested from mexico, some , in new mexico, a group of gold diggers in california, a few thousand mormons in utah, and a handful of hardy pioneers who had braved privations and hostile savages on the plains in following the footsteps of lewis and clark to the oregon country. at that time there were not quite , , people in all the boundless region west of the mississippi river. the establishing of direct communication by the overland stage, followed by the building of the transcontinental railroad, stimulated growth, and by the west had attained considerable importance in population. in it reported . per cent of the total population of the union; . per cent in , and . per cent in . in it had over four times the population of the new republic in and not quite twice the population of the nation in . in its population was somewhat under that of the whole country in , the ratio being about to . the appended table shows how the several states and territories of the west have progressed in the matter of population: =================+============+============+============ | . | . | . +------------+------------+------------- arkansas | , | , , | , , california | , | , , | , , colorado | | , | , idaho | | , | , iowa | , | , , | , , kansas | | , , | , , louisiana | , | , , | , , minnesota | , | , , | , , missouri | , | , , | , , montana | | , | , nebraska | | , , | , , nevada | | , | , north dakota | | , | , oregon | , | , | , south dakota | | , | , texas | , | , , | , , utah | , | , | , washington | | , | , wyoming | | , | , alaska | | , | , arizona | | , | , indian territory | | , | , new mexico | , | , | , oklahoma | | , | , +------------+------------+------------ total | , , | , , | , , -----------------+------------+------------+------------ louisiana, with . inhabitants to the square mile, was the most thickly settled state in the west in . missouri followed with . ; arkansas with , and iowa with . . the average for the union was . . that year the little state of delaware, with , inhabitants, boasted of one two hundred and sixty-third part of the total population of the union. where was oregon with about one seventh of delaware's population and minnesota with less than one half of oregon's? in the density of the union was . inhabitants per square mile. three western states, missouri, with . , iowa, with . , and louisiana, with . , exceeded the general average. in the remainder of the states the density ranged from . in nevada to . in arkansas. the colored population of the trans-mississippi region is largely confined to the states in the southern belt, arkansas, louisiana, and texas. in the pacific states the colored population is principally chinese and japanese. throughout the west, with the exception of louisiana, the number of females to each , men is under the national average, which is , . louisiana reports , , and utah, for obvious reasons, follows with , . arkansas, iowa, kansas, missouri, texas also have between , and , females to each , men, and in minnesota, nebraska, south dakota, indian territory, new mexico, and oklahoma, the average is over , and under , . the proportion of women to each , men is exceedingly low in the pacific coast and mountain states, being , in california; , in idaho; , in montana; , in nevada; , in oregon; , in washington; , in wyoming. alaska reports , . here, as in other parts of the union, urban population is growing faster than rural. comparison for this discussion is with the census of , as the returns for any previous year would make too meagre a showing. in the west had of the places that reported a population of , and over. in the number was out of , and in it was out of , . of the west's total population in , . per cent was urban, against . percent for the union. in , . per cent of the total urban population of the country lived in the west, . per cent in , and . per cent in . california with . per cent and colorado with . are above the average for the union, while washington, with . makes a close approach to the mark. for other states the average is: iowa, . ; kansas, . ; louisiana, . ; minnesota, ; missouri, . ; montana and wyoming, . ; nebraska, . ; oregon, . ; utah, . ; arkansas, . ; idaho, . ; nevada, . ; north dakota, . ; south dakota, . ; texas, . ; arizona, . ; indian territory, . ; new mexico, . ; oklahoma, . the following statement shows the drift of the population into the cities: =================+=============+============+============+=========== | | | | increase | . | . | . | per cent, | | | | - . +-------------+------------+------------+----------- urban population | , , | , , | , , | rural population | , , | , , | , , | +-------------+-------- ---+------------+----------- total | , , | , , | , , | -----------------+-------------+------------+------------+----------- in saint louis, new orleans, and san francisco were the only cities that had over , population. in ten cities exceeded , , while eight other cities, portland leading the contingent, had between , and , . since seattle has advanced from one hundred and fifty-first place to forty-eighth place in the rank of american cities; los angeles from one hundred and thirty-fifth to thirty-sixth; duluth from one hundred and fifty-second to seventy-second; kansas city, kansas, from one hundred and fifty-fifth to seventy-sixth; portland from one hundred and sixth to forty-second; tacoma from one hundred and fifty-seventh to one hundred and fourth; spokane from one hundred and fifty-eighth to one hundred and sixth, and dallas, texas, from one hundred and thirty-seventh to eighty-eighth. so rapid is the growth of portland and seattle that before many years they must take position among the country's twenty largest cities. agriculture. the area of improved land in farms has increased nearly thirty-fold in fifty years, but has not kept pace with population. this table shows the details: =============+=================================+======================= | acres improved. | acres per inhabitant. +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+------- | . | . | . | . | . | . +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+------- | | | | | | arkansas | , , | , , | , | . | . | . california | , , | , , | , | . | . | . colorado | , , | , , | | . | . | idaho | , , | , | | . | . | iowa | , , | , , | , | . | . | . kansas | , , | , , | | . | . | louisiana | , , | , , | , , | . | . | . minnesota | , , | , , | , | . | . | . missouri | , , | , , | , , | . | . | . montana | , , | , | | . | . | nebraska | , , | , , | | . | . | nevada | , | , | | . | . | north dakota | , , | , , | | . | . | oregon | , , | , , | , | . | . | . south dakota | , , | , , | | . | . | texas | , , | , , | , | . | . | . utah | , , | , | , | . | . | . washington | , , | , , | | . | . | wyoming | , | , | | . | . | alaska | | | | | | arizona | , | , | | . | . | indian | | | | | | territory | , , | | | . | | new mexico | , | , | , | . | . | oklahoma | , , | , | | . | . | +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+------- total | , , | , , | , , | . | . | . -------------+-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+------- the new farms opened since are nearly equal in the aggregate to the land area of the original thirteen states. the new farms opened between and are more than the combined land areas of the states of tennessee and west virginia. north dakota, with a little over , population, has more land by , , acres under farms than has all new england with , , people. the average number of improved acres per inhabitant more than doubled in the west between and and showed in a slight increase over . in the older agricultural states it is steadily decreasing. thus, in new england it fell from acres in to . acres in ; new york from to . in the same interval. the ohio valley states have held up steadier. ohio has decreased from . to . , and illinois from . to . . indiana has increased from . to . . the west has , , farms compared with , , in , and , in . texas, with , , leads the union, and missouri, with , , holds second place. iowa has , more farms than all the new england states combined. while the west has not quite half the improved acreage of the country, it has per cent of the unimproved acreage or , , acres out of , , acres. farms average in size from . acres in arkansas to . acres in montana, , . acres in nevada, and , acres in wyoming, where stock raising predominates and requires large ranges. the average for the west is . acres against . acres for the union. the proportion of the total land area in farms ranges from . per cent in nevada to . per cent in iowa. kansas has . , missouri . , texas . , oklahoma , nebraska . , and minnesota . . no other state has per cent. in the rocky mountains and pacific states the average, considering the capabilities of the soil, is surprisingly low. california reports . , washington . , oregon . , wyoming , montana . , utah . , and idaho . . iowa leads the nation in this respect, followed by indiana with . , ohio with . , and illinois with . . it is from these four states, whose areas are so largely taken up and whose land values are high, that the extreme west is seeking by reason of its cheap lands and equable climate, to draw its new population. east of the mississippi river the percentage ranges in new england from . in maine to . in vermont. along the atlantic coast the average is from per cent in new jersey to per cent in delaware. ohio, indiana, and illinois have already been shown in comparison with iowa. kentucky has . , tennessee . , wisconsin , and michigan . . florida with . and the district of columbia with . are the only percentages reported from east of the mississippi river, that look like western figures. values follow: =================+=================+================+============ total farm | the union. | the west. | per cent values. | | | in west. -----------------+ ----------------+--------------- +------------ | $ , , , | $ , , , | . | , , , | , , , | . | , , , | , , | . | | | value of farm | | | products. | | | | | | | , , , | , , , | . | , , , | , , | . [ ] | , , , | , , | . -----------------+-----------------+----------------+------------ productions in quantity of principal crops in the west in and and percentages of the total for those years are thus shown: ===================+==============+==============+===========+========= | | | per cent | per cent product. | yield, . | yield, . | of total, |of total, | | | . | . -------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------+--------- wheat, bushels | , , | , , | . | . corn, bushels | , , , | , , | . | . barley, bushels | , , | , | . | . buckwheat, bushels | , | , | . | . oats, bushels | , , | , , | . | . rye, bushels | , , | , | . | . +--------------+--------------+-----------+--------- total grain, | | | | bushels | , , , | , , | . | . +==============+==============+===========+========= united states, | + + + bushels | , , , | , , | ---- | ---- butter,[b] pounds | , , | , , | . | . cheese,[ ] pounds | , , | , | . | . wool, pounds | , , | , , | . | . flax seed, bushels | , , | , | . | . hay, tons | , , | , | . | . potatoes, bushels | , , | , , | . | . hops, pounds | , , | , | . | . -------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------+--------- the west leads the east in flocks and herds, viz: ===================+=========================+======================== | the union-- | the west-- +------------+------------+------------+----------- | . | . | . | . +------------+------------+------------+----------- dairy cows | , , | , , | , , | , other meat cattle | , , | , , | , , | , , mules and asses | , , | , | , , | , horses | , , | , , | , , | , sheep | , , | , , | , , | , , lambs | , , | ---- | , , | ---- swine | , , | , , | , , | , , +------------+------------+------------+----------- total | , , | , , | , , | , , per cent | | | . | . -------------------+------------+------------+------------+----------- manufacturing. the center of area in the united states, excluding alaska and recent acquisitions, is in northern kansas, the center of population in indiana, and the center of manufactures in ohio. the center of area will always be in the west and the centers of population and manufactures are slowly moving that way. manufacturing is of minor importance, though the aggregate of output exceeded the agricultural output in by over $ , , . relatively its position is not so strong, being but . per cent of the total, against . per cent for population and . per cent for value of farm products. manufacturing increased substantially in the and decade and materially in the past fifty years. thus, ======================+================+=================+============= | . | . | . ----------------------+----------------+-----------------+------------- value of products |$ , , , | $ , , , | $ , , number of operatives | , | , | , dollars per operative | , | , | , per cent of total: | | | product | . | . | . operatives | . | . | . ----------------------+----------------+-----------------+------------- missouri is the principal state for this branch of industry, california second, and minnesota third. these states stand for nearly half the total output of western factories. the output of california, oregon, and washington, in , was $ , , , constituting . per cent of the value of products for the united states. commenting on this, we find the census of manufactures (part , page clxxviii) saying: the industrial condition in this group of states in , considering the value, but not the character of the products, was about the same as the new england states in and the middle states in . from this point of view, the growth of the pacific states has been remarkable. the character of its industries is still determined largely by its natural resources of farm, forest, and mine, but the recent wars in the orient, resulting in the opening of new markets, gave to the industries of this section a great stimulus which had only begun to be felt at the time the twelfth census was taken. commerce. the combined imports and exports of the united states in the year ended june , , were geographically distributed as follows: new york, . per cent; other ports east of the mississippi river, . per cent; the west (pacific and gulf ports), . . of the seven great ports in the union, three are in the west, new orleans ranking the third, galveston sixth, and san francisco seventh. new orleans has a foreign commerce of $ , , a year; galveston $ , , , and san francisco $ , , . puget sound and the columbia river, which before many years will be large ports, have between them $ , , . of the total exports of the united states in , the west reported $ , , , or . per cent. imports were $ , , , or per cent. breadstuffs form a considerable item of the exports of western ports. for the ten years ended june , , shipments were , , bushels of barley, corn, oats, rye, , , bushels of wheat, and , , barrels of wheat flour, of a total value of $ , , . san francisco led in this business, with new orleans second, and portland, oregon, third. mineral productions. ever since the discovery of gold in california in mining has been one of the most important industries of the west. between and california yielded gold valued at $ , , , , about one eighth the total gold production of the world from to . the west in produced . per cent of the nation's gold, . per cent of its silver (commercial value), and . per cent of its coal, viz: ==============+=============+=============+=============== | gold. | silver. | total value. +-------------+-------------+--------------- california | $ , , | $ , | $ , , colorado | , , | , , | , , idaho | , , | , , | , , montana | , , | , , | , , nevada | , , | , | , , oregon | , , | , | , , south dakota | , , | , | , , utah | , , | , , | , , alaska | , , | , | , , arizona | , , | , , | , , texas, etc. | , , | , | , , +-------------+-------------+--------------- total | $ , , | $ , , | $ , , --------------+-------------+-------------+--------------- other mineral productions are , , tons of coal; , short tons of lead; , , pounds of copper; , , barrels of petroleum, and , flasks of quicksilver. the copper mines of montana and arizona have lessened the importance of the lake superior region as a source of supply, cutting its percentage of the total american output from . in , to . in . one of the greatest gold mining regions of the world is located in eastern oregon, covering a gross area of between , and , square miles. prof. j. waldemar lindgren, of the united states geological survey, believes that the strong, well-defined veins upon which most of the important mines of this region are located will continue to the greatest depths yet attained in mining. lumber industry. according to the census reports for , lumber is excelled in value among american productions only by iron and steel, textiles and slaughtering and meat packing. the west, having , square miles, or . per cent of the total wooded area of the country, exclusive of alaska, will surely be paramount in this important industry. indeed, we, this early, find the director of the census making this important admission in one ( ) of his bulletins: the white pine area in the northwest has passed its maximum of production and the attention of lumbermen is being diverted from this region to the southern pine forests and to the enormously heavy forests of the northwest coast, which will, in the course of a decade or two, become the chief source of lumber for the country. texas, with , square miles, leads the union in wooded area. oregon is second, with , square miles, and minnesota third, with , square miles. arkansas, california, missouri, montana, and washington each have over , square miles of wooded area. oregon, washington, and california have at least one third of the standing timber of the country, but they cut less than ten per cent of the total lumber product. the redwood forest of california is, perhaps, the densest forest, measured by the amount of lumber per acre, in the world. in quantity of standing timber, oregon leads the union with billion feet; california second with billion feet, and washington third with nearly billion feet. minnesota, with a product of $ , , leads the west and washington is second, with $ , , . the total value of the lumber product of the west in was $ , , , against $ , , in and $ , , in . the lumber cut was , , m feet, board measure, or a little less than one third of the output of the union. among western states, minnesota led with , , m feet, arkansas second with , , m feet, and washington third with , , m feet. oregon cut , m feet. railroad transportation. the transcontinental railroads have brought the west up to its present state of development, for they have opened it to settlement, and provided reasonable rates for the transport of its products to the eastern markets, even if at the same time they have exposed its infant manufacturing industries to the competition of the large capitalization of the atlantic seaboard and the ohio valley. in the west had ½ miles of railroad, all in louisiana. all the rest of the westward stretch of the nation to the pacific was without so much as a single rail. what louisiana could so proudly boast of in was less than the mileage operated by the boston and maine and its branches in massachusetts that same year. by the total had swelled to , . miles out of the , . miles in the united states and the percentage from . to . . on the basis of miles of railroad per square miles of territory iowa leads with . and nevada is lowest with . . in miles of line per ten thousand inhabitants nevada is first with . , and louisiana last with . . in view of the enormous railroad construction in the west in the past thirty years it is worth while to recall president buchanan's telegram to john butterfield, the pioneer of western overland transportation, when the first direct overland mail arrived by stage at saint louis from san francisco october , : i cordially congratulate you upon the result. it is a glorious triumph for civilization and the union. settlements will soon follow the course of the road, and the east and the west will be bound together by a chain of living americans which can never be broken. finance. in there were thirty-one banks west of the mississippi; twenty-five in louisiana and six in missouri, with deposits aggregating $ , , . it is difficult to figure the condition of the people with regard to money as statements of private banks are obtainable in only a few states and the national banks are the only guide. on july , , the individual deposits in these amounted to $ , , , and the loans and discounts to $ , , . future of the west. the future of the great west must be considered from two view points: ( ) in its relation to the asiatic countries and their trade; and ( ) in its ability to support a large population. these will be taken up in their order. asia and oceanica comprise an area of , , square miles, and have a population of , , , or more than half that of the globe. of this number, , , are in china and its dependencies, japan, asiatic russia and corea. asia, and the islands of the pacific, annually buy from the world goods valued at $ , , , and sell to it goods of a value of $ , , , , representing a total trade of $ , , , . the united states will in time have a tremendous trade across the pacific, although at present our proportion of the business is inconsiderable. in the year ended june , , only . per cent of our foreign commerce was with asia and oceanica, of which . per cent was with the british east indies; . per cent with japan; . per cent with chinese ports, and . with the philippines. the new theatre of the world's activities is a virgin field, as little understood on our pacific seaboard as on our atlantic seaboard, for the exporters of both sections make the same mistakes in packing, and in long range dealing with the oriental customer, to whom the first essential in trade is what our consular officers persistently pour into unwilling ears as the "look see," or the privilege of inspecting the commodity offered for sale, before buying it. these, however, are details of commercial organization which our exporters can be depended upon to settle on a satisfactory basis. the fear expressed in some quarters that the opening of siberia by the completion of the great russian railroad, and the consequent development of a region that will become a competitor of the united states in the trans-pacific country, would appear to be groundless so far as any detrimental effect upon our country is concerned. our general development is based upon the attraction of our institutions, the freedom of industry, the cheapness and fertility of our lands, hospitable climate, and above all, to the long enjoyment of the guarantee of peace. no other country in the world can offer the same inducements to progress and no country in the world can compete with us on our own terms. viewing the future of the west from the point of its ability to support a large population, the measure must be the record of the half-century just past. it has done more than its most sanguine friend dared foretell of it a century ago and it is not half developed. excluding alaska, it has an area of , , square miles and a population of , , , with a density of . . the population density of the union is . to the square mile. the west is capable of reaching this mark and on this basis its population would be, approximately , , , a little more than the states east of the mississippi had in . every foot of the west is useful for some purpose, the purpose depending in some degree upon the success of irrigation. the high lands of nevada are no more to be ignored in the general scheme of economy than the irregular and broken surface of vermont, where intensive cultivation of the soil now obtains as a result of western competition in agriculture. when one contemplates the rugged mountains of idaho, eastern montana, northern california, oregon, utah, wyoming, colorado, and new mexico, he should reflect that some where in this broad land cattle must have range if the price of meat is to be kept within bounds. conditions for horticulture and agriculture in louisiana are as favorable as in any other state in the union. the columbia-river basin in oregon, washington, and idaho is an empire in itself, with a population less than chicago, and eastern oregon, under irrigation, could produce , , bushels of grain. there are those who expect alaska to take station as an agricultural community. manufactures in the west will ultimately bear a close ratio to population. commerce will depend largely upon the effort the nation in general makes across the pacific. the west comes on the stage of the world's activity in an era of peace, prosperity, and advancement of american principles and institutions. its loyalty to the union never has been doubted and no cloud of discord appears to bring it into contest with the east, for its interests are identical with those of that section, and community of interest promotes community of purpose. the west, instead of proving the nation destroyer, has proved its savior. what the future is in all its aspects, no man can say. the briton would have been thought insane ten years ago who would have dared to predict the day that canada, australia, and new zealand would be called upon to uphold the prestige of the empire at the cape of good hope. no american, however pessimistic, contemplates with pleasure the possibility of war, still every american is pleased to see his country protected against the day of war. the generation that was contemporaneous with the statesman who said oregon was not worth a pinch of snuff left sons and daughters to see an oregon regiment sailing away from san francisco to plant the stars and stripes at manila and raise the united states to the dignity of a world power. in that city whose legislative halls echoed with dire warnings if louisiana should be accepted from napoleon, the citizens of some future day may be gladdened to the heart by the sight of a regiment from the yukon river marching down the broad avenues to the defense of the national capital. henry e. reed. footnotes: [ ] for . [ ] not reported by united states census prior to . values for this year in depreciated currency. to get true value, reduce one fifth. [ ] made on farms only. social and economic history of astoria. on a peninsula flanked by young's river and the columbia, ten miles from the broad pacific, is situated the historic city of astoria. its beginning dates back to april , , when an expedition sent from new york by john jacob astor founded a fur-trading post on the present site of the city, and erected a stockade and buildings for the use of the traders. for a short time all went well with this little pioneer settlement, and a profitable trade was carried on, despite the murder of the crew of the astor company's vessel, tonquin, and the destruction of the vessel off the coast of british columbia. the indians became enraged on account of the treatment accorded them by the captain, and set upon and murdered the crew, with the exception of mr. lewis, the ship's clerk, who, though mortally wounded, after inducing the indians to come aboard again, set fire to the magazine and blew up the ship and its swarm of savages. soon after this, the second war with great britain started, and the members in charge at fort astor, thinking they would be captured by the british war vessels then on the coast, and that their goods would be confiscated, sold their interest and that of mr. astor to a rival company, known as the northwest fur company, and controlled by british subjects. soon after this transfer was made the british warship raccoon appeared in the river, and on december , , took formal possession of astoria in the name of great britain, and named it fort george. in accordance with the terms of the treaty of ghent there was to be a mutual restoration of all territory captured during the war. when the question of the restoration of astoria or fort george came up england contended that astoria had been transferred in a commercial transaction between an american and a british company, but this contention was not pressed against the american claim that the settlement of astoria by an american company confirmed that title already secured by the discovery of the columbia river by captain gray in , and by the exploration of lewis and clark in . the united states again took possession of astoria august , , and the formal transfer was made october , . astoria was now a very small settlement, consisting of a stockade and a few shacks, but bearing the high sounding titles of astoria and fort george, the latter being the property of the northwest fur company. in the hudson bay company and the northwest fur company were consolidated, and in dr. john mcloughlin was placed in charge of fort george. at this time the fur trade was carried on chiefly with the tribes of the interior, and it was the custom for the agents of the company to carry the goods to the indians. under the circumstances doctor mcloughlin saw that the chief trading post should be farther inland, near the head of navigation, and moved to vancouver, washington, leaving a trader in charge of the company's property at astoria, whose duty it was to watch for the company's vessels, and to send the pilot, indian george, out to meet them and to pilot them to vancouver. with the departure of the fur company, astoria became a lookout station and a trading post of very little importance. mofras describes it in as "a miserable squatter's place, invested by the rival american and english factions, with the pompous name of fort george and town of astoria, the fort being represented by a bald spot, from which the vestige of buildings had long since disappeared, and the town by a cabin and a shed." this condition was soon to be changed, for the trains of immigrants were beginning to arrive in the willamette valley, and some were to push on to the extreme western limit of the continent. in j. m. shively came to astoria and took up a claim in what is now the heart of the city, and known as shively's astoria. he was followed by col. john mcclure, who took the claim joining the shively claim on the west, and now known as mcclure's astoria, and a. e. wilson, who located on the claim to the east of shively's claim, and now known as adair's astoria. these three men and james birnie, the trader, in charge of the hudson bay company's station, were the only white men in astoria in . soon after this robert shortess located on the land now known as alderbrook, and a mr. smith located at what is now known as smith's point. mr. birnie lived in the company's building, situated near the present site of saint mary's hospital, colonel mcclure lived in a small cabin just to the south and east of where the baptist church now stands, and mr. shively, "who didn't believe in joint occupancy, which disturbed the social relations between mr. birnie and himself," lived at "lime kiln hall," on the ridge near the eastern limit of his claim. mr. wilson lived in a cabin in upper astoria. there were several settlers on clatsop plains at this time, among the number being d. summers, mr. hobson and family, rev. j. l. parrish, messrs. solomon smith, tibbets, trask, and perry. ben wood, n. eberman, and other young men held claims on the plains, but lived elsewhere. astoria the fur-trading post now ceased to exist; astoria, the town, was started. astoria's real beginning, from which resulted a city, dates back, then, only to the early forties when the homeseekers first settled here. in james welch and family and david ingalls arrived. mr. welch took possession of the shively claim during mr. shively's absence in the east and divided the claim into city lots as mr. shively had previously done. this led to a dispute over the ownership of the claim which was finally settled by an equal division of the claim between the two interested parties. when j. m. shively returned from the east in he brought with him his commission as postmaster and opened the first post office west of the rocky mountains in the shively building, still standing on the east side of fourteenth street, between exchange street and franklin avenue. the next year s. t. mckean, wife, and six children arrived and took up their residence here. in this year also the news of the discovery of gold in california led to a stampede to the mines and while some of the inhabitants of astoria went, their places were soon filled by people brought here by the great increase in the amount of shipping done from columbia river. a great demand for lumber and provisions arose and mills were started to supply this demand. hunt's mill, just below westport, had commenced operations in , and when the gold excitement started, had one hundred thousand feet of lumber on hand which was eagerly purchased at $ per thousand. the milwaukie mill and abernethy's mill at oak point supplied the greater part of the lumber for the california trade. in marland's mill, just above tongue point, was started. this mill was later destroyed by fire. in - james welch and others built the first mill in the city proper. it was located in the block bounded by commercial, bond, ninth, and tenth streets. it was afterward owned by w. w. parker and known as the parker mill. the increase in the amount of shipping led to the establishment of the customhouse at astoria in . the same year captains white and hustler arrived and brought the first pilot boat to operate on the columbia-river bar, the mary taylor. the pilots had their headquarters at astoria, and this led to increased trade for astoria and the establishment of boarding houses for the accommodation of the shipping men and the passengers of vessels that stopped here either to await favorable wind to proceed to up-river points or to cross the bar or to complete their cargoes of lumber or increase their cargoes of provisions with a few barrels of salt salmon. when col. john adair, the first collector of customs, arrived at astoria he occupied the mcclure house and tried to secure land from the different owners of the town on which to build the customhouse. the owners refused to donate the land and fixed the price at a figure which colonel adair considered too high. the result of this disagreement was the establishing of the united states customhouse at upper astoria and the beginning of the rivalry between the upper and lower towns, which lasted for many years, and led to the building up of two towns mutually jealous of each other yet having every interest in common. judge strong, who passed through astoria in , says: when astoria was pointed out as we reached the point below, i confess to a feeling of disappointment. astoria, the oldest and most famous town in oregon, we had expected to find a larger place. we saw before us a straggling hamlet, consisting of a dozen or so of small houses irregularly planted along the river bank shut in by the dense forest. we became reconciled and indeed somewhat elated in our feelings when we visited the shore and by its enterprising proprietors were shown the beauties of the place. there were avenues and streets, squares and public parks, wharves and warehouses, churches and theaters and an immense population--all upon the map. astoria at that time was a small place or rather two places--the upper and the lower town--between which there was great rivalry. the upper town was known to the people of lower astoria as adairville. the lower town was designated by its rival as "old fort george or mcclure's astoria." a road between the two places would have weakened the differences of both, isolation being the protection of either. in the upper town was the customhouse; in the lower town two companies of united states engineers, under command of major j. s. hathaway. there were not, excepting the military and those attached to them and the customhouse officials, to exceed twenty-five men in both towns. at the time of our arrival in the country there was considerable commerce carried on, principally in sailing vessels, between the columbia river and san francisco. the exports were chiefly lumber, the imports merchandise. the united states census of gives astoria a population of two hundred and fifty-two, which number included the two companies of united states engineers stationed here and probably a number of transients. i have before me a photograph of a painting copied from a daguerreotype picture of astoria taken in . this picture was taken from a spot near where the parker house now stands and shows a wharf and a dozen houses. the wharf was known as the parker wharf and extended from the parker mill in a northeasterly direction to a point just north of the occident hotel. this was the first wharf erected in astoria and was built in the early fifties. the picture also shows the old methodist church which was built in - , a cooper shop, the shively house, the present residence of judge f. j. taylor, and the buildings occupied by the united states troops during their stay here. a few houses were not shown in the picture, those in the then western part of the town and those in upper town. astoria was now assuming the proportions of a town and in was incorporated by the territorial legislature. the town included the shively claim and a part of the mcclure claim. with the incorporation of the astoria and willamette valley railroad in by t. r. cornelius, w. w. parker, john adair and others began astoria's struggle for rail connections with other parts of the state and with the east which ended with the completion of the astoria and columbia river railroad in . no census returns were handed in for astoria in , but the estimated population was about two hundred and fifty. the troops had been removed before this so that the town had had a substantial growth caused chiefly by the increase in the amount of shipping and the trade with the small growing settlements near astoria. astoria was becoming the trade center for all points on the lower columbia. the fishing industry was confined still to the smoking and salting of salmon and a considerable quantity was shipped to the sandwich islands. j. m. shively, who had been appointed postmaster in , left for the mines in leaving his deputy, david ingalls, in charge of the office, who moved the office to his store on the southwest corner of tenth and duane streets. at this time astoria was the distributing office for the entire northwest, including the present states of oregon, washington, idaho, and montana. in san francisco was made the distributing point for the coast. t. p. powers, who resided in upper town and was a part owner in that place, succeeded mr. shively as postmaster and moved the post office to upper town near the customhouse. this left astoria without a federal office and helped to build up its rival. with the change of the national administration in , new officers who were friendly to the lower town were appointed and the post office and the customhouse were moved to the lower town. it was remarked at the time by a resident of lower town that "politics took them away and politics brought them back." the erection of fort stevens and fort canby at this time made work plentiful around the mouth of the river and contributed to the growth of astoria both in population and in wealth, as many of the supplies were drawn from the town. the school census for the years - shows a steady growth in population brought about by the establishment of new enterprises, the settlement of the country tributary to the town, and the increase in amount of shipping from the columbia river, especially the establishment of a regular line of steamers from portland and astoria to san francisco. in christian leinweber started the upper astoria tannery which gave employment to about thirty persons. in what was afterwards known as the hume mill was built near thirteenth and commercial streets and was one of the city's most important resources until its destruction by fire in . in judge cyrus olney, who had succeeded to the claim of john mcclure, formulated a plan to dispose of a part of this property at a uniform price per lot. this plan was known, locally, as the olney lottery. tickets were sold for $ each, entitling the holder to a lot in the city and a chance to draw the "grand prize," which consisted of two lots and a house, the property now owned and occupied by louis kirchoff and situated on twelfth street, between exchange street and franklin avenue. the other lots were situated in different parts of mcclure's astoria. the plan then amounted to this: each ticket entitled the holder to a lot, though the location was a matter of chance, and a chance to win two lots and a house. many lots were disposed of by means of this lottery. by the population of the town had increased to six hundred and thirty-nine, and the population of clatsop county had increased from four hundred and sixty-two in to one thousand two hundred and fifty-five in . small sailing vessels and steamboats were running between astoria and lower river points, and a regular steamer service was maintained between portland and astoria and between portland and san francisco. at this time it was customary for the ocean steamers to make the trip from portland to astoria during the day, and to tie up at astoria for the night, and to cross the bar the next morning. steamer day was the event of the week and was a source of considerable revenue to the merchants of the town. the pioneer and historical society was organized in this city in , and, as the name implies, its membership is limited to the pioneers of oregon, and its object is to prepare and keep a record of the events in which the pioneers figured during the founding and development of the state. many records were collected by the society, but for the most part have been scattered and lost, as have the books of its once valuable library. for several years past the society has had merely a nominal existence, but recently a movement has been started to reorganize the society, and to carry out the purposes for which it was founded, especially in the way of collecting local history. the _astorian_, the successor to astoria's first newspaper, _the marine gazette_, published during the sixties, was first published in , and has been issued continuously since that time. its influence in the upbuilding of the town can not be estimated. the early files of the paper are filled with articles encouraging new enterprises, setting forth the advantages of the town, and recording every new step in its advancement. the question of title to the water frontage became a troublesome one when the town began to grow and buildings were being erected along the water front. the original settlers thought they had title to this land by virtue of their patent from the united states; but later it was learned that the state of oregon had title to all land between high and low-water mark. by a legislative act passed in the state authorized the sale of its property in front of astoria to the owners of the property immediately back of the tide land, or to those who had purchased their land from such owners and had made improvements thereon. the price asked was nominal. during the years - most of this land was purchased from the state, and the city placed in a position to use the property best suited for cannery sites and wharves. by the terms of the new city charter, passed in , the limits of the city were extended so as to include shively's claim, hustler and aiken's addition, and all of mcclure and olney's addition. in the boundaries were again changed so as to include upper astoria, alderbrook, all the land between alderbrook and john day's river, and smith's point. the city was bounded at this time by the columbia river, john day's river, young's bay and river, and a line connecting john day's river and young's river. these boundaries remained until , when all the land east of van dusen's addition was cut off from the city. in the fall of the first grain ships to take their entire cargo from astoria were loaded by r. c. kinney & sons. this fleet consisted of the british ship vermont and three other vessels. the same year the astoria and willamette barge company was formed for the purpose of carrying wheat in barges and steamers from the farms in the willamette valley to the vessels at astoria. the company built the "farmer's wharf" on the site of the present dock and warehouse of the oregon railway and navigation company. this company lacked the capital to carry on this enterprise and after loading a few ships sold out to the oregon steam navigation company. the promoters of the barge company expected to transport a ship load of wheat to astoria for less than the cost of towage and pilotage between portland and astoria. since this time some of the larger grain vessels have completed their cargoes here, but this port has not been made a starting point for the grain fleet. while the experiment with the wheat shipping was being tried another industry was rising into importance, the one that more than any other has contributed to the growth of the town. in four thousand cases of salmon had been packed. the following year eighteen thousand cases were packed on the columbia river, and this important industry was established and by it had reached the proportions of an extensive commercial transaction. astoria's share in the salmon packing business began with the erection of badollet & company's cannery in upper astoria in . this cannery did not run the next season. a. booth & company built the second astoria cannery. devlin & nygant's, r. d. hume & company's, and kinney's were built in the order named and all were in operation in . trullinger's mill was built during this year and astoria now boasted of two large mills, five canneries, and a tannery. during the two years, from to , the population of the town nearly doubled and many new buildings, consisting of canneries, warehouses, and dwellings, were erected. there was much money in circulation as every one had money and the fishermen were prodigal with theirs. small change was seldom used, the quarter being the smallest coin in general use. this was the period of astoria's greatest growth. from a small shipping station in the sixties it had grown to be a town of about two thousand people, controlling the most important industry on the lower columbia and holding a large trade. improvements followed as a matter of course. in the western union telegraph company completed its line between portland and astoria, and robert mason & company constructed a building and entered into the production of oil from salmon heads. during this year a new enterprise was started at the canneries of m. j. kinney and hanthorn & company, that of canning beef and mutton. at kinney's from september, , to january, , nineteen thousand five hundred cases of beef and five hundred cases of mutton were packed. this industry seems never to have gotten beyond the experimental stage in astoria, owing largely to the difficulty of securing cattle at a fair price and to the lack of facilities for and experience in handling the meat. during the season of there were eleven canneries in operation in astoria and more than a thousand fishing boats were in use on the river. just before sundown, during the fishing season, the river would be covered with white sailed boats, all sailing briskly along on their way to their favorite drifts. houses during this year were in great demand, and many were built. the _astorian_ thus speaks of the building boom: it may seem surprising, but nevertheless it is true, work is progressing in all stages upon one hundred and eighty-nine new buildings in the city of astoria at this moment. * * were we to attempt to enumerate the long list of structures erected in this city since last fall we should fail to do the subject justice. in building wharves and warehouses, canneries, and other packing establishments, ship yards, and machine shops, stores, and residences, many thousands of dollars have been spent. and again: houses are being erected at an alarming rate. last saturday ten new structures were raised--one for every working hour of the day. the river trade, a very important factor in the upbuilding of the city, had greatly increased during the past three years. twenty or more steamers, large and small, were engaged during in making daily trips between astoria and lower river points and upper river points as far as portland. at this time seven steamers were making regular trips between portland and san francisco, but stopping at astoria and bringing many passengers and much freight to the town. the _astorian_ of may , , commenting on the number of people arriving at astoria, says "last month two thousand six hundred and twenty-eight bona fide immigrants landed at astoria by steamers. about one thousand seven hundred proceeded inland in search of homes." this was about the beginning of the fishing season, and no doubt most of those who remained at astoria were fishermen and cannery workers. the people at that time remained in astoria during the fishing season, and returned to california for the winter. the effect of having such a large floating population was soon felt on the morals of the city, and it was during these early years of the salmon industry that astoria acquired the reputation for vice and crime that remained long after the city had rid itself of its undesirable element. during the year there were forty saloons in the city, and all reaped a rich harvest during the fishing season. the _astorian_ was strong in its protests against the immorality of the town, and urged the closing of all the dives and gambling houses, but for a time without avail. later we shall see how the city did rid itself of its lowest class of inhabitants. in the roadway to upper astoria was completed, and the upper astoria post office abolished. the completion of the roadway was an event of great importance to the people of both towns, and had the effect of putting an end to the rivalry that had existed since the starting of upper astoria in , when the customhouse was built. the towns were now in fact one, though considered locally as two separate towns. by the legislative act of the corporate limits of the town were extended so as to include upper town. the intense rivalry between the companies operating steamers on the portland-san francisco route brought about the reduction of freight and passenger rates so that there was much travel between oregon and california. as every steamer stopped several hours at astoria the town received considerable patronage from the passengers. the _astorian_ speaks of the town being crowded during the stay of one of the ocean steamers. the great republic frequently carried a thousand passengers, and always took on a considerable part of its cargo at astoria. the population of astoria in was two thousand eight hundred and three and the population of clatsop county seven thousand two hundred and twenty-two. this increase in the number of people in the county meant much to astoria, since the supplies for a large part of clatsop county are taken from the city. in the salmon industry reached its highest point. not only were more fish canned than at any previous year but a better price than ever before was paid for the raw material, thus distributing a larger amount of money among the fishermen and cannery workers. during this season six hundred and twenty-nine thousand cases of salmon, valued at over $ , , , were packed on the columbia river. it was during this year that the fire, known locally as the "big fire," occurred. it started july , , in the sawmill near the site now occupied by the foard & stokes company and swept the entire water front from that point east to seventeenth street, including the large warehouse owned by the oregon railway and navigation company. the volunteer fire department worked heroically and succeeded after several hours in gaining control of the fire, though not until it had destroyed several blocks of business houses, wharves, and dwellings. the wooden streets, built on piling over the water acted as a means for carrying the fire from building to building. the loss was very heavy but the fishing season was at its height and money plentiful, so that in a short time new buildings were erected in place of those destroyed by fire. an interesting chapter in astoria's history is connected with the fire of . during its progress a large quantity of liquor was taken from the saloons in the path of the fire and carried to places of safety only to be stolen by the rougher class of onlookers. in a short time great disorder prevailed in the vicinity of the fire and the officers were powerless to prevent the wholesale stealing of the goods taken from the stores and houses. drinking was kept up throughout the night but after the fire was checked the scene of disorder was transferred to the lower part of town, known as "swilltown." here the drunken fishermen were soon relieved of their money by the denizens of this section. later some of the fishermen threatened to burn the rest of the town in retaliation. the business men of the city fearing that this threat would be carried out organized a committee to assist the officers in preserving the peace should their aid become necessary, the mayor at the same time issuing a proclamation calling upon all saloon keepers to close their saloons each night at o'clock. one saloon, owned by riley and ginder, two ex-policemen, refused to obey and when the officers went to arrest the proprietors they were fired upon through the barricaded doors. during the conflict three taps were sounded on the fire bell, the signal for the citizens' committee to assemble. the committee responded quickly and arrived upon the scene fully armed and ready for action. the officers in the mean time had succeeded in entering the building and had arrested riley and ginder who were brought before the committee. after a short deliberation they were informed that they must leave the city at once under penalty of being hanged from the city hall. the threat was sufficient and they closed their saloon and left the city. to one who knows the condition of affairs that existed in the city after the fire, and the character of the men who led the citizens' movement, it is evident that riley and ginder used the best of judgment in obeying promptly. after disposing of this case the committee decided to drive out the crowd of disreputable characters that lived in "swilltown," and accordingly served notice on all such to leave town within twenty-four hours. this order, backed by a resolute set of citizens, was generally obeyed, only one man openly defying the committee. this man, an englishman by the name of boyle, was known as a "bad man." nevertheless he was captured, whipped, and sent out of town. recognizing three members of the committee he brought suit against them in the united states court for damages and secured the verdict. the amount was quickly raised by general subscription, $ being the usual individual contribution. the citizens' committee having accomplished the purpose for which it was organized now disbanded. notwithstanding the steady decline in the salmon pack on the columbia river since and the closing of many of the canneries in the city, astoria has had a steady growth, due in a great measure to the increase in trade with the growing towns and the farming and dairy districts tributary to the city, and to the growth of the sawmill industry, which though still in its infancy here, is growing rapidly. by the close of the summer four and possibly five large mills will be in operation. in the city had a population of six thousand one hundred and eighty-four, a very great increase over the census returns of ten years before. two years before this the astoria and south coast railroad was started and the road built from sea side to the middle of young's bay, a distance of about fifteen miles. though this road did not enter the city for several years its building had a marked effect on astoria. prices for city property increased very rapidly, and during the years and a real estate boom was in progress. while considerable property changed ownership very little building was done so that when the period of activity in real estate ended the city did not contain rows of empty houses as did so many of the boom towns of washington. almost from the beginning of its history astoria has dreamed of rail connections with the east. the coming of the railroad has been regarded as the one thing needed to make astoria the seaport of the northwest. the astoria and south coast road had stopped near the center of young's bay. about three years later a new road that was to run up young's river, thence through the nehalem valley to portland was started. this company, after building several miles of trestle around smith's point and up young's river, suspended operations owing to its inability to secure sufficient financial backing to complete the road. the astoria and columbia river railroad company was given subsidy of a million and a half in money and property and in built the present road to connect with the northern pacific track at goble. the city has been greatly benefited by this road, although the long expected period of rapid growth did not accompany it, owing to the fact that astoria has not been made a common point with other cities of the northwest. the population of the city in had increased to eight thousand three hundred and eighty-one. a conservative estimate places the population now at a little over ten thousand. this is substantially the story of astoria's settlement and growth, both in wealth and population. it remains now to trace the influence of its main industry, salmon packing, in determining its social conditions. in astoria foreigners and native born of foreign parentage form the great majority of inhabitants. representatives from almost every part of the world live in astoria, the principal nationalities, however, being norwegians, swedes, danes, and finns. the finns form a greater part of our population than any other nationality. during the first thirty years after the real growth of the city began the population was almost exclusively american, but with the advent of the fishing industry came the hardy fishermen and sailors of northwestern europe who found here an opportunity to carry on their customary avocations with the assurance of profitable returns for their labors. during the first few years of the salmon business a great number of fishermen came from other states, so that astoria had a floating population of nearly two thousand during the summer months. they were a free and easy set who made money and spent it without reserve, the saloons getting a large share of their earnings. as a result saloons flourished, carrying with them their many kindred evils, and astoria became a rough place. the foreigners who in more recent years have engaged in fishing are, as a class, sober and industrious, and home builders. gradually these adopted citizens have displaced the transient fishermen, until now the term fisherman is no longer synonymous with rowdy, but rather indicate a hardy, industrious citizen of foreign birth. in upper astoria and alderbrook the people are mostly scandinavians, or descendants of this race. in union or finn town, as the name implies, the people are almost exclusively finns. they are progressive and almost to a man own their own homes, not shacks or hovels, but well built, roomy houses. these people, as well as the scandinavians, come from a country where the public school system is well established, and are zealous in the cause of the public schools of this city. a year ago the people of union town attended the annual school meeting almost in a body, and succeeded in carrying through a measure and voting a tax for the construction of a school building in the west end of the city, at the same time offering to donate a considerable part of the necessary labor. the present taylor school building is the result of these efforts. in the last city election, out of a total of eleven hundred names registered, nearly six hundred were of foreign birth. of this number one hundred and seventy were natives of finland, eighty-seven of sweden, seventy-two of norway, sixty-four of germany, and forty of denmark. the finns are very clannish, which accounts for their almost exclusive finnish settlement in west astoria. it is their custom to send for their relatives in their own country as soon as they have earned the necessary money. in this way the foreign born population is steadily increasing. they do not appear to be a speculative class, but seem content to work hard, secure a home and save something from their yearly earnings though a few cooperative companies have been formed for the purpose of packing salmon. the struggle for material advancement in the way of developing resources, securing a railroad, and other enterprises has not been greatly aided by the foreign population. since the coming of these foreign-born citizens the fishing element is no longer regarded as a rough class of people, but rather as the sober, working class of the city. during the winter months most of the fishermen are employed carpentering, street building, as workers in the mills and factories or engaged in knitting nets and preparing gear for the next season. astoria at the present day is a cosmopolitan city of about ten thousand inhabitants, composed largely of foreigners. as in earlier times fishing is the main industry, though the rapidly growing lumber industry bids fair soon to surpass it in importance. at the present time there are only seven canneries in operation in astoria, but the cold storage business has assumed large proportions during the past two years. astoria now possesses an excellent water system, a thorough school system, consisting of six grammar schools and a high school, all together accommodating about fifteen hundred children and employing thirty-one teachers. trade with the surrounding country has increased very rapidly during the last few years, but astoria has been but little benefited by the increased export trade from the columbia as most of the cargoes are shipped direct from portland. during the ninety-two years of its existence astoria has grown from a small fur-trading station to the second city in size in the state. while its growth has been apparently slow, it has kept pace with the development of oregon and the northwest as a whole. alfred a. cleveland. a pioneer captain of industry in oregon. note.--the material from which this paper has been prepared was derived from the following sources: manuscript account of "woolen mill," the "journey to washington," and the "cargo of wheat to liverpool," written by mr. watt and loaned to the author by mr. s. a. clark, of washington, d. c., in whose possession it has been. a series of articles in the _oregonian_ in , by mr. s. a. clark, describing the journeys across the country and other incidents, obtained from manuscript and from conversations with mr. watt, with whom mr. clark was on most intimate terms; a paper containing recollections of his brother's life and incidents by ahio watt, of portland; conversations with the widow and daughter of mr. watt, who are now living at forest grove, oregon. a unique place in the industrial history of oregon must be given to joseph watt, the first to undertake the manufacture of woolen goods on the pacific coast and the first to send a cargo of wheat to the market at liverpool, both of which acts mark the beginning of important industrial and commercial policies in the history of oregon. joseph watt, or "joe," as he is more commonly called by those who mention him in connection with the history of oregon, was born at mount vernon, knox county, ohio, on the th of december, . his earliest ancestor in america was a silk weaver of scotch-irish descent who came to this country about , settling in the vicinity of philadelphia. his grandfather, joseph watt, crossed the alleghany mountains in and took up a donation claim in western pennsylvania. his father, john watt, who had taken part in the war of and served with perry in his first cruise on the great lakes, migrated to knox county, ohio, in . here he married and reared a family of ten children, of whom joseph was one. as a boy watt seems to have been always a dreamer, building castles in the air and planning great schemes of business and adventure. because of these dreams of verdant fields and herds of cattle, he desired to join the movement for the settlement of texas, then being effected under the leadership of sam houston, and was prevented only by the ill health of his father and the large family which needed his aid. as a sort of compromise his father agreed to migrate to missouri in . this move resulted only in hardship and privation, and soon young watt was turning his thoughts again toward the prairies of texas. in the winter of and he started south, stopping in the country of the creeks and cherokees to earn money at his trade of carpentering. it was at this time that the oregon country was coming prominently before the people in missouri. watt became interested and returned to his home with the intention of migrating to oregon. on his way through the southwestern part of the state in the spring of he came in contact with many who were planning to start that year. senator lewis f. linn, of missouri, had introduced a bill into the senate in providing for the settlement of oregon and offering six hundred and forty acres of land to each settler. watt read all that he could find upon the subject, listened to everything which he could hear and talked much with his associates. by the spring of he was ready to start, but his father had become equally anxious to better his condition and proposed that the whole family prepare to go the following year. by the spring of it was clear that the expense of so long and difficult a journey could not be met, and watt, unwilling to defer his hopes longer, started with two companions, expecting to earn his way across the plains by driving the teams or cattle of well-to-do emigrants. the assets all told with which he started on this long journey were $ . in cash and a stock in trade of a pair of new boots, some pins and fishhooks, to be used in trade with the indians. watt had succeeded in securing employment as driver for a well-to-do emigrant, but fell out with his employer before they had gone far. with a job here and there, and a trade to his advantage, he managed to reach burnt river with a cow and a rifle to his credit. as the journey neared the end however provisions grew scarcer, and those who possessed them were less able or willing to share with others. finding that he was not welcome at the camps of the emigrants, and obedient to vigorous hints, he started ahead with a single companion and began the dangerous and difficult journey over the blue mountains. the snow lay from twelve to eighteen inches deep, and the trail could only be followed by scratches made on the trees by wagons that had passed over before. watt's moccasins had given out and were mended with leather cut from his buckskin pants. for provisions they had but a loaf of bread between them. the rifle was useless because there was no game in the mountains. his cow had been left in the charge of a friend in a party behind. all difficulties were surmounted however and the valley of the umatilla was reached. here they were in the region of game. a number of prairie chickens were shot, powder was traded to the indians for a few potatoes, a kettle was borrowed and the weary travelers gave themselves over to a feast, which, at intervals, was prolonged through the night. their spirits rose when hunger was appeased, and they knew that soon they would be at the mission station at waiilatpu. ragged and disreputable in appearance they were not cordially received, and the independent nature of watt ever cherished a dislike for missions and missionaries. remaining at the station until the party having charge of his cow arrived he effected a trade by which he secured a supply of provisions for the last part of the journey to the dalles, where he expected to take a boat down the river. various experiences were yet to be met. fate decided that he should partake of but a single meal from the supply of provisions which he had earned so dearly. he escaped death by the arrival of unexpected help when he was grappling with an indian in which encounter the expectoration of tobacco juice figured as a peculiar weapon of defense. finally, however, he reached the dalles where boats belonging to the hudson bay company were at anchor. those who had money to pay their passage were packing their goods on board and going themselves, but the chances for a passage for a penniless and ragged traveler were small. it was watt's purpose to work for his passage and he made application to the boatman. "you are like one of those worn out oxen," was the reply, "you haven't strength enough to hold yourself up, let alone work;" and the boatman went on with his loading. sitting on a rock by the river watt was a despondent figure. but the boatman, turning back with the exclamation that "it was too bad to leave the poor devil to starve" for he might have some "come out to him after all like a lousy yearling in the spring," asked if watt could sing. on learning that he could he bade him find a place on the bow of the boat and earn his meals as best he could. under the title of the "figurehead," therefore, he kept his allotted place on the bow, and by his skill in singing and telling yarns earned his meals as well as his passage down the river. one song, entitled "the bobtailed mare, or the man who went to heaven horseback," made a decided hit, and watt fared sumptuously for the remainder of the journey down the columbia. ever at the van across the continent watt was the first of his party to reach his destination at oregon city, in november of . a curious spectacle he must have made as he appeared upon the streets with his walnut roundabout, buckskin pants reaching to the knees and patched with antelope skin, with a red blanket for an overcoat and woolen hat, so worn in the crown that it hung about the neck rather than rested on the head. such was the young castle builder who had made his way across the plains with a capital of $ . in cash and a stock in trade of pins, fishhooks, and a pair of new boots. such was the picturesque appearance made by one who was destined to play no unimportant part in the industrial development of oregon. for a time he slept in the shavings of a carpenter shop. he tried to trade his last possession, his beloved rifle for decent clothes but failed. one day in his wanderings along the street he chanced to meet the chief factor of the hudson bay company, the hero of his life. after a few inquiries doctor mcloughlin gave orders to a clerk to furnish watt with clothing. "tut, tut, tut," said the old man, "what people these americans are, wandering vagabonds across a continent. what are they coming here for? give him some clothes." after a bath behind the shade of a neighboring bank of the river watt emerged clad in his suit of british corduroy and with all his preconceived and inherited antipathy toward the british and the catholics removed. with the first money earned from the task of bricklaying, an employment given him by doctor mcloughlin, he sought to pay for his clothes, and purchasing a bath tub, a cake of soap and some tobacco, which was his one luxury, he had begun his career as one of the pioneer captains of industry in oregon. it was not long before an opportunity for advancement presented itself. the catholic church on the french prairie was then in process of construction and its builders were in need of a workman competent to complete the cornice. as watt was something of an adept at the carpenter trade he was offered the work of constructing seven hundred feet of cornice at $ a foot, when he was on the point of offering to do it for fifty cents. the return from this employment was sufficient to give him a financial start. not only industrious but shrewd in the matter of trade, watt made the most of the opportunity. about this time the brig henry came up the river at a time of high water, with a cargo of goods, among which was a stock of seth thomas clocks, an article for which the demand was great in this remote region. with the savings from his carpenter work watt purchased the lot, and found little trouble in disposing of them in exchange for wheat. the harvest for the year had been abundant, while the demand was small, and the clocks, which had cost but $ apiece, were sold for sixty to eighty bushels of wheat. shrewdness in anticipating the oversupply of the one year would be followed by the scarcity of the next was more than rewarded. wet weather and other climatic conditions caused a small supply while a large emigration increased the demand and the bushels of wheat were in turn exchanged for the pieces of gold. thus in the space of two years the capital of $ . had increased to over $ , , and the way was open for larger plans. watt had never in the meantime ceased his dreaming. it was not now, however, the broad plains of texas and the herds of cattle, but, rather, the luxuriant meadows and hills of the willamette valley, which his imagination covered with flocks of sheep. pleased with the opportunities of a country which had profited him so much, and desiring his parents and family to come, he started back to missouri in the spring of . the return was also to be made the means of realizing his dreams. it was his intention to bring back a flock of sheep. already he seemed to see the demand that would grow up in a damp country like oregon for woolen garments, and perhaps, likewise, the need of suitable clothing for his eight sisters. there were but few sheep in the country at that time. some were in the possession of the hudson bay company; others had been driven over in the emigration of , and possibly there were a few besides. the return journey was made by the southern route. evidences were visible of the terrible sufferings of the party who, in , had been induced to come that way. along the rogue river the indians were hostile, and watt was enabled at various times to kindle his fire for breakfast with the arrows which lay thick about the camp. on the broad plains he was frightened by a band of hostile pawnees, but, escaping all danger, at length reached in safety his home in missouri. before his return to oregon watt made a journey to the east, mainly on business. boston, however, with its bleak weather, had few charms for him. "with all their steamboats, railroads, fine stores, fine cities, fine women and all, give me oregon," is the reflection which appears in the reminiscences of his visit. while in the east and in the neighborhood of washington he decided to visit the national capital and carry back to his fellow pioneers in the far west whatever he could learn of the disposition of the administration toward his country. as this "self-appointed delegate" was walking about the streets of the capital city he was indulging in the reflection, typical of the western spirit, that "a great deal of money was being spent foolishly in that city." he took occasion to look up old friends upon whom the city life failed to exert a helpful influence. his purpose there, however, was not curiosity, but information that might be of value, and to gain this he sought admission to the chief executive. president polk was at the time too busily engaged to give him audience, and the disappointment was great, for his reminiscences record the exclamation: "what right had he to be busy when i was there, all the way from oregon?" unable to see the secretary of war, mr. davis, for similar reasons, he finally was advised by his friends to visit the little brick house, on a back street, which was occupied by senator benton of missouri. there he felt he would surely receive a cordial welcome. "i must go and see benton," he says: "haven't i shouted for him in missouri, and hasn't he made speeches in favor of oregon? yes, he can tell me what the government is going to do for oregon." admitted into the house by the colored servant, he stood in the presence of the senator whom he thought well named "burly benton." the interview was far from pleasant, if we may judge from watt's account. upon learning the residence of his visitor, the senator immediately began a eulogy upon the services to oregon of his son-in-law, colonel fremont, which aroused the ire of the westerner. "ah, yes," said benton, "we know all about oregon. my son-in-law, colonel fremont, has traveled all over that country. the country is, or ought to be, under everlasting obligation to him for the information he has given at the greatest sacrifice a man ever made." to this his visitor warmly replied: "as to any information given you by mr. fremont regarding what the people are doing and their prospects, it is certainly guessed at, for i know he was never there. his map of the road is good, but when it comes to making roads, he never did. he followed the road to oregon made by emigrants, men, women and children to the dalles, took bateaux to fort vancouver, got supplies, returned to the dalles and struck out for california on the east side of the mountains." watt says in his reminiscences that he shall never forget the look that benton had on his face as he started across the room, rubbing his hands and storming, "perhaps i don't know the movements of my own son-in-law." while the picture is completed by the clerk, to all intents writing at a desk near by, but whose sides were "prying out and in like a pair of bellows." a tribute paid by watt to the services actually rendered by colonel fremont mollified the old senator and the remainder of the interview was pleasant. the conversation turned to the object of the visit which watt had expressed to benton in the following words: "i was in the neighborhood of the city and was anxious to learn something about the intent of the government concerning oregon so that i could have something to tell the settlers on my return, for we only get the news once a year." watt told him of his plan of transferring his family across the plains and of driving sheep and introducing the manufacture of wool. to benton it seemed "quite an undertaking," but watt, with the true pioneer spirit, replied, "yes, but the people out there do not mind hardships and dangers. somebody has to do it if the country is ever settled." to the praises paid by watt to oregon and the need of an extension of government, benton replied, "there are a great many things to contend with, i am afraid, before that can be done. england has to be treated with, for they have some claims out there; and we have many designing men here who will give us trouble. i am sure i do not know how it will be done, but i think something will be done that will satisfy you people. i have been frustrated in some attempts to relieve the country but am still in hopes we can do something." the conversation then drifted to mutual acquaintances in missouri, and watt left with some maps and reports of fremont, presented by the senator, under his arm. the journey by boat down the mississippi river was the occasion of another experience. a collision occurred just before daylight and many of the passengers, unable to get to land, were drowned. watt narrowly escaped by reaching the hurricane deck and wading out of the cabin waist deep in the water. "i thought that worse than all the indians in the world," is the remark with which he sums up this experience. upon reaching home the preparation was made for crossing the continent. a band of sheep had been gotten together during watt's absence, much to the amusement of the neighbors, who could not believe the enterprise would succeed. the progress, indeed, was slow. when rain fell the mud was deep and in dry weather the dust was equally trying. "i have driven day after day, pushing the sheep along by my knees, and could not see them for the dust," says watt. the emigrants of had a comparatively easy time, and a comfortable journey. they were more numerous, were better provided with necessities and better organized than those of former years. how great the contrast between crossing the plains in and that which had been the occasion of so many difficulties four years before. the ample outfit consisted of two large freight wagons with five yoke of cattle to each. there was loose cattle and sheep and drivers and herders to help with the work. watt's familiarity with the route, his knowledge of the best camping places and sources of water supply caused many to look naturally to him as a leader, although the dust that rose from the path of the flock of sheep was too much for a close following. watt was a lover of a practical joke, and his knowledge of the country often gave him an opportunity to indulge this taste. by his advice a company of the emigrants had been induced to camp by the dry sandy with the promise that water would be abundant. when they reached the place there was none to be seen. the bed of the stream was as dry and dusty as a desert. to the surprised and indignant inquiries of the fellow travelers for water watt only said, "i have struck the rock and water will soon be here." doubt and despondency, however, were clearly seen on the faces of the emigrants, and many thought that they had trusted too far. those who were fortunate enough to have kegs of water in possession for such an emergency now brought them out and began the preparation of supper. those less fortunate gathered in groups where grumbling could be heard in undertones; but watt was calm and unconcerned through all. without warning, when darkness came on, a thread of ice cold water that the midday sun had released in the snow-capped mountains, came trickling down. it grew larger and larger and shouts on every side arose "here's water! water for all! moses still lives." the thirsty cattle rushed in without questioning the source of supply, but the emigrants touched it reverently, half doubting the reality of their senses. the usual vicissitudes of the long but somewhat monotonous journey across the plains were enlivened one night by the sudden arrival in camp of a messenger, on horseback, from the west. he had been riding hard and seemed anxious to proceed as fast as possible. it was joseph meek, messenger of the oregon colonists, on his way to washington to announce to the government the whitman massacre and the cayuse war. "the cayuse indians have broken out," he said, "and are murdering far and near, sparing neither man, woman, nor children. men are all up from the valley fighting them hand to hand. our boys charge and the indians charge back, death and destruction at ever charge." the effect of the vivid account, that none could give better than meek, was great. women and children were frightened and crying. even the men questioned the wisdom of proceeding. watt, however, being well acquainted with meek knew his proclivities for exaggeration when striving for effect. gradually the facts were brought out and the situation, though still serious, was not sufficient to turn back the emigration. for the rest of the journey watt was the most cautious of the party. no indians appeared and the fear of the emigrants wore off; but, like the water from the mountains, the indians might come unannounced into camp at any time, as the experienced traveler across the prairies well knew. even the seriousness of this occasion furnished watt material for his practical jokes. when the party had exceeded the usual limit of carelessness in sitting late and burning the camp fires in the enjoyment of social intercourse, watt arranged with the guards of that night a plot. the alarm for indians was to be sounded at early dawn. the plan worked to a charm. the emigrants, who had retired to rest with a feeling of security, now crept out in confusion or hid themselves away in ridiculous positions. the bully of the crowd who had boasted that he "would like to eat an injin for breakfast every morning," was now pushed from the wagon by his delicate wife, with a rifle in one hand and his pantaloons in the other. the heroine of the hour was a young girl, mary greenwood, the daughter of one of the reliable men of the party. she was seen amidst all the confusion kindling a fire and beginning to mold bullets for the men to use. the journey was made without mishap to the sheep until snake river was reached. here the current was strong and they were carried down the stream. the dreamer of oregon's new industry stood on the bank, helpless, and awaited the issue. the enterprise might easily have terminated at that point; but fate decided otherwise. one fellow in the flock, with all the qualities of a leader, struck out for shore with a strong stroke and soon the larger part of the flock reached the land and the wool industry for oregon was safe. without other incidents of importance the journey was finally ended and the family were all together in their new home in oregon. the wool weaver had proved a worthy successor to the scotch irish silk weaver of colonial days. he had shown the stuff from which new countries are settled and new industries started. the sheep, after their long and dusty drive, were placed upon the rich pastures of the farm in yamhill county, and to all appearances were well pleased with the new environment. the cards and reeds and castings for loom and spinning wheel were put in place and cloth was made, sufficient to meet the needs of the family and in particular of those eight sisters whose needs had played so important a part in the beginning of the wool industry for oregon. the wise dreamer, however, had been unable to see fully the future. he had not known that while his plan was under way the discovery of gold in california had attracted the notice of the world; that the population flocking there would cut off the demand for his woolen cloth, while abundance of goods would come in from the east by water to increase the supply. the enterprise was well conceived, but as a financial move it was doomed to temporary failure. the sheep, however, were here and could wait for more favorable conditions. "about six or seven years after the gold mining excitement wore off," says watt, "and people began to sober down to the home business, a few began to think about the prosperity of the country. we were buying too much and had nothing to sell. stock had run down; there was little inducement to go into wheat largely. we must do something to prevent so much of an outlay for merchandise from other countries. wool was almost worthless and there was plenty to keep a small mill going if we could only get the mill." being interested in sheep himself watt was anxious to make that industry profitable. he believed that the time had come when woolen goods on a considerable scale could be manufactured at a profit; that the cheapness of raw material would overbalance the high price of labor. watt had no personal knowledge of woolen mills but there were in oregon, at the time, two millwrights who understood the subject and were anxious to be employed in such an enterprise. as the subject was canvassed the interest grew. in , therefore, articles of incorporation were drawn up for the erection of a woolen mill to be located somewhere in the willamette valley. subscriptions to stock were sought and offers of bonuses solicited. the articles provided that the capital stock should be $ , , and that when $ , was paid in a meeting should be held to decide upon the location of the mill. a committee of five was appointed to take charge of the matter. the meeting to decide upon location was held at dallas when the requisite amount of stock was paid in. it was a meeting of considerable importance, as much rivalry had arisen regarding the location. one party wished it to be placed on the luckiamute, west of the polk county hills, and the other desired it to be located at salem on the east side of the hills. lively work had been done; the party favorable to the salem location had secured a bonus worth about $ , and had control of the voting stock. considerable scheming, preliminary to the vote occurred, and when it was taken "you could hear a pin drop," says watt. the result was favorable to the salem site, and plans were begun for the construction. within a few weeks all the stock was paid in and the company had possession of a piece of land for the mill. a board of five directors was elected and orders were given to begin the work. the water power was to be brought from the santiam river by means of a ditch. the task was not great as the bed of mill creek could be used and the water power was soon secured. an agent was sent east to purchase the machinery and by the time it arrived the building was ready for its occupation. before the machinery was placed the introduction of this new industry was the occasion of a splendid ball in the spacious building. it was one of the most brilliant social affairs ever held in oregon up to this time. among the list of those present from all over the territory were dignitaries of state, including the governor; dignitaries from the army, including lieut. phil sheridan, and as watt himself says, "even dignitaries from the church were present." watt was an inveterate lover of song and dance, and would go many miles at any time to engage in such festivities. he was therefore in the height of his glory, which was not even destroyed by the fact that his chosen lady, miss lyons, beautifully adorned in a gown of blue velvet, with golden stars, was led to the dance by the governor. indeed, he had no reason to be uneasy, for the understanding between them was good, and a few years later, , he was married to her, dressed for the occasion in a suit of wool made in the mill which he had done so much to establish. by the first of may the machinery was in place, and everything was in running order. cloth bearing the name of "hardtimes" was produced, and the first blankets ever made west of the rocky mountains were sold at auction. the first pair went to mr. watt for $ , and the others brought $ to $ . at first all the product that could be turned out found a ready market; competition, however, soon set in and the managers of the mill were undecided what course to pursue. unwilling to discontinue the enterprise watt was consulted, and agreed to take the entire product of the mill for a period of three years at a fixed price. by an aggressive process of advertising, in which he personally carried the goods into all the important places along the line of the old holladay stage route, both in oregon and california, a market was created for the goods. in three months after the agreement had been made the managers of the mill were willing to give a large consideration in return for a relinquishment of his contract. the goods found such ready market that the building and machinery were doubled. prices continued to rise; debts were paid off; the value of the stock rose; a gristmill was built by the company; the race through the town constructed, and salaries of officials were raised "as high as their consciences would allow them to take." a woolen fever began to spread through the country. mills were built at oregon city, brownsville, and ellendale. this was the period of greatest prosperity. conditions changed, but watt was not then connected with the business. divisions had arisen among the stockholders of the company, and watt had disposed of his stock in , when it sold for a value of $ per share. he continued to be interested in sheep to the close of his life, and large flocks of the finest breeds were kept on his farm under the care of a scotch herder employed for the special purpose. he was ever interested in furthering the sheep industry in other parts of oregon, and it was partly through his influence that sheep were first placed upon the ranges of eastern oregon. but the dreams of the dreamer broadened as time passed. in , when divisions led to his withdrawal from the woolen mill, the crop of wheat in the valley was unusually large. the wheat industry had been increasing for years. oregon was rapidly passing from the fur trading and pastoral stages of industrial life to that of agriculture. with an ever-increasing supply the market was restricted, and here was a problem to attract the mind of watt. shipments of wheat were made to california, but the markets beyond had tempted only the most daring. one line of steamers had been established between portland and new york and four or five vessels had been drawn into the trade. the sally brown was the first to make the trial and watt was the man who gathered up the cargo which she carried from the wheat fields of the willamette. ever in the van through life watt conceived the idea that a cargo of wheat could be sent to liverpool, the market of the world. with him to think was to act, and in he went through the valley gathering wheat for the first cargo to the greatest wheat market in existence. it was an adventure in magnitude exceeding anything that he had tried before. failure would mean a heavy loss, and success would usher in a new day for the industrial life of oregon. the cargo was gathered and the vessel set forth on the long voyage. the destination was reached and the grain inspected. it was unlike any that had ever been seen before on the docks of the great market. the inspectors had never seen kernels of wheat so large. the decision was pronounced that it could not be right, and the whole cargo was condemned as water soaked and unfit for the market. the loss fell heavily upon the consignor of the cargo, but a beginning had been made that was destined to grow until oregon's industrial isolation should be ended. in closing this paper it requires but a few words to sum up the chief characteristics of joseph watt. he is best seen in the narration of his life. ever engaged in enterprises that were ahead of his time, he belonged to the vanguard of industrial development in oregon. ever a dreamer, he met with heavy reverses but yet retained a competence sufficient for a comfortable old age. independent and genuine in his character, there was no cant in his make-up. one of the company of kindred spirits that includes the names of nesmith, matthieu, clark, boise, minto, crawford, and others, his company was always appreciated, for he was genial and sociable in disposition. by the indians he was loved, and they gathered about him at his home in yamhill as they would about no other. deeply interested in all that pertained to oregon, he was truly one of her benefactors. always loyal to the early state builders, he conducted a party of them in an excursion to the east when the railroad connection was completed. always deeply interested in the pioneer association, watt was its president for a time and rarely was absent from its meetings. by gift from his widow the author of this paper has deposited in the vaults of the oregon historical society the little book in which he kept the names of the members in their own handwriting. it is worn and soiled through frequent use, but it will ever be a valuable reminder of the earliest of our state builders, as well as a reminder of him whom the author has chosen to designate as a "pioneer captain of industry in oregon." james r. robertson. documents. two whitman sources. correspondence to the _new york spectator_ which describes doctor whitman as a passenger on board the steamer narraganset on long island sound. doctor whitman is on his way from new york to boston. editorial from the _new york daily tribune_ of march , . arrival from oregon. we were most agreeably surprised yesterday by a call from doctor whitman from oregon, a member of the american presbyterian mission in that territory. a slight glance at him when he entered our office would convince any one that he had seen all the hardships of a life in the wilderness. he was dressed in an old fur cap, that appeared to have seen some ten years' service, faded, and nearly destitute of fur; a vest whose natural color had long since faded, and a shirt--we could not see that he had any--an overcoat, every thread of which could be easily seen, buckskin pants, etc.--the roughest man we have seen this many a day--too poor, in fact, to get any better wardrobe. the doctor is one of those daring and good men who went to oregon some ten years ago to teach the indians religion, agriculture, letters, etc. a noble pioneer we judge him to be, a man fitted to be chief in rearing a moral empire among the wild men of the wilderness. we did not learn what success the worthy man had in leading the indians to embrace the christian faith, but he very modestly remarked that many of them had begun to cultivate the earth and raise cattle. he brings information that the settlers on the willamette are doing well; that the americans are building a town at the falls of the willamette; that a mr. moore of mr. farnham's party, some sixty years of age, was occupying one side of the falls, in the hope that [the] government would make him wealthy by the passage of a preëmption law; that the old man blair, another member of the same party, was living comfortably a short distance above, as all who have read mr. farnham's travels will know that he deserves to do. doctor whitman left oregon six months ago; ascended the banks of the snake or laptin river to fort hall, and was piloted thence to santa fé by the way of the soda springs, brown's hole, the wina, and the waters of the del norte. from santa fé he came through the indians that have been removed from the states to missouri. the doctor's track among the mountains lay along the western side of the anahuac range; and he remarks that there is considerable good land in that region. we give the hardy and self-denying man a hearty welcome to his native land. we are sorry to say that his first reception, on arriving in our city, was but slightly calculated to give him a favorable impression of the morals of his kinsmen. he fell into the hands of one of our vampire cabmen, who, in connection with the keeper of a tavern house in west street, three or four doors from the corner near the battery, fleeced him out of two of the last few dollars which the poor man had. [this editorial was quoted in full by the boston _advertiser_ of march st.] * * * * * from the _new york spectator_, wednesday evening, april , . cruising in the sound. gentlemen: respecting the goodly bay state i can say but little, because since i saw you, i have been only an occupant of steamboat and railroad cars. i had long supposed that a three-day trip to boston was only hereafter to be a notion and reminiscence of olden time, but alas! i have had the stern reality of things as they "used to was." i left new york on monday, in the narraganset, at the usual time. we had a rough trip into the sound, and at o'clock captain woolsey, with sound discretion, carried us into the new haven bay, where we anchored till wednesday morning, when we proceeded to stonington, and on going over [to?] the railroad and finding it in the vocative case, owing to the outbreak of the waters, we retraced our movements and again took boat, and made a passage around point judith. it is due to captain woolsey and his very gentlemanly aid, mr. richmond, to say that everything was done to make a large body of disappointed passengers feel happy; good and plentiful meals were gratuitously provided, and it can hardly be possible that any wayfarer on this occasion left the narraganset without a deep conviction that, under the severe and awkward circumstances of the passage, all had been done that was possible to obviate the inconveniences and disagreeables of the passage through the sound. i would add that the boat worked well. we had a very pleasant set of passengers. among others i may mention the hon. robert rantoul of boston. this gentleman is by far the ablest man of the democratic party in massachusetts, and unless i could see him embarked for salt river, (which i think must be his final destination,) i would rather have him embark on the same boat in which i sail, than any other. he is a very interesting, affable man, of great research, and will, i doubt not, yet render good service to the country. the rev. dr. whitman from oregon. we also had one who was the observed of all, doctor whitman, the missionary from oregon. he is in the service of the american board of commissioners of foreign missions. rarely have i seen such a spectacle as he presented. his dress should be preserved as a curiosity; it was quite in the style of the old pictures of philip quarles and robinson crusoe. when he came on board and threw down his traps, one said "what a loafer!" i made up my mind at a glance that he was either a gentleman traveler, or a missionary; that he was every inch a man and no common one was clear. the doctor has been eight years at the territory, has left his wife there, and started from home on the st of october. he has not been in bed since, having made his lodging on buffalo robe and blanket, even on board the boat. he is about thirty-six or seven years of age, i should judge, and has stamped on his brow a great deal of what david crockett would call "god almighty's common sense." of course when he reached boston he would cast his shell and again stand out a specimen of the "humans." i greatly question whether such a figure ever passed through the sound since the days of steam navigation. he is richly fraught with information relative to that most interesting piece of country, and i hope will shortly lay it before the good people of boston and new york. could he appear in new york tabernacle--in his traveling costume--and lecture on the northwest coast, i think there would be very few standing places. much of his route was on foot and occasionally on horse or mule back, with a half-breed guide. to avoid the hostile indians he had to go off to the spanish country, and thence to santa fé. a rascally hackman took him in at new york, and carried him from place to place at his whim and finally put him down near the battery, close to his starting point, charging him two dollars, and it being midnight he succeeded in the vile extortion. civis. in connection with our friend's communication we subjoin an interesting account of doctor whitman's mission, as given by mr. farnham in his travels in over the rocky mountains. [fills over one and a half columns.] * * * * * documents relating to the oregon emigration movement, - . oregon--pittsburgh meeting and doctor white's report. the following paragraphs we find in several of the eastern papers this morning: "_the settlement of oregon._--the meeting at pittsburgh last week, reported that it was not expedient for american citizens to emigrate to oregon until the united states government had taken measures to secure and protect the emigrants in their rights. we see, by a letter in the new york papers, that elijah white, who went as united states agent to oregon, and took with him a large party of emigrants, writes, under date of august th, that his party had increased to one hundred and twelve, although they had lost two, one by sickness and the other by accident. they started with nineteen wagons, and their journey had been slow and tedious; but they had passed two thirds of the way, and were in excellent health and good spirits. a favorable opportunity for emigration will occur in april, through the aid of mr. fitzpatrick, at independence. mr. white advises those who intend to go to prepare light strong wagons, and to take no loading except cooking utensils, and provisions for four months. mules are preferable to horses. he says no doubt exists as to ultimate success of the colony." * * * * * from the _jeffersonian republican_, september , . the settling of oregon. we learn with gratification that it is at least rumored that an expedition is about to be got up in saint louis, to colonize the rich and interesting territory of oregon. to such as have so laudable and advantageous an enterprise in view, we are prepared and feel warranted in saying, that it rests not upon "rumor" that many of our fellow-citizens of upper missouri intend emigrating to that highly celebrated region next spring, and will no doubt be glad to be joined by as many of the enterprising citizens of saint louis as may think it their interests to join them. we learn from the "oregon correspondence committee" of this place, that already they are beginning to receive names of gentlemen desirous of joining the expeditions, and from present indications, there seems to be no doubt remaining that there will be quite a large company formed. let not those who now [have it?] in contemplation, draw back, but steadily persevere, and they may confidently promise themselves success. the country which they seek is no doubt one of equal attraction and advantages as any on the globe, and we rest assured that so soon as the number of inhabitants will justify, the fostering hand of a territorial government will be extended to it. up then every pioneer, and let your cry be "onward!"--_western missourian._ * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, march , . letter from an oregon emigration agent to a friend at pittsburg. washington city, february , . dear sir: nothing of importance has transpired in congress since my last. i am informed by members of the house of representatives that the bill for the occupation and settlement of oregon territory will come before the house this week. it will pass when acted upon. it was referred to the committee of foreign affairs. john quincy adams, chairman of the committee, reported back the same without amendment, on the th, and, as might have been expected from him, recommended that the bill do not pass. it is evident, notwithstanding, that the bill will pass when acted upon. captain stine [steen], commanding the dragoons at fort leavenworth, has addressed several letters to dr. l. f. linn and others, wishing the secretary of war to grant him permission to accompany us with the dragoons. i have postponed an interview with the secretary of war till i am ready to leave for the west. i have sent many documents to you and others. you will please send some of them to your friends in ohio, wheeling, and other places, if you have any to spare. i have given the names of the several committees in pittsburgh, and west of it, to a number of the members, who promise that they will continue to send all the documents calculated to throw light on the subject of oregon, etc. i am happy to learn that the citizens of pittsburgh take so warm an interest in the matter. i am your most humble and obedient servant, j. m. shively. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_ of march , . the war department made the following responses to the inquiries of prof. joseph schafer for information as to provision of military escort in for body of emigrants going to oregon: first indorsement. war department, adjutant general's office, _washington_, _september , _. respectfully submitted to the chief of the record and pension office, war department. no information touching the matter of escort for emigrants from fort leavenworth to oregon in the year has been found in this office. j. parker, major of cavalry, assistant adjutant general. second indorsement. record and pension office, war department, _washington_, _september , _. respectfully submitted to the quartermaster general of the army. the records on file in this office show that j. m. shively, of st. louis, missouri, stated under date of march , , that his party would start for oregon on april , ; and that he desired a company of troops. the records also show that the communication of mr. shively was charged to the quartermaster general. nothing additional has been found bearing on this inquiry. ---- ----, chief, record and pension office. [name signed not decipherable.] third indorsement. war department, quartermaster general's office, _washington_, _october , _. respectfully returned, by direction of the quartermaster general, to mr. joseph schafer, no. park street, madison, wisconsin. no record of any correspondence with captain e. steen, st dragoons, fort leavenworth, kansas, during the year , bearing on the matter of a military escort for emigrants is found, nor is there any record of the communication of j. m. shively referred to in the second indorsement hereon. s. f. long, (?) major and quartermaster, united states army. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_ february , . oregon. the xenia _free press_ says: a farmer in this county informed us a few days since that he could raise a company of fifty families who, if [supported?] by the government, would march, on short notice, for oregon. also on the same page: the _state register_ (illinois) says that the largest meetings it ever witnessed were held in springfield on wednesday and thursday evenings in the hall of the house of representatives, a couple of whigs talking the british side of the question. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, february , . the oregon meeting. [the meeting was evidently held on saturday, february th.] the meeting on saturday evening at the council chamber was much more fully attended than was expected, the proceedings of which will be found in our paper. after the organization and the appointment of a committee to report to the adjourned meeting to be held on thursday evening next, william b. hubbard, esq., in answer to a call of the meeting, commenced a most interesting address, prefaced by offering a resolution complimentary of doctor linn of missouri, and those senators who stood by him in the advocacy of the bill for the settlement of this territory. the cry of fire caused mr. h. to close his remarks, with a request by the meeting that he would proceed with them at the next meeting. we hope mr. h. will prepare a synopsis of his remarks for the press. nothing would be read with greater interest at this time. the government should speedily establish military posts from the frontier settlements on the missouri to the pacific. settlements would speedily take place around each post, and produce in abundance would soon be raised to supply the post and the flow of emigration. an adjourned meeting of the citizens of columbus and its vicinity was held in the united states courtroom on the evening of thursday, the th instant, in pursuance of a resolution adopted at the last meeting. [colonel medary (editor of the _statesman_), from a committee appointed to collect facts, reported that the committee wanted more time. the subject growing more and more interesting, on motion the committee was allowed till next thursday.] the resolution offered at last meeting was then taken up, and on motion of mr. hubbard, was amended by adding, at the end thereof, the words "without the violation of any international law." the resolution, as amended, read as follows: _resolved_, that this meeting duly appreciate the untiring labors and distinguished abilities of senator linn and others in congress, in their successful advocacy of the just claim of the united states to the oregon country; and that, as a component part of the great west, we hope for a speedy adjustment of our rights upon the borders of the pacific ocean, and a like speedy occupation and settlement of that country, without the violation of any international law. [copy ordered sent to hon. joseph ridgway, member of congress for the district.] the _ohio statesman_ of march , , contains the report of the committee appointed as per the above accounts. the report seems to have been drawn up by col. samuel medary, chairman, and is a strong and interesting document of considerable length. it discusses in full, with all the information available at the time, the economic advantages of the oregon country, as well as the question of title. the report is accompanied by a map. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, march , . oregon. the people are again in motion here in relation to the emigration to oregon this spring. peter h. burnett, esq., one of our most estimable citizens is among the foremost here in exciting a laudable spirit in relation to the settlement of that desirable country. on tuesday evening mr. burnett delivered a very able lecture upon this subject, in which was embodied a vast fund of information calculated to impress all who had the pleasure of hearing him with the advantages attendant on an early settlement of our western demesne. the american eagle is flapping his wings, the precurser of the end of the british lion, on the shores of the pacific. destiny has willed it.--_platte (missouri) eagle._ * * * * * from the _chillicothe intelligencer_, march , . [at a meeting on march th, held in the courthouse, amos holton presented a series of resolutions, and addressed the meeting at length] showing the origin and justice of our claim, and the immense value of that territory to the united states, in a commercial point of view, and to the west in particular, when, on motion the preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted. john a. fulton, chairman. wm. e. gilmore, secretary. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, april , , quoting the _iowa gazette_ (burlington). oregon. (the article aims to give a plan of preparations for emigrating, including detailed advice as to outfit, route, etc. the suggestions are similar to those adopted by the bloomington meeting, for which see the quarterly of the oregon historical society, volume iii, page - , december number.) [the writer thinks that there is a ferry at or near council bluffs.] i speak of burlington as a very suitable point to start from, because we have an abundance of the necessary supplies, and an excellent and very commodious steam ferryboat for those who are east of us. (signed) one who intends to emigrate. n. b.--newspapers who are friendly to the enterprise are requested to give the above an insertion. the same issue of the _statesman_ still further quotes from the _gazette_ as follows: oregon. the oregon fever is raging in almost every part of the union. companies are forming in the east, and in several parts of ohio, which, added to those of illinois, iowa, and missouri, will make a pretty formidable army. the larger portion of those will probably join the companies of fort independence, missouri, and proceed together across the mountains. it would be reasonable to suppose that there will be at least five thousand americans west of the rocky mountains by next autumn. this, if nothing else, will compel congress to act upon the matter. we have reason to suppose, however, that we shall have a congress which will assume the responsibility even without any inducement other than the protection of american honor and american rights. * * * * * from the _national intelligencer_ (washington), june , . emigrants for oregon. the _liberty banner_, published in clay county, missouri, says: we are informed that the expedition to oregon, now rendezvoused at westport in jackson county, will take up its line of march on the th of [may] this month. the company consists of some four or five hundred emigrants, some with their families. they will probably have out one hundred and fifty wagons, drawn by oxen, together with horses for nearly every individual, and some milch cows. they will, we suppose, take as much provision with them as they can conveniently carry, together with a few of the necessary implements of husbandry. there are in the expedition a number of citizens of inestimable value to any community, men of fine intelligence and intrepid character, admirably calculated to lay the firm foundations of a future empire. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, may , . we attach the suggestions in the report of general worthington, adopted in this city on saturday evening, in advance of the publication of the report: "the committee, then, do most respectfully recommend that a convention of the western and southwestern states and territories be immediately called, to urge upon the general government immediate occupation of the oregon country by a military force, and to adopt such measures as may seem most conducive to its immediate and effectual occupation, _whether the government acts or not in the matter_. "that it be declared to the world, that the californias never should pass into the hands of england for any purpose whatever; and that if they go out of the possession of mexico, they should at once be attached to the _future_ north american republic of the pacific ocean. "that all rumored negotiations of the surrender of any part of the pacific border for an equivalent in the californias, should be denounced as fraught with danger to the peace and honor and liberty of the american continents, and as a _repudiation_ of mr. monroe's triumphantly sustained declaration of , _that these continents are not to be considered subjects of colonization by any european power_. "that it be declared that great britain should be excluded from the whole of the northwest coast, between our boundaries with mexico and russia; and, that, to give her any part, will be a virtual loss of the whole, as it will cripple, or entirely prevent any important commercial operations by american citizens on our pacific coast. "that we recommend the oregon convention to be held in cincinnati, ohio, on the third, fourth, and fifth days of july, . "that measures be immediately taken for the appointment of committees at the capitals of all the states and territories west and southwest of the alleghanies, to urge such action upon their several legislatures as will induce congress to immediate occupation of oregon country by the arms, the laws, and the citizens of the united states. "that an address be published to the people of the west, and the union generally, setting forth, and urging the adoption of the principles and opinions above proclaimed." [the meeting to appoint the delegates to this oregon convention was called to meet in columbus on the last saturday in june.] experiences of the emigration of . from the _new york tribune_ (weekly), august , . we find the following letter from the oregon emigration in the _iowa gazette_ of the th instant (july): oregon emigrating company. kansas river, june , . * * there are over , and perhaps , head of cattle, mules, and horses attached to the company. captain applegate has over head, and others over head. this has been a bone of contention with some of the emigrants and very nearly divided the company. indeed, i am not certain but it will be the means of a split yet, as there are a number without cattle who refuse to assist in guarding them. the dissatisfaction is not quite so violent now, as the cattle owners have agreed to furnish the company with beef, (in case of scarcity of buffalo meat,) work cattle and milch cows, the former at a price to be fixed by the committee, and the cows and oxen without charge. the company have agreed to this proposition, and the former law, limiting each individual to three head of loose cattle, is thereby repealed. the number of cattle is quite too large. it is impossible to guard them at night, and the indians at this place have already commenced stealing horses and killing cattle. the company which leaves next spring for oregon should keep strict guard on their cattle and horses at the crossing of this river, as some eight or ten horses and mules have been stolen in one night from our company. doctor whitman from walla walla, who is in our company, advises that the company divide into three or four parties, for speed and convenience, as there will be no danger from the indians. [the name of the writer of the above letter is not given. the letter, however, indicates that he came to the emigration from burlington, iowa, and evidently lived there, as his letter was printed first in a burlington paper. he was chosen a member of the "cabinet advisers" of the captain--nine persons. probably these points will serve to identify him. was he m. m. mccarver?] letters descriptive of oregon country and its earlier conditions. a letter by the rev. alvan f. waller to his brother at elba, new york. it was first published in the _christian advocate and journal_. taken from the _ohio statesman_, march , . wallamette falls, april , . dear brother: your last came duly to hand and very much refreshed our spirits. write every opportunity, being assured that intelligence from our friends is to us in this land like cold water to thirsty souls. you will see by my letter where i am stationed. this is in some respects a pleasant though laborious field of labor. this is and is destined to be, the great emporium of the interior of this country. its water power for manufacturing purposes is probably not rivaled in the states; at least, few and far between are the privileges which equal or excel it; besides here is an excellent salmon fishery. as to the country, taking it all and all, it is a good farming and grazing country. the winters are so mild that the cattle and horses do well without feeding. the country is well watered, and the inhabitants are, in general, healthy. the ague and fever is the most prevalent disease, although other diseases occur. on the sea coast i believe it is more healthy than back in the country. so far as i and my family are concerned, we have been as healthy as we ever were in the states. our little ones are quite as hearty and as lively as the fawns that skip over the plains. produce of all kinds, except corn, does well here, so far as it has been fairly tried. some corn has been raised. wheat, peas, and oats, i believe, so far as quality is concerned, can not excel in any country. potatoes are tolerable, and in some parts excellent. indeed, it is my candid conviction, that an industrious and economical man can live as well (fruit excepted) and make property as fast as in almost any country, and far easier than in any part of the state of new york where i have lived. let him bring with him a few hundred dollars in cash or property, his farming utensils, etc., and settle on one of these delightful plains and the first year he can support his family from the soil, as he has nothing to do but fence, plow, and sow, and prepare a shelter or house for his family; yet he will have to encounter some difficulties incident to all new countries. our mills are few and far between, and not all of the first order, but rather multiplying and improving; though a good millwright is very much wanted, as well as apparatus for building mills and a great many wholesome settlers, embracing some capitalists who will open trade with the islands and china, which can be done from this coast with great facility. but first of all, our government ought to extend its jurisdiction and protection over this country. the state of the country in this respect (especially for americans), as well in respect to a currency, is unpleasant. the hudson bay company seem determined to monopolize as long as possible; yet in many respects they are quite accommodating, at least, so far as it is to their interest. they profess to claim many of the best and most valuable parts of the country by putting up a little hut without habitation and forbidding any one settling in those places. they made a claim at the falls, on the side where i now am, about twelve years since, hewing a quantity of timber, etc., and a few years since they put up a small hut and covered it with bark. last fall an american took possession of a small island in the falls, but no sooner was it known at fort vancouver than a company of men was sent off with boards to put up a hut, and soon the governor of the fort came up, greatly incensed, called the man a pilferer, and anything but good; he, however, went on! a cooper wished to build a shop near me, but was informed, by orders from the fort, that if he built his shop would be torn down. he, however, went on and built; his shop still stands. these are naked facts; and others of the same kind, if necessary, can be forthcoming. by this you will have some clue to the state of things in this country in this respect. i have written in great haste, as this is to be off early to-morrow morning. besides, i have plenty of company, a number of men being here to buy salmon, of which i have the care. others are on their way down the river. indeed, my house is at times, as to travelers, more like a public house than a methodist preacher's. your affectionate brother, alvin f. waller. * * * * * a letter by titian r. peale to thomas morgan, esq., of washington, pennsylvania: washington, d. c., february , . dear sir: observing the interest you have taken in the "oregon bill," now before congress, i conclude that a few notes, coming from one who has recently traveled through a portion of the oregon territory, will be acceptable to you, and probably be of use to some of your neighbors, who may feel disposed to profit by the inducements offered, should the bill pass and become a law. being a member of the scientific corps of the united states expedition, in , i had the misfortune to be wrecked, in the ship peacock, at the mouth of the columbia river, and subsequently traveled that portion of the country south of the columbia river, known as the wallamette valley, and thence across the mountains to california. the soil, we observed, generally on that route, although not as rich as that of the mississippi valley, was still sufficiently so, when cultivated, to produce from twenty to forty bushels of wheat to the acre, of as good quality as any i have ever seen in my native state (pennsylvania), which, added to the facilities for settlers in finding the land ready for the plough, without the labor of clearing, while sufficiency of the finest timber is found on the banks of the numerous streams, is alone sufficient to invite to the further settlement of the country when known. but this is not all. the winters are so mild that it has never yet been found necessary to house cattle, or provide winter food for them. they thrive and multiply beyond expectation. salmon are procured in great profusion in almost all the streams, and ready markets are found for them, as well as all the other products of the territory, in the markets of mexico, south america, and the numerous islands of the pacific ocean. thus, from its position in the pacific, it has all the advantages which we possess in the atlantic ocean; gaining in the china what might be considered as partly lost from the european trade. the tract of country to which i have more particularly alluded is about two hundred and fifty miles long, including the mouth of the columbia river, and reaching to about one hundred and fifty miles from the coast. this tract of country i considered quite equal, if not superior to pennsylvania, both in commercial position and capability in agricultural product, and much superior in its advantages for raising cattle, etc., being generally interspersed with prairie and woodland. would the above hasty notes prove satisfactory to you or any of your friends, or if they only serve to awaken a spirit of inquiry, it will always be a source of pleasure to me in having communicated them. with great respect, i have the honor to remain, yours truly, titian r. peale. _to thomas morgan, esq., washington, pennsylvania._ * * * * * letter by peter h. burnett to the _st. louis reporter_: taken from the _ohio statesman_ of september , . fort vancouver, november , . friend penn: i reached here on yesterday, and the grass is now as luxuriant as a wheat field. provisions are abundant here, and doctor mcloughlin (who is the most liberal and hospitable man in the world,) furnishes the emigrants with wheat to be paid for in cash or in wheat next year. at the cascades we met provisions sent us by the doctor, and all purchased who applied, even without money. two boats have been sent us with provisions, and the doctor has lent two boats to the emigrants free of charge. we find him doing everything to aid the emigrants; and those who are here in the wallamette valley, are as hospitable as they could possibly afford to be. business is very brisk, and labor finds ready employment and prompt payment at high prices. necessaries of all kinds can be procured at vancouver. most of the emigrants have reached here with their cattle and baggage, and will soon have their wagons here also. we find that cattle bear a fine price here and will sell readily. cows at from $ to $ , oxen at from $ to $ per yoke; labor $ per day; beef from to cents; salt salmon $ to $ per barrel of about pounds; wheat $ ; flour $ per pounds. anything can be sold here. butter from to ½ cents; sugar, tea, coffee, and dry goods--plenty. american horses bear better prices than they do in the states. the country exceeds my expectations, and certainly if man can not supply all his wants here he can not anywhere. lieutenant fremont, who bears this, can give you further information. i must close as he leaves immediately. peter h. burnett. * * * * * letter of peter h. burnett's, taken from the _ohio statesman_ of october , , which quotes it from the _globe_, washington: linnton, oregon, july , . i am here in our new town, which we have named as above, in respect for doctor linn's services for this territory. gen. m. mccalla [m. m. mccarver] and myself have laid out the town together. he is a gentleman from iowa territory, and laid out burlington, the seat of government. he is an enterprising man. our place is ten miles from vancouver, on the west bank of the wallamette river, at the head of navigation, and three or four miles above the mouth of the wallamette, and twenty-five miles below the wallamette falls. i have no doubt but that this place will be the great commercial town in the territory. we are selling lots at $ each, and sell them fast at that. at the falls there is quite a town already. i own two lots in oregon city (the town at the falls). they are said to be worth $ each. i got them of doctor mcloughlin for two lots here in linnton. i was six weeks at vancouver, where myself and family were most hospitably entertained by doctor mcloughlin, free of charge. he has been a great friend to me, and has done much for this emigration generally. i find provisions high--pork cents, potatoes cents, flour $ per hundred. but i find it costs me a little, even less to live here than at weston. i paid for wood the last year i lived at weston $ , for corn and fodder $ , all of which is saved here. we use much less pork here than in missouri. the salmon are running now and will continue to run until october next. they generally commence running the last of february and end in october. i have had several messes of fresh salmon. at this point we purchase of the indians ducks, geese, swans, salmon, potatoes, feathers, and venison, for little or nothing. ducks, four loads; geese, eight loads; swans, ten loads; salmon, four loads of powder and shot each. feathers cost about twelve and a half cents a pound. there are more ducks, etc., here than you ever saw; also pheasants in great numbers. they remain here all the winter. i have hunted very little, being too busy. we find it very profitable to get of the indians, to whom we trade old shirts, pantaloons, vests, and all sorts of clothing. they are more anxious to purchase clothes than any people you ever saw. you can sell anything here that was ever sold. stocking cary ploughs $ each. we have an excellent blacksmith living in our place who makes first rate cary ploughs at thirty-one and a quarter cents a pound, he finding it. [omitting an elaborate description of the willamette valley.] american cows are worth here from $ to $ ; american horses from $ to $ ; oxen from $ to $ per yoke. this is the finest country for grazing cattle you ever saw. they keep fat all winter. butter sells at to cents. and, what i did not expect to find, this is a good country for hogs. at all events you have here plenty of grass, a root they call wappato, and also plenty of white oak mast. a first rate market can be had for any and everything, and you have never seen business more brisk. times are first rate and everybody is busy. the manufacturing power is unsurpassed in the world. there are more fine sites than you ever saw. such water power as that at the falls of platte can be found everywhere. * * [omitting a portion of the letter describing the timber of oregon.] i will not persuade you, nor will i any of my friends, to come to this country; but were i in the states again, i should come myself. for $ you could purchase one hundred young heifers; and in driving them here you might lose from five to ten. when you reached here they would be worth $ , , and in ten years, without labor or expense, would make you a splendid fortune. you can move here with less expense than you could to tennessee or kentucky. your provisions, teams, etc., you have; your oxen and horses, especially your fine american mares, would be worth double as much as they would cost you there. there are very few good american horses here. the indian horses are not so gentle as the american, nor so fine blooded. the american cattle are greatly superior to the spanish for milk, as they give more milk and are more gentle; but the spanish cattle are larger. cows have calves here from fifteen to twenty months old, and sheep have lambs twice a year in some parts of territory. the reason is they are always fat and get their growth much sooner. it is my deliberate opinion that no country in the world affords so fair an opportunity to acquire a living as this. i can see no objection to it, except it be by a man who loves liquor, for he can get none here. peter h. burnett. * * * * * from the _ohio statesman_, october , . quoted by the _statesman_ from the _st. louis reporter_. we make the following extracts from two letters which were published in the _western pioneer_ of the th instant, written by william l. smith and john holman, two emigrants to oregon. the information from that territory, received this year, is of the most interesting character: the prospect is quite good for a young man to make a fortune in this country, as all kinds of produce are high, and likely to remain so from the extensive demand. the russian settlements in asia; the sandwich islands; a great portion of california, and the whaling vessels of the northwest coast, procure their supplies from this place. there is as yet but little money in the country, and the whole trade is carried on by orders on an agent or factor. for instance, when i sell my crop of wheat, the purchaser asks me where i wish to receive the pay. vancouver is as yet the principal point, and an order on that point enables the seller to procure goods, or cattle, or anything else for it. the population of this country consists of french, sailors, mountain traders, missionaries, and emigrants from the states. the french population consists of old worn-out servants of the hudson bay company; they universally have indian wives, and many children, some of whom are very handsome; this part of the population are catholics. the sailors are those who deserted from vessels while lying on the coast, and have also intermarried with the indians, and but few of them have embraced any religion--they are, however, generally good citizens. the mountain traders are similar to the sailors, except that they have nearly all embraced the methodist or catholic religion. the citizens held a meeting some time since and unanimously adopted the statutes of iowa territory for their code of laws until the government of the united states should make laws for them. there is little or no crime in oregon as yet, which is attributed to the absence of spirituous liquors--and so sensible are the citizens of this fact that they are unanimous in favor of excluding it. in fact, doctor mcloughlin has several cargoes in his warehouse now, which he bought in preference to allowing it to be sold in the country. i can not speak too highly of this excellent man for his kindness to us all. he sent several boats loaded with provisions to meet the emigrants last fall, and continued to distribute little luxuries among us as long as we remained in reach of him--he is always on the lookout for an opportunity to bestow his charity, and bestows with no sparing hand. his intention is to quit the hudson bay company and become an american citizen. our prairies are beautiful, soil good, and the best stock range i ever saw. i have located and recorded six sections of land, which i can hold for one year by making certain improvements thereon, which i intend doing. i can stand in my door and see over all of them. everything is plenty, but sells high. the prospects for industrious young men are truly flattering. i do think the six sections we have now in possession are intrinsically worth $ , ; that would be $ per acre, and that is not near the value, taking everything into consideration. the situation for trade and commerce is certainly better than any other country. the climate, soil, timber, water, health, products of the country, and the prospects for good society combine to make it delightful. it would astonish you to see the state of society here--more hospitality and friendship, more morality, industry, and i do believe religion, than you will see anywhere. there are a good many scattering indians, but nothing to be feared from them. * * * * * from the _national intelligencer_, october , . emigration--the far west. we presume most persons thought that when the tide of emigration reached oregon it would go no farther, for it did not seem that the "far west" could get beyond the pacific. we find, however, that some of the emigrants who have reached oregon are "dissatisfied with the country, and contemplate going to california this spring." so says a letter in the _iowa herald_ from one of the settlers, who for his own part likes the country very well, and expects to end his days there. he describes the oregon region as rough and broken, generally heavy timbered, principally with fir, yellow pine, cedar, hemlock, oak, ash, and maple--well watered, with about one tenth prairie of excellent quality. in the streams is an abundance of fish, among which are the finest salmon in the world. oregon city is a thriving little place, and from its advantageous position it is likely to become a thriving great one. it is situated at the head of navigation on the oregon or columbia river, and at the foot of walhammat falls, one of the greatest water powers in the world. of the foregoing documents, the editorial from the _daily tribune_, new york, of march , , the second in the order of the excerpts, was found and copied by dr. j. r. wilson; for all the others the editor is indebted to prof. joseph schafer. the quarterly of the oregon historical society. volume iv. september, number [entered at portland, oregon, post office as second-class matter.] history of the preparation of the first code of oregon. i am requested by the oregon bar association to write a paper on "the preparation and adoption of the first code." before writing about the actual preparation of the first code, i desire to say something about the confused and uncertain condition of statutory law in oregon territory, prior to , and the reasons which induced the territorial legislature of - to elect three commissioners to prepare a code of laws for oregon territory. on june , , the provisional government of oregon, declared that "all the statute laws of iowa territory, passed at the first session of the legislative assembly of said territory, and not of a local character, and not incompatible with the conditions and circumstances of this country, shall be the law of this government, unless otherwise modified": laws, - , p. . the fourteenth section of the act of congress of august , , organizing the territory of oregon, continued these laws of the provisional government in force until they should be altered or repealed. at the first session of the legislative assembly, held at oregon city, two acts were passed by that body, which, owing to the construction placed upon them by the supreme court of the territory, had a tendency to produce dissension and discord among the people of oregon, which lasted for two or three years. one of these was "an act to provide for the selection of places for location and erection of the public buildings of the territory of oregon," passed february , . the other act was one which declared to be adopted, and in force, certain acts of the revised statutes of iowa territory published in . the legislative assembly of oregon by a single act adopted these acts of iowa, designating them by their several titles, and the dates of their passage. this law was generally known as the "chapman code," owing to the fact that the bill was introduced by and its passage secured through the influence of hon. w. w. chapman, then a member of the legislative assembly. soon after these two acts were passed, their validity was questioned, especially that of the one which located the public buildings, and transferred the seat of government from oregon city to salem. those who denied their validity did so on the ground that they contravened that clause of the organic act of august , , section , which provides that "to avoid improper influences which may result from intermixing in one act such things as have no proper relation to each other; every act shall embrace but one object, and that shall be expressed in the title." legal proceedings were soon taken by persons interested in retaining the capital at oregon city to declare the act of removal invalid. a suit brought for that purpose came on for hearing before the supreme court at oregon city, in december, . by law the judges of the district courts composed the supreme court of the territory. they were thomas nelson, chief justice, o. c. pratt, and william strong. of these nelson and strong had been appointed by presidents fillmore and taylor, respectively, while pratt was holding over under an appointment of president polk. the former were whigs politically, while the latter was a democrat. judges nelson and strong convened at oregon city, and opened the supreme court there. judge pratt went to salem under the act which changed the seat of government, but without a quorum could not hold a session of the court. judges nelson and strong then decided that the act of the legislative assembly providing for the selection of places for the location and erection of the public buildings, passed february , , was void, because it contravened the organic law of august , , as before stated. the opinions of the judges were never published in the oregon reports, for what reason i do not know. possibly they were not filed with the supreme court. judge pratt claimed that this decision amounted to nothing because it was not made at the seat of government, as established by act of the legislative assembly, and in this opinion that body then assembled at salem, readily concurred. this heated controversy about the location of the capital was, however, settled by a joint resolution of congress, adopted may , ( u. s. statutes, ). the first section legalized the act of the territorial legislature which located the public buildings, and the second section declared that the late session of the legislative assembly was held in conformity with the provisions of law. this, of course, ended all dispute about the location of the capital, but unhappily another controversy grew out of the construction placed by judges nelson and strong upon the sixth section of the organic law of august , . for the same reasons which they held the act for the location of the public buildings void, they also held the act of the legislative assembly, which adopted the revised statutes of iowa, to be also invalid. in other words, these judges held that by adopting several distinct statutes of iowa in one act, it necessarily embraced more than one object. judge pratt took a different view and held that the act of the legislative assembly embraced but one object, to wit, the adoption of a code of laws of the territory. the result of these conflicting views of the judges was that in judge nelson's judicial district, composed of clackamas, marion, and linn counties, and in judge strong's district, composed of clatsop county and the counties north of the columbia river, the iowa code of , adopted by the provisional government, was held to be in force. judge pratt's district, composed of all the territory west of the willamette river, included the counties of washington, yamhill, polk, and benton, and in this district the "chapman code" of the revised code of iowa statutes of , was recognized as the law in force. in the district of nelson and strong, the lawyers would cite the law from the "little blue book," as the volume of statutes of iowa of was called. in judge pratt's district the same lawyers would quote from the "big blue book," as the iowa code of was called. there were but three or four copies of the _little blue book_ in the territory, one of which was owned by hon. a. e. wait. the last time i saw it it was in the possession of hon. benton killin. there were only two copies of the _big blue book_ in oregon and the statutes adopted by the chapman code were not published until the latter part of , when they were printed by the territorial printer and bound in paper covers. a number of these printed copies were distributed among the several counties in the territory, but the uncertainty and doubt as to their validity made them of little value. as i said before, judge pratt's views of this legal controversy coincided with those of the legislative assembly, then in session at salem, and that body passed an act detaching the counties of marion and linn from the judicial district of judge nelson, leaving him only clackamas county, in which he resided. in this act it was provided that the terms of court in marion and linn counties should commence one week earlier than they did under the old law. so judge pratt held court at salem and albany under the new law, and a week later in each county judge nelson went to salem and albany to hold the district court under the old law. he found, however, that judge pratt had preceded him, held the courts, and adjourned for the term. judge nelson finding that no business was prepared for hearing before him by the lawyers, and no jury summoned to try cases, returned somewhat disgusted to oregon city, and was soon after relieved by the appointment of hon. george h. williams, as chief justice of the territory. he went back to his home in new york, where i believe he still lives [ .] i have referred to this almost forgotten history of the early days of the territorial government of oregon to show the necessity that existed for a revision of the statutory laws of the territory. the uncertainty as to what laws were then in force, and the desire to be relieved from this condition of affairs was the principal reason which induced the legislative assembly to pass the act of january, , providing for the election by that body of three commissioners to prepare a draft for a code of laws, to be submitted to the next legislature. in pursuance of this act, the legislative assembly elected the following commissioners in the order named: james k. kelly, of clackamas county, reuben p. boise, of polk county, and daniel r. bigelow, of thurston county. being first elected, i acted as chairman of the board, and notified the other commissioners of the time of our first meeting, which took place some time in march, . we met in the council chamber of the legislative building, where all our subsequent meetings were held. the first two or three days were occupied in discussing the general outline of our duties and the kind of code to be prepared. by common consent we agreed to accept the new york code of practice as the basis of our own, but with a notable exception in regard to proceedings in equity. mr. bigelow strongly insisted upon having no separate court of equity or of equity proceedings, but urged that we should follow the example of california in this respect. mr. boise and i differed from mr. bigelow. we contended that in the organic act of august , , a separate system of equity proceedings was contemplated, wherein it is provided that "each district court or judge thereof shall appoint its clerk, _who shall be the register in chancery_": act, august , , § . that it was so understood by the members of the first legislative assembly appears by the act of september , , directing the mode of proceedings in chancery: see hamilton laws. the system of equity jurisprudence and proceedings in equity adopted by the first code commissioners has now prevailed in oregon for forty years, and during all that time i think has met the approbation of both bench and the bar. another thing agreed upon by the commissioners was that the code should be prepared so that it might be adopted by the legislative assembly in several acts instead of one, as was done in the chapman code in . this was done in order to comply with the provisions of the organic law, which required that every act should embrace but one object. these preliminaries being settled it was agreed that each commissioner should take one subject and prepare the draft for an act upon that particular branch of the law. during the preparation of these drafts the commissioners held frequent consultations, as often as once or twice a week, to discuss and agree upon the proper phraseology to be adopted, or arrangement of subject-matter in the proposed act. it was agreed among us that mr. boise should prepare the act relating to executors and administrators, and also proceedings in the probate courts. to mr. bigelow was assigned the duty of preparing the act relating to crimes and misdemeanors, and to regulate criminal proceedings. i undertook to prepare the code of civil procedure in actions at law and suits in equity. these three subjects embraced the greater part of the laws which we undertook to prepare, and, after their completion, the remaining portion of our work was comparatively easy and brief. according to my recollection it was completed in the latter part of the summer or early fall of . we prepared the draft for an entirely new code of statutory laws, with the single exception of the law relating to wills. this had been enacted by the legislative assembly in , at its first session, the main features of it being a transcript from the missouri statute on the same subject. as this was one of the first acts passed by our own legislation we adopted it in our draft with only a few verbal changes. in the spring of joseph g. wilson, afterwards judge wilson of the supreme court, came to oregon, and about may we employed him as our clerk to transcribe the drafts prepared by us, in order that they could be printed for the use of the legislative assembly at its next session in december. we caused about two hundred copies to be printed by mr. asahel bush, the territorial printer, for that purpose. these were published in an unbound octavo volume, so that they could be readily separated into different bills for legislative use. soon after we entered upon the discharge of our duties as commissioners many of our political friends suggested the propriety of electing one or all of us members of the next legislative assembly, so that we could explain to the members or give any desired information to them concerning our work. we soon, however, learned that congress had passed the act to organize the territory of washington, and this would necessarily prevent mr. bigelow from becoming a member of the oregon legislative assembly. mr. boise was nominated by the democratic party as a candidate for member of the house of representatives from polk county. i was nominated by the same party as member of the council, to fill a vacancy caused by the resignation of hon. a. l. lovejoy, who had recently been appointed postal agent for oregon by president pierce. both mr. boise and myself were elected on the first monday in june, . the legislative assembly met on the first monday in december, and after the respective houses were organized mr. boise was appointed chairman of the judiciary committee in the lower house, while i was appointed chairman of the same committee in the upper branch of the legislature. of course, the burden of seeing the code properly passed rested with him and myself. we divided the draft which the code commissioners had prepared into proper bills, according to the subject-matter of each. some of these bills were introduced into the house of representatives by mr. boise, and others of them into the council by myself. all we had to do was simply to preface an enacting clause to the bill as it had been printed by order of the commissioners, and to insert a section at the end of each bill declaring that the act should be in force from and after the first of may next. the reason these acts were made to take effect on may , , was that there was no possibility of having them printed before that time. indeed, there were no facilities then existing in oregon for either printing or binding the volume containing the statutes comprised in the first code. mr. bush, the territorial printer, made arrangements to have them printed and bound in new york. i do not now remember how many copies of the code were ordered to be printed, but certainly several hundred. about two hundred of these were sent to oregon by way of panama and arrived safely some time in the summer of . the remaining copies of that edition were sent around cape horn by a sailing vessel. these never reached oregon. they were either shipwrecked or so injured that they were worthless. at the next session of the legislative assembly, commencing in december, , that body ordered a new edition to be printed to supply the place of the copies which were lost at sea, and that edition was printed in new york in . it included the acts which were passed at that session with those of the code adopted at the preceding session of the legislature. this accounts for the printing of two editions--one in and another in . between may , , when the code took effect and the arrival of the first copies of the printed volume from new york, we were somewhat troubled for want of evidence of existing statutes, and the judges and lawyers used in the courts copies of the printed draft reported by the code commissioners. a few of these unbound volumes still remained and such changes as had been made by the legislature were noted in them. some of the lawyers even went to the trouble of having them indexed so as to be more convenient for reference and citation. when, however, the first copies of the code arrived from new york these unbound copies of the code commissioners' draft were thrown aside. one of them i kept as a time-honored curiosity for many years. although the _oregon code_, as it was then termed, has since been revised two or three times to adapt it to a state, instead of a territorial government, yet in its main features it has remained substantially the same as when prepared by the first code commissioners and adopted by the legislative assembly of - . the commissioners who prepared the first code of oregon are all still living [ ], but nearly all the members of the legislature that adopted it are gone. besides judge boise and myself i can think of no one of them who is now living. james k. kelly. _september , ._ a pioneer railroad builder. responding to a request for an account of the operations of dr. d. s. baker as a promoter and financier of transportation enterprises, and particularly of the walla walla and columbia river railway, i herewith submit some scraps of history. dr. dorsey s. baker was born in wabash county, illinois, october , . he studied the profession of medicine at the philadelphia medical college. crossed the plains to oregon with the emigration of , and went to california in . the practice of his profession was remunerative, but his strong predilection for business led him to abandon a profession always distasteful. he engaged in the hardware business in portland in the early fifties, and subsequently built a flouring mill at oakland, in southern oregon, and it was his boast that he brought to oregon the first pair of mill stones ever used in the state. in he removed to walla walla, then a trading post adjacent to the army garrison established some years previously. he engaged in the mercantile business, being associated with william stephens. the firm name was d. s. baker & co., afterward changed to baker & boyer, when his brother-in-law, john f. boyer, was taken into the firm. the firm did a large business with the stockmen and settlers, and in outfitting miners and packers flocking by thousands to the oro fino and florence mines, and later to boisé, idaho, and montana. sales were large and profits good, and the firm of baker & boyer flourished. doctor baker was a man of keen business judgment and great foresight. it is probably not an over statement to say that the state of washington has not numbered among her citizens any that approached him in financial ability. in he became associated with the late senator corbett and captain ankeny in the steamboat business. they built the steamer spray, which plied between celilo and lewiston. the company had boats on what was known as the middle river, between the dalles and the cascades, and also on the lower river between the cascades and portland. they built a wooden tramway portage on the washington side at the cascades, using mules as motive power. the remains of this tramway could be seen from the opposite shore within recent years. this company's line was run in opposition to that of the oregon steam navigation company, to which it finally sold. the portage of the cascades, being the key to the situation, was the bone of contention. the oregon steam navigation company had procured the passage of a bill through congress giving them what they claimed to be an exclusive right of way over the cascade portage, and this question not having been at that time adjudicated, doctor baker's company sold out as above recited. doctor baker's next transportation enterprise was the building of a narrow gauge railroad from walla walla to wallula. he organized a company under the corporate name of the walla walla and columbia river railroad company in . among the original stockholders were doctor baker, john f. boyer, paine brothers & moore, b. l. sharpstein, charles moore, b. f. stone, william stephens, william o. green--all residents of walla walla. doctor baker was, however, the capitalist, and it was his money, his energy and unflagging perseverance that carried the enterprise to a successful consummation. to build thirty miles of railroad under conditions then existing was a great undertaking. ties and timber for bridges had to be obtained from the head waters of the yakima river, an untried stream. a logging camp was established in the winter of --a wisconsin lumberman named tarbox being placed in charge. an attempt was made to drive logs to the mouth of the yakima the following spring, but the water proved insufficient and the log drive was hung up. another expedition was sent to the woods the following winter, in charge of d. w. small, afterward a well known resident and business man of walla walla. he succeeded, by incredible effort, in bringing out the logs. a mill was erected on the banks or east bank of the columbia above the old town of wallula, where the ties were sawed, and it was at this point that the first railroad construction in washington, other than the portage road of the cascades, was begun. two small dummy or camel-back engines were bought in pennsylvania and shipped out via san francisco and portland. freight on them from portland to wallula was about $ each. the first ten miles of the road was built with wooden stringers six by six, laid on cross ties. it was doctor baker's belief that these ties would last for a few years, and it was his intention to then replace them with t rails, but in this he was doomed to disappointment. when construction had reached the ten-mile post, the wooden rails at the river end were worn out. he then bought ten miles of strap iron and continued construction. this also proved a failure. finally, convinced in the rough school of actual experience that t rail only would serve his purpose, he ordered, through allen & lewis of portland, twenty miles of -pound rail. this was purchased in wales and was brought around the horn in a clipper ship coming to the columbia river for a cargo of wheat. from portland the rail was shipped by the oregon steam navigation company line to wallula. this involved five handlings--two at the cascade portage, two at the dalles, and one at wallula. the cost of the rails and the freight were both very great. when the road reached a point ten miles out from the columbia it began to haul wheat, the teamsters being glad to avoid the long, hard pull over the sandy roads. when the road had reached whitman station, six miles west of walla walla, doctor baker's available funds were exhausted, and he would not borrow. he thereupon announced that its terminus would remain there until the earnings sufficed to complete it to walla walla. the citizens, fearing a rival town would spring up at whitman, promptly raised and donated $ , to secure the continuance of the road to walla walla. in the inception of the enterprise, doctor baker had asked walla walla county, through the board of county commissioners, to guarantee the interest on a proposed issue of bonds, to be sold to provide funds for the construction of the road, offering in return to permit the commissioners to fix the rate for carrying grain to the columbia, provided only the rate should not be less than $ per ton. the question was submitted to a vote, and rejected by a decided majority. doctor baker then said: "i will build the road without your assistance, and you must allow me to fix the rate." the rate was $ per ton from walla walla to the river. there was an additional charge of fifty cents for transfer to the steamboat. the oregon steam navigation company's charge was $ per ton, and there was a wharfage charge at portland of cents, making a total of $ per ton, or thirty-six cents per bushel from walla walla to portland. the charge of $ per ton seems now a pretty stiff rate, but teamsters in those days sometimes charged $ per ton for the same haul, although the usual charge was $ . they could not always handle the crop, and the price fluctuated. during the discouraging period of construction few people believed doctor baker would ever complete the road. his friends thought he would fail utterly, and predicted that his fortune would be lost, but the doctor knew better than most the wealth of the country's undeveloped resources, and with a faith that nothing could shake, and with a determination that grew stronger as each obstacle presented itself, continued the work of construction, staking his last dollar on the success of his enterprise. no mortgage was ever placed on the property during his ownership, and no lien or debt encumbered it. it paid unheard of dividends, and was sold at a price greatly exceeding its cost. the oregon steam navigation company bought six-sevenths of the stock in , doctor baker remaining as president. during this ownership a branch line was built from whitman to a point known as blue mountain station, in umatilla county, oregon, to tap the wheat fields of that county. still later, on the first day of july, , the road was included in a sale made by the oregon steam navigation company to henry villard. the track was changed to a standard gauge, and became a part of the present oregon railway and navigation system. many amusing stories are told of experiences in traveling over this line, known as doctor baker's "rawhide road." wheat was hauled on flat cars. a box car, with seats along the sides, originally did duty as a passenger coach. to the traveling public this was known as "the hearse," but no serious accident ever occurred on the line. it was strictly a daylight road, doctor baker persistently refusing to allow trains to be run at night. h. w. fairweather, who took charge of the road after its purchase by the oregon railway and navigation company, still tells of some of his early experiences. at that time the law required a printed schedule of freight rates to be posted in each car. looking about in vain, he finally found the required notice posted in the roof of the car in such a position that to read it the reader must lie on his back. the newspapers have another story regarding general sherman's ride over this road. in the general had ridden through montana and idaho, examining the country with reference to the proper location of military posts, and had reached walla walla on his way to the coast. he is said to have made application for a special train to take him to wallula, which doctor baker refused to furnish, remarking that there was a train load of wheat going out during the afternoon, upon which the general could take passage, and that availing himself of the opportunity, this aggregation of military glory bestrode a sack of wheat, and thus mounted, was dispatched on his journey. the fact was that he rode in a passenger coach attached to the freight train, but perhaps it is hardly worth while to spoil so good a story. some years after the sale of the walla walla and columbia river line, doctor baker built another narrow gauge to connect with a timber flume bringing lumber and wood to walla walla. this line was fifteen miles in length and extended to the town of dixie in the foot hills of the blue mountains. it did a considerable business in transporting wheat. this was also sold to the oregon railway and navigation company, which company still operates it as a narrow gauge. this was doctor baker's last undertaking, his health having failed soon after the completion of this road. when henry villiard first met doctor baker, he said to him: "you were a bold man to build into the lion's jaws," refering to the fact that the oregon railway and navigation company controlled the outlet down the columbia, but doctor baker had formulated a maxim, "he who owns the approaches to the river owns the river," by which he meant that the business of the boats originated on the railroad and the boats were dependent on the railroad. one of doctor baker's biographers has said of him, "he was the self-reliant architect of his own fortune." perhaps no man in the northwest has left his name more completely entwined into the history of his chosen country and city than has dorsey s. baker, who cast his lot with walla walla forty years ago, whose fortunes were the fortunes of the town and whose successes were the successes of the place he called his "home." he died at walla walla july , . an imposing granite monument, in the city cemetery, emblematic of his rugged virtues and strength of character, marks his last resting place. miles c. moore. _walla walla, wash., august , ._ from walla walla to san francisco. by capt. john mullan, u. s. a. from the washington _statesman_ (walla walla) of november and december , . for those who have not made the journey direct from walla walla, through the agricultural heart of oregon, and across the mountains through the mining region of northern california, there is much of interest and pleasure; and though the trip should be fraught with much personal discomfort, there is much to repay the traveler in the collection of statistics, and in seeing a region where the wilderness of yesterday has to-day given place to homes, where material prosperity, at least, arrest the attention of the traveler at every mile of the journey. the mode of conveyance from walla walla to wallula is by stages that run daily between these points, and where the journey is of six hours and a cost of $ brings you to the banks of the columbia, whence you take steamers for the des chutes landing. the improvements along the banks of the walla walla, in the shape of new and additional enclosures for farming purposes, during the last two years, have been many, and mark with unerring certainty the future of the walla walla country, as the distributing center for a radius of three hundred miles of country, now fast developing in all the elements of material, social, and political prosperity. it has more than once occurred to me that the walla walla river, by a system of locks, could be advantageously used as a line of connection between wallula and walla walla, and one needs but see the long line of wagons and pack trains, heavily freighted for the interior, to become convinced that either this or some more rapid and economical means is positively demanded, in order to connect the heart of the valley with the columbia river. economy at the present would argue in favor of converting the river into a canal, but the prospective wants of the country are much more in favor of a railroad connection. for a distance of eighteen miles below walla walla the nature of the face of the country is eminently suited in its present condition for laying a railroad track; and thence to wallula the character of work being either excavation in sand, clay, or soft rock, will enable a road to be built at economical figures. the touchet and the crossings of the walla walla river will require heavy bridges but good abutment sites are to be had, and the streams not being subject to overflow, no impediment will ever be had from this cause. it could be safely stated that a capital of $ , would construct and equip this road, and when it is known that not less than one hundred thousand tons of freight, at $ per ton, and ten thousand passengers, at $ each, pass over this line annually, it does seem strange that capitalists are not disposed to move in the matter in a practical shape. it is a project in which every citizen could become interested. the farmers could supply all the ties needed; the mills are fully capacitated to supply all the lumber demanded, and the surplus population from the mines and those out of employment could advantageously supply all the labor needed in its construction; and with the valley of walla walla to supply every necessary of life, to me it is anything but an utopian idea, and i feel warranted in believing that another twelve months will not roll around before the matter is taken up with a view to its practical execution. the teams now freighting on the road will not necessarily be thrown out of employment, but the increasing development of the interior will cause them simply to seek new lines upon which to transport this same freight after the railroad shall have deposited it at the city of walla walla, which nature has constituted a commercial center, and from which will be distributed to every point of the compass the merchandise which their wants demand. reaching the columbia at wallula one is pleased with the commercial character which this point is fast assuming. freight strewn along the levee for half a mile--stores erected, commission houses plying their vocations, and everything giving an earnest of a prosperous future. this site has doubtless many advantages as a commercial point; but so long as men shall desire pleasant homes,--where the eye is as desirous of drinking in draughts of pleasure and beauty as the pocket is of accumulating wealth,--where mills, farms, gardens, and pleasant enclosures can be had,--where the products of the fields are garnered with a short transportation to a ready market--just so long will walla walla and not wallula be the chief emporium and point of business for the interior, and for supplying the more immediate demands of the walla walla valley. that wallula will always be a point where commission houses, a few stores, and one or more hotels will always be supported, no one can doubt; but looking toward a large and growing city with all the pleasant appurtenances that make life happy, i can not but conceive that its growth must become circumscribed within the above limits. we took passage on the pleasant steamer tenino, and in eight hours were landed at celilo, a point some two miles below the des chutes landing, where the oregon steam navigation company have already formed the nucleus of a thriving village. the freshet of the past season has strewn the banks of the columbia with cord wood in abundance--which commands $ per cord. the john day's wood yard, however, is the chief depot for fuel. here, too, one notices the marked progress that is daily making its onward march to the interior. here we saw two steamers building, one already launched, owned by captain gray, and still another at celilo, of large dimensions. there is no doubt we are far in advance, in point of boldness and daring, in the question of river navigation on the columbia, of those similarly engaged on the eastern waters; and the success which has thus far attended the efforts of those who dared to move in the navigation of the upper columbia, has only emboldened them to greater efforts, and it is no dream to feel that the day is not far distant when the snake to the american falls, and the stretches of the columbia from wallula to fort colville, and the clark's fork, from park's crossing to horse plain, will all be tested by steam and thus made tributary to the growing wants of trade and travel. the fare from wallula to celilo is $ . a ride of three hours brings us to the dalles--which point, too, is showing visible signs of a healthy improvement; and the increasing trade to the mines of john day's and powder rivers is destined to make it a point of great commercial import. whether the idea entertained by mr. newell, and other men at the dalles, of a direct trade from san francisco to the dalles, shall ever be realized, is not so easy to be determined. it certainly has a favorable location for the full consummation of such an idea--and we all know what magic results gold can be made to produce, and without desire of detriment to portland, i should heartily desire to see such a happy result attained. the will to do it, and the means with which to do it, are the only two essentials needed; and if these are had, it will be done--and the sooner the two former are ascertained the sooner will the commercial idea (grand in its conception and pregnant with so many grand results) become a matter of past history. the railroad company have resumed the work of grading and ballasting, and it is the desire of the company to have the cars running by the first of next may. the roadbed is prepared for some five or six miles out from the city, and the iron track laid for half a mile. my own convictions are that the railroad, eventually, is to be more beneficial to walla walla than the dalles, but that the latter is also to derive much benefit no one will doubt. we found the line of opposition steamers running, which, having the tendency to reduce the rates of freight and travel, was a thing that the commercial and traveling public were but too glad to see. the passage from the dalles to portland was only one dollar. that competition on this immense line will be fraught with healthy results no one will doubt. the oregon steam navigation company, as the pioneers on an untested river, do certainly merit much credit for the bold hazard they so successfully made, and merit reward as such; and though many complaints (founded in justice, doubtless,) have been urged, still the history of all monopolies has shown a greater degree of extortion than i have heard urged against this company. but so long as the columbia river shall remain an open sea i do heartily desire to see competition seek here a channel of investment--and which it will always do so long as it is found to pay. all philanthropic ideas of "parties desiring to serve the public, without being remunerated," will find no believers among the merchants and travelers of the upper columbia. the merchant and traveler will take that line where the rates are the lowest and accommodation the best, irrespective of the owners of the line or those who pioneered them through to a success. at least this is the history of the commercial past, and i see no reason why it should not be the history of the commercial future. just so soon as capitalists find that putting steamers on the upper columbia is a paying investment, steamers will be put on; and, unless the capitalist is so convinced, it will be a difficult task to cause him to turn his capital into such a channel. this age is, preëminently, an _utilitarian_ one; in which facts and figures are, particularly, the weapons with which the capitalist wages his financial war. armed with these, his victory is in his own hands; not so armed, it is in those of some one else. the portage of the cascades, heretofore so great a bugbear in the trip from the dalles to portland, is now made in a brief hour on the cars, without detriment or danger. an extra dollar for riding on the cars is charged, though, if you prefer it, you can walk on the road in nearly the same time, free of cost. no traveler passes over this portage without awarding to colonel ruckle every praise for the bold prosecution of his bold project, and no one begrudges him the ample reward which he is to-day deriving in token of his past labors. this portage is on the oregon side; but it is to be hoped that the difficulties on the washington side, between bradford and bush, will be speedily adjusted, so that the steam cars, now running on a portion of the track already completed, shall connect the two termini of the portage, and thus reduce the time of travel within the minimum limits. the post at fort cascades is now abandoned, nor does it seem at present necessary to hold it under garrison, so far as the indians are concerned. the question of a foreign war, however, would render it a key-point of marked importance. a run of seven hours brings us to portland. i fear, from the present appearance of vancouver, that all chances of commercial rivalry with portland have been banished. capital is certainly not seeking it at present as a point of investment. the freshet has left its marks of devastation along the levee and lower portions of the city, and it will require much capital and energy to reinstate vancouver in the position it occupied two years since; and if the idea of making the dalles a large commercial emporium be ever consumated, i can not conceive that vancouver will ever occupy a position of more than secondary importance, unless the western slopes of the cascades should open up a gold-bearing region. in such an event vancouver would necessarily become a point of fixed commercial importance; but so long as the permanency which now marks portland shall continue to be maintained, and the question on the part of the citizens of the dalles to make it a commercial depot shall continue to be agitated, so long will vancouver stand the chance of being kept in the background. on the lower river we traveled to portland in company with quite a a number of emigrants destined to puget sound, and they all regretted that they could not have gone from walla walla to the sound by land. this is a matter in which every citizen of washington territory is more or less interested. the road opened in , by the natchess pass, has fallen into such a state, that, unless repaired and kept so, it will be useless for all practical purposes of emigrants for the sound from the states. i understand that the packwood trail is deemed by many preferable to the natchess route; but whether we shall have a route via the natchess, snoqualmie, packwood, or any other pass, is a matter about which those truly interested in seeing the sound section brought directly in communication with the interior, will not fall out. the citizens of the sound need a good road across the cascades, direct from wallula. the valley of the yakima will doubtless give us a good line, and then across to the wenatchee, via packwood's pass, either into olympia or steilacoom. the long interval which has elapsed since the natchess pass was traveled has naturally caused the line to fall out of repair. the emigrants who desire to locate on the sound need a line by which they can carry their wagons, and over which drive their stock, and not be driven to take the steamers down to monticello, thus increasing costs so heavy that it seems impracticable. this is a matter of great importance, not only for emigrants, but in order to bring the citizens of the sound, by the most direct trade and associations, with those resident on the eastern slopes of the cascades,--and is one of such importance that it is to be hoped that the attention of congress will be duly called to it. military necessity calls for such a line, and a military road should be so located and constructed. the large crowd that daily assembles on the wharf on the arrival of the steamer from the dalles is an unerring barometer of the interest felt in the development of the upper country; and a conversation with the leading merchant of the city convinced me that the trade of the willamette--where the returns to the merchants are in flour, grain, hides, and fruit,--is small and of minor importance compared to that whence their returns are by daily steamers and in gold dust. the latter is immediately converted into coin and seeks new channels of investment, and is turned over a half-dozen times a year, whereas the former must bide its fortunate market and sales thus delayed from week to week and from month to month. the establishment of a branch mint, either at portland or the dalles, is becoming a subject of daily commercial necessity, and should such a branch be established, if the treasurer was allowed, as soon as the assays were made and the value of the certificate of deposit made known, to pay out the coin immediately for these deposits, much time would be saved to the depositor, and much gain and saving to the miner, whereas now, without a branch mint, the miners are forced to sell their dust to speculators, who must be paid for their time; and this payment is kept up till it reaches san francisco--here from fourteen to twenty days are consumed before the dust is coined--though not more than two days before the value of the deposit by the assayer is determined. the treasurer has always on hand an amount of funds which could be paid out for the deposits made, which deposits, when coined, could replace that paid out, thus benefiting the miner by bringing him directly in contact with the government, who has eventually to coin his dust, and save him time and "shaving" by the speculator, and to this extent materially benefits the country by distributing and disbursing the money in the very same region where it is dug from the earth. a branch mint for oregon and washington, and an authority for the assistant treasurer to pay out at once the value of the deposit as soon as the assay is determined, are two things which, if effected, would materially tend to benefit the miner, and hence the country; whereas now the time consumed in sending the dust from the mines and getting it back in coin must be paid for by somebody, and that somebody ever has been, and, unless these changes be made, will always be the miner. just as quick as the dust of the miner is returned to him in coin in the minimum space of time and with the minimum "shave"--which in this case would be only the cost of transporting it to the branch mint and back,--then will the capital of the country be in the hands of the greater number, and that number a class of people who are interested in the material interest and prosperity of the country--and thus on [will our] roads, rivers, and works of internal improvement--our schools, academies, and all the elements of social and substantial happiness and wealth be added to and quickened by an impulse that is healthy in itself, and which aims at and desires healthy avenues of investments. should such a branch mint be established, portland would doubtless claim the site; but whether it be there, at the dalles, or walla walla, is not a subject upon which there should be any feeling. let us have it at one of these points; and if there is any one point where arguments could be adduced to determine the matter to the exclusion of the others, that point is at walla walla. for it is here whence the greater bulk of gold dust must flow; and if not here, then at the dalles--the great golden gate of the upper columbia. desiring to see a section of the country through which i had never passed we took the stage from portland to sacramento, which at the end of the first day's journey brings us to salem--where i determined to lay over a day to visit the woolen factory, and observe the characteristics of the place. the ride through the willamette from portland to salem is pleasant and refreshing,--large and well-tilled farms, orchards of great proportions, with their trees ladened with the golden fruit--peaches, apples, and pears, in most profuse abundance; neat and well-trimmed gardens, where the poetry of horticulture bespoke the appreciation of the owners of well-tilled acres. the style of farms, buildings, barns, and outhouses were all in good taste, and indicated the extent of means of the farmers of oregon. the orchards of oregon during the past twelve years have proven to be a source of golden wealth; nor is their value in the least diminished by the large amount of fruit being now raised in california. many have asked where oregon would find a market for her orchards when california should produce her own fruit, and though it is more than doubtful whether california will ever rival oregon in the growth of apples, yet if this should prove to be the case, the mining sections of eastern oregon and of washington are to-day sending forth a message to all fruits growers to dry, preserve, and can all their fruits, and they offer even to-day a golden market that must forever consume all fruits so preserved; and i have no doubt but that those who will turn their attention to this employment of preparing fruits, either as dried or canned, must always reap a golden reward for their labors. i noticed at several points that attention was already being much given this species of labor, and the future will prove that the mining sections for dried fruits will guarantee an equally lucrative market for oregon, that california has proven for her in green fruits in times past. in point of natural beauty i do not think that the willamette valley compares favorably with the smaller but equally well cultivated valley of the rogue river; but when we see once a magnificent outlet for all the produce of the farmer, and the absence of such an outlet in the latter, we are forced to prefer a home in the willamette--where ceres has erected her temple of large proportions, and where her votaries are annually basking in the sunshine of her smiles, her bounteous plenty. in passing through this rich and exuberant country i could not but regret that the donation law that first opened homes to the first settlers of oregon was as generous as it was in the largeness of its grant--six hundred and forty acres, in other words, was too large a grant for the full and truly healthy growth of any new country. true, it required a great inducement to turn a pioneer colony toward the pacific so early as ' and ' ; but i verily believe that one half the grant would have brought as many settlers as double the amount has done. the true index, doubtless, of the prosperity of a country might be regarded the ratio of its population to the square mile; but when we find only one settler to the square mile, the country, from necessity, must be sparsely populated; and this condition must hold for so long a period that detriment on a large scale must be felt. that the donation act has had, therefore, its disadvantages with its advantages no one i think will doubt,--taking the present as the standpoint from which to view the prosperity of the country. this, coupled with the fact that the lands were taken without any regard to the points of compass--thus ignoring our system of land surveys, so simple and yet so beautiful,--i can not but regret that the action of our government could not have foreseen some of the detrimental results into which its generosity has led it. of course, it is among the things of the past, but not on that account the less to be regretted. the experience in this matter may not, and, probably, never will find any field for application--for the spirit of all preëmption, homestead, and donation laws, as since passed, has studiedly held two things in view, namely, the minimum amount of land commensurate with the object to be attained by their cession and the most rigid adherence to the points of the compass in their location. in referring to the donation act, i do not cavil at the generous action of a generous government--for i but too well appreciate that it has had the effect to open to our grasp a golden continent, with avenues of trade and with wealth--which has built up a line of battlement of half a million of freemen; not probably, in looking at the results attained, it might seem ungenerous to object, at this late date, to any of those measures that assisted even in part to bring about this result. but i am rather disposed to believe that the agricultural districts of the pacific were occupied and filled more in consequence of the gold discoveries and to supply their wants than from the spirit which pervaded the donation acts; for the latter antedating the discovery of gold on the pacific did not point out the market where the produce of well-tilled fields should be sold. the coincidences of that date, however, were most happy. at salem we found the legislature in session, and the excitement incident to the election of mr. harding as united states senator having subsided, the body were moving in such business as looked toward the growing wants of the state. i found in mr. harding a plain, unpretending, and sensible gentlemen, and in whom the interests of oregon will find a true representative. at the invitation of governor gibbs i visited the committee of the state fair, composed of delegates from all the counties. it was here decided to make salem the site for holding the annual fairs; a point so central, so well suited in every respect, that there seemed to be great unanimity of sentiment in the matter. the grounds around are open and spacious, and you feel that you breathe the air and tread the ground of a rural city, in making a tour of its extent. it is one of the most beautiful localities i have seen in oregon--on the right bank of the willamette, with beautiful shade trees, neat cottages, not cramped or huddled together, but with ample spaces for gardens--with a fine view of the woods, which, in a vista of twenty miles, surround it--and, in the background, with the bold slope of the cascades, renders it one of the most beautiful sites for a city to be found in oregon. it is not only the political center of oregon, but it is also destined to become a point of great manufacturing importance. it is surrounded by fine forests of oak, fir, pine, cedar. the large fields of grain here cluster around it as the center. its pioneer woolen factory, turning its hundred of spindles, here rears its head, thus attracting toward it every milling interest. the same stream that turns its gristmills, turns its sawmills--and even then the water is not allowed to run to waste, but is again caught and harnessed up to the spindles of industry where the covering of the back of the sheep of yesterday is converted into a covering for your own back of to-day. no one resident north of california can visit the woolen factory of salem without a feeling of pride and of pleasure; and as he sees the bales of blankets, of clothes, and of flannels, lading the wagons which stand ready to be freighted for every homestead in oregon, he feels the glow of pride in thus seeing our own looms weaving wools of our own growth, and desires instantly to robe himself in garments that no foreign hand has woven, and from wool grown from flocks no alien hand has tended. let "home industry" be patronized, home products be consumed, and the country will be benefited to such an extent that we shall not have idlers to stir up mischief nor rebels to stir up rebellion in either the north or south. mr. rector, the obliging and gentlemanly head of the factory, showed me through the compartments and gave me some valuable statistics relative to its annual growth. his intention is to double this year the number of spindles. the surplus wool, heretofore shipped to new york, will be retained and manufactured at home; thus, our clothes and blankets will all be supplied from wool which all can grow. mr. rector finds difference in the wools grown on the east and the west of the cascades, and preference being given to the latter, as containing more oily or fatty matter, and hence requiring less oiling in the process of manufacturing. that grown to the east of the cascades is thought to be not only drier but harsher--more dirty--but time and the proper attention to its culture will doubtless bring about changes. new breeds, housing in winter, and dry foothills for grazing, are all advantages which wool growers to the east of the cascades can have on their side. there are few regions where finer grazing fields are to be had than the slopes of the bitter root mountains; and the freedom from excessive dampness, the pure, fresh mountain springs, are all so many advantages, that i confidently look forward to the day when these many well-grassed slopes shall be covered with fleecy flocks, and when the waters of the many silvery streams that now flow through the walla walla valley, shall be caught and used to turn the wheels of a woolen factory, from which shall be turned out all the fabrics needed to clothe the population destined to find homes to the east of the cascade mountains. the clothes made by the salem factory compare favorably with those imported. one thing certain, there is no cotton in their fabrics. flannels of every hue are turned out at forty cents per yard; blankets from $ to $ , according to texture; and clothes from cents to $ . per yard, according to fineness. it would be a most happy result if every merchant, farmer, miner, and professional man in oregon and washington would determine in his own mind to have at least one suit of clothes made from salem cloth, and every bed to be covered by at least one pair of salem blankets. this would be affording a practical proof of our pride in seeing established in our midst these factories, which must eventuate in the profit of individuals. it is much to be regretted that the immense and illimitable mill power at oregon city is not now turned to good account. the disasters by fire and flood of the linn city mills have been of such a sad character that the tendencies now are to intimidate capitalists, at least for a time, from embarking in similar investments at the same site. a substantial railroad is being built around the portage at oregon city, destined to diminish the time and cost of shipment up and down the willamette. the season for practicable steam navigation to the upper points of the river being over, but little business could be noticed on the part of those engaged in this enterprise. while in salem i called the attention of judge humason, of wasco, and of governor gibbs, to the importance of establishing a mail line from walla walla to fort laramie, to there tap the present daily overland mail service, by which means our mails at walla walla could be delivered in fifteen days from saint louis, and in seventeen days to portland--this in the summer season--or twenty to twenty-two days in the winter. at present our mails cross the continent to sacramento, two thousand miles; thence to portland, seven hundred; thence to walla walla, three hundred more; making a total of three thousand miles to travel before we get them; whereas i can guarantee a line by the route indicated of one half the distance and one half the time. i framed a memorial, which judge humason would introduce in congress, for this line; and was promised by mr. harding his coöperation to see that the matter was not allowed to pass unnoticed during the coming winter. leaving salem, a journey of twenty-four hours passes us through corvallis and eugene city; and through an exceedingly beautiful and rich agricultural country on to oakland, where the celebrated "baker mills" are established, producing, it is said, the finest flour in oregon. the disasters of the flood were too visible at each and every point, sweeping away bridges and ferries, and destroying property to the extent of thousands of dollars. a large structure across the umpqua, costing $ , , was thus carried off--its convenience being now replaced by a ferry. all along the road we passed small parties of immigrants who crossed the plains this season; some in search of new homes; others to join their friends who years since had preceded them. the umpqua is a beautiful valley in a high state of cultivation; the school-houses, dotting here a hill, and there a valley, betoken that the education of the youth of the country was not being neglected. roseburg, the county seat of the umpqua region, is a gem of a village; streets neatly laid out, and neat, white, frame cottages, giving the place a rare picturesque beauty, where mountain and dale, and the hand of refined culture, all joined in beautiful harmony. the line of telegraph posts extends throughout this entire distance from portland to canyonville--the farthest point south where they are as yet erected. it is fully anticipated to have the line from salem to portland in working order by winter; as also the line from jacksonville to yreka. the posts are supplied and erected by contract by the farmers and others living along the line, at a cost of from $ . to $ per post, and the line when completed will cost $ per mile. local intelligence, and the interest which every citizen feels in the reception of intelligence, now bristling with so much import, will cause this line, as soon as placed in good working order, to pay to the stockholders fair dividends on their capital. this link between canyonville and jacksonville will be completed during the next season. i saw mr. strong in yreka, and found him pushing ahead the line with all his characteristic energy. he deserves much credit for prosecuting this project thus far to a success that is to bring to our doors daily intelligence from the east, and it is to be hoped that the citizens of the upper columbia will move in the same matter as soon as the line is completed to portland. a ride of twenty hours brings us into the rogue valley and to jacksonville, a region i regard as one of the most beautiful and picturesque to be found in oregon. the valley is from twenty-five to thirty miles square, entirely taken up by beautiful farms and under high cultivation; with farmhouses and barns in good keeping with the character of its progress; grist and sawmills erected to supply the wants of its inhabitants, and with inexhaustible forests of timber. gold mining is here carried on with much success; and it was interesting to see the lines of sluice boxes running through the streets of jacksonville that turned out as pretty gold as any mine on the coast. unfortunately for this fine valley, it has no outlet for its produce, and is dependent solely on a home market. its supplies are brought in by the way of crescent city, by a good wagon road, at a cost of four to five cents per pound. oats here are cents a bushel; wheat, to cents; lumber, $ per thousand; labor from $ to $ per month. we observed, in squads, the ubiquitous chinaman, moving from mining locality to mining locality, fleeing from the kicks of one to the cuffs of the other, with no fixed abiding place to be called his permanent home. a location for a railroad line from portland to jacksonville is eminently practicable, and the citizens of the willamette will be blind to their own interests if they do not so move in the matter so as to secure to themselves the advantages of the ample provisions made in the pacific railroad bill for a connection between portland and sacramento; but south from jacksonville there will be a severe problem for the engineers to solve, both in the shape of grades and tunnels. the calapooia range will present an easy problem for solution; but the scott's [siskiyou?] and trinity mountains will not be easily handled. they are high, broad, and broken, and no railroad line can be laid across or through them, except at most enormous cost. but that it is practicable, and will in time be built, i have no doubt. but my views relative to this location as a branch of the pacific railroad have been more than confirmed by a detailed view of its geography, and i still insist that a branch of the pacific railroad that will benefit oregon and washington as such can only be found by tapping the main trunk at or near fort laramie, and coming into the columbia at or near the mouth of snake river; and thence using the main columbia to such a point whence freight can be shipped to and across the ocean. i made special inquiries relative to the depth of snow across the calapooia, scott's and trinity mountains during the past winter, and learned that not less than eight feet fell upon these mountains; still the stage coach passed these mountains every day until the freshet suspended the travel; which was for the period of six weeks. the scott's and trinity mountains are higher than any mountains crossed by my road from walla walla to fort benton; and knowing that the question of snow with us is no more difficult than that met and overcome on this and other lines, i am sanguine to believe that a mail line from fort laramie to walla walla will prove eventually practicable. but the _experimentum crucis_, that will leave no lingering doubt even with the most uncompromising cavalier, will be afforded us, i trust, during the next twelve months; and that will deliver at our doors in walla walla the mails direct from saint louis in fifteen days. i am but too anxious that this last crowning success should be afforded us; not only to give us increased mail facilities for the present, but to awaken a practical attention to that region where the _isothermal_ and _isochimal_ lines have for ages past presented, and do still continue to present, to us meteorological phases as wonderful in their nature as they are destined to prove useful in their future results. to those who derive pleasure in seeing the rough, rugged, wild face of nature, made to wear the smiles of civilization and of progress, and to witness what money and labor can accomplish, i know of no point where they can visit to see these in all their grandeur than across the scott's and trinity mountains, which, in point of difficulty and rugged wildness, surpass any mountain region it has ever been my lot to travel, from the columbia to the missouri river. toll roads lead over both of these mountains; one connecting yreka with rogue river; and the other, yreka with shasta. the road over scott's mountain is about twenty miles long, and made at a cost not far from $ , ; and the other, eight miles, made at a cost of $ , . the mind that conceived the road, and the hand that executed it, were not cast in nature's ordinary mould; genius of a higher order was nature's gift to them. those who invested their capital (for they were both built by private enterprise) are now being well repaid; of this, the long line of wagons and pack trains, freighted from red bluff to the northern mines, furnish unmistakable evidence. a ride over scott's mountain amply repays one for all the labor required to make it; and can be made by no one who will not appreciate that bold enterprise that is to-day leveling mountains, leveeing valleys, bridging torrents, and, by the sound of pick and drill, even arousing nature from her lethargy sleep--deep down in the very bowels of the mountains--throughout the length and breadth of california. leaving rogue river, we pass at once from an agricultural to a wild, mountainous region, which constitutes the mining section of northern california, of which yreka may be considered the center. it is a place of much trade, built mostly of brick, and presents a bustling appearance. it supports two newspapers, three or four hotels; has a large post office, and, at present, is the northern terminus of the state telegraph line. a cemetery, well arranged in its plan, forms the northern entrance to the city; the number of graves it contains shows that here as elsewhere death has done its work. a day's journey, and we come to shasta, a mining town of one thousand people, possessing few attractions outside of a business locality. the road, approaching yreka, winds near the northern base of mount shasta, a frowning snow peak, fourteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. though grand and majestic, it does not compare favorably in either respect with mount hood--the father of all snow peaks on the pacific. from shasta a ride of a day brings us to red bluff--to which point steamers of light draught are still running from sacramento, but with so many delays and uncertainties that the traveler prefers to continue the journey by the stage. at this point, however, we finally emerge from the mountains of california and enter upon the broad swelling prairie which constitutes the norther portion of the sacramento valley--where, though the country is mostly a waste, dotted here and there with clumps of oak, or openings of the same growth, yet where many large and inviting farming sections are had. at tehama we cross the sacramento, by a buoy-ferry, and, in a few miles, enter upon one of the most choice agricultural districts the eye ever rested upon--where grain fields are not measured by the acre, nor yet by the mile, but by the league. by a day's drive we passed through the extensive and rich fields of major bidwell, where eleven thousand acres of grain were being threshed--where his own mill stood ready to convert into flour the produce of his own fields; where his own mammoth store furnished hundreds of his employés with all the wants of life; where his own energy was opening, with his own means, a wagon road from the sacramento river to the humboldt mines; and where his own purse has already paid out $ , , and backed by a willingness to pay as much more, in order to open up a new market for the exuberant products of so rich a soil as he himself possesses. the center of his large estate is the beautiful village of "chico," where, in rural wealth as well as in rural simplicity, live an educated and contented peasantry, all more or less supported by the means of this bachelor millionaire--whose residence, on the banks of the sacramento, is one of those architectural gems hid away amidst shrubs, trees, orchards, and groves, as if to avoid the gaze of him whose residence is of crowded cities and who is almost unworthy to breath the sweet perfume of a region where such bowers grow. may major bidwell long live--though bachelor he be--to dispense his bounties to a people who respect him for the liberal and generous manner in which he shares his wealth with those not similarly blest. from tehama the ride of half a day brings us to oroville, a city well named, for situated as it is on the feather river, it is in the heart of a rich mining country, where the miners have worked like so many beavers, and where the water of the feather river is made to run in pipes and reservoirs into lakes for hundreds of feet above the level of the river, at the site of the town. this river is crossed by a ferry. a steamer is said to have once landed here from sacramento, but such occurrences i regard as rare. the river is rapid; boils and surges over a rocky and rugged bed, and joins the sacramento at marysville--to which point a night's ride brings us--continuing to pass through a rich agricultural region, under a state of high cultivation. marysville is a large, prosperous city--houses, mostly of brick--at the junction of the yuba and feather rivers. thence on to sacramento, (a journey of eight hours' staging,) the road is over a level, agricultural district, throughout which the piles of drift timber and the absence of fences, in many places, and the presence of boats and bateaux, all told that the water had been here supreme not many months past; barns with their roofs a mile distant; houses without any; outhouses and dwellings with a watermark up to the second story--and in many localities no dwellings at all, where commodious and comfortable tenements had been--all told of the presence and the power of the waters of sacramento when charged with fullness on its way to the ocean. it seems to me that a system of high levees is the only thing to reclaim hundreds of acres of fine swamp land along the sacramento, and to prevent the repetition of these disastrous results, which made the people poor and retard the growth of the state. sacramento is already surrounded by a high levee which may protect it another season; but the levee should begin at marysville and extend to sacramento. it will, of course, be expensive, but it will repay the labor in the end. between marysville and sacramento we passed the large and magnificent claim called "sutter's ranch," though not under a high state of cultivation. the old pioneer is now poor, but his friends are sufficiently zealous in his behalf to see that his wants go not unsupplied. one can not pass over this region and at the same time observe how rapidly the sacramento river is being obstructed by the immense deposits of sand and sediment which its current is daily bringing down, thus forming bars and deltas destined not only to intercept but probably to suspend at no distant day navigation to its upper waters,--without feeling the pressing importance of a railroad connection between sacramento and the more northern regions of california. already are parties out viewing and prospecting a road through noble's pass, where it is proposed by some to carry the pacific railroad line. that california will be covered with a network of railways is only a question of time, and that time determined by the low rates of interest that will cause capitalists to become interested in these great works of internal improvement. local trade and travel must always be great, and must always increase so long as gold shall be mined, and that period seems to be illimitable. from sacramento we took passage on the fine steamer antelope, for san francisco, which in six hours and at a cost of $ brought us to the end of one section of our journey. there are no opposition steamers on now and hence the monopolists command the river. the signs of the devastation of the flood marked the entire distance from sacramento to the bay of san francisco. but here and there we found the inhabitants raising their dwellings a story, and by levees and other improvements trying to reclaim their fields, as well as to defy the freshets of coming years. no one can pass over this exceedingly interesting region from portland to sacramento without feeling a thrill of pride and of pleasure to see what american energy and american capital have accomplished during the past fourteen years of its occupancy; and to picture in imagination what the next fourteen years may produce, would almost render oneself liable to such an unjust criticism that i would forbear to enter upon a theme so pregnant with interest; suffice it to say, let those who have not made the trip, make it at least once and see for themselves pleasant homes and well-tilled fields, grand mountains, useful rivers, forests of orchards, and oceans of grain; miles of sluice boxes and tons of gold; and the beauty of a region redolent with the songs of thrift and industry--and if they be not well repaid for all the fatigues of a mountain journey, the fault will certainly be theirs, and not the bounty of generous nature, who with lavish hand has spread so many pictures of the grand and beautiful--nor yet the fault of the inhabitants by the wayside, who by culture and improvement have framed these pictures in gilded and golden casements, and where contentment and happiness are the visible garments in which everything would seem to be enrobed. indian wars of southern oregon. address of hon. william m. colvig delivered at the reunion of the indian war veterans, at medford on saturday, july , . i was first invited to deliver an address of welcome to the indian war veterans, who meet here to-day; but within the past few days i was informed that an historical sketch of early days in southern oregon, including an account of the indian wars, would be my part in the programme of exercises. my knowledge of the subject is not very extensive. i lived in southern oregon as early as , but was only a boy, not old enough to take part in any of the stirring incidents which i remember of those days. i see before me faces that recall events long past, and which left pictures in the album of memory that time will never efface, and you will pardon me if i refer to one of those personal recollections. in my father, dr. wm. l. colvig, and family lived in a log cabin on the south umpqua river, near canyonville. one bright, clear day in october of that year, myself and brother, on returning from a trip in the "cañon," saw standing, in an exhausted condition, a white cayuse pony before the door of our home. the horse was covered with blood. everything seemed quiet about the place. we rushed into the house and saw a man lying on his back, full length, upon the puncheon floor. his clothing was partially removed. his body was covered with blood. father was kneeling over him on one side and mother on the other. they were dressing his wounds. he had nine separate bullet holes in his limbs and body. doctor colvig had his case of surgical instruments at hand, which consisted of a butcher knife and a pair of scissors. the knife was the one we had used to cut meat when crossing the plains. mother was preparing bandages by tearing up some of our old "hickory" shirts. well, they patched uncle bill russell--called "long bill" in those days--up in pretty good shape. i see him here to-day, but i don't think that he is looking for a fight with indians. at the time of which i speak, he had been shot by the indians about five miles from my father's house but succeeded in riding to our door. his companion, weaver, had a close call, but escaped unhurt. the indian wars of southern oregon were stubborn contests. it is a natural law that the fittest survive, and wherever civilization in its advance meets barbarian force, the latter must give way. when they meet there is an "irrepressible conflict," the details of which we can not always reconcile with the golden rule. the tribes who took part in these several wars in southern oregon were the rogue rivers, modocs, klamaths, shastas, and umpquas. the only honest acquisition of the rogue river indians was their name. on account of the thieving and treacherous habits of the people of that tribe, the river which flows through the valley was called by the early french trappers "riviere aux coquin," the river of rogues. the oregon legislature in sought to change the name, and did name it gold river, but, as the boys say, "it didn't take." it will be impossible for me to do more than mention a few of the more prominent incidents, and i can not be very accurate in regard to dates and other matters pertaining to that period, as my information has been gathered from many sources, some of which are not very authentic. it may be of interest to know that on december , , congress passed what is known as the donation land law, which gave to every american citizen over the age of eighteen years, if single, one half section of land; if married, one section of land, one half of which was the absolute property of the wife, the other half of the husband. there were no settlers in the rogue river valley prior to new year's day, . in the spring of a man by the name of evans constructed a ferry across rogue river, just below the town of woodville. during the same spring a man by the name of perkins also established a ferry on that river. the first donation land claim was located by judge a. a. skinner, an indian agent, in june, . this claim is the walker farm, near central point. upon it he built the first settler's house ever built in the valley. chesley gray, his interpreter, also located a donation land claim in june, . it is what is known as the "constant farm," near central point. the following named persons filed donation land claims prior to february, : moses hopwood, on christmas day, ; n. c. dean, at willow springs, december, ; stone and poyntz, at wagner creek, december, ; l. j. c. duncan, major barron, thomas smith, pat dunn, e. k. anderson, and samuel culver had made their locations prior to february, . i do not pretend that these were all, but the entire number of claims taken up to that time did not exceed twenty-eight. in december, , james clugage and j. r. poole located the first mining claim in southern oregon, at a point near the old brewery in jacksonville. they had been informed by a couple of young men who were passing through the country that they had found gold near that place. immediately after this discovery became known in california and by the incoming immigrants to oregon, there was a rush made to the mines of jacksonville. old man shiveley, the discoverer of shiveley gulch, above jacksonville, inside of eighteen months had taken out over $ , , and since that time, from the best statistics obtainable, the mines of southern oregon have yielded about $ , , in gold. during the winter of flour was sold at $ per pound, tobacco at $ an ounce, and salt was priceless. jacksonville was laid out as a town in the summer of by henry klippel and john r. poole. i will now speak of the indian wars in which the people of southern oregon were engaged. the first recorded fight between the indians and whites in any portion of southern oregon occurred in , when jedediah s. smith and seven other trappers were attacked by the indians on the umpqua river, and fifteen of the whites were slain, only smith and three of his companions escaping. the next fight of which we have any account was in june, , at a point just below the rock point bridge, where the barn on the w. l. colvig estate stands. in this fight there were dan miller, edward barnes, doctor bailey, george gay, saunders, woodworth, irish tom, and j. turners and squaw. two trappers were killed, and nearly all were wounded. within my recollection, doctor bailey visited the scene of this fight, and pointed out to my father its location. in september, , at the mouth of foots creek, in jackson county, a party of men who had been sent to california by the methodist mission to procure cattle, while on their return were attacked by the rogue river indians and had a short, severe fight, in which several of the whites were badly wounded and some twelve or fourteen of the indians killed. in may, , j. c. fremont had a fight with the indians in the klamath country; it may have been a little over the line in california. four of fremont's men were killed and quite a large number of the indians. kit carson was a prominent figure in this battle. as before stated, a few bold adventurers had located in rogue river valley as early as december, . during the spring, summer, and fall of that year there was a considerable amount of travel through the valley, by parties from northern oregon going to and returning from the great mining excitement of california. fights between these travelers and the indians were of frequent occurrence. on the fifteenth day of may, , a pack train was attacked at a point on bear creek, where the town of phoenix is now situated, and a man by the name of dilley was killed. on june , , a party of oregonians, under the leadership of dr. james mcbride, had a severe fight near willow springs with chief "chucklehead" and his band. chucklehead and six other indians were killed; several of the whites were severely wounded. about this time maj. phil kearny, afterwards general kearny, who was killed at the battle of chantilly in the civil war, happened to be passing through the valley on his way from vancouver to benicia, california, with a detachment of two companies of united states regulars. he remained a short time and assisted in punishing the indians for the numerous depredations committed by them during the year. he had several fights while in the valley, in which about fifty indians were killed. one of these fights was on rogue river, near the mouth of butte creek, where captain stuart, of the united states army, received an arrow wound from an indian, who was also wounded. the arrow penetrated the captain's body, and he died the next day at the camp on bear creek, near phoenix. the camp thenceforth took the name of camp stuart, and bear creek in all government records is called stuart's creek. the captain's body was buried at a spot where the wagon road crosses the mill race in the town of phoenix. some years ago his remains were taken up and sent to washington, d. c., to be buried by the side of his mother. captain stuart's last words were, "boys, it is awful to have passed through all the battles of the mexican war, and then be killed by an indian in this wild country." at the massacre of emigrants at bloody point, klamath county, in , thirty-six men, women, and children were murdered. capt. ben wright and twenty-seven men from yreka and col. j. e. ross and some oregonians went out to punish these modocs. old schonchin, who was afterwards hung at fort klamath in , at the close of the modoc war, was the leader. wright gave them no quarter. he and his men, infuriated at the sight of the mangled bodies of the emigrants, killed men, women, and children without any discrimination--about forty in all; and it is said that they asked for a "peace talk," whereupon a roast ox was prepared. wright poisoned it, gave it to the indians, and then rode away. [this story is now generally discredited.--editor.] i can not give you the names of all who were killed in rogue river valley during the years , , and . i will mention some that were killed in . in august of that year edward edwards was killed near medford; thomas wills and rhodes nolan, in the edge of the town of jacksonville; pat dunn and carter, both wounded in a fight on neil creek above ashland. in a fight with the indians on bear creek, in august, , hugh smith was killed, and howell, morris, hodgins, whitmore, and gibbs wounded, the last named three dying from their wounds soon after. these murders, and many more that could be mentioned, brought on the indian war of . southern oregon raised six companies of volunteers, who served under the following named captains, viz, r. l. williams, j. k. lamerick, john f. miller, elias a. owens, and w. w. fowler. capt. b. f. alden, of the fourth u. s. infantry, with twenty regulars, came over from fort jones, california, and with him a large number of volunteers under capt. james p. goodall and capt. jacob rhoades, two indian fighters of experience. captain alden was given the command of all the forces. the first battle of the war was fought on the twelfth day of august, , and was an exciting little fight between about twenty volunteers under lieut. burrell griffin, of miller's company, and a band of indians under chief john. the volunteers were ambushed at a point near the mouth of williams creek, on the applegate. the whites were defeated with a loss of two killed and lieutenant griffin severely wounded. there were five indians killed and wounded in the battle. on august , , john r. harding and wm. r. rose, of captain lamerick's company, were killed near willow springs. on the sixteenth of august, , gen. joseph lane, afterwards united states senator from oregon, and a candidate for vice president in , came out from his home in douglas county and brought fifty men with him, to take part in the war. general lane was a man of large experience in indian warfare and in all military matters. he had commanded an indiana regiment in the mexican war and enjoyed a well earned reputation for bravery. on the day that general lane arrived what is known as the battle of little meadows was fought. lieutenant ely and twenty-two men met the indians near evans creek, in the timber, and a short, but deadly conflict took place. seven whites were killed inside of an hour; lieutenant ely and three men wounded. they left the battlefield in charge of the indians--at least, in the popular phraseology of that day, "they got up and got out." on august , , the battle of evans creek was fought. in this fight the indians did not fare so well, twelve of them being killed and wounded. one volunteer named pleasant armstrong was killed and captain alden and gen. joe lane were each wounded. during the summer of several men were shot by indians in josephine county. in the fall general lane patched up a temporary peace, which lasted till . the war of - was preceded by a great many murders and depredations by the indians in different parts of southern oregon. i will mention a few: ----. dyar and ----. mckew, killed while on the road from jacksonville to josephine county on june , . about the same time a man by name of ----. philpot was killed on deer creek, josephine county, and james mills was wounded at the same time and place. granville keene was killed at a point on bear creek, above ashland, and j. q. faber was wounded. two men, ----. fielding and ----. cunningham, were killed in september, , on the road over the siskiyou mountains. on account of these various depredations maj. j. a. lupton raised a temporary force of volunteers, composed of miners and others, from the vicinity of jacksonville, about thirty-five in number, and proceeded to a point on the north side of rogue river, opposite the mouth of little butte creek. there he attacked a camp of indians at a time when they were not expecting trouble. it is said that about thirty men, women, and children were killed by lupton's men. the major himself received a mortal wound in the fight. this fight has been much criticised by the people of southern oregon, a great many of them believing that it was unjustifiable and cowardly. two days after this affair a series of massacres took place in the sparsely settled country in and about where grants pass is now situated. on the ninth day of october, , the indians, having divided up into small parties, simultaneously attacked the homes of the defenseless families located in that vicinity. i will name a few of those tragic events. on the farm now owned by james tuffs, mr. jones was killed, and his wife, after receiving a mortal wound, made her escape. she was found by the volunteers on the next day and died a few days afterwards. their house was burned down. mrs. wagner was murdered by the indians on the same day. her husband was away from home at the time, but returned on the following day to find his wife murdered and his home a pile of ashes. the harris family consisted of harris and wife and their two children, mary harris, aged twelve, and david harris, aged ten, and t. a. reed, a young man who lived with the family. mr. harris was shot down while standing near his door, and at a moment when he little suspected treachery from the indians with whom he was talking. his wife and daughter pulled his body within the door, and seizing a double-barreled shotgun and an old-fashioned kentucky rifle, commenced firing through the cracks of the log cabin. they kept this up till late in the night, and by heroic bravery kept the indians from either gaining an entrance into the house or succeeding in their attempts to fire it. just back of the cabin was a dense thicket of brush, and during a lull in the attack the two brave women escaped through the back door and fled through the woods. they were found the next day by volunteers from jacksonville, our late friend, henry klippel, being one of the number. mrs. harris lived to a good old age in this county. mary, who was wounded in the fight, afterwards became the wife of mr. g. m. love, and was the mother of george love of jacksonville and mrs. john a. hanley of medford. david harris, the boy, was not in the house when the attack was made, but was at work on the place. his fate has never been ascertained, as his body was never found. the indians stated, after peace was made, that they killed him at the time they attacked the harris house. reed, the young man spoken of, was killed out near the house. on october , , the battle of hungry hill was fought near the present railway station of leland. capt. a. j. smith of the united states army was at that battle, and a large number of citizens soldiery. the result of the battle was very undecisive. there were thirty-one whites killed and wounded, nine of them being killed outright. it is not known how many of the indians were killed, but after the treaty was made they confessed to fifteen. the indians were in heavy timber and were scarcely seen during the two days' battle. in april, , after peace had been concluded between the whites and indians, the ledford massacre took place in rancherie prairie, near mount pitt, in this county, in which five white men were killed. this event was the last of the "irrepressible conflict." soon afterward the indians were removed to the siletz reservation, where their descendants now live and enjoy the favors of the government which their fathers so strongly resisted. the war in rogue river valley had now virtually ended. "old sam's" band, with an escort of one hundred united states troops, was taken to the coast reservation at siletz. chiefs "john" and "limpy," with a large number of the most active warriors, who had followed their fortunes during all these struggles, still held out and continued their depredations in the lower rogue river country and in connection with the indians of curry county. gen. john e. wool, commander of the department of the pacific, in november, , had stopped at crescent city while on his way to the yakima country. he received full information while here of the military operations in southern oregon. skipping many details, it is sufficient to state that he ordered capt. a. j. smith to move down the river from fort lane and form a junction with the united states troops under captains jones and e. o. c. ord (afterward a major-general in united states army), who were prosecuting an active campaign in the region about chetco, pistol river, and the illinois river valley. captain smith left fort lane with eighty men--fifty dragoons and thirty infantry. i can only take the time to mention a few of the fights in that region during the spring of . on march th captain abbott had a skirmish with the chetco indians at pistol river. he lost several men. the indians had his small force completely surrounded when captain ord and captain jones with one hundred and twelve regular troops came to his relief. they charged and drove the indians away with heavy loss. on march , , lieutenant-colonel buchanan, assisted by captains jones and ord, attacked an indian village ten miles above the mouth of rogue river. the indians were driven away, leaving several dead and only one white man wounded in the fight. a few days later captain angne's [augur?] company (united states troops) fought john and "limpy's" band at the mouth of the illinois river. the indians fought desperately, leaving five dead on the battlefield. on march , , the regulars again met the indians on lower rogue river. after a brisk fight at close quarters the indians fled, leaving ten dead and two of the soldiers were severely wounded. on april , , captain creighton, with a company of citizens, attacked an indian village near the mouth of the coquille river, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty squaws and children prisoners. about this time some volunteers attacked a party of indians who were moving in canoes at the mouth of rogue river. they killed eleven men and one squaw. only one man and two squaws of the party escaped. on april , , a party of sixty regulars escorting a pack train were attacked near chetco. in this fight three soldiers were killed and wounded. the indians lost six killed and several wounded. the volunteer forces of the coast war were three companies known by the names of "gold beach guards," the "coquille guards," and the "port orford minute men." i have not the time to enter into the details of the battle that was fought on the twenty-seventh of may, , near big meadows, on rogue river. captain smith was in command of his eighty regulars. old "john" lead the indians. the operations covered a period of two days, john using all the tactics of military science in handling his four hundred braves during the battle. just as everything was ready, according to "john's" plans for an attack upon the regulars, captain angne's [augur?] company was seen approaching. the indians were then soon dispersed. captain smith lost twenty-nine men killed and wounded in this battle, and had it not been for the timely arrival of angne's [augur?] company, his men would all have been killed. while these operations were being carried on by the united states troops, the volunteer forces were not idle. they were kept busy with "limpy" and "george's" warriors, at points in josephine county. on january , , major latshaw moved down the river with two hundred and thirteen men. he had several skirmishes and lost four or five men in killed and wounded. on may th "limpy" and "george" surrendered at big meadows to lieutenant-colonel buchanan. on may st governor curry ordered the volunteer forces to disband--nearly all the indians had surrendered. about one thousand three hundred of the various tribes that had carried on the war were gathered in camp at port orford. about july , , "john" and thirty-five tough looking warriors, the last to surrender, "threw down the hatchet." i have now gone over, in chronological order, the principal events connected with the indian wars of southern oregon. i am fully aware that the narrative is very defective, and that many events of importance have not even been mentioned. you who took part in these early struggles can easily fill in the gaps, and correct the errors that i may have unconsciously made. there were some men who took part in the indian wars of southern oregon who afterward became prominent in the history of the nation. i will name a few, viz, gen. u. s. grant, gen. j. b. hood (late of confederate army), gen. phil kearny, gen. wool, gen. a. j. smith, gen. geo. crooks, gen. a. v. kautz, gen. phil sheridan, gen. j. c. fremont, gen. joe lane (candidate for vice president of the united states in ), gen. joe hooker (who built the military road in the canyon mountains in ), and kit carson. we all rejoice that the general government has at last acknowledged the value of your services to civilization; and has made some provision of recompense for the privations which you suffered. i see before me old gray headed mothers who will also share with you this recognition of the nation's gratitude. it is well, and to my comrades of the civil war, who are here, and who have been the promotors of this reunion of veterans, let me say that no women of any war, in which the american people have ever been engaged, are more deserving of the nation's bounty than these old, feeble, pioneer mothers of southern oregon. when their fathers, brothers, and husbands went out to meet their savage foes, these women were not left in well protected cities, villages, and homes, but often in rude cabins, situated in close proximity to the conflict; and unlike the chances of civilized warfare, no mercy could be expected from the enemy--surrender meant not only death, but torture and heartless cruelty. in every hour of those dark days these women proved themselves to be fit helpmates to a race of daring men--and worthy all honors that are accorded the brave. minto pass: its history, and an indian tradition. by john minto. there was a tradition among the indians of the central portion of the willamette valley at the time when the missionaries of the methodist episcopal church attempted christianization from to , that a trail or thoroughfare through this natural pass had formerly been much used by their people and that its use was abandoned after, and as one of the results of, a bloody battle between the mollalas (who claimed the western slopes of the cascades from the clackamas river south to the calapooia mountains,) and the cayuses who were originally of the same tribe, but who had become alienated by family feuds, of which the battle or massacre of their tradition was the end. the superstitious belief of the indians in the transmigration of the souls of dead warriors into the bodies of beasts of prey, like panthers, bears, and wolves, would of itself go far to cause the indians to abandon the use of such a trail, but the formation of the gorge by which the river cuts its way through the roughest portion of the range is such as to give great numbers of opportunities for ambuscades--a common resort of indian warfare. certain is it that for some cause the indians of chemeketa, chemawa, and willamette spoke with dread of going up that river. they did, however, have trails on each side of this natural pass,--that to the south being first used by a pioneer settler named wyley. it became known as the wyley trail, and subsequently was adopted as a general route over which the willamette valley and cascade mountain military wagon road was located. the other to the north comes into the willamette valley via the table rock and down the abiqua. both these trails were used exclusively by the indians of the east side of the range as means of coming into the willamette valley with the exception of the mollalas, who were intermarried with the warm springs indians and the klamaths when the settlement by the whites began. the free trappers and the retired canadians, who had settled as farmers and trading parties of the hudson bay company, continued to use the trail up the north santiam valley until - , when, in addition to the country reached by it being "trapped out," furs fell in price in the general market so that it temporarily ceased to be used by the engagees of the hudson bay company. in the summer of dr. e. white, then a sub-agent of the united states for the indians of oregon, examined, or claimed to have examined, the route as a means of getting immigration into western oregon more easily than by way of the columbia river pass. either the doctor did not examine closely or was very easily discouraged; at all events no beneficial results followed. at this same time stephen l. meek was leading a party of the immigration of that year with the purpose of entering the willamette valley by that way. meek had trapped on the head waters of the john day river a few seasons previous, and had here met canadians from the willamette, who had come over the trail and doubtless thought he could easily find it; and there is little reason to doubt that he would have done so had it not been that by reason of their much wandering in searching the way from the mouth of the malheur to the waters of the des chutes, the people he led were in such desperate straits that he had to flee for his life. there was another reason: a ridge makes out on the east side of the main range, but parallel with it, which completely shuts the pass from being seen in outline from the east. the failure of meek to get his party through raised the question in the settlements as to whether there was so easy a means of passing the cascade range at that point as the hudson bay company trappers and traders represented, and in the spring of a public meeting was held at salem and a committee of six citizens was selected to go and make an examination of the trail. col. cornelius gilliam was the head of the committee of the american portion of the party, and joseph gervais, a canadian trapper, preëminent for general intelligence among his class, went along to show the way. the hon. t. c. shaw, nephew of gilliam, was of the party (the youngest). he is at present ( ) county judge of marion county, and recently went over part of the ground they then passed. from him it is learned that the trail did not then pass through the narrow gorge which has been spoken of, but took over the tops of the most broken and rugged portion of the range. the party proceeded until they came to what they termed the "scaly rock mountain," which colonel gilliam pronounced impassable for wagons. the party returned and reported accordingly, and from that date till late in that pass way was unused and to a great extent forgotten. in october, , two hunters in search of good game range penetrated up the north bank of the river through the gorge before mentioned, and found that about twelve miles from the then settlement on king's prairie that the valley widened out and the mountains seemed lower; narrow belts of bottom land lay between the mountains and the river, and appeared to continue up to near the base of mount jefferson, which, in fact, they do. one of these hunters (henry states) sent for john minto, being unable, on account of a sprained ankle, to go to the latter, and told him of their findings. this rediscovery or new discovery revived recollections of statements made by joseph gervais and others, and minto took sufficient interest in the subject to go before the board of county commissioners of marion county and repeat the statements of the hunters, volunteering the suggestion that it was important if such a natural pass existed as was thus indicated the county had an interest in making the fact known. one of the commissioners, hon. wm. m. case, had long lived near neighbor to the famous hudson bay company's leader, tom mckay, and had often heard him speak of that as the shortest and best way across the cascades. a short consultation resulted in the "order" that mr. minto take two comrades and proceed up the valley of the north santiam until he was satisfied whether it made such a natural cut into the range or not. after an absence of twelve days the party returned and minto reported a deep valley apparently almost dividing the range, and so sheltered that several varieties of wild flowers were found in bloom on the eighteenth of november. upon this representation a petition for the survey of a road was presented to the board of county commissioners early in , and the viewing out and survey of such a road ordered, porter jack, geo. s. downing, and john minto to act as viewers, and t. w. davenport as surveyor. the survey was made and the viewers' report in favor of an excellent roadway was made to the county commissioners of marion county, august, . the results were got by following up the north bank of the santiam river, generally within sight or sound of its waters, from the point where it enters the willamette valley to its most eastern springs. starting from the bank of the willamette river at salem, where its course is east of north parallel with the cascade range, the survey leads up its santiam branch eighty-three ( ) miles, to the true summit of the cascades, here found in a narrow cut or pass lying across the summit ridge, the general course of the survey being southeast by east. from the summit thus found it is an estimated distance of only five ( ) miles down to the matoles branch of the des chutes river, here running east of north parallel with the range, the same course as that of the willamette on the west side; but taking down the eastern declivity with an easy grade for a wagon road, the plain of the des chutes would be reached in about seven miles and the willamette valley and cascade mountains road, where it skirts the base of black butte, three miles into the des chutes plain, in about ten miles. in making this view and survey an old and deeply worn trail was frequently crossed, and such a trail, less deep, was found leading over the pass eastward. the first observed trail gives some support to the indian tradition of a former native thoroughfare down the valley. the trail out of the pass is not so much worn, neither is the strong trail leading off towards the west from a point about seven miles eastward, used by lieutenant fremont as he passed the locality in . the trail so noted reaches first the immense springs of matoles, where a full grown river rises from under the northeast base of black butte, into which the salmon ascend in july and august for spawning purposes, at that date and since making a valuable fishery for the indians, and scarcely less valuable as fisheries where the numerous lakes to the westward, which, taken in connection with abundant game of the entire region, make it a hunter's paradise. at the date of fremont's march, of which had meek been informed in , he would have almost certainly succeeded in getting the people he led into the willamette valley by that way easier than they reached the dalles after he abandoned them. after the viewing out and survey of the wagon road as before related, parties incorporated or filed articles of incorporation for a projected railroad through the pass to winnemucca. it was a mere speculation on the part of persons who had neither money nor credit of any kind. it had the effect of weakening the public interest in having a common road constructed, so that after the lapse of the legal hold on the pass thus attained, there was little disposition to spend money on the opening of a common road which was liable to be destroyed at any time by a railroad interest. an association was formed, however, and a stock trail was opened at a cost of $ , , in labor. as much more spent at that time would have enabled wagons to pass. for lack of this small sum the trail constructed did not attract the public use except in a small measure for horses. in hon. john b. waldo, while enjoying a summer recreation trip along the summit ridge, came to a point some seven or eight miles south of the point to which the survey had been made and over which a trail had been opened, which he felt confident was lower than it. he spoke of it to mr. minto, who, the next spring, had a small sum ($ ) placed at his disposal by marion county in order to remove obstructions which had fallen into the trail. after removing these obstructions that had fallen in during the previous four years, mr. minto had $ of the money left which he asked permission of the board of commissioners to use in viewing out and surveying the most southern of the two main branches of the upper north santiam. the suggestion was made that this arm of the stream trended so far southward that it would probably be found to reach the summit by a greater meander and consequently afford a more gradual approach to this supposed lower point of the summit, and therefore be more favorable for railroad purposes. the order was made in accordance with the suggestion, and capt. l. s. scott, geo. s. downing, and john minto were appointed viewers and t. w. davenport surveyor. after some loss of time by efforts to locate a line of communication, minto took one comrade and went eastward through the old pass, taking the altitude of it as he went and finding it, according to an ordinary barometer, such as is used by railroad surveyors, to be five thousand five hundred and thirty-six feet above the sea, and proceeding southward and then westward on the same day found the instrument to read at the point indicated by judge waldo, four thousand nine hundred and eleven feet above the sea. from this point a line was struck and surveyed, which by way of the southeast branch of the north santiam, connects with the original survey by an easy grade for railroad purposes and of which the projectors of the corvallis and eastern railroad were immediately informed. an examination of the whole route from gates to summit via the last viewed section, was made by colonel eccleson, civil engineer, and summit was reached by a fraction over a two per cent grade. construction began at the summit with the least possible delay and rails were hauled by wagon from albany and laid in order to hold the pass. from the pass westward more than half of the right of way was cut and much of the grade made ready for the ties between this lowest pass and the junction with the original marion county survey at what the party making it called independence valley, directly south of and as the bird flies about eight miles from the apex of mount jefferson. from idanha, the terminal of railroad track laid, four miles east of detroit, fully twelve miles of right of way and grade were constructed when work was suspended by the original railroad company. from mill city eastward to the summit, the company appropriated fully ninety per cent of the original surveys made at the cost of marion county. this need not be objected to, but in addition to this these railroad promoters often exercised an assumed right to name points that will be of permanent interest which they did not discover. this seems hardly fair. from my point of view the hon. john b. waldo, who first observed the apparent lowness of the pass, and called my attention to it, is more entitled to have his name attached to it than col. t. e. hogg, whose name i understand was given to by j. i. blair, the railroad magnate of new york, who was one of the chief supporters of colonel hogg's enterprise. as a matter of some historical interest i will close this paper by inserting some of the original names given places and things by the first white explorers of the valley. the stream named breitenbush was named by henry states, frank cooper, and john minto on the first legal examination for the pass for john breitenbush a hunter who had cut his way to it ahead of them. detroit was named by the man from michigan who first opened a house for entertainment there. boulder creek was named by t. w. davenport on his survey notes in . it makes in from the north at idanha which was a muskrat camp of first surveying party, but renamed by the proprietor of the first summer resort house. minto mountain was named by some one unknown to the writer, after he had led to the opening of a trail to black butte, in crook county, in . it was the grass covered mountains seen by minto from the top of a fir tree into which he pulled himself to get a view of their surroundings when first seeking the pass in november, , and which grass land his associate, frank cooper, asserted was in eastern oregon, to his, cooper's, personal knowledge, though he would not risk climbing the tree to see it, being a very heavy man. this mountain will for all time be an attractive object to summer recreationists and the most easily reached from the center of the willamette valley when the railroad is extended twelve miles farther east. the first stream making in from the northeast of boulder creek was called, by the surveying party of , the white, a first fork from jefferson. in august the snow melts from the southwest slopes of jefferson and runs through volcanic ash as fine as bolted flour and it enters the main santiam like thickened milk, coloring it down to mehama sometimes. custom has adopted the name "whitewater." in i gave the name pamelia creek to the next stream which flows off the south face of mount jefferson and the same name now attaches to the lake at its south base. the name was given for pamelia ann berry, because of her cheerfulness as one of the girl cooks of the working party, of which her father and sister were valued members. independence valley was so named by the road viewing party in . our party rested there on the fourth of july. the first waterfall on the east branch was named gatch's falls for prof. t. m. gatch, by election of the party, the young members all having been his students. marion lake and orla falls at the head of it were named at the same time. the latter by the younger members of the company who had danced with miss orla davenport, the oldest daughter of our surveyor. the most of the water of marion lake seems to come over these falls from the northern declivities, a rocky peak of many pinnacles, locally called "three-fingered jack," but to which the name of mount marion was given in the report of this survey. this peak rises from the summit ridge south of mount jefferson and north of mount washington about equal distance of seven miles from each and about fifteen miles from the most northern of the three sisters. there are inviting situations for delightful summer residences on or near the ridge, both north and south of mount marion, which will in the near future probably become sites of permanent homes. the climate, as indicated by plant life, is that of the highlands of scotland, as here the american congener of both purple and white heather is found on and near the summit ridge. the writer, who was an active member of these first exploring, surveying, and road constructing parties, closes this with the statement that the rugged labor sometimes involved was the very best kind of summer recreation, where nature in all her varying phases was enjoyed and the sights of the day made themes of camp fire talks, intermingled with subjects connected with social, educational, business, and public interests. there was little difference in this respect between the camp fires of a party of professional men seeking rest and that of road makers constructing lines of development. reminiscences. secured by h. s. lyman. anson sterling cone. anson sterling cone, who came to oregon in , and is now--february, ,--living upon his donation claim a mile and a half from butteville, on one portion of french prairie, is a native of indiana, having been born in shelby county of that state in . at the age of seventy-three he is still in good health, and of good memory. he is carrying on a large farm, and, together with his wife, is supporting the family of his brother's daughter, as his own. he is a man of medium size, of rather sandy complexion, with hair and beard now white. he is plain and straightforward in manner, and remembers distinctly many details of his early experiences in oregon. some of the most interesting features of his narrative are his meeting with whitman; his service as juror on the trial of the indian murderers of whitman; and his trip overland to california in the first wagon train to the mines. his story, however, will be given as he relates it, and the reader may then use his own judgment as to the relative importance of his recollections. with his father's family, who removed for a short residence from shelby to la porte county, indiana, he went as a mere lad to iowa. the farm occupied by his father was alongside one of the main roads, and there, year after year, he saw the emigrants in their great wagons on the way to oregon. in the course of time he took the fever to go with them to that enchanted country. the opportunity was not long withheld. in a well-to-do neighbor, edward trimble, made up a party, in which an older brother of anson's, aaron cone, was to go. obtaining permission of his father, anson, then but a youth of eighteen, assisted in helping the train off, and drove with the party for some distance. when the time arrived for him to return home (his dejected appearance probably indicating his longing to go on with the emigrants) trimble said to him: "anson, i don't advise or ask you to go to oregon; but if you are bound to, you may go with me." "i have no outfit," said the young man. "i have $ , ," answered trimble; "and as long as that lasts you shall have your share of it." anson went. his patron, however, never reached oregon. trimble was one of the comparatively few who fell a victim to the treachery of the indians. he was killed by the pawnees, on the platte river, near the big island. he had been selected captain of the company of forty-three wagons which was made up at saint joe, where the train crossed the missouri, and took the route south of the platte. at a point opposite the big island, as then known, the cattle were stampeded by the pawnees, and driven away, so that the train was left entirely without teams. trimble started out to hunt the animals; but his wife, seeing that he had no arms, said to him, "edward, you had better take your rifle." he answered, "i do not need it; i am only going to look for the trail." but reaching a knoll and finding the trail of the lost stock, which led to the river, he and a man named harris rode on without stopping, until they discovered the cattle on the island. going down to the river side, however, they were suddenly confronted by a party of armed pawnees, who had secreted themselves under the steep bank. harris then, in his excitement, left his horse, and trimble delaying for him was shot by the indians. his body was not recovered but arrows stained with blood were found, which had probably been shot through his body. these were preserved by mrs. trimble, and it is thought that they are still in possession of the family; a daughter of trimble, having become mrs. pomeroy, of pomeroy, washington. by the men of the train who saw the affair, harris was rescued, and the most of the oxen, though in a sad state of demoralization, were recovered. a considerable number were never found, and on account of this seven wagons were compelled to return to saint joe, with just enough cattle to draw them. but the mischief was also played with the oxen that went forward. after one thorough stampede such animals are always unreliable. mr. cone remembers one serious stampede later, of the whole train on the road, which was started only by a jack rabbit driven by the dogs under a wagon. "it was a pretty hard sight," he says, "to see the wagon hauled off, with oxen on the run. but they had to stop at last; some fell down and were dragged along. many an old ox lost his horns. there were horns flying then--let one catch his tip in the ground and it was gone!" however, though under unusual strain from this unlucky incident with the rascally pawnees, the plains and mountains were crossed at last. fort bridger, fort hall, and the grande ronde and blue mountains were passed in due order, and about the middle of october the wagons descended upon the umatilla. here the two young men, anson and his brother aaron, thought it advisable to leave the train and push on to the willamette. to accomplish this they went over to the walla walla, with the idea of working for whitman long enough to pay for a pack horse. at waiilatpu they found the doctor at home, and made known their intention. "boys," replied the old man (a. s. c.), "you had better take bob there, and all the provisions you need, and go at once. at the end of the season there will be those coming who will have to stay here anyhow, and i had better save the work for them. i will be down in the willamette country next summer, and you can pay me then." the young men accordingly took "bob," a trusty old white cayuse horse and a good pack animal, who had somehow lost his tail, all except a short stump, just sufficient to hold the crupper. by this kindness and confidence of whitman mr. cone was greatly impressed. "he was a good man," he says, "he had a heart like an ox!" according to his recollections whitman was about six feet tall, straight as an indian and of fine presence. his face was florid, his hair chestnut, and not noticeably gray. in manner he was quick "for a big man," and "always in for anything that had life"--sociable, and a good joker. the horse and provisions, taken from the doctor's door, amounted to about $ worth; "and the next summer," says mr. cone, "when i heard that the old man was at oregon city, didn't i rustle around to have the money ready for him!" young cone arrived at oregon city on november th, his nineteenth birthday. he began almost immediately to look about the country, and taking the road to tualatin plains, was surprised, but greatly pleased, to meet on the way--at the house of mr. masters, near the present town of reedville--an old friend, whom he had known at the east. this was t. g. naylor, long a well known resident of forest grove. by this hospitable friend cone was invited to spend the winter on the farm on gale's creek, and actually spent two months, managing to find eight working days between showers, out of that time--which indicates that the climate, even then, was rainy. however the young immigrant had good health, enjoyed life, and grew fat. for his eight days of work he received an order for eight bushels of wheat, and being in great need of new clothes, went back to oregon city, and obtaining work at rail splitting, he succeeded in mending his fortunes sufficiently to procure new garments. he also found work afterwards in the sawmills. "many a day," he says, "i worked alongside the kanakas." there was at that time a considerable number of these native sandwich islanders in oregon. they were good workmen, says mr. cone, being especially useful in work about the water. they had their own quarters, which they kept themselves, and provided their own sustenance quite independently. during the dry season of the two brothers having decided to return east across the plains, made a long tour of the willamette valley, in order to tell all about oregon, with which, however, they were not fully satisfied as a permanent home; but their preparations not being complete they were delayed until late in the next season. it was in august of that year that the cayuse indian murderers were brought down from the upper country, and were tried and hanged at oregon city [mr. cone was evidently confused in this part of his recollections as the cayuse indian murderers did not give themselves up until april ; and were tried later in that year.--editor.] the indians had the benefit of counsel, and the usual motions were made for acquittal. among others was rejection of many jurymen, on the ground of prejudice. as it began to seem that no jury could be found, cone, who was present as a spectator at the trial, whispered to a companion, "come, let's go; they will be getting us on the jury!" they quietly slipped out, therefore, and retiring to a big rock on the bluff, were engaged chatting. a young man soon approached, however, whom they took to be another like themselves, but they recognized that he was after them and a deputy sheriff, when he proceeded to summon them to the jury box. they were accordingly impaneled, with the necessary number, and listened to the evidence. the case was entirely clear, the prosecution simply presenting evidence to show that the accused were the indians who had committed the crime. as to the motive of the murder, or the causes back of it, mr. cone inclines to the opinion very prevalent at the time, that it was due to religious differences; "there was another church there, and this i know, that none of the other church were hurt." he mentions particularly joe stanbough, who was not injured, yet was a full-blood white man. this is mentioned here, and indeed is given very cautiously by mr. cone, not as any brand for present sectarian differences, but as a true reflection of opinion at the time. the precise justice of that opinion is not discussed here. very soon after the trial cone was told by general lovejoy, at oregon city, of the discovery of gold in california. "if i were you," said lovejoy, "i would go as soon as possible." by this advice cone and his brother were led to get together three wagons and join the overland company. this was a most eventful journey and illustrates the capacity of the trained oregon men. according to mr. cone's recollections there were forty one wagons; though peter burnett says, in "an old pioneer," that there were fifty and one hundred and fifty men. there was but one family in the train, the name of which mr. cone has forgotten. in this he coincides with burnett. cone also recalls thomas mckay very distinctly as the guide and virtual leader; who said that he could take them through to the sacramento river without trouble; "and there is only one place that i am afraid of; that is going down the mountain into the sacramento valley. you may have to let your wagons down with ropes there." burnett, in his vivid sketch of this journey, says that he went to doctor mcloughlin for advice, and was directed by him to employ mckay, as this intrepid son of the unfortunate alexander mckay was acquainted with every foot of the way and was especially efficient in dealing with the indians. but mr. cone recollects nothing of burnett. as to indian troubles, cone says that there was only one indian killed. this was in the umpqua valley, and the deed was without provocation, and by an irresponsible young man, of the kind that hung on to almost every party. mckay read the young man a severe lesson, and complained to the company, endeavoring to show how reckless such actions were. the young man made the saucy reply that he must be still, or else there would be another indian killed--alluding to mckay's indian blood. however, there were no other natives disturbed, and the way was through the country of the klamaths, the modocs, and the pitt river indians. burnett mentions meeting a very few natives near the end of the journey, but says there was no trouble whatever. in the pitt river valley the oregon wagon train came upon the track of the california immigrants, whom peter lawsen--or lassen, as burnett spells the name--was guiding to his great ranch on the upper sacramento. when at last overtaken they were found to be in great destitution, and so exasperated at lassen, who had lost the way, and was wandering in the sierra nevadas, trying to find a practicable way down their stupendous western declivities, that he seemed in danger of his life. a practicable descent was found at last, however, and then began the race to see who would be first into the valley. this was near lassen's peak, which is so high as to be spotted with old snow, even to late autumn. here mr. cone describes "the maddest man he ever saw." this was the pioneer, job mcnemee, of portland. with an extra good team and high determination of his own he had declared that he would be first in the valley. he was well on the way to success, having got and held the lead; but halfway down the mountain side, in his wild career, he ran his wheel against a protruding bowlder, by which the heavy wagon was upset, and there it lay, while the other wagons, nine in number, of that particular section of the train, went bouncing by. but at last, in spite of all accidents, men and animals reached lassen's ranch, and were there treated with royal hospitality. the vaqueros were directed to slaughter beef, and the oregon men, as well as the california party, were invited to the barbecue. the oregonians, however, were not likely to wait long. it was now late in november, and though some went first up to redding's ranch, all soon struck out for coloma. although not an active participant in the indian troubles there, these are recalled by mr. cone. he remembers the murder of the party of oregon men, recalling the circumstance, however, that the number killed was five, and that one of the six escaped. the indians, as he remembers, were tracked to their camp on the river, and attacked and punished. his memory was more deeply impressed, however, with the enormous price of provisions; as, for instance, going down one day to sacramento, and seeing some nice little hams, he had a mind to purchase one. on asking the price he was told four dollars a pound. he concluded he did not want any. that was late in the season of ' or early ' . vast quantities of stores were shipped in soon, and prices fell. misfortunes robbed mr. cone of the results of his adventure. his brother was taken sick and died. he was himself attacked by scurvy, and finally being unable to work longer, sought passage home on a sailing vessel, which crossed the columbia bar late in the fall of ' , a very smoky season, and of long drouth, the vessel being becalmed for days together. mr. cone remembers many amusing incidents of the mining life; one of which was the shooting of weimer's pig by his partner--the animal being a nuisance around camp, yet of great value. one morning the partner of cone said: "load the gun and i'll shoot the ---- sow." to run the bluff, cone did so, and not to be backed off, the partner shot and killed. then to hide their trespass the carcass was hidden in the brush; but upon returning at evening from their rockers the young men found that the ravens had taken care of the pork. in mr. cone, having recovered his health, located a claim on french prairie. his father arrived in oregon in . his brothers, oscar and g. a., jr., came in . three other brothers also became oregonians, oliver, francis marian, and philander johnson. all found claims near each other on french prairie, or just across the river. anson and oscar are the only ones now living. of the old father, g. a. cone, there are eighteen grandchildren and thirty-seven great-grandchildren. anson cone was married in to sarah a., the widow of his brother oliver, whose maiden name was wade, and who is herself a pioneer of ' . mrs. rebeka hopkins. mrs. hopkins, the daughter of mr. peter d. hall, who perished near fort walla walla--wallula--after escaping from the whitman massacre, is now living on the farm held by her first husband, philander j. cone. although past the age of fifty she is in good health, of prepossessing appearance, and of very active habits. her cosy farm home, which is on the prairie, but at the edge of the grove, and shaded by some oak trees in the dooryard, is ornamented also with choice varieties of flowers, especially of roses, of which she has many rare kinds. she was but five years of age when the massacre occurred; and by the terror of that event all previous recollections seem to have been completely obliterated. she does not remember anything of her father; but of the massacre itself, so far as her own observation went, she still has a vivid picture in her mind. she recalls the upstairs room where the women and children were huddled together after whitman was struck down, and where mrs. whitman came after she was shot in the breast. mrs. whitman, she says, was standing, when wounded, at a window, and was washing the blood from her hands, as she had been dressing the wounds of her husband. mrs. hall was with her. it could not have been apprehended that further murders would be committed, and mrs. whitman must have been the equal object of the indians superstitious rage, as she was the only woman killed. mrs. hopkins remembers the appearance of the upstairs room, and that the indians were kept back from coming up for a time by an old gun, which was probably not loaded, but was laid so as to point across the stairway. the savages would come to the stairway until within sight of this gun barrel, and then afraid, or pretending to be afraid, of its fire, would scamper back. mr. rogers was with the women and children. as to the death of her father, who escaped and sought safety at old fort walla walla, on the bank of the columbia river, but was refused admission, mrs. hopkins believes he was killed near the fort. by mr. osborne, who with his family, finally reached the fort, the clothes of hall were seen and recognized. it was said to him, when he exclaimed, "those are hall's clothes," that hall had been drowned in attempting to cross the columbia. mrs. hopkins considers the account of the massacre as given in the june number of the _native son_ [ ], which was furnished by mrs. o. n. denny, as the most accurate that she has seen. mrs. denny, mrs. hopkins' older sister, who was about twelve years old at the time of the tragedy, has a comprehensive recollection of the whole affair. mrs. anna tremewan. mrs. tremewan, now residing at champoeg, has many most interesting recollections of her early life. although now past middle age she is of magnificent physique, being about five feet eight inches tall, straight as an arrow and well proportioned, but at the same time of that peculiarly supple mold and movement that so distinguishes the french creoles. her hair is still jet black, and long and wavy and very thick; her eyebrows heavy and black, and her features, though strong and marked, refined and very intelligent. her speech is remarkably clear, every word being distinctly pronounced, with rather an english or scotch accent, and in a full rich voice of rather low key. during conversation her features light up noticeably, and though she speaks deliberately she has no hesitation, never pausing to think of a word or construction. she complains of her poor memory for dates, but possesses a large fund of family information, both of her own people and the hudson bay company. her mother was a daughter of etienne lucier, of french prairie; her father was donald manson, a trusted captain of the hudson bay company, and her first husband was isaac ogden, a son of peter skeen ogden, governor during the latter years of the hudson bay company's occupation of fort vancouver. she is living now at champoeg, in the old house built by her father, though now owned by herself with her husband. her brothers are men of education and ability; donald manson, jr., being a resident of portland; james manson, living at victoria; and william manson, who was educated in scotland, being principal of a school at new westminister, b. c. another brother, stephen, no longer living, who was named by his mother or his grandfather lucier, is described by those who knew him as a man of remarkably handsome appearance, and bright intellect. he was, as a boy, attending the school at waiilatpu at the time of the whitman massacre, and although uninjured was so shocked by the bloody occurrence that long afterwards he would start from sleep crying out "the indians, the indians!" there were two daughters besides anna (mrs. tremewan), isabella and lizzie. the following are some of the recollections taken hurriedly at a morning call of mrs. tremewan. in reply to a question about her father she said: "my father was in the employ of the hudson bay company--you may have heard of it. we lived until i was fifteen in british columbia; no, not at victoria, but on the head waters of frazer river, at stuart's lake--you might call that a little ocean. that was a long way from victoria, though that was our point of supplies, and my father made a trip from there every year to carry out the furs--for that was what he dealt in. he went a part way by river, and a part way by horses. at fort langley he met the steamer from victoria, and from that point the goods were brought up the river to our place. "yes, he used to leave us all alone at stuart's lake every year while he made the trip, and that would be from april to september. on one time i remember perfectly well he came back on the seventh of september. what makes me remember this was because it was then my sister lizzie was born, and my mother was still in bed, and when the cry was made that the boats were coming, we were all so eager to have papa see the baby. "indeed, stuart lake was a beautiful place, the loveliest i have ever seen. the mountains were blue across it, they are so far away. when the wind blew the waves rolled up like a sea. the water is perfectly clear. when we used to walk along the shore, or swim in the lake, we could see to the bottom. it was full of fishes of all kinds; salmon and sturgeon and trouts. i have often told my husband that i wished i could see stuart lake again. "but i was born in alaska,--in the land where the gold is now; at fort stikeen. the cabin was so near the water that the waves rolled up against it. i have have often heard my mother tell about it. "yes, i remember the trip out from stuart lake perfectly. our first stop was at fort alexandria; then we came on by boat to a place called kamloops, where we waited a month while the horses were got together and trained for the rest of the journey. we came on to fort hope, and then by boat to fort langley. there we took the steamer _otter_. there were two steamers then, the _otter_ and the _beaver_; we had the _otter_. "i did not know what a yankee was. i remember that when i was on the steamer they used to say to me 'so you are going to be a yankee!' i did not like it a bit. we had more the english way of talking, and did not say 'i guess.' it was a long time before we could talk like the yankees. "when my father first came to oregon he was pretty wealthy and bought this place. but he lost so much in the flood of ' that he was nearly broken up. he never fully got over this--together with sickness and other things. "when the hudson bay company was at fort vancouver, and during the whitman massacre, ogden was governor at the fort. well, his son was my first husband--his name was isaac. peter skeen ogden was a wealthy old man; he was from montreal. he left considerable money to his children. he had four; isaac, who lived at champoeg, where we were married; william, who lives in portland; emma, who died at the age of thirty; and mrs. sarah draper, of mcminnville, who has six children. "my mother was a daughter of stephen lewis--i think that would be the english of it; but the french called it lucier, etienne lucier. what makes me think it was 'stephen,'--i have heard mother say she named my brother stephen for his grandfather. my grandfather was a frenchman from canada, and my mother was the daughter of his first wife; i think she came from east of the rocky mountains." mrs. tremewan was well acquainted with archibald mckinley, who settled just across the river from champoeg; and the family of mr. pambrun, one of whose daughters was mrs. dr. barclay, of oregon city; mrs. william pratt, another; and mrs. harriet harger, of chehalem valley, another. mrs. harger has a family of six daughters. louis labonte's recollections of men. see reminiscences of louis labonte, vol. , p. . doctor mcloughlin: big man, hair white as snow, face ruddy; fine man, but like a grizzly if he was mad; carried a cane, stood straight as an arrow; treated him very kindly; got him to school at vancouver, took him by the hand, told him he would provide him books and pens; he went to school to mr. ball. douglass: slim, but even taller than mcloughlin; his hands reached below his knees. peter skeen ogden: a tall, big man--big as mcloughlin; an american by birth. donald manson: a large man; face ruddy; white hair. jason lee: very tall, powerful; not straight. doctor barclay: medium height, heavy set. pambrun: medium size; his wife from the red river. archibald mckinley: lived across the river from champoeg; big man; red face. george t. allen: a small looking man; he was nicknamed twahalasky, indian name for coon; and a small-sized cascade indian bearing that name traded names with allen. james birnie: a powerful, heavy man; very fine looking; exceedingly hospitable. alexander latty: a fine man; captain of steamer _beaver_ two years; he was also mate of the schooner _cadboro_, built in england. captain scarborough: medium size, good looking; father of edward scarborough, of cathlamet; had a chinook wife; made frequent trips to england in command of hudson bay vessels, and introduced pigs and shanghai chickens from china; also took pains to bring ornamental shrubbery, perhaps introduced the "mission rose." captain brotchie: another sea captain on hudson bay vessels; introduced from england the "brotchie" potato, an early kidney variety. robert newell: a very fine man; labonte's captain when in the indian war of ' , stationed at vancouver. calvin tibbetts: came with wyeth. alexander duncan: captain of the _dryad_; came in the river when labonte lived at scappoose; particular friend of birnie's. thomas mckay: about six feet tall; walked with a limp; never was scared; very keen eyes; shot "war eagle" in cayuse war. communications. early schools in lane county. latham, oregon, february , . _mr. geo. h. himes, assistant secretary oregon historical society, portland, oregon_-- dear sir: your letter of d received [asking for data on early schools in lane county.] in response would say the first two schools i remember in our district were taught by mr. james m. parker and mr. h. clay huston, in a log house on my claim in lane county. the branches taught were a b c's, spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, geography. i do not recollect which of these two gentlemen taught first. i taught many terms of three months each in various districts. in early days most districts were weak financially, and but few could afford more than one term in a year. public money from school funds would not be quite enough to pay the bill, and rate bill would be made for balance and collected from patrons. the method of making rate bills would be to average and find price per day per scholar, and number of days' attendance per rate would be each scholar's fee. sometimes a subscription school would be gotten [up] at so much per scholar for the term, the teacher taking the subscribers for pay. the houses were either log, frame, or box, principally log, but as fast as district became able improvements were made. some had huge fireplaces where red hot coals assisted the teacher's switch to keep the outer boy and girl warm while he stored away his a b c's or fed his mind on ab, ib, ob. some were heated by stoves. some would have long, narrow windows, one on each side of the house, and under them long desks fastened to the walls to write on, and long benches for the writers to sit on; others would be constructed with plenty of windows and reasonably comfortable seats and desks. the books principally used were sanders' and webster's elementary spelling books, sanders' first, second, third, and fourth readers. i think montieth's geographies, thompson's arithmetics, smith's and clark's grammars. teachers set most of copies for writers, but some copy plates were used. classes would be formed as much as possible. a-b-c scholars would have to be heard singly, and those just commencing to spell. those in arithmetic would have to be attended to singly except in general exercises on blackboard. four lessons a day in a b c's, spelling, first, second, and third readers; two in the fourth reader, besides closing spelling classes at noon and night. often these would consist of two classes, one class containing the smaller, the other the larger scholars. one geography, one grammar, one blackboard exercise for each class--about fifteen or twenty minutes, set apart especially in fore and afternoon for writers, so teachers could give them close attention. commencing with the a b c's first, after calling school to order, then the spellers, next first, second, third, and fourth readers; mingled with this would be the necessary assistance to the arithmeticians, geographers, grammarians. classes having recited, then write geography, grammar,--and blackboard exercise heard, usually in the afternoon. quiet could be better kept by requiring the scholars to ask permission to speak when they wanted to whisper, to leave their seats when wanting something in another part of the room, or to go out when they wanted to leave the room. compositions would be better written, speeches committed to memory, and read and delivered at stated times; spelling schools in winter at night, and sometimes examination or exhibition on last day. christmas times were apt to be jolly times. the scholars made it a point to get to the schoolhouse before the teacher and either bar him out or catch him before he got in, carry him to a pond of water, and make him treat. teachers would sometimes board around among the scholars and sometimes board at one place. the easiest, best way to control the school was to make no rules only as needed; when irregularity occurred, correct as required, with the understanding that no such would be allowed the second time. patrons of the school furnished fuel, usually hauling wood, wagon lengths, about ten or twelve feet long. teacher and larger scholars would chop it up for fires. teacher or large scholars did the sweeping. respectfully. jos. h. sharp. the montures on french prairie. in his history, h. s. lyman speaks of "montour, a character considered fabulous by bancroft, but said to have made a settlement on french prairie." referring to notes given me by mr. l. h. ponjade, one of the old residents on french prairie, i found the following: my father, the old french doctor, had studied at montpelier, and after receiving his diploma as surgeon and physician, was immediately taken into the service of napoleon, and served three years as surgeon on the army of france, mostly in spain. he naturally did not wish to serve in the army again, so came to america, found his way to oregon, and from force of associations, made his home on french prairie. our first camp was at the ranch of old man monture, that at that time looked like an old farm, as it was well improved. peter depot then owned the claim where gervais is now situated, and i understood that he got it from monture some time previous to that, but do not know the particulars. monture had two sons, named george and robert. whether they were both sons of the wife he then lived with i do not know, as morals were rather loose previous to arrival of the missionaries. there was a custom among ex-servants of the hudson bay company to claim a wife wherever they might be among the indians. after the arrival of father blanchet they were allowed to have but one wife. i remember that george monture was a very large man and very powerful; must have weighed pounds. i have seen him lasso wild cattle and hold them to be branded without any cinch or other thing to hold the saddle on the horse. he did it by mere weight and bodily strength. he would do this for half a day together at a time. bob--as he was called--was not so large, but was stout and active. he was a fine shot with his rifle. when i saw this mention of "montour," i wrote to my old friend, l. h. ponjade, to ask if his mention of monture meant the same that lyman thus referred to, and he confirms it as the same, and adds: "the old place where they lived was about one quarter of a mile west of parkersville. every man with any knowledge of old settlers knows of the montures." s. a. clarke. documents. oregon material taken from a file of an independence (mo.) and weston (mo.) paper for and ; also some minor extracts from other papers in that vicinity. during this time these towns were important outfitting points for oregon pioneers. the oregon fever was raging throughout the surrounding country, the frontier counties of missouri. the newspapers, democratic and whig, in this vicinity appreciated the interest in the oregon country and in the movement of emigration thither. their columns were open to reports of travelers returning from the columbia. letters sent back by pioneers in the willamette valley seemed to be in great demand. the documents printed below contain two noteworthy letters from persons who were in the great migration of . contemporary sources of the history of that epochal event are especially valuable. [these extracts were made from the files of these papers in the possession of the missouri historical society, saint louis, mo.] from the _independence journal_, september , . (vol. i, no. , g. r. gibson, editor.) "civis," in a communication, dwells upon the importance of the independence trade in outfitting santa fé traders. one hundred and fifty thousand dollars are annually expended at independence for this purpose. there are good reasons for believing that in a few years it will quadruple that amount. concerning the outfitting of the oregon pioneers, he says: "the oregon emigrants will, no doubt, continue to rendezvous near this place, and will number annually , persons, the outfit for which number will cost $ , , and all of which our citizens may furnish." mountain trade, now of inconsiderable importance, will be worth $ , per annum. "civis" is urging the establishment of a turnpike to the missouri river. * * * * * from the _independence journal_, september , . oregon territory. last saturday's _expositor_ contains a long letter from peter h. burnett, dated linnton, oregon, july , , which we shall publish in our next; not having received it in time for this week's paper. * * * * * from the _independence journal_, september , . oregon emigrants. we have news from the oregon emigrants up to the d of august, at which time they left fort laramie. they expected to reach their destination about the beginning of october. they were deficient in breadstuffs and could not procure any at the fort without money. they expected to obtain a supply at buffalo, five or six days' journey from the fort. some fears were entertained that the sioux indians would steal their stock, and otherwise give them trouble. altogether they appear to have got along very well, considering the unusual weather they experienced between this and the big platte. the _independence journal_ of september , , gives peter h. burnett's letter, written from linnton, oregon, july , . [this letter was printed in the june quarterly, , pages - of this volume. it was taken from the _ohio statesman_, which quoted it from the _washington globe_.] in the _independence journal_, september , , under the caption of "independence: its trade and prospects," the high state of prosperity of the town is spoken of. wagon makers are employed to build seventy-five wagons for the santa fé traders by next spring, in place of only fifty made the present year. santa fé road within the state must be improved. united states government should give it a port of entry, and the state legislature should locate a branch of state bank there to accommodate santa fé traders and commerce of western part of state. * * * * * from the _independence journal_, october , . mr. gilpin, of this place, who went out to oregon about eighteen months since, arrived on tuesday last with several other persons. they left bent's fort on the d of september. all was quiet and well at the fort, but there was a difficulty between the santa féans and eutaw indians. the spaniards had killed some eutaws; and the head chief and five other principal chiefs went to santa fé to receive compensation. the governor gave them what he could, or what he thought was enough, and, refusing to give more, the head chief, in a passion, pulled his beard, when he seized his sword and killed him and another, and the guards, being called, fell upon the other four and killed them. the indians who accompanied them immediately left, and killed, on their retreat, several spaniards who were going from taos to santa fé. altogether they had killed ten or twelve spaniards. a war between the indians and santa féans, of course, was expected. some spaniards, who were out on a buffalo hunt, met colonel owens' company at the cimmaron, and dispatched immediately an express to santa fé. they made up a company at santa fé, on receipt of the intelligence, among whom were messrs. chavis, armigo, and percas, to escort him to santa fé; and brought out fresh mules, and everything they would probably need. colonel owens accompanied them to santa fé, where a ball was to be given him. they met charles bent, mr. alvarez (our consul at santa fé), and mr. ferguson, at choteau's [chouteau's] island, about three days' travel this side of bent's fort. mr. st. vrais [vrain?] was this side of corn creek with waggons, going on well. doctor connolly, with lucas, was between ash creek and pawnee fork, twenty-five miles ahead of mr. speyers' company, which was near walnut creek. mr. speyers' mules were poor and much worn out; they had left several on the road, beside ten or fifteen lost shortly after they left independence. all the teams of messrs. bent and connolly were in good order, and they were getting along well. we are indebted to a spaniard, who accompanied mr. gilpin, for the foregoing. we have not heard anything of particular importance from oregon. mr. gilpin brought a large number of letters, but we have not, as yet, been favored with the perusal of any. the emigrants, we understand, were generally getting along well. the _independence journal_, october , , under the heading "oregon and colonel polk," gives an extract of a speech delivered by colonel polk in congress on a bill for extending jurisdiction of the laws of the united states over all the people of oregon territory, and directing officers of the government to take possession of the mouth of columbia river, and establish a fort there. this, it says, will show whether he (polk) is for immediate occupation of it or not; and that his opinions coincide with mr. clay's upon this subject. gives an extract of polk's speech to substantiate its claim that polk was no more radical than clay on this oregon question. (_independence journal_ was supporting candidacy of clay.) _weston journal_, january , (vol. , no. ), geo. r. gibson, editor (the same who edited _independence journal_ in ), in leader: "to the patrons of the _journal_," he refers to recent political campaign, and says, among other things: we shall advocate the annexation of texas, but we wish to do it without dishonor and by common consent. we shall advocate the occupation of the oregon territory, and the erection of a chain of posts from missouri to the mountains; to protect and extend facilities to companies, etc. proposes to open correspondence as soon as possible with mountain traders and the settlers in oregon. the _weston journal_ prospectus contained regularly this paragraph: from the great intercourse between this place and the mountains, the editor will pay special attention to the news from that quarter, the oregon territory, and the whole indian country. the oregon territory, attracting at the present time the public attention, the patrons of the _journal_ may expect to find in its columns everything of interest which may be gathered either from public or private resources, relative to a country of such vast extent, varied scenery, and diversified soil and climate. * * * * * from the _weston journal_, january , . letter from the sandwich islands, oregon, california, emigration, etc. we publish the subjoined letter, received by one of our citizens a few days since, from a gentleman who accompanied the oregon emigration last year [ ]. we give it entire, that our readers may have all the information that can be gathered from this section of the country. it is not so favorable, in some respects, of the oregon territory, as the accounts of others, but it is by no means disparaging. mr. gilpin thinks that corn can be raised to advantage, and says that the reason why they have none, is--because they plant none. it is undoubtedly a fine country for all the small grains and is unsurpassed as a grazing country. the emigrants who went out the past season have made a great change in business, and money now circulates on the columbia as well on this side of the mountains, and everything begins to assume the appearance of civilization, business, trade, and the refinements this side the mountains. we see that mr. cushing, our minister to china, has returned by way of the city of mexico; and here we have a letter from one of our enterprising citizens from the _halfway house_--the sandwich islands. we have been in the habit of looking to europe for asiatic news; let our government establish a chain of posts from this to oregon, an overland mail will speedily follow, and the china and east india trade will pour into our channels of commerce from the gorges of the rocky mountains: and a journey from new york to china, by way of oregon, will be less thought of than it formerly was to saint louis. the government should consider that a little enterprise will place the east india trade at our door; and the sooner the better. we hope congress, this winter, will take active measures to bring about such a state of things. what is a few thousand dollars compared with the object to be acquired? lahiana, maui, sandwich islands, july , . _j. wells, esq._-- dear sir: in a few days the first ship that has left this place for the states, since my arrival here, will sail, and i take this opportunity to tell you something of my journey and oregon, etc., though probably you have heard all the news long before you get this. i should have written you ere this, had an opportunity offered. but to tell you of the trip: i left the shawnee mission on the th of may; our route was through the caw indian country, which is good, has considerable timber, and is well watered. it is a bad country for wagons to travel through, having so many sloughs and bad creeks; the teams were often stalled, and made very slow progress. we had three rivers and creeks to cross before we reached the platte river. the platte river has good grass--plenty of it--but is destitute of timber; here we saw the first buffalo--they were poor and tough. we saw a few of the pawnee indians. they are fine looking fellows, and no doubt, live well on buffalo meat; they are quite treacherous. we reached the crossing of platte on the twenty-sixth day of july, a little more than one month out. the traveling up the platte is very good, level, and hard. we struck from this to the north fork of the platte, one day's travel. on the th of july we arrived at the crossing of laramie's fork, at the fort of the american fur company; before arriving here we saw many splendid sights; also many of the dog towns that you have heard of. i saw quantities of the dogs; they are small, round animals, the size of a cat. certain it is that there are owls that visit them, also rattlesnakes, but for what reason is a matter of dispute. after we left laramie we came to the black hills, the worst of all traveling,--hilly, sandy, and full of wild sage--'tis death on a wagon. the country is all of this barren, sandy kind, until we reach fort hall and destitute of timber. arrived at fort hall the th of september, after experiencing some cold rains, snow, hail, etc. at fort hall we could get no provisions, and were obliged to go down the river (snake), and depend on getting fish to subsist on; this was the reason of my going to oregon instead of california. the country down snake river is hilly, rocky, sandy, no timber, but an abundance of sage, until we get to the blue mountains; here is plenty of pine, the country very broken, and bad traveling, though the wagons went through. after getting through the blue mountains we came to a splendid country of grass, where there were thousands of indian horses grazing. about twenty miles from this, we come to the walla walla valley. there is a missionary establishment here. they raise grain and vegetables, but no timber, except for firewood. about twenty miles from this we came to the columbia river. many of the emigrants sold their cattle here, and went down the river by water, as they could not cross the cascade mountains with their wagons, though they could go down one hundred miles farther and then take water, as many did. the country on the columbia is only fit for grazing, being good grass, but sandy soil. on the d of november arrived at fort vancouver, just as the rainy season had commenced; and it was very disagreeable and rained most of the time i was there. i then went to the willamette falls; quite a town here--forty houses, four stores, two sawmills, one flour mill, and another to be erected soon. this country is not capable of half as large a settlement as people represent; there is much timber, and it can not be cleared in many years, so as to be capable of great production; and what prairie there is will not produce as much as your land; but the wheat is better. neither do many think the soil will last long, but that it is rather shallow; and there is much fever and ague. besides, the winters are so wet 'tis impossible to do much out of doors. it has the advantage that grain (wheat) is worth eighty cents per bushel, and cattle will winter themselves. take it all in all, 'tis nothing like your country. after my arrival there, finding that i could not get to california until spring, i concluded to take a vessel for the sandwich islands, and then go from here to california, so i concluded to stay. it [this] is a fine climate--a perpetual summer, and little rain. the natives require but little clothing, and, in fact, some of them do not wear any. i hardly know what to write about oregon, or what you would like to know; though if i was where you are, and should see some one from oregon, i could ask him a hundred questions, as you could me. the report of wilkes that you had is very correct. there are thousands of salmon here [oregon]--some wild game, plenty of ducks, geese, and swans, and some good wet places to raise more of them--as there must be some wet places, being so much rain in the winter, and no snow. there is scarcely any corn raised--it will not do well. i saw a little, but it was poor. most other kinds of grains do well. there is no money in oregon; although most of those who have been farming a few years have made property, as grain is high and cattle take care of themselves, and sell high. oxen are worth $ to $ per yoke; beef, six cents per pound. many of the people who went to california have left it and gone to oregon. i saw many of them while there, and they gave as one of the reasons of leaving--trouble with the spaniards. truly yours, john boardman. * * * * * from the _weston journal_, january , . the oregon. the editor of the _new york commercial_ has read letters from the oregon territory, brought overland and mailed at the extreme western frontier of the united states. they are as late as june th, from the methodist missionary station at willamette. the rev. mr. gary, who was sent out by that missionary society, had arrived at willamette _via_ the sandwich islands, himself and wife in good health. mr. gary had been but a short time in oregon when an opportunity offered of sending a communication to the board of missions by a small party who were about to return to the united states. he had, however, seen all the mission family, except rev. mr. perkins, who was at a distant post. the missionaries and their families were in good health at the date above mentioned. no event of special interest regarding the mission had taken place since last previous advices. mr. gary concurs, with several missionaries who have returned from that far country, in the opinion that the natives are a degraded race of beings, and that there is little prospect of doing them permanent good by any ministerial labor which may be expended among them. * * * * * from the _weston journal_, january , . oregon and california. a gentleman well qualified for the task has prepared a pamphlet, called a guide to oregon and california, which will probably be published during the present winter. the readers of the _new era_ will recollect several well written communications on that subject published during the past year, which emanated from the same pen. the writer has lived in oregon and california, has traveled different routes to and from those regions, and is well qualified to give full and satisfactory information to emigrants and other persons. success to his efforts.--_new era._ * * * * * from the _weston journal_, january , . oregon. (editorial.) congress may provide for the occupation of it--for the formation of a territorial government--they may establish posts and a military road across the mountains, and encourage emigration in every possible manner, and the whole will not contribute so much towards its settlement as the negotiations of a treaty with china, opening to us a market for our products in that country. if the one now before congress has done so, great britain may set her claim to the columbia--it will be a claim for but a short time. our shipping, farmers, merchants, and tradesmen will soon find a road to a country possessing the advantages the west side of the american continent would possess, in that event, and but a short time would elapse before china would be supplied by american skill and industry, from the mouth of the columbia, with all she would admit. the _weston journal_, march , , under heading, "oregon territory," speaks of a bill introduced into the senate proposing that oregon include: all the territory lying west of the missouri river south of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude and east of the rocky mountains, and north of the boundary line between the united states and texas, not included within the limits of any state, and also over the territory comprising the rocky mountains, and country between them and the pacific ocean south of fifty-fourth degree and forty-nine minutes of north latitude, and north of the forty-second degree of north latitude, etc. [!!!] * * * * * from the _weston journal_, march , . railroad to oregon. the _philadelphia ledger's_ washington correspondent says that mr. whitney, of new york, contemplates the construction of a railroad from the western shore of lake michigan, in a direct line through to the columbia river, covering the distance of some , miles, which shall be the point of debarkation to china. the cost of the road, when completed, is estimated at fifty millions of dollars, and twenty-five years would be required to perfect the scheme. eight days would be about the traveling time from new york city to the terminus of the road, and if [steamship?] facilities were employed, some twenty-five more would convey one to amoy, in china, so that by this short cut, a journey across the globe might be accomplished within the narrow limit of a single month. by the establishment of this means of communication, we should be enabled to command the chinese market, and to extend our commerce with south america, mexico, india, and other parts. and, in addition to the vast results that would necessarily ensue from this work by the force of circumstances, we should secure the transportation of the english trade on account of the great shortening of time. all the coöperation and assistance that mr. whitney asks the government is a grant of sixty miles wide of the public land, from one terminus of the contemplated road to the other, for which a full consideration would be given in carrying the mails, and transporting ammunition stores, soldiers, and all public matters free of cost. * * * * * from the _weston journal_, march , . oregon emigrants. preparations are making on the whole frontier, by the oregon emigrants, to leave at an early day. one company goes from savannah, another from some point between that and this, and the company from this county, we understand, will leave at fort leavenworth, or its neighborhood. one of the emigrants who goes with the savannah company informs us that not less than one hundred families will leave at elizabethtown, and thirty families from the other points. the number from this county we do not know. * * * a committee has submitted some rules and regulations for the intending emigrants. they have not yet had a meeting to adopt them, but they no doubt will do so. they go about it in the right way, and the rules and regulations are such as to secure order and method. they expect to leave about the first of april, if the grass is sufficient, or as soon thereafter as it is. * * * * * report of the committee appointed to draft a constitution for "savannah oregon emigrating company." whereas, in order the better to prepare the way for and to accomplish our journey to oregon with greater harmony, it was deemed advisable to adopt certain rules and regulations; and whereas the undersigned, having been appointed a committee to draft and prepare said rules and regulations, and having given the subject that attention which its importance demands, beg leave respectfully to report the following as the result of their deliberations, viz: § . this association shall be known by the style and name of the "savannah oregon emigrating company." § . any person over the age of sixteen may become a member of this company by subscribing to this constitution and paying into the treasury the initiation fee of one dollar. § . no person under the age of twenty-one years can become a member without the consent of their legal guardian. § . no person shall be admitted whose intention is obviously apparent to avoid payment of his debts. § . a majority of the members shall have power to expel any member for good cause. § . the officers of this company shall consist of a president, commandant captain, lieutenant, secretary, treasurer, and executive council of thirteen, the commandant being one thereof, and such other inferior military officers as the executive council shall determine. § . the president shall be elected on the adoption of this constitution, and shall continue in office until the commandant captain shall be elected, when his functions as presiding officer shall cease. § . the secretary shall be elected on the adoption of this constitution, and shall continue in office until the completion of the objects of this company; and he shall keep a record of the transactions of the company, and perform such other duties as usually pertain to his office. § . the treasurer (ditto as to election) shall collect and safely keep, and at the direction of the commandant shall disburse all moneys belonging to the company. § . the commandant captain, lieutenant, and such other military officers as the council shall determine, shall be elected when the company shall assemble at rendezvous preparatory to a final start; and they shall hold office until the completion of their journey, and shall perform such duties as usually appertain to military officers of their respective grades. § . the executive council, to consist of twelve men, beside the commandant, shall be elected when assembled at the rendezvous, and shall have general superintendence of the affairs of the company, and perform such other duties as may be assigned to them. § . the company shall elect, at least one month before the rendezvous, three inspectors (not members of the company), whose duty it shall be, after taking oath, to perform all duty faithfully, to inspect the wagons, teams, cattle, and provisions, and report to the executive council, who shall determine upon their report as regards the outfit of all members of the company; said inspectors to be paid a sum not exceeding one dollar for every day actually engaged in such services. § . the funds of the company shall be faithfully applied for contingent expenses in furthering the objects of the association. § . the necessary outfit shall consist of pounds of flour, or pounds of meal, and pounds of bacon for every person (excepting infants) in the company. § . the wagons shall be expected to be able to carry double the amount of their loads, and the teams to be able to draw double the amount the wagons are capable of bearing. § . all cattle, excepting teams in use, shall be considered as common stock; an inventory of age, brand, kind, and number, shall be handed in by the contributor to the secretary, and at the termination of the journey the company shall account to each contributor for the amount inventoried. § . the number of cattle thus inventoried and put in shall never exceed fifty to one driver. § . no ardent spirits to be taken or drank on the route, except for medicinal purposes, and if smuggled in shall, when discovered, be destroyed under the control of the commandant. § . every person over the age of sixteen shall furnish himself with a good and sufficient rifle, ---- pounds of powder, and ---- pounds of lead, to be inspected by the inspector, and reported on as in other cases. § . all members of this association shall assemble at ----, and on the ---- day of ----, , and organize for the final trip. § . * * * this constitution may be altered or amended at any time by a vote of two thirds of the members present at any regular meeting of the company, or at any special meeting called by the commandant. all of which is respectfully submitted. james officer, wm. deakins, b. m. atherton, c. f. hally, _january , ._ committee. * * * * * from _western journal_, march , . letter from oregon. the following extracts from a letter written by one of the emigrants of , will be particularly interesting at this time, and should be carefully read by those going out this spring. it will be particularly useful to emigrants who leave from this part of the country: fort vancouver, november , . dear sir: we were six months to-day, from the time we left home, in getting to this place, though we might have arrived one month sooner had we not unnecessarily wasted time on the way. to give you a full description of our travels would occupy more time than i have to spare. i will, however, give you and my friends a short sketch. we left westport on the th of may, and crossed the kansas river near the old village: thence up the north side of the kansas, where we had a great deal of rain and stormy weather to encounter which made it very disagreeable traveling. we then crossed over [to] the platte, about eighty miles above the pawnee village; thence up the platte about fifty miles above the forks, where we crossed the south fork. we then struck over on to the north fork and traveled up it until we came to fort laramie. we then crossed laramie's fork of platte, which we found very difficult to pass. we still kept up the north fork to within forty miles of the rocky mountains, where we crossed it. we came to a small stream, called sweetwater, one of the streams of the northern branch of platte; we traveled up this until we passed through the rocky mountains, which we found to be as good as any part of our road. we then came to the waters of green river, which is one of the branches of the colorado--then to fort bridges [bridger], which is on the waters of green river; from there we next struck bear river, which empties into the great salt lake. we traveled several days down this river, then crossed over on to the snake river, and arrived at fort hall on the th day of august. here i found some of the best beef i ever saw. from here we traveled down snake or lewis river, crossing and recrossing the same to fort bosie [boisé]; thence to fort walla walla, crossing the blue mountains in our route. we passed them much easier than i expected. at walla walla myself and reeves, and many others of the emigrants, exchanged cattle [for cattle] at vancouver. we got age for age and sex for sex. here we found it advisable to take [to the] water and travel down the great columbia, which we did with some difficulty. those who did not exchange their stock went to the methodist mission at the foot of the cascade mountains. here they carried their wagons by water and drove their stock through by land. a large portion of the emigrants have arrived, and the remainder will be here in a few days. those who have been to the willamette valley say it is a rich and beautiful country, but to what extent they know not, as they have not had sufficient time to examine it. i find any quantity of provisions can be had here. doctor mcloughlin, of vancouver, has rendered great assistance to the emigrants in loaning them his boats and furnishing them with provisions to take back to the companies that are yet behind--at the same time refusing any compensation for either. we have found the hudson bay company at all the forts very accommodating. the road from independence to fort hall is as good a road as i would wish to travel,--from fort hall there is some bad road and some good. the reason why we did not try to take our wagons across the cascade mountains was that the season had so far advanced it was thought to be a dangerous undertaking through so much snow and cold weather. we will prepare a road across these mountains next summer, so that the next emigration can bring their wagons through without any difficulty. some of us will meet the next emigration at fort hall. i will now give you a description of the necessary outfit each person should have to come to this terrestrial paradise. your wagons should be light, yet substantial and strong, and a plenty of good oxen. though i wrote while on the sweetwater that mule teams were preferable, but after seeing them thoroughly tried i have become convinced that oxen are more preferable--they are the least trouble and stand traveling much the best--are worth a great deal more when here. load your wagons light and put one third more team to them than is necessary to pull the load. bring nothing with you except provisions and a plenty of clothes to do you one year from the time you leave. they can all be had on as good terms here as in missouri, and even better; bring but few bedclothes, for they will be worn out when they arrive here--they can be had here on good terms. your oxen will not require shoeing. bring a plenty of loose cattle, cows and heifers particularly, as they are but little trouble and are worth a great deal. bring mules to drive your loose stock. bring a few good american mares, but use them very tenderly or you will not get them here. american horses are worth considerable in this country. horses can not get here except they are well used, and you should have two or three pairs of shoes and nails for them and your mules. you should bring pounds of flour, pounds of bacon, for every member of the family that can eat, besides other provisions. make no calculation on getting buffalo or other wild meat, for you are only wasting time and killing horses and mules to get it. have your wagon beds made in such a manner that they can be used for boats; you will find them of great service in crossing streams--have your wagons well covered, so that they will not leak, or your provisions and clothes will spoil. have your tents made water tight; start as early as possible; let your teams and stock all be in good order. start as soon as your stock can get grass enough to travel on, for the grass will be getting better every day until you arrive at fort hall; after that you will find the grass bad in places until you get to the blue mountains. you will find plenty of grass from there to the willamette valley. our cattle are in better order than they were one month ago. large flintlock guns are good to traffic with the snake indians. bring a plenty of cheap cotton shirts to trade to the indians on this side of the mountains. you might start with calves and kill them on the way, before they get poor, for fresh eating. you will find some beans, rice, and dried fruit of great use on the road. you should travel in companies of forty wagons, and continue together the whole route. you will find some ship biscuit to be of great use at times when you can not find fuel sufficient to cook with. be sure and bring nothing except what will be of material use to you on your journey, for, depend upon it, if you overload you will lose your team, wagon, and goods. you will find good stout young cows to answer in place of oxen, in case you should not have sufficient; let them be about middle size; let them be good, sound oxen, that have never been injured. i am satisfied from the products of the country that a man can live easier here than he can in any part of the united states. if he raises any produce he is sure of getting a good price for it in anything he may call for, money excepted. there is very little money in this country, though it is very little use when a man can get anything he wants without it. the merchants here will sell their goods cheaper for produce or labor than they will for cash, because they make a profit on the commodities they purchase, while there is no profit on cash. in fact, business is done here altogether by exchanging commodities. we can purchase anything of the hudson bay company cheaper by promising wheat next year than we can for cash in hand. cows are worth (that is, american,) from $ to $ ; american horses from $ to $ ; oxen $ to $ ; wheat $ per bushel; oats, cents; potatoes, cents; peas the same; beef, cents; pork, cents; butter, cents; common labor, $ . ; mechanics, $ to $ . the next emigration will get their cattle and wagons through quite easy, if they will start early and travel constantly though slow; they must not push. persons on the north side of the missouri should rendezvous on the south side of the river, opposite the blacksnake hills, and go up the nemaha and strike the platte near the pawnee village; by so doing they will avoid crossing the kansas, and avoid some bad roads, and go miles nearer. we were not troubled with the indians in the dangerous part of the country, for this reason, i have no doubt,--we kept a strong guard in nighttime and a sharp lookout in daytime. after we passed green river we abandoned guarding and broke up into small companies, though advised to the contrary, and in passing from the blue mountains to the valley some of the emigrants were imposed on, in fact, some of them were robbed, though it was their own fault for not sticking together. you should start with some medicine, for you will have more or less sickness until you get to fort hall. be sure and take good care not to expose yourself unnecessarily, for people have to go through a seasoning on the road, which makes the most of them sick. we are now eating apples which grew at vancouver. they are now gathering their apples, peaches, and grapes, etc.; these are the only fruits tried as yet; they are fine. the missionaries here have done more toward christianizing the indians in five years than has been done in the states in twenty years. numbers of them who can not speak one word of english hold regular family worship. they are members of the methodist episcopal church. i am convinced it is in consequence of not being able to get liquor. the hudson bay company and missionaries and settlers have taken a bold stand against the introduction of ardent spirits into this country, and i am convinced while they continue this praiseworthy course we all will see more satisfaction and pleasure, and our little colony will profit thereby. s. m. gilmore. * * * * * from _weston journal_, april , . correspondence. mr. editor: i desire to recommend, through your paper, to all emigrants to oregon, to pass by the council bluffs. the road from weston to the bluffs is now in fine order. all the streams are bridged or have ferries, so that there is no obstacle to cause an hour's detention until the company shall reach the bluffs. the best route is that crossing the nishnebatona at huntseeker's ferry; thence by the residence of major stephen cooper to port au poule, where a good ferry-boat is now in preparation to cross the missouri. from the missouri, at that point, to the pawnee villages, the road is much better than on the lower route, and the distance is about the same. one who knows. _weston, april , ._ * * * * * from _weston journal_, march , . oregon! oregon!! oregon!!! mr. editor: i wish to give notice, through your paper, to all those parties who intend to emigrate to oregon, that arrangements have been made to cross the missouri river at two different points, the one in andrew, the other in buchanan county. some of the citizens of andrew have made an arrangement with the sacs indians for the privilege of range, wood, and water, opposite elizabethtown. they have promised the indians six two-year-old beeves, to be paid by that portion of the oregon company which may cross at elizabethtown. this point is very suitable for crossing the missouri river. the rates of only about half what is usual at the common ferries on the missouri. the company expect to rendezvous in the indian country, opposite elizabethtown, between the first and tenth of april. a number of excellent citizens expect to cross at this place. this is the point from which a portion of the oregon company started last spring. taking all things into consideration, this is probably the best route to cross the missouri at elizabethtown (where there is an excellent large, new ferry-boat), and fall over on the platte, opposite the pawnee village, and thence pass along up the south side of the platte river. a member of the oregon company. _march , ._ * * * * * from _cherokee advocate_, tahlequah, cherokee nation, february , . later from the sandwich islands and oregon. advices are to september th. the united states ship _warren_, hull, sailed on the th of august from honolulu for mazatlan, by way of california. the _delaware_, carter, which arrived at honolulu with naval stores from valparaiso, september st, reports having seen a large vessel, probably the united states ship _savannah_, entering honolulu bay. the _polynesian_ contains intelligence from oregon to august d. the legislature of oregon adjourned a few days before the d of july, having passed some important laws. one of its acts is: "any person who shall make, sell, or give away ardent spirits in oregon, south of columbia river, shall forfeit and pay $ for each and every such offense." the legislature is called the "legislative committee," and consists of nine persons elected by the people. the officers of the oregon territory consist of three governors, called the executive committee, a supreme judge, and a legislative council. the laws are the same as those governing the territory of iowa. the government is purely democratic republican. doctor babcock is the supreme judge. the name of only one of the governors, doctor bailey, is mentioned. on the st of august a belgian brig arrived at the oregon city, having on board a number of nuns and several catholic priests from antwerp, sent out to oregon by the church of rome. the colony is in a most encouraging condition. the crops were giving promise of an abundant harvest. people were coming into the territory in large numbers, and the country is filling up with thriving and energetic colonists. doctor babcock, "the supreme judge," went to oregon as physician to the methodist mission family. doctor bailey was from this city, where his family now resides.--_new york evening post._ * * * * * from _cherokee advocate_, february , . a large company of emigrants are expected to leave independence, missouri, about the first of may for oregon. * * * * * from _cherokee advocate_, tahlequah, cherokee nation, february , . printing press for oregon. we see by the _commercial_ that the proprietors of that paper forwarded one of hoe's best printing presses to oregon last week, with type, printing ink, paper, etc., for the newspaper about to be established in oregon. the paper is to be connected with the missionary station there.--_new york sun, th ultimo._ * * * * * _missouri statesman_, september , . the _western expositor_ is the name of a new democratic paper published in independence. editor, robert g. smart, esq. it takes the place of the _western missourian_. * * * * * correction. note.--"william marshal," on page of the march quarterly, should read "james wilson marshall." the quarterly of the oregon historical society. volume iv. december, number the origin and authorship of the bancroft pacific states publications: a history of a history.--i. by william alfred morris. the true student of history, when confronted for the first time with a statement of what purports to be an historical fact, weighs at the outset, as all-important, the evidence of its accuracy. if there be at hand no means of verifying the statement, the only ground of assurance is a knowledge of who is speaking, how likely he is to know the truth, and how well fitted he is to tell it; for to be a writer of accurate history one must not only know facts, but must also be truthful, and so far above bias upon his subject as to be able to treat it fairly, openly, and without false coloring of any part. it is therefore the first canon of historical criticism to accept as authority no statement unless it be known who is making that statement. the greater our interest in a given subject, the more important to us becomes the question of the authority for all statements concerning that subject. as the field of history is narrowed down to a single state or to a single locality, where every man may to a certain extent be an historian, an anonymous written account, though excellent in itself, will still be viewed with suspicion. the fact that there is a good local knowledge of the subject by no means removes the necessity of determining authorship. fortunate it is for the pacific states and territories of the united states that data concerning their history from its beginning were collected during the lifetime of men who laid the foundations of these commonwealths. it is then a matter of the highest importance to the people of this vast empire to know who wove this material together, and wrote the only attempt at a full and connected history of the pacific coast which has ever been published. the completion of the bancroft series of pacific slope histories, to which reference is here made, marks an event unique in the annals of history writing. at no other time and in no other land has there been carried to completion a work of like character and magnitude. there had previously been written a few histories of oregon and california covering a certain period, and designed chiefly to give a treatment of a certain institution or political subject, but so far as the thorough working up of the whole ground was concerned, a virgin field presented itself. moreover, the undertaking was an unusually inspiring one. it was none other than that of tracing from the days when europeans first trod the pacific shores of america the sequence of events by which these lands were acquired and occupied by their present holders, political governments organized, and the development of resources entered upon; in short, it was the following up of the successive steps by which the institutions and industries of a nineteenth century civilization were established in a western wilderness. when we remember that the greater part of this record could at the time of writing be made from information furnished directly by the men who made this history, and that the lack of material which so often embarrasses the writer could not here be a cause of complaint, we may well conclude that such an opportunity had never before fallen to the lot of the historian. again, in the vast collection of historical sources into one place, as well as in the newness of the field and inspiring nature of the work, the undertaking presents a most remarkable feature. the projector of this enterprise was the first on the coast to undertake such a collection on a large scale. this fact, together with the recency of many of the events, which both rendered an unending number of eye-witnesses easily accessible for procuring personal narratives, and likewise caused those who possessed papers and books throwing light upon history, to set slight value upon them, enabled mr. bancroft to collect a library of material such as on the beginning and early chapters of pacific coast history in all probability can never again be equalled. finally, in the amount of material which it presents, and in the extent of ground which it covers, the bancroft series has attained epoch-making proportions. so closely related is the history of the pacific states and territories of the united states to that of the regions north and south, that to insure a complete understanding of it required the writing also of the history of mexico, texas, and central america, as well as that of british columbia and alaska. when we learn that two thousand different authorities were consulted in writing the history of central america, and ten thousand in arranging the material for the history of mexico; that in taking out material for the history of california eight men were employed for six years; and that in merely indexing the material for the history of mexico five men worked ten years, we are inclined to quote approvingly these words of mr. bancroft: "i say, then, without unpardonable boasting, that in my opinion there never in the history of literature was performed so consummate a feat as the gathering, abstracting, and arranging of the material for this history of the pacific states": (bancroft's literary industries, ). the history of no american locality would be considered without some account of its aborigines. the result, then, of this bancroft plan has been the writing of the history of the pacific slope of the continent from bering sea to darien, with a history of the native races in five volumes as an introduction, and a half dozen volumes of sketches and essays by way of conclusion, in all thirty-nine octavo volumes. but this work, the greatest of the kind, few if any of whose separate divisions have been superseded by later works has suffered greatly in the estimation of historians because they do not know who is authority for the statements contained in them. justice to the people of any state or territory whose history appears in this series demands that they should know in whose words it is related. a compliance with the reasonable expectations of the pioneers who contributed books, narrations, and documents to aid in the preparation of a standard history of their respective states calls for a public knowledge of the identity of the writer to the end that the volume in which their chief interest centers be not stigmatized as anonymous. and above all, a conformity with usage, not to mention an observance of the principles of right, requires that the author of finished work published in this series, or any other, should receive public acknowledgment of his labors and whatever of praise or blame is his due. ten years ago it was shown in the california press that the bancroft histories are not the works of the man who claims to be their author. but to say that "the works of hubert howe bancroft" were written by any person other than hubert howe bancroft is such a contradiction as to startle today the great majority both east and west whose attention have never been directed to the question. to determine the authorship of a work we are wont to consult its title page, and the title pages of these volumes all declare that they are "by hubert howe bancroft." the advertising matter sent out by the bancroft publishing establishment refers to them as "the writings of mr. bancroft," with never a suggestion that any other person wrote a line. the same course was followed in the reviews of these volumes, which at the time of their publication were scattered by the press throughout the length and breadth of the leading countries of europe, as well as in our land, although here we must remember that book reviews may be but another name for advertising matter prepared by the publisher and inserted at advertising rates. in his literary industries, the volume giving an account of his literary activities, mr. bancroft refers to himself as the author (lit. ind., , ), and speaks of his own writing without a clear reference to that of others (lit. ind., , , , ) in such terms as to give the impression that he was the only writer who prepared the manuscript as it went to the printer. true, he mentions assistants, and we can easily see, as he tells us, that he must have had fifteen or twenty note takers, cataloguers, and other library aids (lit. ind., ) in order to arrange so vast an amount of material. when assistants are mentioned it is usually in words which justify the reader in the inference that these aids are meant (see central america i, preface, viii; literary industries, ), and that, therefore, the assistants are in no sense authors. by a careful reading of the literary industries, however, we find that there was a class of assistants who are differentiated from ordinary library aids, by the statement that they were "more experienced and able," and whose work mr. bancroft describes as "the study and reduction of certain minor sections of the history which i employed in my writing after more or less condensation and change": (lit. ind., ). but even this passage seems to indicate that the material prepared by these writers was rewritten by mr. bancroft. as a result, therefore, of the indication of the title page of these works, of the recognition of the public press, of the statements of the literary industries, and of mr. bancroft's connection with the work widely known through personal means, it happens that today he is called the "historian of the pacific coast." furthermore, he is the only person to whom such a title is given, being so recognized by newspapers, encyclopedias, and the people at large. in the minds of the great number, hubert howe bancroft is the historian of the pacific states for just the same reason that george bancroft is the historian of the united states. speaking in accord with this popular estimate of mr. bancroft's work, wendell phillips once called him "the macaulay of the west." nowhere, however, can there be found a statement by this historian in which he lays an unequivocal claim to the authorship of the works which have been published under his name. by his own words quoted above he admits that the work was, at least in part, coöperative, and that he was a compiler of the work of his assistants. and for any one man to assert authorship of the bancroft series of histories would be preposterous. according to actual computation, the mere work of arranging the material and writing the history of the pacific states, after a small army of note-takers had concluded their operations, represents an equivalent to the labors of one man for a hundred years: (frances fuller victor in _salt lake tribune_, april , .) moreover, the use of quotations from foreign languages, of which mr. bancroft had no knowledge, proves that parts of the work are not from his pen, while the different literary styles (see for example, the review of oregon i in the _new york tribune_, nov. , ; in the _s. f. argonaut_, oct. , ; in the _sacramento d. record-union_, oct. , ; and in the _portland oregonian_, oct. , ), and varying degrees of historical workmanship (compare reviews of oregon ii in _n. y. tribune_, january, ; and in _s. f. chronicle_, jan. , , with reviews of other bancroft works) clearly reveal the work of a number of writers. a little knowledge on this point has proved a dangerous thing for the reputation of the histories. some of the newspapers of the coast have learned that mr. bancroft did not do all the writing and have even published the names of other authors of the series with statements more or less conjectural as to the writing done by them. in some cases, wild speculations as to the authorship of the works have been published. many are under the impression that those who went about taking statements of pioneers and in other ways collecting material were themselves writing the manuscript which was published, and that consequently much of the history is no more critically written than an ordinary newspaper article, and as little known about its authorship. furthermore, it is believed in some quarters that those who prepared narrations for mr. bancroft were writing history for him to publish, and that persons not connected with the bancroft library were authors of parts of the work. in accordance with this idea, it has been claimed that a certain tone favorable to the mormons which runs through the history of utah is to be accounted for by the theory that the volume was written by some one connected with the mormon church, whereas the truth is that, although the historian of that church prepared some data for mr. bancroft's use, the work was prepared in the library by mr. bancroft and one of his assistants from the annals in his possession (frances fuller victor in _salt lake tribune_, april , ). in some instances, the histories have lost standing because of the assumption that mr. bancroft was their author. thus statements in the history of california supposed to be, but now known not to be from his pen, have been singled out as reckless, and argument has been made upon the principle "false in one thing, false in all," that the seven whole volumes of california history are unworthy of credence (pamphlet proceedings of the society of california pioneers in reference to the histories of hubert howe bancroft, page ). following this lead an attempt has been made to discredit bancroft's oregon on the ground that his california is said to be unreliable. had mr. bancroft made public the fact that three persons besides himself wrote the history of california, that he was in reality the author of but sixty pages in the entire seven volumes of that set, that he had not the least claim to the authorship of the history of oregon, and that the histories of the two states were in the main written by different persons, the fallacy of this argument would have been clear, estimates of the collections of matter in these volumes would have been made on their own intrinsic merit, and their value would not have been impaired by false assumptions concerning their authorship. a third result of this neglect of mr. bancroft to make public acknowledgment of the extent of the writings of his assistants has been the accusation "that he is a purloiner of other peoples' brains," (_salt lake tribune_, feb. , ) and that he has made a reputation as an author at the expense of his assistants. concerning this charge, the most remarkable ever made in the annals of american historical writing, the reader must be the judge after weighing all the facts. the writer's apology for this article is his desire to give such facts as he has in the hope that they will do something to clear up mistaken ideas concerning the authorship of these histories, that they may aid somewhat in forming a correct estimate of the series, and that they may secure for the other authors as well as for mr. bancroft whatever credit is rightfully theirs. to these ends it is to be hoped that those who have any additional facts will make them public. the late frances fuller victor, one of the bancroft corps of writers, had long collected material on the authorship of the histories. in preparing this paper, the writer has depended largely upon information furnished by her correspondence and papers, and by explanations given by her in conversation. the statement of mr. bancroft in the literary industries to the effect that his "assistants" merely wrote up minor topics which he then used in his own writing, must be taken as applying to the work as projected rather than as actually carried out. in a letter written in before the final division of labor was made, mr. bancroft said, "when all the material i have is gone over and notes taken according to the general plan, i shall give one person one thing or one part to write, and another person another part": (letter to mrs. victor of august , .) here, it will be observed, the plan is for the "assistants" to do the actual work of writing history and not to prepare material for their chief to use in his writing. and it will shortly appear that it was the "assistants" who wrote the work and mr. bancroft who wrote the minor parts. to understand why the intended order was thus reversed, it is necessary to study the growth of the history project and to enter into the steps through which it was evolved. hubert howe bancroft, with whose name these works are linked, and who has been widely credited as their author, is a native of granville, ohio, where he was born may , , a descendent of old new england families through both the paternal and maternal lines. in his own account of his life (literary industries, - ), he tells us that when but three years old he could read the new testament without having to spell many of the words. at the school age, however, he found it difficult to learn, and after a winter at the brick schoolhouse under the tutelage of a brother of his mother, the latter became satisfied that he was not treated judiciously and fairly took him out of school. a sister had married george h. derby, a bookseller of geneva, new york, subsequently of buffalo, and at about the age of fifteen, the boy was offered the choice of preparing for college or entering the buffalo bookstore. he at first chose the former course and spent a year in the academy of his town, but becoming discouraged in his study, entered the employ of derby in august, . discharged from the store in six months, he returned to ohio and acted as a sales agent for his brother-in-law's goods with such success that he was invited back to the store and became a clerk with the beginning of the year . his father, influenced by the gold excitement, decided to go to california in february of that year, and with george l. kenny, his closest friend, he was sent by derby to handle books in the land of gold, setting out in december, . after their arrival in san francisco, sacramento was determined upon as a place of business, and young bancroft worked in the mines until arrangements could be made with his brother-in-law. but derby's death in the meantime ended the plan, and in , he set out to try his fortune at the newly-boomed mining town of crescent city. here he was employed as bookkeeper and bookseller, and made six or eight thousand dollars, most of which he subsequently lost through investing in crescent city property. in , mr. bancroft made a visit to his old home in the east, and his sister, in return for his assistance in recovering the amount of derby's california investment, let him have the sum, amounting to $ , , with which to begin business. obtaining credit in new york he shipped a ten thousand dollar stock of goods for san francisco, and with kenny organized the firm of h. h. bancroft and company about december , . from the first, mr. bancroft tells us, he had a taste for publishing, and it was but three years until the inception of what grew into the historical project. in , wm. h. knight, manager of the bancroft publishing department, while employed in preparing the hand book almanac for the next year, asked for the books necessary to carry on the work. it occurred to the head of the firm that he would again have occasion to refer to books on the coast states, and he accordingly transferred to mr. knight a copy of each of the fifty or seventy-five books in stock that had reference to the country. later he added to the number by purchases in second-hand stores, and when in the east secured from the bookstores of new york, boston, and philadelphia, volumes which fell under his observation. by , he had a thousand volumes, and upon a visit to london and paris in that year, learned that much more remained to be done. in , he started on a search throughout europe, which resulted in increasing his collection to ten thousand volumes. as to the field covered by these works, he says: "gradually and almost imperceptibly had the area of my efforts enlarged. from oregon it was but a step to british columbia and alaska; and as i was obliged from california to go to mexico and spain, it finally became settled in my mind to make the western half of north america my field": (lit. ind. ). he now began the collection of mexican works and the purchase of private libraries in the united states. in , after ten years' collecting, the library numbered sixteen thousand volumes, about half of which were pamphlets. in may of the next year, these were placed on one floor of the bancroft building on market street, and a young new englander named henry l. oak, lately editor of a religious journal published by the firm, was installed as librarian. (the main facts of oak's life, as learned by mrs. victor, are as follows: henry labbeus oak was born at garland, maine, in . his ancestry--including the family names of oak, merriam, hastings, hill, and smith--was entirely american from a period preceding the revolutionary war, being originally english and welsh. he was educated at the public and private schools of his native town until, in , he entered bowdoin college, and was graduated at dartmouth in the class of . during his college course, he taught in the public and high schools of different towns in maine; and after graduation, for a year in an academy at morristown, new jersey. mr. oak came to california by steamer in , and, after some attempts at commercial life, broken by a long illness, again became a teacher. a year was spent as principal of the public school at haywards, and as instructor in the collegiate institute at napa, and in the spring of , he became office editor of the _occident_, a presbyterian paper which the bancroft house was then publishing for an association. according to mr. bancroft (lit. ind. ), "the whole burden of the journal gradually fell on him." but when, owing to a disagreement with the religious association, the firm declined to publish the paper any longer, the young editor was left without employment. in the meantime a somewhat erratic englishman named bosquetti had succeeded knight as custodian of the bancroft library, and oak was appointed to assist him. upon his decamping a few months later, at the end of , mr. oak was appointed to the position.) the beginning of a classification of the material in the library had been made by mr. knight, who saved clippings and arranged them in scrap-books and boxes. it now became oak's duty to superintend the extraction of material from the volumes in his custody and to catalogue new books as they came in. in may, , he prepared for publication by the firm, two guide-books for tourists. it was at the same time that mr. bancroft took another step toward the history plan. the plan of publishing a pacific coast encyclopedia had been under consideration for a year or two, and was now adopted. mr. bancroft began to look for contributors. john s. hittell, publisher of the commerce and industries of the pacific coast, prepared a list of the principal subjects to be treated, and oak began to gather statements from pioneers and contributors of every sort by issuing circulars and writing letters. for about a year the preparations continued. during the first half of ora oak, a younger brother of the librarian, together with others, extracted material on pacific coast voyages and travels. walter m. fisher, an educated young englishman who came to the library early in the year, wrote out such travels as those of bryant, bayard taylor, and humboldt. the librarian, finding inadequate the system of indexing the library then in use, set to work to devise a more practical one, and spent three months in bringing it to perfection. this was apparently the only part of the year's work which proved abiding. that the material in the bancroft library was better adapted to the preparation of a history than of an encyclopedia gradually appeared to those who came in contact with it. (walter m. fisher was born in ulster in , and was the son of a presbyterian clergyman, a member of an english and scotch colony. he was educated at queen's college, belfast. nemos remembered him as "a handsome fellow, a great eater, and a hard worker." together with harcourt, he left bancroft's employ in to accept the editorship of the _overland monthly_. returning to london in , he published a clever work entitled the _californians_. subsequently he became a physician). after several years of suggestion, discussion, and change, mr. bancroft decided to reshape the entire plan of work accordingly. the history of the pacific slope of the continent was to be written, beginning at the isthmus of panama with the first appearance of the spaniards, and then taking up the successive regions to the north as their history had its beginning. this work, embracing an account of all the various republics, provinces, states, and territories along the pacific, it was decided to designate as the history of the pacific states. heretofore, mr. bancroft had been known only as bookseller and publisher, and manager of one of san francisco's large business houses. his experience in writing had been limited to the preparation of some material for the proposed encyclopedia. but now, when he had reached the age of forty years, practically all of them except the first sixteen, spent in the world of business, the head of the firm of h. h. bancroft and company made his first venture as a literary man, writing himself and rewriting the work of others. he began by preparing what he considered a suitable introduction to the history. the task was not easy, especially for one unaccustomed to write. in fourteen weeks he had taken out material from which he wrote three hundred pages of introduction to the history of central america which he subsequently reduced to seventy-five pages. this seems to have been the only part of the work that he considered as exclusively his own theme: (lit. ind., ). but this matter subsequently had to be rewritten. while writing on this volume, mr. bancroft became convinced that the history could not be complete without an account of the original inhabitants of the coast. to quote his own words, "i did not fancy them, i would gladly have avoided them. i was no archæologist, ethnologist, or antiquary, and i had no desire to become such. my tastes in the matter, however, did not dispose of the subject. the savages were there, and there was no help for me; i must write them up to get rid of them." to compile information concerning the manners and customs, the mythology, the language, and the antiquities of these aborigines, mr. bancroft estimated that two volumes would be required: (lit. ind., ). the native races as completed is a work of five volumes. so much of an expansion in all of the early historical plan was necessary. mr. bancroft, wrote but two hundred and seventy out of the four thousand pages of the native races, devoting his time while that series was in preparation largely to a rewriting of the first volume of central america, to a continuation of a summary of early voyages for other volumes, and to a perfection of the plan and a collecting of material for the histories. his relation to this work may be likened to that of a managing editor. he decided upon the division of labor as suggested by oak or others, and required changes in the manuscript as completed if he considered them necessary, either for the sake of treatment or style, but the extent of his writing as printed in this work certainly falls far short of that necessary to substantiate the claim which he has made to its authorship. the chapter which he wrote was that on the hyperboreans. as to this work, he tells us in the literary industries that during the first half of the year he "was writing on northern indian matter, giving out the notes on the southern division to go over the field again and take out additional notes": (lit. ind. ). as to his further connection with the work, he says that in december of the same year he became convinced that the plan of treating indian languages adopted by goldschmidt was not the proper one, and that the latter was "obliged to go over the entire field again and re-arrange and add to the subject matter before i would attempt the writing of it." (lit. ind., .) this passage ascribes the actual preparation of the volume to goldschmidt, and the writing referred to here must have been largely in the nature of editorial work. it is hardly to be presumed that a man of mr. bancroft's education and slight literary experience would have attempted at this time anything so ambitious as the complete preparation of a treatise on indian languages. we see, then, that although the influence of mr. bancroft was felt in arrangement and even in style, the native races was written almost entirely by other persons. but one would hardly suppose that such was the case from reading the words: "during the progress of this work i succeeded in utilizing the labors of my assistants to the full extent of my anticipations": (lit. ind., ). when speaking in the literary industries of work done for him by others, mr. bancroft shows a habit which is derived from his long experience as manager of a business concern. his constant tendency is to speak of work done by those in his employ as his work, neglecting a distinction between a publisher and an author, which is a vital one. the reputation of a publishing house depends upon the workmanship of its employés, but that of an author depends solely upon his own talents and the work of his own hands. while a publisher may with all propriety speak of work done by agents as his printing, for him to say that writing done for him by others is his writing is a positive misstatement. when mr. bancroft paid his writers for their manuscript, he became its owner with full rights of publication, but no one will say for a moment that he thereby became the author. in speaking of the native races, as well as the history of the pacific states, mr. bancroft often does so in such terms as to indicate that writing was done by him when it was his only by purchase. (compare statements in literary industries, , , , and in native races i, preface xiii, with the facts as shown by the statements of different members of bancroft's literary corps as to the work actually done by each writer and as given later in this article.) the division of responsibility for collating and arranging facts for the various divisions of the native races was made apparently toward the latter part of the year . we are told that routine work was laid aside for three or four weeks in the middle of the summer, and this time devoted to placing the library in order and cataloguing the new books which had been added. this was obviously done preparatory to entering upon the new work. to a young englishman who called himself t. arundel-harcourt, and who entered the library in november, was assigned the preparation of that portion of the work devoted to the manners and customs of the civilized nations. (this man's true name he did not reveal. his collaborator nemos says that he attended a boarding school, and then continued his studies in germany, at heidelberg, according to his own account. he claimed to have come to america with $ , in pocket money, and found his way first to montana. on his arrival at san francisco he entered the library. leaving in to assume editorship of the _overland monthly_ with fisher, he was soon back in bancroft's employ. naturally he was the most able of the library corps. but while he was brilliant, handsome, and witty, he was at the same time erratic and unreliable. he died in .) mr. fisher's part was mythology, while the division of the work relating to language was given to albert goldschmidt, a german, who had been employed in the library since the end of . (according to nemos, goldschmidt was said to have been the son of a jewish clothing dealer at hamburg. in early life he ran off to sea, and claimed to have become master of a vessel. he had acquired much general knowledge, and was musically inclined, often singing in church choirs. before coming to the library nemos says that he led a "vagarious life" in nevada. as a linguist he had great ability, and was able to translate almost any language which he encountered, but was inclined to fritter away his time. nemos declared him "the most systematic idler in the library." this failing brought about his discharge. later he became a mining superintendent in chihuahua.) mr. oak took the subject of antiquities and aboriginal history (preface to native races i, p. ). the undertaking was an enormous one, because of the vast quantities of material to be handled, as well as the inexperience of the workers, which made it necessary for them to devise their own system as they proceeded. it is said that by an actual calculation the sum total of all the labor expended upon each of the five volumes of the series represents an equivalent to the work of one man for ten years. (literary industries, ). indeed, mr. bancroft's own reason for entrusting this work to others is that it would have taken him a half century, leaving his main work untouched. mr. oak's indexing system proved a great labor saver, as by it the indexers went through all the material, classifying and making references. they were followed immediately by note-takers, who copied the facts indicated in these references. the writers then had the data placed before them for arrangement. when mr. bancroft's chapter on the hyperboreans was completed he went over it with them, all making criticisms and suggestions to be adopted in the arrangement of the other divisions as well as that one. by this means was the library system perfected, a common method developed, and a corps of library workers trained: (lit. ind., ). the native races was very much in the nature of a compilation, and our knowledge concerning the authorship of its various parts is necessarily less exact than is true of any of the other bancroft works. such facts as are at hand come from two schedules--one of his own works, the other of that of the corps generally--prepared by william nemos, a gifted swedish writer who entered the library in , subsequently becoming oak's chief assistant, and ultimately his successor in the librarian's office; from separate information gained by frances fuller victor as to the part of the work done by oak. (this consists of three different statements, one in a letter to a friend, another in an autobiographical sketch, and a third in a statement copied by mrs. victor. mr. oak himself refuses to give testimony, doubtless on account of his former intimate personal connection with mr. bancroft and his acquiescence in the plan followed, as well as his poor health, which renders him unwilling to enter into a discussion of the question, and from statements in an autobiography of thomas savage, chief spanish interpreter in the library after august, .) the facts as deduced from these sources show that oak wrote more of the native races than any one else, two fifths of the entire work, or to be exact, fifteen hundred and ninety-seven pages out of four thousand. while engaged in this writing, it must be remembered that he also acted as "chief assistant to mr. bancroft, manager of all details of this work, as well as that on the history, overseer of the corps of workers, and chief proof reader," duties which so engrossed his time that he wrote principally between eight o'clock in the evening and midnight. the fourth volume on antiquities is his work entire, as is also the fifth on primitive history, except the introductory chapter on the origin of the americans, in the preparation of which it would appear that bancroft had a hand (lit. ind., ), and the last three chapters dealing with the tribes of central america, the authorship of which the writer has no means of determining. nemos says, however, that he prepared "a good deal of clean manuscript" for this volume as well as for some others. to harcourt the division of the field as already given points as the author of the second volume. oak wrote the introductory chapter entitled general view of the civilized nations, and also the chapter on the aztec picture writing and maya arts calendar and hieroglyphics. bancroft is the author of the chapter on savagism and civilization, and nemos is to be credited with the writing of some parts. as harcourt wrote six hundred and thirty-six pages of the native races, and there appears but one reference to his writing in connection with another volume, and that a chapter of a hundred and fifty pages, we may conclude that the remainder of volume ii is from his pen. with fisher rests the credit for the authorship in the main of the mythology portion of the third volume. nemos relates that fisher sought his aid for this work soon after he came to the library, believing that his previous training in philosophy fitted him for mythology, and that fisher obtained for him the continuation of the volume, when in october, , he left it "half finished" to accept the editorship of the _overland monthly_. nemos then being new to the work, harcourt revised his manuscript. to goldschmidt had been assigned the task of writing the treatise on indian languages for the third volume. the evidence of nemos shows that goldschmidt prepared this part of the work, although the quotation from the literary industries already given seems to show that it was revised throughout once, and afterward rewritten, in part, at least, by bancroft. goldschmidt also prepared the ethnographical map of the coast. of the first volume, oak wrote about half of the preface, and the chapter on the columbians, harcourt the chapter on the californians, and nemos and savage the remainder, with the exception of a few slight parts prepared by others. in a compilation like the native races, there was of necessity much matter printed in such a form that those who prepared it could not claim the authorship. of this character were the contributions of mr. savage, the spanish expert. nemos also claimed to be the author of parts of every volume except the fourth, but from his own statements we learn that much of his work, like savage's, consisted in making translations. the public acknowledgment made in the introduction of this work concerning the part done by the several writers would be fair, if we overlook the fact that its wording tends to give an exaggerated idea of mr. bancroft's part in it--were the name of the latter but printed on the title page as editor or compiler. but by omitting either word he has announced himself to the world as author. his own explanation for this seems to be that he considers himself responsible for the work in treatment and style (native races i, preface xiii), but the real reason is no doubt to be found in a desire to give the work standing in the literary world by ascribing it to one name already quite widely known among book dealers and publishers. as regards scientific merit these volumes can not make great claims. no serious attempt was made to collect facts concerning the american indians of the west at first hand. mr. bancroft made no pretensions as an antiquarian or ethnologist, content with compiling what others had written and thus discharging his duty toward the introductory part of his work that he might the sooner take up the more serious task of writing the histories. different parts of the native races differ greatly in value. oak was habitually scholarly and always made an effort at honest research. nemos was likewise thoroughly reliable. goldschmidt was noted for his shiftlessness, and fisher and harcourt are charged with such uncritical methods as the incorporation in their writings of statements found in magazine articles which were nowhere verified. (mrs. victor had learned of this.) the last three must, therefore, be considered clever and brilliant writers rather than critical historians. the chief value of the native races consisted in the fact that it presented in accessible form a classified collection of all the facts known concerning the indians of the pacific slope. philosophers who made use of these facts in their generalizations, while prizing the work highly, were not, however, especially concerned as to how it was written. in the east and in europe the discovery was not made that it is merely a compilation. the native races was regarded as a work of great learning (see literary industries, , ) and its authorship ascribed to hubert howe bancroft in accordance with a literal reading of its title page. the five volumes were published at three-month intervals between october , , and christmas, . just before the first volume appeared, mr. bancroft made what he called a literary pilgrimage to the eastern states to bring himself and the work to the notice of the great literary men there. he also made arrangements for publication in france and germany simultaneously with the issuing of the volumes in new york. this was the result as told in his own words: "never probably was a book so generally and so favorably reviewed by the best journals in europe and america. never was an author more suddenly or more thoroughly brought to the attention of literary men everywhere": (lit. ind., .) as director and manager of the native races, mr. bancroft performed a literary service of great importance and in such a capacity richly deserved the unsparing praise which was showered upon him. but the commendation and honor bestowed upon him as author of the work we must in all fairness regard as quite a different matter. according to his own statement (lit. ind., ), this must be considered as the status generally assigned him and the basis upon which he was presented with a number of complimentary certificates and honorary diplomas, among them being honorary membership in the massachusetts historical society, the american antiquarian society, and the buffalo historical society, and the honorary degree of master of arts at yale. so far as the question of authorship was concerned, all reviews and general press mention of subsequent bancroft publications followed along the same line as the reviews of the native races, recognizing mr. bancroft alone as the author. we may, therefore, conclude as does he himself (lit. ind., , ) that it was his being accredited with the authorship of the native races which made for him his literary reputation. it has been shown that this credit depended in turn upon the fact that his own name was on the title page as author instead of managing editor. the facts show, therefore, that mr. bancroft was assisted largely by his corps of writers even in the revision of manuscripts, that due credit has never been given oak, fisher, harcourt, goldschmidt, and nemos, who, aided by a number of compilers and writers of fragmentary bits, are the true authors of the work, and that the rise of the fame of hubert howe bancroft as an historical writer was founded upon a popular misconception, both as to the nature of his first work and his connection with that work. just as fast as the members of the library force ended their respective labors on the native races, they were set to work taking notes for the history, mr. oak continuing to act as manager of detail as heretofore. the system of note-taking was perfected by mr. nemos and now included a boiling down process by which new members could so prepare rough material as to permit writers to turn out manuscript more quickly. laying aside for the time being the work on central america and mexico, bancroft and oak decided to direct the activities of a library force now thoroughly trained to the material on california, since california history is the starting point for that of a number of other states, including northern mexico, arizona, nevada, and utah, and more especially because the mass of original material collected for this state was greater than for any other, a fact necessitating the reduction to a minimum of the possibility of its accidental destruction while yet unused: (lit. ind., .) the actual organization of the material on the southwest, including the writing of the history of the northern mexican states and texas down to , together with the spanish and mexican annals of arizona, new mexico, california, and the northwest coast, was entrusted to oak as his special field. the story of the collection of this california material as told by mr. bancroft (lit. ind., and sq.) is one of the most interesting connected with the history enterprise. in october, , there had entered his service one enrique cerruti, an erratic individual, born in italy, but intimately acquainted with the ways of spanish-americans through a long residence in bolivia, under the government of which state he had served in a diplomatic capacity. cerruti's diplomacy was turned toward the securing of historical facts in the possession of the old spanish residents of california, and the first task set for his craft was to gain the coöperation of general vallejo, a native californian, early alcalde at san francisco, and colonizer of sonoma. after several months' negotiations, his efforts were rewarded by a personal narrative from vallejo, by the gift of his papers, and by his enthusiastic support in gaining the aid of other californians of his own race. among those who furnished dictations at his instance were two of his brothers, and his nephew alvarado, governor of california under mexican rule. for two years cerruti and vallejo worked together collecting, their time being divided between sonoma, san francisco, and monterey, from which centers they made divers excursions. it seems that the wily italian, together with other representatives of mr. bancroft, sometimes gained possession of valuable manuscripts by such indirection as to cause much dissatisfaction on the part of the original owners. the official spanish records of the country which had been turned over to the united states surveyor general at san francisco consisted of four or five hundred volumes. to copy these, twelve spaniards worked for a year under the direction of mr. savage,[ ] "the greatest single effort" ever made in connection with the bancroft enterprise. the mission records in possession of the archbishop of san francisco were copied by mr. savage and three assistants in a month. in quest of data on southern california, bancroft and oak took a trip to san diego early in , returning overland and visiting depositories of records. on this tour, judge benjamin hays of san diego turned over to mr. bancroft his historical collections, and subsequently directed the collecting in the south. the most efficient of the assistants employed by him was edward f. murray who, among other services, copied the records of the santa barbara missions. in march, , mr. savage began work on the civil and ecclesiastical archives at salinas, continuing the work at san josé, santa cruz, and sacramento. with others, he obtained dictations of the highest importance from native californians and others, and in and spent eight months in that work, visiting all the missions from san diego to san juan bautista with the exception of san fernando and purisima. while his aids were thus gathering the material upon which the history of california is founded, mr. bancroft, as he tells us (lit. ind., - ), was devoting his attention more especially to the gaining of information concerning the proceedings of the two vigilance committees that held sway in san francisco in the "fifties," by no means an easy task, since the acts of both of these organizations were illegal and their surviving members could not be expected to talk very freely, even after a lapse of twenty years. after considerable urging, however, those who had custody of the records were induced in the interest of history to turn them over for mr. bancroft's inspection. this material was made use of in the supplemental volumes on popular tribunals; in the first writing of which mr. bancroft was himself engaged from to . like his manuscript for central america, however, this work had to be revised before its publication ten years later. at an early date, mr. bancroft tells us (lit. ind., - ), he had corresponded with the heads of governments lying within his territory. the presidents of the mexican and central american republics and the governors of all the states had accorded him every facility. in , especially favorable letters were received from the presidents of salvador, guatemala, and nicaragua, the latter appointing a special commissioner to secure and ship documents. the great mass of california matter, at first so voluminous as to be appalling, was now in hand, and in mr. bancroft turned his attention to the northwest. upon a visit to british columbia in that year, he obtained access to the official records of the province, took the reminiscences of many old fur traders, secured the papers of others, and had help from several who had undertaken to write a history of the country: (lit. ind., ; hist. n. w. coast, preface, viii). it was from this data that mr. bancroft in the years immediately following wrote, with the aid of some other writers, the history of the northwest coast, and the history of british columbia, volumes constituting the great part of the work of which he can claim the actual authorship: (see lit. ind., .) the history seeker had already secured the writings of gov. elwood evans of washington territory. crossing the straits from victoria, he made some collections about puget sound, and then went to portland and salem, accompanied by amos bowman, a stenographer who subsequently became one of the writers in the library and prepared some manuscript for the history of british columbia. (bowman was a canadian with some experience in government surveys and mining explorations. before joining mr. bancroft on this expedition, he was located at anacortes, washington.) the oregon pioneer association was then in session at salem, and a number of its members furnished dictations. the secretary, j. henry brown, was engaged to copy documents in the state archives (lit. ind., - ). he subsequently made this matter the basis of a book which he himself published on oregon history. after dictations had been secured in passing through southern oregon, the oregon material at mr. bancroft's disposal was further increased on his return to san francisco by the employment of frances fuller victor, a writer of experience and author of several books on oregon, who, during a residence of more than ten years in the state, had collected data with the intention of herself writing and publishing its history. as by her researches she had become familiar with the history of the entire northwestern part of the united states, the working up of this field was assigned her just as the southwest had been assigned to oak. (frances fuller was born in the township of rome, new york, may , . she was a near relation of judge reuben h. walworth, chancellor of the state of new york, and through her ancestor, lucy walworth, wife of veach williams, who lived at lebanon, connecticut, in the early part of the eighteenth century, claimed descent from egbert, the first king of england. veach williams himself was descended from robert williams, who came over from england in , and settled at roxbury, massachusetts. when mrs. victor was thirteen years of age, her parents moved to wooster, ohio, and her education was received at a young ladies' seminary at that place. from an early age she took an interest in literature, and when but fourteen years old, wrote both prose and verse for the county papers. a little later the _cleveland herald_ paid for her poems, some of which were copied in english journals. mrs. victor's younger sister, metta, who subsequently married a victor, a brother of frances' husband, was also a writer of marked ability. between the two a devoted attachment existed, and in those days they were ranked with alice and phoebe carey, the four being referred to as ohio's boasted quartet of sister poets. the fuller sisters contributed verse to the _home journal_ of new york city, of which n. p. willis and george p. morris were then the editors. metta was known as the "singing sybil." both sisters were highly eulogized by willis, who regarded them as destined for a great future as writers. in her young womanhood frances spent a year in new york city, amid helpful literary associations. being urged by their friends, the two sisters published together a volume of their girlhood poems in . in the more rigorous self-criticism of later years, mrs. victor often called it a mistaken kindness which induced her friends to advise the publication of these youthful productions. but in these verses is to be seen the true poetic principle, and their earnestness is especially conspicuous. metta fuller victor, after her marriage, took up her residence in new york city, and continued her literary work both in prose and in verse. frances' husband, henry c. victor, a naval engineer, was ordered to california in . she accompanied him, and for nearly two years wrote for the san francisco papers, her principal contributions consisting of city editorials to the _bulletin_, and a series of society articles under the _nom de plume_ of florence fane, which, we are told, by their humorous hits, elicited much favorable comment. about the close of the war, mr. victor resigned his position and came to oregon, where his wife followed him in . she has often told how, upon her first arrival in this state, she recognized in the type both of the sturdy pioneers and of their institutions something entirely new to her experience, and at once determined to make a close study of oregon. as she became acquainted with many of the leading men of the state, and learned more and more about it, she determined to write its history, and began to collect material for that purpose. her first book on the history of oregon was the river of the west, a biography of joseph l. meek, which was published in . many middle-aged oregonians tell what a delight came to them when in boyhood and girlhood days they read the stories of rocky mountain adventures of the old trapper meek as recited by this woman of culture and literary training, who herself had taken so great an interest in them. the book was thumbed and passed from hand to hand as long as it would hold together, and today scarcely a copy is to be obtained in the northwest. intensely interesting as the river of the west is, the chief value of the work does not lie in this fact, but rather in its value to the historian. meek belonged to the age before the pioneers. it was the trapper and trader who explored the wilds of the west and opened up the way for the immigrant. later writers freely confess their indebtedness to mrs. victor's river of the west for much of their material. the stories of the rocky mountain bear killer, meek, romantic though many of them are, check with the stories given by other trappers and traders, and furnish data for an important period in the history of the northwest. in was published mrs. victor's second book touching the northwest, all over oregon and washington. this work, she tells us in the preface, was written to supply a need existing because of the dearth of printed information concerning these countries. it contained observations on the scenery, soil, climate and resources of the northwestern part of the union, together with an outline of its early history, remarks on its geology, botany, and mineralogy, and hints to immigrants and travelers. her interest in the subject led her at a later date to revise this book and to publish it again, this time under the title atlantis arisen. in was published woman's war with whiskey, a pamphlet which she wrote in aid of the temperance movement in portland. her husband was lost at sea in november, , and from this time, she devoted herself exclusively to literary pursuits. during her residence in oregon she had frequently written letters for the san francisco _bulletin_ and sketches for the _overland monthly_. these stories, together with some poems, were published in in a volume entitled the new penelope. this last volume was printed by the bancroft publishing establishment in san francisco. the bancrofts were an ohio family of mrs. victor's early acquaintance. hubert howe bancroft now laid before her his plan for writing the history of the pacific slope, and asked her to work on the part concerning oregon. in she entered the bancroft library. leaving the library at the completion of the work, in she returned to oregon and was employed by the state in to compile her history of the early indian wars of oregon, a volume which was published by the state printer the following year. she continued to write for the oregon historical quarterly up to the time of her death. her last published work was a small volume of poems printed in , and selected from the many metrical compositions which she had written for newspapers and magazines through a period of sixty years. she was an able writer of essay, and possessed an insight into the evolution of civilization and government rare, not only for an author of her sex, but for any author. combining the qualities of poet, essayist and historian, she occupied a position without a peer in the annals of western literature. she died at portland, oregon, november , ). data on alaska and the russian colony at fort ross, california, were being collected and translated during these years by ivan petroff, a highly educated russian some time resident at cook's inlet. material from russia was furnished by the savant m. pinart who had made a special study of alaska, and petroff prepared translations. in he visited alaska in search of more material, and spent the year and part of in washington extracting matter from papers, the existence of which he had discovered on the northern trip; (lit. ind., - .) petroff had begun the writing of this material and had done part of the alaska volume when he left the library to become supervisor of the census of in the northern territory, leaving mr. bancroft and others to bring this part of the work to completion. (the main facts of petroff's life which had been a very eventful one are here taken from bancroft's literary industries, - . he was born at st. petersburg in , his father being a soldier. his mother died in his infancy, and at the age of five, he was placed in the military academy of the first corps of cadets at st. petersburg. left an orphan when but a boy by the death of his father at the battle of inkerman, a remarkable talent for languages secured his transfer to the imperial academy of sciences for training as military interpreter. a serious illness caused an impediment in his speech which ended such prospects, but he was nevertheless permitted to continue his studies and became amanuensis for professor bohttink while engaged in the preparation of a sanscrit dictionary. attached subsequently to m. brosset, who was making a study of armenian antiquities and literature, he became so proficient in the language that he was chosen to accompany his superior on a two-year scientific expedition through georgia and armenia. he was then sent to paris to st. hilaire with part of the material obtained, thence sailing for new york in . after working a short time on the _courier des etats unis_, he enlisted in the seventh new hampshire regiment. by hard study he mastered the language, after writing letters for the soldiers as a means of practice, and acquired a proficiency in the use of english such as one seldom meets with in a foreigner. from private he became corporal, then sergeant and color bearer, a rank which he held in , when his company was sent to florida. he took part in all the battles fought by butler's army and was twice wounded. after the battle of fort fisher, he was promoted to a lieutenancy. mustered out in july, , he returned to new york, and accepted a position for five years with the russian american company at sitka, believing that this region was sooner or later to pass to the united states. on the way to alaska he was delayed and improved the time by making a horseback tour of northern california, idaho, washington, and oregon. finding his position filled when he arrived at sitka, he was given charge of a trading post on cook's inlet until the transfer of the territory to the united states in . subsequently petroff was appointed acting custom officer on kodiak island and was put in charge of the seized barkentine constitution, with which he arrived in san francisco in october, . mr. bancroft at once sought his services as russian interpreter for the library. after his return to the government service in the north, he distinguished himself both in and by his zeal in securing information concerning alaska desired by the census bureau, and several times risked his life in this service. returning to washington he was subsequently employed both by the census bureau and the state department. with one exception, the utah volume, this was the last of the series of history proper to the actual authorship of any considerable part of which mr. bancroft can lay claim.) so great was the opposition created among gentiles in utah by a turn in the bancroft history more favorable to the mormons than they considered fair, and so many and so fierce the charges against mr. bancroft in consequence, that he has apparently been very careful to give, in the literary industries (pp. - ), an extended account of the manner of collecting the material for the history of utah. here he tells us that, at an early date in the development of the history project, he realized the difficulty of gaining data on mormon history, an obstacle apparently so great as to be insuperable. for though the mormon church have a regular historian, whose duty it is to preserve their archives, the director of the bancroft project at once perceived the objections which would be made to the turning of this material over to be written up by one not in sympathy with their faith. but he must have seen very clearly that a gentile history of utah not unfavorable to the mormons was the one thing they desired above all else. accordingly, in , he tells us that he succeeded in showing to their satisfaction that he was not prejudiced against them, and asked orson b. pratt, official historian of the mormon church, for the desired information. john taylor, president of the church, called a council of its twelve apostles, with the result that it was agreed to comply with the request, and franklin d. richards was sent to san francisco as professor pratt's representative, to furnish the bancroft library with such material as was desired from the official church records. the year is an important one for the history project in another and more important respect also. the end of that year found definite plans made for the publication of the history of the pacific states. mr. bancroft had long since decided that, unlike the native races, this work should be handled exclusively by his own house, and mr. nathan j. stone was placed in charge of the publication department of the firm, now a. l. bancroft and company, to attend especially to this matter. the date of commencement of work by the printers oak sought to have deferred that there might be no haste in searching out and digesting facts, but against his advice bancroft determined to begin the publication of the series in , impatient doubtless at the prospect of a deferred return from his large financial investment in the work, and somewhat fearful, as he tells us, lest through some calamity it might never come to publication. this decision for an early beginning of publication with the general change in plan which it brought, rendered mr. oak's complicated tasks too severe, as he was now in failing health. the work of taking notes on the vast amount of material on california and the spanish southwest generally had been finished some time before, and, as oak had now completed his preliminary researches, he determined to give up part of his duties that he might have time to write the volume covering his field. to mr. nemos, who up to this time had been employed chiefly on the mexican volumes, was accordingly turned over the general direction of the half-dozen younger writers, together with the plans of writing, and the management of the note-takers, a change which gave him all interior supervision except over special departments attended to by mr. bancroft--such as the work of oak and mrs. victor. nemos had wonderful ability for drilling men into a common method and served as director of library detail "with remarkable ability and success." (this was oak's expression. all who speak of nemos have much commendation for his ability. he was born in finland, february , , the son of a nobleman. german and piano lessons were first given him by his mother, who belonged to a wealthy family of good stock. after a year's study in a private school at st. petersburg, he returned home to attend school, and later took a course at the gymnasium, or classic high school, at stockholm preparatory to entering upsala university, where a brother was at the time in attendance. this ambition was not to be attained, however, for in his seventeenth year, family matters compelled him to give up his studies, and a place for him was found in a london commission and ship-broker's office by a family friend who believed that the acquisition of english and a business experience would be of the greatest advantage to the young man. rather than drag the family title into the by-ways of trade, he laid it aside and assumed the name of nemos. evening and leisure hours were now devoted to the study of philosophy and kindred higher branches under an upsala graduate. after a business training of eighteen months, he was transferred to a responsible position in a house trading with india. when five years had been spent in this capacity, the fear of consumption induced him to take a long sea voyage, and in the spring of he left liverpool by sailing vessel for australia, arriving at melbourne in the third month out. a venture at mining resulted disastrously through the dishonesty of his partners, and after a stop at sydney, he came to san francisco, where he landed in the summer of . he had completed an engagement as assistant civil engineer on a proposed railroad in oregon when he returned to california and accepted a position in the library. nemos is described as retiring in all his tastes and enthusiastic as a student. he was especially fond of philosophy and languages, and had a knowledge of all the principal tongues of europe.) oak, although he now considered himself chief only in name, still acted as librarian, business agent for most of the intercourse with the printing house, and reviser of the final proofs of all the volumes. for protection against fire, the library was in october, , moved to a building constructed for its reception on valencia street. at the same time, the printers began work on the first volume to be published, central america i, which was immediately followed by mexico i. after that time mr. bancroft (lit. ind., ,) gave out for the press whatever was most convenient, so that frequently parts of several volumes were in type at one time. when the printing began, material aggregating fifteen volumes was ready. these included manuscript for mexico and central america, the field assigned savage and nemos, matter prepared by oak for california, by mrs. victor for oregon, by bancroft for popular tribunals, literary industries, and the northwest coast, and by petroff for alaska. bancroft estimated at this time that the notes were also taken for three fourths of the works which were yet to be written. material upon which to base the remaining fourth was collected in the same way as previously, mr. bancroft visiting the country to be written up, ascertaining the nature and location of the materials, collecting what could be had conveniently, and then leaving the further ingathering in the hands of agents. a visit to mexico in furnished him with some material on social conditions in that country which he tells us was utilized in the last volume of the mexican history: (lit. ind., ). more extensive collections remained to be made in the regions farther north. after the completion of the two volumes on oregon, mrs. victor's attention was next directed to the volume on nevada, colorado, and wyoming. in the carrying on of this work, a greater number of suggestions as to manner of treatment were made by mr. bancroft, we may believe, than was usual in the preparation of a volume, for the reasons that it was hurried more for publication than earlier works, that it was written under his immediate direction, and that he himself collected and forwarded material from the field as required. the record of the progress of the work, as it occurs in mr. bancroft's letters to the writer of the volume, is of unusual interest in that the methods followed, though in some ways exceptional, may perhaps be taken as fairly typical of those employed by mr. bancroft in the preparation of the later volumes of the series which he immediately supervised. in august, , shortly before the completion of the second volume of the history of oregon, mr. bancroft went to salt lake city, where he left with franklin d. richards a memorandum to guide him in extracting material on the mormons in nevada which, he said, would be about the first material needed. pending the arrival of this, on september th, he advised mrs. victor to familiarize herself with the history of wyoming and colorado, he himself having done the same for nevada. a letter written a few days later presents the idea of making a plan of the volume "as the men do on mexico, etc.," and says, "by so doing you can give each section its due proportion and by working to the plan save unnecessary labor." as to the method of treating early expeditions to colorado and wyoming, he says to consult the history of utah, and the two opening chapters which he himself had already written on nevada. when these chapters were prepared, it was the intention to devote an entire volume to this state. in planning the work as recommended in this letter, mrs. victor ascertained that these chapters were out of proportion for the volume as now planned, and wrote to mr. bancroft to this effect. on september st, however, he advised her that he recognized the fact, but that they would "have to do." on the same date he forwarded the dictations of three of the first mormons in nevada, requesting that when the material had been used for this volume, they be turned over to mr. bates, then at work on the history of utah. he also suggested a perusal of benton's city saints and other utah books for light on nevada, and directed that mr. newkirk search the library thoroughly for nevada material. from colorado springs on october th he wrote announcing that a package of material on colorado had been sent, though evidently with more thought of pleasing those who furnished the dictations than of affording material for the history of their state. said he, "some of the dictations don't amount to much, but i would like them used for all they are worth, and more too, putting them in list of authorities, quoting them freely, and giving biographical notice, etc." on october th, he wrote that he would go to denver in a few days to finish gathering what material for colorado he could procure. with reference to this he says, "i am told that there is no file of the _rocky mountain news_, or any other early paper i can get. possibly i may obtain access to one. still i think we will have stuff enough, all there will be room for. i will then go to cheyenne to get what i can on wyoming, and that will finish up the business of gathering for that volume, or any other volume except what the canvassers bring in." he calls attention to the fact that in the colorado dictations there is frequently material on montana, and in the utah dictations, material on idaho and nevada. the reason for this he gives in the typical bancroft sentence: "if i strike a man here, as i frequently do, who has been to these other places in early times i follow him up there for all it is worth of course, the same as here." at colorado springs mrs. helen hunt jackson, author of a century of dishonor, asked mr. bancroft to adopt her views on the colorado indian wars. with reference to this matter, he wrote on october th, the day of his departure for denver, as follows: "she wishing a thing done would be the very reason i would not do it if i could help it. i speak of it that you may get the work and use the information. i do not care about mentioning her name one way or another in the whole work. she has been polite enough here, although she has a broken leg, but i don't care for her politeness. i should have had fair recognition for the service i did her in the matter of her california articles in the _century_ which i never got." writing subsequently from denver on november d, he says: "everybody in colorado, nearly, is against mrs. jackson on what some call the chevington massacre. that side don't call it a massacre, but a fight. i should give their side in full, then say some few took exception to this action, and there let it stand on its merits--that is, i think so now." in the same letter mr. bancroft announced that he was going over the _rocky mountain news_ with mr. byers, the founder and former editor, "a man of remarkable ability and memory," whose dictation to a shorthand reporter was given, he said, in such a way that it was almost pure history and could be taken from his manuscript as fast as one could write. this he advised mrs. victor to take as a basis for colorado history, building upon it and giving it the preference in regard to discrepancy of statement. he also called attention to the fact that "a lot of people" had in one way and another wandered over the region before white men settled there, and said he supposed that what coronado did should first be considered. as to the wanderings of spaniards in colorado, a schedule sent about this time refers mrs. victor to all oak had written on the subject, to the first few pages of the history of utah, and to the original authorities upon which the latter was based. after calling attention to some works of travel, such as fremont's writings and renton's adventures in mexico and the rocky mountains, he asked mr. nemos to see that the material for mrs. victor's use in preparing the volume be taken out more thoroughly than had heretofore been the case, and upon this point directed him to consult the early volumes of the series and make this correspond. mrs. victor subsequently asked that she be permitted to take out her own notes, and the request was granted as mr. bancroft had now decided to reduce the number of his force as fast as possible and bring the work to a conclusion. already on october th, he had given as his opinion that colorado should make about half of the volume, at the same time inquiring what laws of colorado and wyoming were desired, and recommending a study of "hepworth dixon's work on the great west, bonneville's adventures, and bayard taylor's travels." writing from cheyenne on november th, mr. bancroft announced the shipment of a small package of wyoming stuff, all that he had been able to secure, and also his intention to have some one take matter from the office files of the newspapers of that place, the _sun_ and _leader_, the latter of which was very complete. though returning himself to denver, that day, he promised to have more wyoming dictations taken. in a letter dated the next day, he expressed the opinion that a proper division of the work would be made by devoting three hundred and fifty pages to colorado, two hundred and twenty-five to nevada, and one hundred and seventy-five to wyoming, and requested that the writing be done on that basis until some change should be found necessary. in closing, he suggests another line of research to be carried through the volume in the words: "and all the way from the gulf of mexico to british columbia, i want to pay special attention to the cattle interest and cattle men, the origin and development of the industry, one of the most marvelous and important of modern times." the last letter dealing with the manner of treatment of material dated october , , asks mrs. victor to do the best she can with mackey and the silver question in order to satisfy mr. stone, the publishing agent, whose work, mr. bancroft said, was hard enough at best. it thus appears that three leading objects were kept constantly in mind at this time: one, the handling of the various subjects in such a way as not to displease the people in the district written up, that the work might be popular and the work of the canvassers easy as they went about soliciting subscriptions for it; another, the writing of the various chapters in such a way that the first draft would constitute finished history and take up no more space than that assigned in the volume; and finally, and really at the bottom of the preceding, a desire to have the history written as soon as possible. evidence that mr. bancroft wished to have the work done in the least possible time and with the least possible cost is abundant in these letters. in october nemos had been set to counting the pages which mrs. victor had written since entering the library, a proceeding which she resented, believing that it afforded no just basis for judging her historical work. the next letter from mr. bancroft, on october th, brought the request that she bring the work "at first writing within the requisite compass so as not to make it so terribly costly." an intimation that greater haste would be pleasing was again conveyed on november st, when mr. bancroft expressed the confidence that if mrs. victor were to write three volumes more, they would be done in three years instead of six, a view of the case most contrary to hers, since before entering the library she had already worked out many of the problems in oregon history, and now that she was entering upon another field, found more time necessary. that mr. bancroft did not make allowance for this, however, is shown by a letter written on november th. here he begins the subject by stating that it would be a great mistake to suppose that he was dissatisfied with mrs. victor's work, or that any one had in the faintest degree criticised it, and says that all he wants is to practice such economy of time and money as will enable him to complete the work before he is dead or has failed in business. then he proceeds to reckon up results thus: "i do not know when the present volume will be finished ready for the printer. but six years have already passed, and, calling this volume done, it would be two years to a volume. about fifteen hundred of your pages make a volume, i believe, and counting three hundred days to the year, would be two and a half pages a day. when you first came, you started off with ten pages, which we all thought rapid, but the outcome makes it exceedingly small. this, with what other work has been done on your volumes, would make every page of your manuscript ready for the printer cost me considerably over two dollars a page." after a denial that this is intended as a complaint about the past, he says: "go on and do the best you can. i have written equivalent to six volumes during the last six years besides devoting my time to revising and outside matters. but i don't expect any one to work as i do. i am not satisfied with old hands now, however, who do not give me say, four or five pages a day all ready for the printer." according to the printed rules of the library, the hours were from . sharp to o'clock in the evening, with half an hour for lunch. when we recall the complexity and minuteness of research and thought necessary in historical writing, we must consider three hundred such days a year heavy work. the requirement of an average of a certain number of pages a day was therefore one which would naturally tend to increase the worry of the writer. this requirement was also exacted of mr. oak, and we may well conclude that if such pressure were brought to bear on the two most experienced writers in the library, upon the junior writers it must have been intense indeed. the writing of the volume on colorado, nevada, and wyoming, so far as the material at hand permitted, was completed at the end of the year . with all of the precautions taken, however, the pages on colorado had to be condensed nearly a third to bring them within the space allowed. this was done, as was frequently the case, by throwing matter into fine type and printing as footnotes, instead of making many changes in the manuscript. the system of biographical footnotes as it appears in the history, mrs. victor claimed as her contribution to the general plan of the work. the idea was followed with excellent results in her own volumes as well as those written by others, the object being to make biographical mention for the benefit of posterity of every man who took a prominent part in the building of a pacific state or territory. for carrying out such a purpose, the time of writing during the lives of at least part of the same generation that founded these commonwealths, offered unusually good advantages. the original intention, mrs. victor has told us, was for her to prepare the volume on utah, since before coming to the coast, she had had occasion to make a study of early mormon history through coming in contact with some refugees from nauvoo. but so much work had already been assigned her that when the time came to do the writing, this was impossible. mr. bancroft had already made a study of the early spanish history of the territory, and had written this part when he assigned the work on the bulk of the remainder to mr. alfred bates, a writer of polished english and a man of scholarly attainments who had previously assisted mr. john s. hittell in his work on the commerce and industries of the pacific coast. (from literary industries, - , we learn that bates was a native of leeds, england, born may , . his father was a wool stapler who lost his fortune in the panic of . compelled at an early age to earn his own livelihood, he began teaching at the age of fifteen, and later taught at marlborough college of which the dean of westminster was then head. to him young bates became private secretary in . while preparing for cambridge the following year, he accepted a lucrative position in new south wales, where he suffered much from ill health, at one time being given up by three doctors. an offer of a position as teacher in california took him thither and he continued at this work for a year. during the two years spent with mr. hittell, he was the most valued of his assistants.) those acquainted with the circumstances and the men have accordingly held that certain incidents in utah history unfavorable to the mormons could not have been toned down by bates as they are in the printed volume, and that the mormon turn to the work was therefore given by bancroft in the pages which he wrote and in his revision of bates' work. (see article by frances fuller victor in _salt lake tribune_ of april , .) this seems probable from what mr. bancroft tells us of his efforts to secure material for the volume from the mormon church, as well as his natural desire to please subscribers to the work. mr. nemos, who was a foreigner, had no preference as to the field in which his writing was done, and it was consequently scattered through different volumes. besides collaborating with mr. savage and others on the mexican and central american volumes, he wrote part of the material on british columbia and alaska. by the time mrs. victor's third volume was completed at the end of the year , oak had completed his work on the north mexican states and the five volumes on california under spanish and mexican rule. the writing of the two volumes containing the american portion of california history was thereupon assigned to mrs. victor and nemos, the former assuming responsibility for the preparation of the political chapters, a field in which her work had been pronounced especially good, and the latter taking up the institutional chapters, a part which he had largely fulfilled toward all the spanish volumes of the history. the introduction of the institutional feature is to be accredited to nemos. the writing done by oak was in the form of annals, a form in general suited admirably to the provincial records which he worked up; but against such a style throughout the series, nemos tells us that he presented suggestions and arguments to mr. bancroft for introducing material which should tell the history of the people, and that in this he prevailed. in april, , the burning of the bancroft business house threatened temporarily to bring the history project to an abrupt termination at a time when only the first volumes had been published, but the enterprise soon recovered from the blow. under the leadership of mr. bancroft, both business and history writing went on as before, the firm of bancroft and company being organized for the conduct of the former, while the publication of the history previously carried on as a department of the general book concern was now turned over to the history company, a corporation organized by mr. bancroft for the purpose of handling the work. at the completion by oak of his volume on new mexico and arizona in may, , he retired from the library with health very much shattered, leaving mr. nemos at the head of affairs. after spending some time on a new work now undertaken by mr. bancroft, the latter also severed his connection with library matters in august, . at the time of oak's departure, bancroft was planning a biographical work to be issued at the conclusion of the task which was then engaging the attention of the library force. this work, at first called chronicles of the kings, but published under the title chronicles of the builders of the commonwealths, was to present in detail the lives of wealthy and influential men who had borne a prominent part in the affairs of the various pacific coast states. for such notice they were charged from a thousand to ten thousand dollars according to the length of the published sketch. (this is according to the printed schedule, the minimum price being paid for three pages print, the maximum for thirty. this included also the printing of a portrait engraved on steel.) the attempt to burden the prestige gained by the histories and their projector with such a load could result only in crippling both. the volumes printed subsequent to the inauguration of this scheme could not be received with the same open-mindedness as former works. the information subsequently made public that money was accepted for notice in the chronicles lost for mr. bancroft the regard of the press of the coast, caused grave doubts to be expressed concerning his disinterestedness as an historian, called out an expression of many bitter--in some cases utterly false--statements concerning his work, and sadly damaged the literary reputation he had been for nearly twenty years building on the work done under his direction. while it was inevitable that the publication of the chronicles as a parasite upon the history should result thus disastrously and deplorably for the fame of the latter work, we must not fail to recognize the fact that the labors of the writers upon both works were not a whit less conscientious and painstaking than they had always been. after the sixth and seventh volumes of the california history were completed in , the volume on washington, idaho, and montana was written. in , the final volume on california was published, followed in the next year by the supplementary volumes, essays and literary industries, which ended twenty years of library work for hubert howe bancroft and his assistants. the history of the pacific states, we have seen, was an evolution, passing through the stages of handbook and encyclopædia before it became a history. but when the last idea had been reached, the development of the project was by no means complete, but rather just begun. the necessity of the native races was demonstrated before work had proceeded for a twelve-month. as late as , mr. bancroft estimated that the history proper would comprise but fourteen volumes at the outside. in his letter to mrs. victor, dated august st of that year, we get an interesting glimpse of the plan in an earlier stage. the work is to be divided, he says, somewhat in the following manner: conquest of darien, one volume; conquest of mexico, one volume; mexico under the viceroys, two volumes; mexican revolution and modern history, one or two; explorations northward and the history of california, three or four; the northwest coast, oregon and british columbia together, two or three; alaska, one. under the head of california history was to be included somewhere the histories of arizona, new mexico, utah, and nevada, and the history of oregon was likewise to include washington, idaho, and montana. oregon and british columbia he thought could be written in a year. not until six more years had passed was it finally recognized that natural expansion as the work proceeded would necessitate devoting to the series of history proper a number of volumes exactly double that which was then contemplated. to this series were added as a supplement an even half dozen volumes. if we find that the outline grew from that of a few volumes in to one of almost forty in , and that the work expanded fourteen volumes after it had been definitely laid out, we are not at all surprised that the part of the whole which mr. bancroft intended to write grew relatively less as time went on, and the part assigned to others became correspondingly greater. there is some evidence to show that when writing began on the first volume of the central american history in , the director of the project actually had in mind the plan which he gives in the literary industries, that of writing with the aid of assistants who were to be responsible for "the study and reduction of certain minor sections" which he was to "employ" in his own writing. thus we find, according to the information left by nemos, that bancroft actually wrote half of the volume, that oak at first took out notes, and that nemos prepared his work in the rough, leaving a considerable part of it to be rewritten. for the next volume undertaken, the first of the six on mexico, we see that the chief was unable to prepare so much material in its final form, and rested with but two chapters completely to his credit, together with the rewriting of part of nemos' work on the remainder. in four or five years, he expresses the determination of writing what he can himself and leaving the rest to his aids. this as we shall see amounted in the end to his doing about one seventh of the history, slightly revising the work of the other authors, often by the aid of critics in his employ, and preparing most of the material for the supplementary volumes. thus it came about that the original plan, the plan as published, was exactly reversed, and instead of mr. bancroft's doing all the work in final form, except some minor sections assigned to those whom he called his assistants, it was the so-called assistants who really wrote the history of the pacific states, and mr. bancroft who did a few minor, or at any rate less difficult parts. nor is it at all true, as one authority has said (appleton's encyclopædia of american biography, i, ), that mr. bancroft wrote the most important chapters. of course, the surprising thing about this is that mr. bancroft should have stated in the literary industries that he had followed a plan for the division of labor originally intended, but not followed at all. especially unfortunate is this, in view of repeated charges of absorbing the literary reputation of his collaborators and aids, and appropriating the credit for their work. it has long since been recognized that the name of hubert howe bancroft can not be placed in the ranks of great american historical writers. in the first place, he wrote only parts of volumes. it will be observed, too, that as a rule he wrote simpler parts, consisting of synopses of early voyages, or annals easy to handle, such as the rovings of spaniards in utah, or the rise of a provincial government among the fur-traders of british columbia. but mr. bancroft, as founder of the library and organizer of the history, has rendered a real and lasting service to historical literature. the first great end subserved by his undertaking was the preservation of a great mass of invaluable historical material, which would otherwise have been lost. in , he wrote: "there are men yet living who helped to make our history, and who can tell us what it is better than their sons, or than any who shall come after them. a score of years hence few of them will remain. twenty years ago, many parts of our territory were not old enough to have a history; twenty years hence, much will be lost that may now be secured": (lit. ind., ). it is thus for the timeliness of his labors in collecting his library that the pacific coast, and the whole world as well, is indebted to mr. bancroft. for this work his qualifications as a successful business man experienced in handling books were exactly those required. a second great end which mr. bancroft attained was the founding of a history of western north america on the original sources which he had collected in order that it might constitute a foundation upon which future histories would be built. "he who shall come after me," says he in the letter quoted above, "will scarcely be able to undermine my work by laying another and deeper foundation. he must build upon mine or not at all, for he can not go beyond my authorities for facts. he may add to or alter my work, for i shall not know or be able to tell everything, but he can never make a complete structure of his own." that the volumes supervised by mr. bancroft should contain imperfections is in the nature of the case inevitable. perfect historical estimates of contemporaries can not as a rule be made, and history based largely on personal reminiscence must contain errors of refraction which can be corrected only in the clearer light of later years. the handling of material by a writer who did not collect it, and who is likely to find the places and conditions dealt with strange to his experience, inevitable though it be in so large an undertaking, results in the writing of faulty history. the hastening of the work and the editorial revision of manuscripts by a manager desirous of pleasing subscribers, and impelled by various other motives of his own, are not circumstances likely to increase the accuracy of the work. but after allowance has been made for all inaccuracies which have crept in through these various avenues, we still have the fact that the histories are based upon sources which may be supplemented but can never be displaced. no greater mistake could be made, therefore, than to say that because they contain errors they are worthless. all must agree with the practical argument made by a thoughtful old pioneer of the writer's acquaintance that, in spite of all criticisms which may be passed upon the bancroft histories, they contain a great fund of information which is nowhere else to be found in print. a third result of the history plan, and one which is of importance to historical writers everywhere who have large fields to cover, was the devising of a coöperative method for organizing the vast collections in the library. mr. bancroft makes the claim of having been the first to resort to such a division of labor; and points out (literary industries, ) that his method avoids the repetition of details and insures a more thorough working up of the field than does the coöperative method as the term is usually understood, under which the writers work independently of each other after the field is divided. such a claim might indeed be granted had mr. bancroft announced himself as editor and reviser instead of author, and had he designated the part of the work written by each of his collaborators in accordance with the usual custom in coöperative works. the printing of his name as author on the title page, and his general recognition as such in accordance with press notices following those of the native races, have, of course, largely lost for him the credit of originating a coöperative method for the organizing of large quantities of material. concerning the understanding mr. bancroft had with his corps of writers generally as to the public acknowledgment of their work which he would make, information is not at hand. only one had ever before written and published a book, and perhaps the majority gave no thought to the rights which would be theirs as authors. certain it is that when the greater number of the more prominent writers entered the library, the work was planned on a much smaller scale than that upon which it was carried out, and, as they did not know that they were to become the authors of entire or consecutive volumes, the question was not then of the importance which it assumed with the later growth of the series. what the understanding was with those who first entered the library we can not say definitely, but his ideas on that subject seems to have been a survival of the encyclopædia project. to mrs. victor, just prior to her entering his service, he wrote on august , : "the work is wholly mine. i do what i can myself, and pay for what i have done over that; but i father the whole of it and it goes out only under my name. all who work in the library do so simply as my assistants. their work is mine to print, scratch, or throw in the fire. i have no secrets; yet i do not tell everybody just what each does. i do not pretend to do all the work myself, that is, to prepare for the printer all that goes out under my name. i have three or four now who can write for the printer after a fashion; none of them can suit me as well as i can suit myself. one or two only will write with very little change from me. all the rest require sometimes almost rewriting." he further adds that it gives him pleasure to acknowledge his obligations to his assistants, but that this acknowledgment is always voluntary on his part and not claimed as a right by them, and says that while he is not sure of mentioning certain persons in connection with certain parts as he had done in the introduction to the native races, he will certainly not do more than that. the only mention which he promises definitely to his writers is a biographical notice in the literary industries. "the work in the library," says he, "good or bad, is mine; were it not so, i would simply do what i could with my own fingers, or do nothing." it is easy enough to see why mr. bancroft should wish to have absolute control of manuscripts to insure good work, and a complete covering of the field, but it is difficult to see how he could justly make the claim before the world that manuscripts turned out by other persons were his writing. not only was the myth of mr. bancroft's authorship repeated on the title page of each volume of the history, and in the reviews which built upon the prestige gained by him as supposed author of the native races, but not a word was printed to show that any one else wrote the least part of the work. when asked to indicate in the preface the part done by each person, according to the evidence of a number of his writers, he always declared that this was just the one thing he wished to avoid. the only approach to an acknowledgment is the statement in the preface in words which apparently refer only to indexers and note-takers, that he has been "able to utilize the labors of others," among whom as the most faithful and efficient he mentions oak, nemos, savage, petroff, and mrs. victor. (history of central america, i, preface viii). the promise is made that he will speak of these and others at length elsewhere, and this promise is redeemed by the printing of their biographies in the literary industries without indicating who was engaged in writing and who in purely routine work connected with the library, much less designating what parts of the work each had done. from a popular edition of this volume subsequently issued for wider circulation, even these were stricken out. while the real authors of the history never agreed to keep silence concerning their right to recognition, it was very well understood that they would remain in mr. bancroft's employ only so long as they acquiesced in his claiming the work as solely his own and made no individual claims for themselves. this bread and butter argument for silence proved effective in all cases. an example of the method in meeting claims made for any of the library writers occurs in connection with the publication of the history of oregon. a notice of the work just before it was issued was sent to the oregon press and the statement made that mrs. victor was the author. (emma h. adams in portland _oregonian_, october , , under the title, "mrs. victor and her latest literary work.") this was met by mr. bancroft with a letter for publication in the paper printing the notice, in which he asserted that no entire volume of the series had been written by mrs. victor. of course the significance of this statement is in the word "entire," which simply meant that he had interpolated a line here and there as he went over the manuscript. a note to mrs. victor under date of october th explains this apparent denial of her authorship thus: "i do not want for myself the credit due to my assistants. at the same time, i do not deem it necessary to explain to the public just what part of the work was done by each. everybody knows that you have been at work on oregon, and that is all right, although i have done considerable work on your manuscript for better or worse, or at all events to make it conform to the general plan." in view of mr. bancroft's persistent refusal to give "assistants" anything like credit for their work in accord with general custom and literary ethics as well, and in view of the fact that this refusal meant that the public would credit him solely as the author, it must have been a difficult matter for him to convince his corps of writers that he did not want the credit due them. the process of making mrs. victor's manuscripts conform to the general plan, which is here regarded as the principal source of alteration, according to oak, meant nothing except the condensation of her work, mainly by the omission of considerable portions, in order to bring it within the space assigned. that such revision did not affect her claims to authorship, is of course apparent. it is sufficiently clear, from what appears above, that mr. bancroft's public justification of himself for publishing under his own name all the work done in the library is the fact that he reserved the right to alter all manuscripts and make what changes he saw fit. this made him managing editor, however, not author. the comparatively few additions he made to the manuscripts can not justify such a claim. that the revision of mrs. victor's work consisted in the main of nothing more than leaving out parts appears from two cases already cited, one in connection with the history of colorado, nevada, and wyoming, the other with the history of oregon, as well as from the direct statements of those who supervised library work. as we have seen he demanded that his writers turn out a certain number of pages a day "all ready for the printer," so he could have had little occasion to revise their work. the writers who mr. bancroft said in wrote with very little change from him were of course oak and nemos. now oak wrote seven and a half volumes of the history, and nemos and mrs. victor five each, while bancroft wrote four--a total of at least twenty-two volumes out of the twenty-eight to the authorship of which no serious claim could be made on the ground of altered manuscripts. moreover, savage says in his autobiography that, while bancroft made additions and amendments to the three volumes which he wrote, in some of his pages only a word or two was changed and that others remained intact. what rewriting was occasionally done on the remaining volumes, was apparently done as often by other persons as by mr. bancroft. his relation toward the work was therefore exactly the same as that of a managing editor toward the matter printed in a newspaper. the latter could never claim the authorship of the articles written by his staff, although altered to a considerable extent by him or by his direction. it should be stated here that mr. bancroft justified his course to those in the library by insisting that they furnished him merely with rough notes, and that it would be necessary for him to rewrite the work, or at any rate, considerable portions of it. this, had it been done, would have been strictly in accord with the account of his connection with the work as printed in the literary industries. but it was not done, and the account as printed is incorrect. since the completion of the history, but one of the writers has publicly claimed the authorship of the volumes written in the library. ill health, only too common with those who labored through the work, has in most cases been a sufficient barrier to such action. savage and bates remained in mr. bancroft's employ for a number of years engaged in other work, and of course under such circumstances could not make any claims. nemos as a foreigner could not be expected to take much interest in such matters, and his early return to europe and subsequent residence there have rendered it difficult for him to make such a statement did he so desire. mrs. victor alone has printed a general statement of the portions of the history written by her, a course in which she was influenced by years of absolute independence in directing her literary energies before entering mr. bancroft's employ, and a consequent appreciation of the rights and honors of authorship. four volumes of the bancroft histories were exhibited as her work at the mechanics pavilion in san francisco during the fair in january, , and also among a collection of the works of new york women authors made the same year (_utica morning herald_, may , ). a special preface over her name inserted in the first volume of the oregon history in the exhibit claimed the authorship of the volumes. (these are the words of the preface: "it seems not only just, but necessary to affix my name to at least four volumes of the history of the pacific states, although that does not cover all the work done on the history by myself. the four volumes referred to comprise the states of oregon, washington, idaho, montana, colorado, wyoming, and nevada. my name is therefore placed on the backs of these volumes without displacing that of mr. bancroft.") as to the shares of the various writers in the history proper, we have the sources of information which have already been mentioned in speaking of the native races, supplemented by very full data left by mrs. victor concerning her part in the work. it is thus possible to give in a general way the authorship of each volume, barring fragmentary writing. from these sources it is found that during the progress of the work on the native races, mr. bancroft had after hard labor and much revision completed his introduction to the history of central america, and had written a half of the first volume. oak wrote half of the preface and the fine print summary of explorations, and nemos was responsible for a third of the volume from page on, although he prepared material in the rough, leaving it to be rewritten by a german aid whose name is not given, but who may have been a man by the name of kuhn mentioned as having done work on the second volume. of this latter volume, mr. bancroft wrote one chapter, apparently the first, which deals with pizarro and peru. nemos and a writer named peatfield (j. j. peatfield, described by bancroft [lit. ind., - ,] as a "strong man and one of talent," was born in nottinghamshire, england, august , . his father, a clergyman, educated him for the church and he took his degree at cambridge in , being graduated in the classical tripos. the church, however, was distasteful to him, and he obtained a tutorship, subsequently in going to nicaragua to engage in cacao cultivating. this enterprise proved a failure. after attempting cotton, cacao again, and finally coffee all in vain, in he became a bookkeeper at san josé, the capital of costa rica. in january, , he was made a clerk and translator to the legation at guatemala, and two years later, british consul general for central america. while holding the consulship of guatemala a third time, he resigned on account of ill health and went to san francisco, where he arrived in november, . becoming bookkeeper and cashier for a nevada mine at white pine, and battling much with ill health, he returned to san francisco, where he acted as teacher and bookkeeper until february, , when he entered the library), labored together on the volume and prepared half of it, and bates a fourth. kuhn wrote a fifth which was partly rewritten by nemos. the latter claimed about a fourth of a volume as the actual material written by him for the first and second volumes together. the third volume, including the history of central america in the nineteenth century, was written by savage, who, nearly all his life had been engaged in the consular service of the united states in cuba and central america. (thomas savage, according to a biography written by himself, was born at havana, cuba, august , , a short time after his parents had removed thither from philadelphia. his father, a descendant of the earliest settlers of massachusetts and a brother of savage, the famous genealogist of new england, was from boston, and his mother, a native of charleston, south carolina, was the daughter of a french planter who had escaped the great massacre in san domingo and a maryland woman of jewish extraction). in childhood, savage was several times taken to the united states and back as the necessities of his father's business demanded. at the age of fifteen, he had studied the latin classics, advanced mathematics and languages, nearly breaking forever his health, which had always been feeble. abandoning his studies and taking a long rest in the country, he regained sufficient strength to enable him to support himself, for his parents had now lost their fortune. he entered a commercial house at havana, and after working a few years as bookkeeper, in the summer of joined the united states consulate as clerk and translator. from that time until the end of the year , he was attached to the consulate, rising successively to the positions of secretary to the consul general, deputy consul general, and vice consul general. from on, there was not a single year during which the consulate general was not in his charge for several months. during the war of the rebellion he was several times in charge, once for twenty months, and during this trying period won the confidence of his government by laboring hard to do his whole duty. he spent the greater part of the year in the united states, and then went to panama, where he was engaged as assistant editor of the _star and herald_, having charge of the spanish portion of the paper. savage had lost a wife in cuba, and in january, , married a second time. shortly afterward, he embarked for salvador, where he taught english in the university, became consul-general, and finally started a newspaper. just as this last enterprise was beginning to pay, his wife's precarious health necessitated his removal to a better climate, and he settled in guatemala. here he established a fine printing office, and began the publication of a newspaper. though aided by the government, the business nevertheless proved unprofitable, and after selling out at a heavy loss, he came to san francisco in . throughout life, savage was a constant reader, with a special fondness for history. he once said that he believed he had read the histories of all the world. from a perusal of what nemos says concerning the history of mexico, we are led to infer that bancroft again wrote the introduction, as the former librarian credits his chief with two chapters of the first volume. nemos wrote the remainder, but bancroft rewrote some of his work, he said only a fifth, much of the revision consisting in a mere change of words. oak differed with him on this point, holding that bancroft did more rewriting, but nemos persists that this is an exaggeration. the second volume was done by nemos, savage, and peatfield, nemos writing the first half and some later chapters, two thirds of the volume in all, savage one fourth, and peatfield a little. of the third volume, nemos wrote between a third and a half, including, as he tells us, the leading institutional and political parts, savage a third, a writer named griffin (george butler griffin was a native of new york state, and a graduate of yale. he was a linguist, and had been an engineer in south america. apparently early in the eighties, his connection with the library had ceased. he died by his own hand.) two or three chapters, and peatfield a part. of volume four, bancroft did one chapter, peatfield a fourth of the whole, and savage a third. nemos "assisted on parts," his work aggregating a fourth of the volume. the fifth volume of the mexican history, embracing the period from to , was known as savage's volume. of the manuscript, he actually wrote about two thirds. nemos did about a fourth, including the fall of mexico and the leading war episodes. some of the writing was done by peatfield. (in conversation he claimed to have written a large part of the mexican war chapters.) the last volume of the mexican history was prepared chiefly by nemos and savage, the latter writing the first and last chapters, the former about two thirds of the volume, including the history of maximilian and the institutional chapters. peatfield did a little work on this volume. oak's contribution to the history of mexico, according to his own statement, consisted of a "few slight parts." the history of the northern part of mexico, and the southwest of the united states was oak's special field, designated by him as the spanish northwest. the entire first volume of the history of the north mexican states is his work. the history of lower california in this volume, as well as that in the next, was based on a manuscript on lower california written several years before by harcourt. but this work was so altered by both oak and nemos in their respective volumes through condensation, the changing of conclusions, and the adding of new material, as to amount to a rewriting. the history of texas in north mexican states, second volume, is the work of peatfield; the remainder of the volume, between a third and a half, that of nemos. (the texas part was subsequently extended by peatfield for the edition now in circulation, that it might find a better sale in that state.) the volume on arizona and new mexico is the work of oak alone. spanish and mexican california likewise belonged to oak's field and the first five volumes of the history of california are from his pen. (nemos adds, "though he neglected to put in institutions, leaving them for w. n. [himself] and savage." in view of oak's oft-repeated assertion that he was sole author of these five volumes, this must mean that they were supplied in other volumes. moreover, there are no institutional parts properly speaking in these five volumes, and if such parts as "mission progress," "commercial affairs," and the like are to be regarded, they make up half the work.) the early american history of california was a topic in which mr. bancroft was naturally interested because of his own mining experience during the early gold days. nemos' schedule shows that he wrote sixty pages for the sixth volume of california, a circumstance which taken with our knowledge of fields of research into which he entered in the preparation of california pastoral and popular tribunals makes us reasonably sure that he wrote the first, second, and twenty-fifth chapters. mrs. victor, who in her work on oregon had been found especially strong as a writer on political subjects, was assigned the task of working up the political history of california, and, according to her own statement, wrote two hundred and thirty-four pages for this volume. we can positively identify chapters twelve, thirteen, twenty-three, and twenty-four as her work. from the similarity of their subject-matter to some already treated by her in the oregon history, and from the fact that their addition to the work just indicated brings the total almost exactly to the figures given, we may conclude that she also wrote the third, fourth, and fifth chapters. the chapter entitled mexican land titles is oak's work, and the remainder of the volume, almost two thirds, is that of nemos. information given by mrs. victor shows that she wrote for the final volume of the history of california four hundred and eighty-nine pages on politics and railroads. we are thus enabled to designate as her work chapters nine to twenty-one inclusive, and chapter twenty-five. this still leaves to her credit eighteen pages to be located in some other chapter. the rest of the volume, embracing the portions dealing with commerce, manufactures, agriculture, and mining, was written, nemos says, by himself. before publication, the sheets on california judiciary were submitted to justice stephen j. field for his approval. the estimate of certain pioneer characters in the california history, together with the adopting of the mexican view of the conquest of that state by americans, brought down upon mr. bancroft the condemnation of the california society of pioneers, who, in , expelled him from honorary membership in their body. (see pamphlet proceedings of the society of california pioneers in reference to the history of hubert howe bancroft.) it is a curious fact, however, that the passages which were made the basis of the society's indictment are almost entirely in the first five volumes of the california history, which were written by oak. he has declared that even the revisions were his own and not bancroft's. the history of utah, another storm-center among the histories, was written by bates and bancroft, the former, according to nemos, preparing twice as much manuscript as the latter. the earlier chapters are by bancroft, but no more certain assignment of their respective shares in the work can be made from the information at hand. the history of nevada, colorado, and wyoming, as already noticed, was written by mrs. victor, with the exception of the first two chapters on nevada, which were by bancroft. mrs. victor's statement of her work includes these also, perhaps by inadvertence. it is possible that she rewrote them, however, as mr. bancroft had admitted that they were out of proportion. in the work on the northwest coast, we again see bancroft's predilection for early voyages. the first half of volume i, including the spanish explorations of the coast, belonged to oak's field, and was written by him. bancroft wrote most of the remainder of the two volumes, which included the maritime fur trade, the lewis and clark expedition, the astor enterprise, the northwest and hudson bay companies, and the later american fur trade. a hundred pages on the "oregon question" written by mrs. victor for oregon were incorporated in the second volume of the history of the northwest coast. she had taken the american side of the case, a view with which mr. bancroft was not in sympathy. by his order, mr. oak rewrote the subject from an english standpoint. he added chapter fifteen, but to some extent made use of her work in preparing chapter sixteen. mrs. victor always claimed that he merely altered it, oak himself that he rewrote it. the remainder of her manuscript was retained and printed as chapter eighteen. the volume on washington, idaho, and montana, was written wholly by mrs. victor, a task for which she was fitted by her work on early oregon history. the history of oregon was also her work, a fact which has been known and fully recognized by prominent oregonians since the day of its publication. she had contemplated writing such a work even before the beginning of mr. bancroft's project, and it was only a realization of her inability to compete single handed with the capital and other resources at his disposal which caused her to enter his employ. in collecting material within the state, she had the assistance of such pioneer families as her friends the applegates and mcbrides, and among others, of judge deady and elwood evans. valuable data concerning hudson bay rule in oregon were furnished her in a correspondence with mr. a. b. roberts and mr. allen, formerly of the hudson bay company. (this correspondence is now in the possession of mr. e. h. kilham, of portland, or.) the work as written made more than two volumes, and condensation was necessary. a chapter on geology and mining was omitted by mr. bancroft; the disposal of the manuscript on the "oregon question" has already been noticed, and matter on the san juan boundary dispute and the modoc war was also incorporated in other volumes. mrs. victor considered the first volume of the history of oregon as perfect as it could be made at the time. with certain features of the second she was not so well satisfied, the most prominent being the omission of the history of the oregon steam navigation company, necessitated by mr. bancroft's failure to secure material, and certain changes made by him in her manuscript on indian wars in southern oregon in such a way as to throw blame upon the settlers (mrs. victor in [salem] _oregon statesman_ february , ). it is worthy of note that her history is the first to pass over the political results attributed to whitman's ride by previous writers. the sheets of the oregon history before they were issued were submitted to judge deady for his approval. in the half of the history of british columbia which he wrote, mr. bancroft utilized some of the material that he had collected in person. bates prepared a fourth of the manuscript, and nemos and bowman together the remainder, nemos writing some of the chapters and revising others. the history of alaska afforded mr. bancroft an opportunity for further research in the field of early voyages. he is credited with half of the volume, bates with a third, nemos a little, and petroff about a fourth. nemos places all of his own writing on this work and british columbia together at a third of a volume. a review of the facts shows that if we exclude the comparatively few interpolations and changes made by mr. bancroft, we can with assurance declare the authorship of all portions of the third volume of central america, of the volumes on california, and of those on the north mexican states, arizona and new mexico, nevada, colorado, and wyoming, the northwest coast, oregon and washington, idaho and montana, and that we can give in general terms, though without being able to locate the exact parts done by individuals, the names of the authors of two volumes of central america, and all of mexico, utah, british columbia, and alaska. in these works oak and nemos were agreed that there were scattered fragmentary bits aggregating several volumes so worked over by different writers in different ways as to render it impossible to determine the exact authorship. turning to a consideration of the individual field of writing, we find that of the twenty-eight volumes of history proper, bancroft is to be credited with four, no one entire, oak with seven and a half, nemos five, no one entire, mrs. victor a little less than five, savage over three, peatfield one and a half, principally in small parts, and bates one and a fourth. (this is a computation based exactly upon the facts as given, except in bancroft's case.) nemos upon the same basis makes the shares, except savage's and bancroft's, all slightly greater. he assigns to oak between seven and a half and seven and two thirds volumes, to himself and mrs. victor over five each, to peatfield about two, and to bates one and a half. an actual count of the parts of volumes written by bancroft gives a total of three and a half, but nemos said that he took four as the number upon the authority of oak. this would allow him a half volume of interpolations in the twenty-four and a half volumes done by others. griffin, petroff, kuhn, and a man named rasmus were the authors of fragments. oak thought that the name was erasmus, but said that nemos who gave rasmus was the better authority. concerning these facts in their main features, there is a complete agreement between oak and nemos, who together knew all the details which were to be known, and the evidence of the other writers fits exactly with their statements. the popular estimate of hubert howe bancroft as the historian of the pacific coast, is founded upon the vague references and indefinite assertions of the literary industries within the pages of which there is nowhere to be found a straightforward statement that this man wrote more than a part of the works to which his name is attached. on the other hand, his own statements over his own signature admit that he did not pretend to be the author of what went out under his name. the ranking of mr. bancroft among historians of the united states is, therefore, an error, and what has appeared in the public press concerning an "historian of the pacific coast," and a "macaulay of the west," is legend pure and simple. instead of one pacific coast historian who wrote the bancroft volumes, there were eight. as to the six supplementary volumes of the "works of hubert howe bancroft," which ended the series, mrs. victor had some means of determining the authorship. according to her notes, savage and nemos did a great deal of writing and revising. the modoc war in _inter pocula_, a part of the chapter entitled some indian episodes, was written by mrs. victor from notes obtained by herself on the ground. she also wrote some other matter for this volume. the remainder was done by bancroft and his family, who also aided him much on popular tribunals. pastorals was produced chiefly by bancroft. of the literary industries, nemos wrote several chapters or parts, savage a little, and oak three or four bits of a few paragraphs each. it must be remembered that bancroft's writing in these private volumes was subjected to criticism, revision, and retouching by the best literary talent which the library afforded. concerning the chronicles of the builders, the biographical series which followed the histories, with such unfortunate results, some notes in mrs. victor's handwriting taken in , about a year before work finally ended, give us the following facts: the introductory essay is by nemos, as are also the reflective chapters and reviews, together with most of the historical text. peatfield wrote oregon, washington, and texas, though some of the latter was rewritten by nemos. mrs. victor wrote "routes and transportation," and a number of the leading biographies, making nearly a volume. savage wrote about a third of a volume. mr. bancroft as a writer of history was subject to certain influences likely to be felt in his treatment of facts, which did not affect his coworkers. one great object was of course to make the work popular. it was with this end in view that much attention was given to literary finish and typographical features. it was his practice to have a writer employed for the purpose go over his own manuscripts and sometimes those of his assistants to add "classical allusions," as he termed them, for rhetorical effect. he himself was given to the reading of english classics--carlyle's works are especially mentioned by his friends--as a means of acquiring a good literary style. to stimulate the reader's attention, he occasionally made a side remark of such a ludicrous character as to be startling when one comes upon it in a perfectly serious paragraph. mrs. victor often laughed over the interlineation in a paragraph written by her on the oregon boundary question of the words: "man is a preposterous pig; probably the greediest animal that crawls upon this planet": (oregon, i, .) in passing upon the work of his corps of writers, one who combined the duties of financier as well as editor of the work either consciously or unconsciously must have been influenced by the question whether the treatment of the subject before him was such as would please the people in the locality whose history was being written. the mormon turn given the history of utah by the toning down of certain incidents which other historians have "shrunk from contemplating" occurs to us as a case in point: (frances fuller victor in _salt lake tribune_, april , ; _new york mail and express_, november d). the publication of the chronicles before all of the volumes of history were out could hardly have lessened this tendency, as a favorable mention of a man in the history would naturally tend to make him more approachable upon the subject of contributing to that work. upon the back of the letter to mrs. victor instructing her to give prominence to certain dictations, which he admits are practically worthless, is written in her hand the legend, "ways that are dark and tricks that are vain." as a result of complaint, changes were sometimes made in the text, even after the first edition was out: (pamphlet, proceedings of the society of california pioneers in reference to the histories of hubert howe bancroft). in the history of montana occurs an example of a change made directly for business reasons. several pioneers justly entitled to a place in the history of their territory disagreed with the agent of the bancroft house concerning the number of volumes of the history which their contract required them to take. as a punishment for their refusal to comply with the demands of the publisher, their biographies were stricken from their place in the footnotes after the volume was set up, and other matter was substituted. (the original sheets with marginal annotations as to amounts paid and biographies to be omitted are in the possession of mr. e. h. kilham of portland, oregon.) in view of these facts, we are forced to conclude that the business man in mr. bancroft, developed by the experiences and associations of a lifetime, sometimes got the better of the historical editor of scarcely fifteen years' standing. a second factor to be considered in mr. bancroft's writing was sometimes expressed by his acquaintances as a mistaking of contrariness for originality. as already indicated, his tendency is toward a form of writing such as will attract the reader's attention. this tendency frequently asserts itself in sweeping statements and striking characterizations, many of them apparently impelled by a desire to give a turn to an incident or an estimate of a character different from that given by any previous writer. thus bancroft wrote an estimate of general grant, which was startling because of the general hostility of its tone, and was considered so unjust by mrs. victor and oak that they persuaded him to leave it out. (letter of mrs. victor of july , . the paragraph which was originally intended as a footnote in the history of oregon, ii, , is printed on page of the pamphlet of the society of california pioneers, which gives their proceedings with reference to bancroft's histories.) again, in making an effort to avoid following washington irving, he has given in the part of the northwest coast which he wrote a treatment of the astor enterprise, and an estimate of the character of captain bonneville, which later historians have shown to be prejudiced and in error. (see chittenden's history of the american fur trade in the far west, i, - .) a third influence affecting the treatment of facts of history which passed under mr. bancroft's editorship, as well as those which he presented in the scattered portions of volumes of which he could claim real authorship, is that of personal bias. the manager of the bancroft enterprise was a man, who in the course of a thirty years' business career had many business rivalries and personal enmities. his strong dislikes frequently assert themselves in his writings, if we are to take his own statements. (lit. ind., .) again, the personal equation must be accounted for in the value which he sets on the work of historians who wrote before him. he not infrequently disparages their writings in the strongest terms, his depreciation of washington irving being one of the most palpable cases. (chittenden's history of american fur trade in the far west, i, - ), has forcibly revealed the extent of the injustice done by bancroft in this one case. that there are others like it will readily appear. for the effort to demonstrate the superiority of the bancroft histories over others, we must accordingly make due allowance when attempting a critical estimate. furthermore, the editor-manager began the work with certain theories and notions of history that have found their way into the pages which he has published. from the beginning, he adopted the british side in dealing with the dispute over the oregon boundary. in his treatment of indian wars, the same tendency to adopt ready-made theories asserted itself. in the manuscript of mrs. victor's history of oregon, treating of indian wars in southern oregon which "gave great credit to the veterans of that struggle and the settlers generally for their forbearance," the editor interlined some expressions, throwing the blame upon the settlers. when it was pointed out to him that this was not true, he replied that he had begun his history of central america with this theory of indian wars, and must be consistent throughout the entire series (communication of frances fuller victor to the [salem] _oregon statesman_, february , ). to such errors as those just enumerated the work of mr. bancroft's collaborators was not subject. the dislike inspired by some of the measures of their chief has sometimes resulted in their disparagement as historians by a public press, absolutely ignorant of the parts of the work for which they were responsible. (in the _salt lake tribune_, february , , is a very striking example. occasional utterances of the san francisco papers of about the same time follow along the same line.) it must be remembered that they were not only able and educated, but that the competitive wage system under which they worked offered every inducement to search for the truth and to make it known as they found it in the best collection of books, pamphlets, and newspapers on pacific coast history that was ever made. the only characteristics which were common to the library corps, as shown by a study of their biographies, were good education, ill health, and liberal religious views. in general, these writers had special qualifications which adapted them for work in their respective fields. to oak there was a fascination in the study of documents from which the usually uninteresting and sometimes tedious details of events in spanish and mexican provincial localities were derived. his contributions to history he could honestly claim were better than other writings on the same subject because of the exhaustiveness of his research through the great amount of material at his disposal. while he admired the finer qualities of style in the writings of others, they were not required in his work. he frankly declared that he had little natural ability in this line, and in the writing of provincial annals found no opportunity for the cultivation of what he had. oak once asserted in a joking mood that he had found of great service a thorough knowledge of spanish and french, together with a useful smattering of other languages, including english. none of his chapters were rewritten or even reread with a view to polish, for the reason that he believed his works had their chief value merely as records, and that an attempt to make them fascinating to general readers could but result in impairing their value for reference. the fact that the superintendent of literary activities in the bancroft library was an enthusiast in original research who cared vastly more what was said than how it was said is a circumstance favoring the accuracy of the histories which must not be overlooked. oak could say that from the first he had exercised an important influence in the direction of honest research and against superficial work, and that he opposed undue haste in bringing the work to a conclusion. nemos, unlike oak, was a writer of smooth, flowing english. on account of his foreign birth he had no preference in the selection of a field, and wrote for more different volumes than any other member of the library force. his great ability, and his consequent position of all-round man, are to be accounted for by great natural endowment supplemented by a thorough training in youth in his own country, a schooling during his london residence in the philosophy of his own country as well as that of the german universities, and a wide acquaintance with european languages. with a remarkable faculty for systematizing work, he was useful, honorable, and trustworthy. to mrs. victor was assigned the agreeable task of working up the field in which she had long taken special interest. she was the only member of the staff who had a literary reputation before entering the library. noted as a poetess of unusual promise in her earlier days, she had also written excellent prose for different journals, among them a magazine history of the united states published in serial form by the harpers, until the beginning of the civil war compelled the discontinuance of the publication in which it appeared. as a contributor to the san francisco papers in the early "sixties," she had met with pronounced success, while her work on her projected history of oregon and her publication of two works on the northwest fitted her for her special field. she had the enviable faculty of putting life into her writings, and it was partially on account of her graceful style that mr. bancroft sought her services, for his eye was always attracted by good literary work. but the volumes written by mrs. victor were of a far different stamp from the popular literary history. the late mary sheldon barnes, professor of history in stanford university, declared that she had done her work well. all who were acquainted with her personally recognized the fact that she placed the truth as she conceived it before all else. the leading opponents of the stand she took on disputed questions freely recognized the fact that she had striven to do conscientious, painstaking work. given to speaking what she believed was the whole truth, even when it was contrary to her immediate interest to do so, she was the last of all persons whom a regard for literary effect would swerve from the path of historical accuracy. a better man for chief spanish authority than thomas savage could scarcely have been found. thoroughly acquainted with the language by a life-long residence in spanish america, he had a natural fondness for history, to which his long continuance in the consular service had added a habit of accuracy, and a capacity for hard work. the fifth volume of the history of mexico, embracing the history of that country from to , and the third volume of the central american history which threads out the tangled skein of the history of the five little republics in the nineteenth century, serve as examples of the vast amount of detail which his writing covered, to say nothing of his labors in collecting and extracting an overwhelming mass of material on spanish american history. all agree that he was a polished and sound man. in the writers of smaller parts of the history, we find that the qualifications and fitness for the individual field of writing were no less than in those who prepared more manuscript. peatfield's connection with the british consular service bespeaks his reliability and capability; bates' occupancy of a responsible position under a prominent english educator, and the high regard in which his work was held by hittell bear witness that he was competent to write history; and petroff's standing as a scholar in his own country, together with his thorough acquaintance with alaska, vouch for the character of his work. while the bancroft corps of writers were not infallible, they were a class of persons in whose integrity and accuracy we may have as great confidence as in the average historian. we can only regret that we can not point out all parts of the work done by each, and that we can not show in detail the extent of mr. bancroft's editorial alterations of their work. this latter feature, inherent in the bancroft plan of writing history, is its greatest weakness, since it of necessity involves some uncertainty as to whether the words we are reading are those of the author who wrote the volume, or the interpretation of mr. bancroft. a comparative study of the style of what we know to be the work of the respective writers may suffice to settle a given case. we may state as a fact that the majority of alterations in the manuscripts of the chief assistants were due to the necessity of condensation; and that, aside from this, the revision of their work usually consisted merely in the suppression of radical utterances and the interlineation of a few lines occasionally for literary effect. the somewhat rough estimate given of the number of volumes written by the respective writers indicates that mr. bancroft's revisions constitute about one page in fifty of the work in fields assigned to his assistants, although the average may be lower. in view of these facts, the knowledge that those who wrote the bancroft histories were capable, honest persons, must tend decidedly toward the increasing of our general confidence in the series. footnotes: [ ] this is on the authority of savage. pioneer papers of puget sound. by clarence b. bagley. the trapper, the trader, the missionary, and the printer were the pioneers of "old oregon," as the original territory lying between the rocky mountains and the pacific ocean, and extending northward from california to the british possessions may be properly called. a mere handful of patriotic americans founded a provisional government for this vast wilderness in , and the american government enclosed it safely in the national fold in by treaty with great britain, and organized it into a territory august , . those who are the leading spirits in the several historical societies of the northwest, and the writers of its history, realize the true value to be placed upon the labors of the pioneer printers and newspaper men of "old oregon." this expression is tautological. there were no newspaper men who were not printers in the pioneer days. it has been my good fortune, as child, boy, and man, to know nearly all the old newspaper men of oregon and washington of that period by sight, and to be on terms of friendship with most of them, as well as most intimate with the majority. among them were: ashael bush, w. l. adams, thomas h. pearne, t. j. dryer, harvey w. scott, h. l. pittock, beriah brown, james o'meara, w. lair hill, wm. g. t'vault, samuel a. clarke, mrs. duniway, d. w. craig, john atkinson, e. m. waite, l. samuels, john burnett, j. m. baltimore, william newell, p. b. johnson, r. r. rees, e. t. gunn, charles besserer, eugene semple, a. m. poe, john miller murphy, randall h. hewitt, l. g. abbott, thornton f. mcelroy, james n. gale, j. r. watson, david higgins, charles and thomas w. prosch, john f. damon, d. c. ireland, francis h. cook, s. l. maxwell, h. c. patrick, r. f. radebaugh, and many of their contemporaries, as well as a host of their successors. nearly all these were practical printers, and most of them skillful at the case, capable of taking entire charge of the mechanical department of the early day printing offices. this training made them accurate in their literary work. while some of them might not have been on intimate terms with the rules of grammar, they made up for any such deficiency by untiring and conscientious efforts to give their readers good newspapers, in the face of the gravest difficulties. in the matter of politics full allowance had ever to be made for the personal bias of the writer, but in the matter of news, especially that of a local character, the most absolute fidelity to the truth was ever maintained. no efforts were made for a "good story" at the expense of truth. the head of the paper always had a personal knowledge of the facts and usually prepared the account of them. if he found he had made a mistake he usually corrected it in the next issue, if it was of sufficient importance. for this reason the writer of the present day who delves among the old newspaper files of pioneer days, and even down to within twenty or twenty-five years ago, can rely upon the fairness and truthfulness of their local columns. they were all writing history but few of them realized it. life was too strenuous with the pioneers of the "forties" and "fifties" for them to spend much time in keeping diaries or other records of passing events. if they had done so, the unsettled conditions under which they lived, the lack of substantial buildings, the migration to new countries, and the rush to new mines, would have resulted in the loss or destruction of most of such manuscripts. of the early oregon papers, i doubt if more than two or three perfect files exist. of the early papers of washington, not more than three or four complete files remain of any of them. of the first seattle papers, there is but one file. it i began collecting more than forty years ago. how much care, then, should be exercised in gathering these old papers from the garrets and the closets where they have lain fifty years or more, perhaps--as well as to observe the most painstaking care for their preservation. when the missions among the indians of oregon were established by messrs. whitman and spalding in , the first native church of honolulu decided to send to it a small printing press and some type and material that had been in use for some time there in printing spelling books and religious matter, thinking the work of the mission in oregon would be advanced by its aid. edwin o. hall had been one of the printers of the honolulu mission and he was engaged to accompany the printing outfit to oregon. with the press, type, fixtures, a stock of paper and binding apparatus in his charge he, accompanied by his wife, arrived at vancouver, on the columbia river, early in the month of april, . in a few days the press and party started up the columbia river in a canoe and reached wallula on the th. from there the press was sent on pack animals to lapwai, on the clearwater river, not far from the present city of lewiston, idaho, while the rest of the outfit and the party went on up the river by canoe. may , , the first proof sheet in the original oregon territory was struck off amid great rejoicing among the missionary party. a large number of publications in the flathead, spokane, cayuse, and nez percé language was printed by the mission people. in fact, the press was in use a great deal until in , when doctor whitman sent it to the dalles, where it remained until after the whitman massacre, november - , . in it was in use near hillsboro, on tualatin plains, for several months, where eight numbers of the _oregon american and evangelical unionist_ appeared, which was the third paper in chronological order. by this time more modern presses, apparatus and types had reached oregon and the pioneer outfit was laid aside. years later it came into the possession of the oregon historical society at portland. the _oregon spectator_ was the first newspaper in old oregon, and the initial number appeared at oregon city on thursday, february , . a new plant had been procured for it in new york, whence it was sent around "the horn." col. william g. t'vault was its editor and john flemming the printer. this paper passed through many vicissitudes in the ensuing years--numerous changes of editors and publishers with frequent alterations in size, now larger and again smaller, until it finally suspended in . the second paper was the _oregon free press_, which appeared in march, , under the control of george l. curry, who later became governor of oregon. the fourth in order was the _western star_, first issued at milwaukie november , , by lot whitcomb. at that time milwaukie, on the east side of the willamette, a few miles above portland, was a rival of the latter place for commercial supremacy, but in may, , milwaukie had fallen behind in the race, and the _star_ was moved to portland, and its name changed to the _oregon weekly times_. it lived much longer than most of the early newspaper ventures of the northwest. among its numerous editors were a. c. gibbs, governor of oregon during the civil war period, and also w. lair hill, with whom all lawyers of oregon and washington are familiar personally or by reputation. he was the author of the well-known code of this state bearing his name, and for a considerable period a resident of seattle. the fifth was the _weekly oregonian_ and the only one of all the newspapers of oregon and washington appearing prior to to survive with its original name and without periodical suspensions. the _oregonian_ had to struggle for existence during all its early years. rivals unnumbered went to the newspaper graveyard during the succeeding quarter century. it is a conservative estimate to place the aggregate at a $ , , sunk during that period by ambitious printers, dissatisfied politicians, and by corporations who could not control its editorials, in the various attempts to break the _oregonian_ down. the most notable contest was between the _oregonian_ and the _bulletin_, when ben. holladay was the great magnate in railroad and steamship affairs of the northwest. he established, about , a first-class newspaper and job printing office that cost not less than $ , . he employed the best newspaper talent he could secure, and the _bulletin_ at once became a dangerous rival for the _oregonian_, which had to depend solely on its own resources for its support, while the weekly deficit in the _bulletin_ office was made good by a check from ben. holladay. the _oregonian_ had at that time about seven thousand subscribers at $ per year to its weekly paper, while the _bulletin_ had only a few hundred. the _weekly oregonian_ saved the day, and the _bulletin_ died the death. its backer is reputed to have sunk not less than $ , . this left the _oregonian_ master of the field, and it became the overshadowing journalistic power of the northwest until the great dailies of seattle forced it to the rear in the state of washington. thomas j. dryer was its first editor and a. m. berry the first printer. henry l. pittock became a printer in its office in november, , and was admitted to partnership in , and only four years later became its sole owner. mr. harvey w. scott went on its editorial staff in may, . in he bought an interest in the paper and became editor-in-chief. he and mr. pittock still own the paper, and it need not be added that it has made them immensely wealthy. the _daily oregonian_ made its first appearance february , . it consisted of four pages, each page about ½x inches, four columns to the page. march , , the _oregon statesman_ was launched on the newspaper sea at salem, the state capital, with joseph s. smith at the helm. in later years smith went to congress from that state and was always a conspicuous figure in democratic circles. in september, , when we arrived in salem from across "the plains," asahel bush had become owner and editor. he soon became public printer, then an exceedingly profitable billet, and in six or eight years was quite wealthy. the _statesman_ was the leading democratic journal for a long period and wielded a powerful influence until joseph lane and the democratic party under him lost the state, when abraham lincoln was elected president. after that its influence gradually declined. it underwent the usual changes of ownership and temporary suspensions. it will be difficult for the younger men in the newspaper offices of today, with their many departments and special work, to realize the many cares and duties devolving upon the pioneer newspaper men. the successful one was a capable printer who could "set type," run a press, make up the forms, make a roller, and wash it if need be. he was editorial writer, local reporter, business manager, and mailing clerk. a "job office" was usually a part of the printing establishment and he, perforce, must be his own job printer and pressman as well. during all the earlier years there were no telegraphic dispatches, the "news" being selected from the weekly issues of the _tribune_ or _herald_ of new york city, which came by mail steamer to the isthmus of panama, thence across and by steamer to san francisco, and thence with the utmost irregularity by steamer to portland, from there down the columbia and up the cowlitz river and by pack animal or mud wagon to olympia. under all these adverse circumstances it is remarkable what good newspapers were issued. they were usually on paper x inches in size, which was about the limit for hand presses then in use. the editorial matter was vigorous and able, the typography and presswork equal to that of the present day, the selection of news and literary matter unexceptionable. it is not a matter of surprise that men capable of accomplishing such good work in the face of such difficulties should have wielded a powerful influence in the pioneer work of the territory. of the pioneer newspaper men of oregon and washington there are many in seattle. first in age and experience is charles prosch, with over forty years to his credit. rev. john f. damon comes next in seniority of service. judge orange jacobs had much editorial experience in oregon before coming here. henry g. struve, esq., was an editorial writer for years prior to , in vancouver, clarke county, and in olympia. ex-governor semple spent many years in all kinds of newspaper work in oregon and washington, beginning about . thomas w. prosch learned to be a printer as he learned to read on the _herald_ at steilacoom and the _tribune_ in olympia. c. b. bagley began newspaper work in and continued it with little intermission for twenty years. samuel c. crawford began as printer's devil for john miller murphy on the olympia _standard_ thirty years or more ago. beriah brown, the senior of them all, recently died here, and his son berry began "at the case" and other newspaper work as early as . the _columbian_ was the "pioneer newspaper west of the mountains, between the father of oregon waters and kamstkatka," as an editorial paragraph in the first number puts it. messrs. wiley & mcelroy established it in olympia september , . later its name was changed to the _pioneer_, and not long afterward it was merged with the _democrat_, a rival paper, under the name of _pioneer and democrat_. from the above date olympia has never been without one or more weekly papers, and at times has enjoyed two daily papers at the same time. the _puget sound courier_ was the pioneer paper at steilacoom, which was started by affleck & gunn, may , . it was whig in politics, and as the population was overwhelmingly democratic it soon died for lack of sustenance. mr. charles prosch, the dean of newspaperdom on puget sound, whose erect form and snow-white hair are familiar on the streets of seattle, published the _puget sound herald_ at steilacoom, beginning march , , for about six years, and later other papers at olympia. the _northern light_ appeared at whatcom in , under the management of w. bausman & co., during a few weeks of the height of the fraser river gold rush, but its light was soon snuffed out. the _port townsend register_ was started january , , by a young man named travers daniels, but the field was not an encouraging one, and at the end of ten weeks he sold out to william t. whitacre, who kept it alive until august, when it suspended. july of the same year the _northwest_ was started in port townsend by e. s. dyer, publisher, and john f. damon, editor. mr. damon continued with the paper until it suspended, before the second volume was completed. rev. john f. damon, the congregational clergyman of seattle, is too widely known to require extended mention here. the _register_ was resuscitated late in and run a violent career for several months, and later was followed by the _message_, which ran several years under different management. in c. w. philbrick purchased the press on which the last-named paper was printed, changed the name to _puget sound argus_, and succeeded in placing it on a paying basis, a hitherto impossible achievement in port townsend. in philbrick, after accumulating considerable property, sold the _argus_ to mr. allen weir. july , , the _overland press_ was started in olympia. a short time before the pony express had been put on the route between the missouri river and sacramento, carrying the news and a few letters, thus placing san francisco and new york in communication with each other in from ten to twelve days. this suggested the name of the paper. it was enabled to give a brief summary of eastern news only three weeks old. prior to this it had been from six weeks to three months old when it reached olympia. the great civil war had broken out only a few weeks earlier and the manager of the _press_ of victoria, british columbia, with commendable business sagacity, determined to establish a paper in olympia containing the latest war news, and have it ready to distribute at all puget sound ports and have a supply to distribute to its own readers in victoria and other parts of british columbia on the arrival of the weekly mail. the eliza anderson, then the crack steamer of puget sound waters, made weekly trips, leaving olympia early on monday morning, arriving at seattle about p. m., and at victoria early tuesday morning. the paper at once became very popular and gained an immense circulation for those days. early in the fourth volume its name was changed to the _pacific tribune_. randall h. hewitt, now living in los angeles, owned and published it for a time, when charles prosch acquired it and continued its publication at olympia until . by this time his son, thomas w. prosch, had manifested much newspaper ability and had become the owner of the paper. he moved it to tacoma, the new railroad town, that year and continued there until the almost total death of the place forced another move and he came to seattle with it. in thaddeus hanford bought it and merged it with the _post-intelligencer_. with but one change of name it had lived about seventeen years, or longer than any other of the early washington papers, with one exception. this exception was and is the _washington standard_ of olympia, the most notable instance of newspaper longevity, with the exception of the _oregonian_, in old oregon. its first number was largely written, set up and printed by its founder, john miller murphy, and now, almost forty-three years later, it is his proud boast that it has never missed an issue, has never changed its name and that not a single one of its weekly issues has failed to have more or less editorial matter from his pen. it was "union" in sentiment during the war of the rebellion, but espoused the cause of andrew johnson in his contest with a republican congress, and since then has always been consistently democratic. mr. murphy has always been too proud of his independence to subordinate his will or the expressions of his journal to the control of his party leaders, and has often refused preferment at their hands on that account. he still superintends the mechanical department of his office, as well as attending to his editorial duties. he had achieved a competence but the panic of and the ensuing period of financial depression made great inroads upon his fortune, so that necessity compels him to remain in the harness, though nearly a half century of continuous work has certainly earned him rest. the _seattle gazette_ was the name under which the first paper published in seattle appeared, dated december , , nearly forty years ago. it was edited, set up, published, and with the assistance of an indian for roller boy, printed by j. r. watson. the office was in the second story of one of yesler's buildings, then standing near the present north line of the scandinavian bank building. the paper consisted of four pages, the printed matter on each page measuring ½x ½ inches. the type and other material were destroyed many years ago, but the old ramage[ ] printing press is a relic highly prized at the state university. the _seattle gazette_, _puget sound gazette_, and _puget sound weekly_ continued nearly four years with frequent changes in form and ownership. pioneer printers have taken a great deal of interest in regard to the antecedents of this old press. mr. george h. himes was an olympia boy, who served his apprenticeship in the office of the _washington standard_ under john miller murphy. from there he went to portland and in time "himes the printer" became a household word in oregon and washington. he has of late years been prominent in the pioneer and historical societies of oregon. he has given much time to research regarding this old press, and as a result gives it as his opinion that it was first sent from new york to mexico, thence to monterey, california, in , where it was used by the spanish governor for a number of years in printing proclamations, etc., and on august , , the _californian_, the pioneer paper of california, was printed on it. late in it was sent from monterey to san francisco and used in printing the _star_, the first paper of that city, issued in january, . these two papers were combined at a later date, and in the fall of the first number of the _alta california_ was issued from it. from san francisco it went to portland and the first number of the _oregonian_ was taken off it. in it and the old plant of the _oregonian_ was bought by thornton f. mcelroy and j. w. wiley, who brought it around on the schooner mary taylor to olympia, where the first number of the _columbian_ was printed on it. in j. r. watson brought it to seattle, and december th the first paper, the seattle _gazette_, was printed on it. again in s. l. maxwell used it to print the earlier numbers of the _intelligencer_. there seems to be no doubt that it was used to print the first newspapers on the pacific coast, the first in monterey, san francisco, portland, olympia, seattle. although seattle's first paper was of much more modest proportions than any of its predecessors or contemporaries, it had the honor of starting the first daily paper in the territory, which appeared april , , and continued to august th of the same year. the western union telegraph line was completed to seattle october , , and at p. m. of that date the _gazette_ issued its "citizen's dispatch," giving the first published dispatch coming by wire to this place. it gave the eastern war news to october th, from kansas city and from chattanooga of the operations of sherman against hood in the atlanta campaign. occasionally telegraphic dispatches appeared in succeeding papers, but not until about july , , when the _puget sound dispatch_ was established by larrabee & co., beriah brown, editor, was any regular publication of the press dispatches undertaken here. in june, , a suspension took place, and august th next s. l. maxwell sent to press the first number of the _weekly intelligencer_. the plant had come into the ownership of messrs. daniel and c. b. bagley, and mr. maxwell was permitted to use the same and pay for it as he could out of the earnings of the paper. the type, rules, press, and much of the advertising matter of the older paper, still standing in the forms, was used in the makeup of the new paper, so that it may properly be considered a lineal successor of the _seattle gazette_. mr. maxwell proved to be a good newspaper and business man, and as the town and surrounding country was having a vigorous growth, it did not take him long to pay off the small debt and to add much needed material to the office, which was moved across yesler way to a small wooden building, and, later, up yesler way to near the southwest corner of second avenue south. it gained influence as it grew, made money for its owner almost from the start, and had the local field to itself until the _dispatch_ was started. in the latter part of some of the prominent local office-holders and business men organized a company to start another paper, and november , , the _seattle weekly post_ made its first appearance, being made up from the _daily post_, which started on the th of the month. its first quarters were in the two-story wooden building owned by hillory butler that stood on the ground now occupied by the southwest corner of the hotel butler. in passing it may be added that this building was, from time to time, the home of more early papers than any other in town--_dispatch_, _north pacific rural_, _chronicle_, _post_, _times_, _press_, and others with single and hyphenated titles long since forgotten. in the meantime the _intelligencer_ had been installed in a larger two-story building then standing on the west side of first avenue where it deflects into first avenue south, and remained there several years. about thomas w. prosch and samuel l. crawford had acquired ownership of it. both had been printers from boyhood, and mr. prosch had gained much experience as a newspaper man in olympia and tacoma, and under their management it continued to grow in value and influence. in the post publishing company began the erection of a substantial brick building, two stories and basement on the northeast corner of yesler way and post street. as it was nearing completion negotiations were opened for a consolidation of the _post_ and _intelligencer_, and this was effected october , , with thomas w. prosch owner of one half and john leary and george w. harris each one quarter. the basement and lower story of the new building were used by the company and the upper story rented for offices. this building continued to be the home of the paper under several managements, until the great fire of june , , destroyed it and most of its plant. early in a joint stock company, consisting of frederick j. grant, c. b. bagley, griffith davies, jacob furth, john h. mcgraw, e. s. ingraham, w. h. hughes, thomas burke, and dr. thomas t. miner, bought the _post-intelligencer_ from t. w. prosch. grant continued editor-in-chief, bagley was business manager, s. l. crawford city editor and reporter, and e. s. meany had charge of the carrier service. near the close of the same year l. s. j. hunt purchased the controlling interest in the paper and assumed management at once. he had come to seattle with large financial backing, determined to go into the newspaper field, and the majority of the stockholders, fearing he might establish another paper and make it a powerful rival, sold him their interests. he proceeded to spend money most lavishly upon it and soon built it up into a great paper. in may, , a small printing outfit that had been in use at sitka, alaska, was brought to seattle, and for a few months the _seattle times and alaska herald_ was printed from it. later this material became the nucleus of the office of the _puget sound dispatch_, which was established by beriah brown and charles h. larrabee. the latter was then a prominent attorney in seattle. he was among the killed at the time of an appalling tragedy at tehachipe pass, on the line of the southern pacific, between los angeles and san francisco. he soon retired from the paper, leaving beriah brown in sole control, which he retained with an occasional intermission until about , when it was merged with the _intelligencer_. mr. brown was one of the old school newspapermen, who were writers of editorials worthy of the greatest papers of the united states. he was a friend of horace greeley, the elder bennett and others of the noted editors of a half century ago. he rarely wrote anything for his own paper. his custom was to go to the case and put his articles in type as he composed them. few can realize the difficulties occasioned by the dual processes of thought thus brought into play. local news is the life of all newspapers in young communities. this he could not purvey, nor was his business management a success. thaddeus hanford, the eldest of the brothers of that name, in his early boyhood showed ability as a writer and after he had passed through college with honor he returned to seattle and engaged in newspaper work. for a year or more he was the owner of the _intelligencer_, but sold it about as is noted elsewhere. one of the most widely known as well as popular of the old-time newspaper men was e. t. gunn. he worked in the _oregonian_ office as early as and was one of its owners for a time. in he was engaged in newspaper work at steilacoom. november , , he started the _olympia transcript_ and its publication was continued regularly until his death in . the _transcript_ was the neatest and best-printed of all the early papers and for many years exerted much influence in political affairs of the territory. a split in the republican party occurred in and was the cause of the _transcript_ being started, and for about six years while this schism continued it championed the cause of the "bolting wing" of the party. in an alliance between the bolters and the democrats resulted in the overwhelming triumph of the fusion party, judge o. b. mcfadden being elected to congress over selucius garfield, the republican candidate. all the newspapers in olympia were in sympathy with the fusionists, and this led to the organization of a company which established the _puget sound courier_. this company was under the leadership of elisha p. ferry, then surveyor-general, who became territorial governor in , and the first governor of the state of washington in . the _daily courier_ made its first appearance january , , and the weekly later in the week. during that year h. g. struve, then practicing his profession in olympia, did much editorial work, while the late fred prosch had charge of the mechanical department. in december c. b. bagley became business manager and city editor, and in june, , he bought the office and newspaper. the daily was discontinued at the close of . mr. bagley was appointed territorial printer in , and held that position for ten years. he continued the _weekly courier_ until late in , when he sold out to thomas h. cavanaugh, who changed the name of the paper to the _partisan_. during the period between and olympia had four weekly newspapers most of the time, while several small dailies appeared from time to time, but never for more than a few months. until the seattle papers began to take telegraphic dispatches the olympia papers had most of their circulation at seattle and points further down sound, but this gradually ceased, and long before the admission of the state their patronage had become almost wholly local in character. steilacoom, until about , when tacoma began its second growth, was a favorite field for newspaper ventures. mr. charles prosch held the field there nearly six years, much longer than anyone else, and while some of his early contemporaries manifested more vigor and belligerency in their editorial columns, none of them gave so much local news or possessed one half the literary merit of the _herald_. francis h. cook also moved from olympia to tacoma, with a newspaper plant, on which he had for a time published the _echo_. this paper was started in by randall h. hewitt, and that year in its office the writer began work as a printer. james e. whitworth, now of seattle, nathan s. porter, of olympia, and ike m. hall worked together in that office. hundreds of the older residents of seattle remember judge hall, who died here about ten years ago. early in c. b. bagley became the owner and publisher of the _echo_ for about a year. like most of its fellows, it underwent all manner of changes of ownership, of form and place of publication during an erratic career of about eight years. during the eight or ten years following the founding of tacoma in , many attempts were made to establish newspapers there, but most of them were far from profitable to their backers. in fact, it has been frequently reported that their more pretentious successors have not been far from financial stress. the _beacon_ was brought from kalama by mr. and mrs. mooney, which had been the organ of the northern pacific railroad. this soon died. in there started the _north pacific coast_, but its life was brief. r. f. radebaugh, of san francisco, and h. c. patrick, of sacramento, came to tacoma and started the _weekly ledger_ april , . april , , the _daily ledger_ was started, and both the weekly and daily are still appearing regularly, having long passed the usual period that has been fatal to so many papers on puget sound. mr. patrick left the _ledger_ in and bought the _pierce county news_, which had been started august , , by george w. mattice. mr. patrick changed the name to _tacoma news_, and it appeared as a weekly paper until september , , when he started the _daily news_. it continues to occupy the evening field, while the _ledger_ retains the morning field. the limits of this article do not permit mention of many papers which have appeared from time to time in every town and almost every village. in the writer's collection there are not less than one hundred publications, daily, weekly, or monthly, that have sprung into life since . most of them are forgotten in the communities where they appeared. success has come to but here and there one. kirk c. ward was a fluent writer and a promoter of no small sagacity. having lost control of the _post_, he soon induced some friends to back him and started the _chronicle_. it had a variegated career and finally became the property of one of the leading law firms of the city, mcnaught, ferry, mcnaught & mitchell. they employed a bohemian from kansas, named frank c. montgomery, as editor, who conducted it until may , , when homer m. hill, who is now engaged in other business in seattle, bought it. the hall brothers were conducting the _call_ and the two papers were consolidated, and on monday, may , , the paper came out with vol. , no. of the seattle _daily press_. a weekly paper was also run in connection with the daily. mr. hill ere long acquired the entire ownership of the paper. he was a shrewd, capable business man of untiring industry, and under his management the paper became a valuable property. interests in it had been sold and bought back from time to time, and at the time mr. hill closed out his ownership harry white held some of its shares. at that time the paper was absolutely free from debt and had a good bank account and was making money for its owners. mr. w. e. bailey, a wealthy young man from philadelphia, had large interests here, and he became the victim to an ambition to conduct a big newspaper. under these circumstances mr. hill had no difficulty in getting his price for the _press_. mr. l. s. j. hunt of the _post-intelligencer_ conducted the negotiations and made the purchase and at once transferred the property to mr. bailey. he made important additions to the mechanical department and engaged a large news and editorial force, whose chief instructions were to make a clean, live newspaper. at the time mr. hill bought the _chronicle_ it owned the associated press evening franchise, which was its most valuable asset. in passing, it is proper to note the fact that the present _times_ is the lineal successor of the _chronicle_, and while for a brief period there was a break in the legal succession, it may be truthfully said that the historical succession to the associated press franchise is derived from the _chronicle_ down through the _press_ and the _press-times_ to _the times_ of to-day. the consolidation of the _chronicle_ and _call_ threw a lot of printers and newspaper men out of employment, including thomas h. dempsey, the foreman of the _chronicle_ office. the latter was a keen business man and a competent printer. he and the late col. george g. lyon and james p. ferry at once organized a new company, and secured a printing outfit that served their purpose temporarily. the same day, may , , that the _press_ was issued, no. , vol. of the _daily times_ also appeared. seattle, then a little city of about , population, was thus the proud possessor of three daily papers. the starting of these two papers just preceded the "boom" in seattle real estate, when the volume of advertising was vastly increased as well as population of the city, and both papers made money rapidly. february , , mr. bailey bought the _times_ from lyon and dempsey, paying for it $ , . he had paid somewhere from $ , to $ , for the _press_. he consolidated the two under the name of the _press-times_. the period of financial depression which followed a couple of years later bore heavily upon mr. bailey and and he was finally compelled to give up the paper to his creditors, having lost not less than $ , during his journalistic career. the history of its subsequent vicissitudes and difficulties would fill a volume, but can be touched upon but briefly here. the paper was on the market for a long time. john collins had it for a time and sunk a lot of money in it, having acquired it through a mortgage of $ , . john w. pratt, whose recent lamented death is fresh in the memories of a host of friends, secured control of it for a time. at times it was published by a receiver. hughes and davies came into possession of it through ex-sheriff james woolery, who had taken it over under the mortgage given to john collins. during this troubled period among other happenings the name was changed back to _the times_, and also the associated press franchise was surrendered and that of the united service taken over. later, and subsequent to the mortgage of $ , given to john collins, the associated press franchise was again secured, and this was a vital point in the legal contest that arose, the times printing company, headed by col. a. j. blethen on one side, and hughes & davies on the other. colonel blethen bought _the times_ august , , and his first editorial appeared in it three days later. he came well equipped for newspaper work and management by reason of wide experience in other fields, and month by month he and his sons, joseph and clarence b., have made it better and better, and to-day is one of the most valuable newspaper properties on the pacific coast and one of the great dailies of the united states. footnotes: [ ] the ramage was so called because it was constructed by adam ramage, who went to philadelphia about , and is believed to have been the first press builder in america. for many years he constructed all the presses used in this country. the posts and cross-pieces of the larger sizes of his early presses were made of wood, and the bed, platen, tracks, springs, screw, lever, etc., of iron. the largest ramage press i ever saw had a bed x inches, with platen x inches. this was used in printing the _oregonian_ for the first four months of its life, december, , to april, , and required four impressions to perfect a paper--an impression for each page. sixty to seventy perfect papers per hour was the limit of a pressman's capacity. during the summer of a wooden extension was added to the platen of the press by an olympia (wash.) mechanic, thus doubling its capacity. the extra strain upon the muscles of the pressman as a result of this enlargement caused the old machine to be dubbed a "man-killer."--george h. himes. in memoriam of willard h. rees. it is a labor of love to say that when the writer first met w. h. rees in , the latter was, for a man in his twenty-fifth year, in advance of his general surroundings. his intelligence and manner of telling what he knew on any subject drew men near his own age to him strongly. there were, i found on riper acquaintance, family reasons for part of this. his father (then a citizen of hamilton county, ohio), had been a member of the legislature of his native state of delaware, and his mother had a place in the _literati_ of her day. the father was of welsh stock, and judging by the son, an active, ardent member of the whig party at the time. willard and i were thrown together in the tide of emigration setting out from saint louis towards the rendezvous of proposed emigrants to oregon. the boat we were on landed at weston, and from thence we hired a team belonging to other emigrants to haul our effects, and we walked to saint joseph. from thence rees and i footed it ten miles higher up the missouri to the camp of the emigrants under gilliam's leadership. learning there that a man living but three miles off needed two assistants to get his family and effects to oregon, we were at his residence next morning as he rose from breakfast, and within five minutes were engaged to come to oregon with him as his assistants. within twenty-five minutes, mounted on a good horse, with gold coin to purchase breadstuffs for ten persons for three months' journey, rees was on his way back to saint joe. he and i then began a year of such intimate relations to each other as leads me to say capt. r. w. morrison, our employer, made no mistake in trusting mr. rees with the most important acts in conducting his preparations for the journey to oregon. when we effected a military organization for the trip, no mistake was made in the election of rees as first sergeant, with the duties of adjutant. and when, after arrival in oregon, fifteen of us near the same age were employed logging and running hunt's saw mill, on the lower columbia, rees was easily our leader. leaving that in june, , and coming to oregon city to vote, he still, without effort on his part, was by common consent in the first place. there were at oregon city two young men i might claim as his peers at that date--charles e. pickett and j. w. nesmith. it was the former and rees, i believe, who led to the formation of the first literary association. mr. pickett was at that time reader from the public news box. the contents were volunteer contributions, each writer choosing his subject, and of course extending from harmless fun to the most serious questions. this suggested the formation of the literary society, naturally. j. w. nesmith stood among the young men of immigration to oregon as w. h. rees stood among those of . both observers and helpers in the history being made, the former watching and participating personally in almost every forward movement, the latter wielding perhaps a greater personal influence, but manifesting no ambition for personal advancement. mr. rees worked as a carpenter at oregon city from june, , to june, (the exact dates are not remembered), but between these dates had purchased a claim in the northern portion of champoeg, [marion] county. at the finishing of doctor mcloughlin's flouring mill he with other american mechanics celebrated the occasion with a ball, which was attended by most of the leading people of parties having interest in the oregon boundary question. lieut. wm. peel was there using his tongue, eyes and ears, we may suppose, to give reliable information in regard to americans in oregon to his father, then premier of the british government. lieutenant peel was of the british navy, but not of the _modeste_ whose officers generally were in company with him when mingling with americans as on this occasion. there was no dancing going on. it was a time of social relaxation. doctor newell, a rocky mountain doctor, and a man of sterling good sense, had been giving his opinion of some of peel's social behavior as not such as was beyond criticism among americans. peel replied, "well, doctor, americans believe in the rule of majorities, and i think the british are in a majority here." mr. newell thought not. a britisher will settle any question by a bet, and mr. peel offered the bet of a bottle of wine that a majority of those then present were for the british side of the oregon boundary question. doctor newell took the bet. a count was made and mr. newell won. peel on this, looking at a man across the mill floor, offered another bottle on that particular man fighting for the british side in the contingency of war over oregon. william penland, an englishman, put the question: "sir, which flag would you support in the event of war over oregon?" rees replied, "i fight under the stars and stripes, sir." mr. rees, no matter what his garb, was always comparatively neat, and might well be taken for a middle class welshman. newell and he already neighbors, from this time forward had a potent influence among the french-canadian farmers. both were admirers of doctor mcloughlin, and rees' influence was greatly enhanced by his taking the finishing of the catholic church at saint louis, and by writing brief tributes to their lives as they passed to the other side. from his genial social nature it was easy for mr. rees to give these retired engagees of the hudson bay company information as to what these newly formed relations to the united states government required of them, in which he was aided by neighbors and friends--doctor newell and f. x. mathieu. it was his pleasure and pastime to learn of the later life, death and burial in the french settlement of two of the gallant band, philip degrett and francis rivet, [the authoritative lists of the lewis and clark company does not contain these two names.--ed.] who followed the lead of lewis and clark from the sources of the columbia to the ocean in , and to give to the historian a transcript of the first catholic parish registry, including the names and ages of gervais, lucier, cannon, labonte, and dubruil, who came with hunt in . in mr. rees was elected as a colleague of his friend dr. newell. wm. h. rector, a. chamberlain and anderson cox being the other members representing champoeg county in the lower house of the oregon legislature. from the foregoing causes and his steady patriotism mr. rees became a potent influence in sending young men from the french settlement to the fighting field in the cayuse country on the whitman massacre, himself going as regimental commissary agent. as the troops were retiring from the cayuse country, gold was discovered in california and many of the soldiers were amongst the first to go to the mines, willard h. rees of the number. a larger proportion of the french half-breeds never returned than of the americans, and from the canadian settlement began to disintegrate. as the pioneer settlement died, rees's ready pen gave them kindly notice. in the period between and he was watchful and active, but never for himself; being of whig antecedents it was natural for him to help in the formation of the union party, and that he did; also, being a leader in the formation of the pioneer association, the pages of its annual publications will furnish the future historical gleaner many valuable points there inserted by the pen of willard h. rees. the death of his body at years is not reasonable cause of mourning; his nearest friends have had cause for sadness in the slow and gradual mental decay which was perceptible to them for many years before the final end. a change, slight and unperceived by ordinary observers, was noted by his intimate friends as far back as , when a few lines in the annual address to the pioneers prepared by him but which he was unable to attend and deliver, and were well read by f. m. bewley, seemed unlike the rees of . yet in that address he characteristically goes to the very beginning of social free and easy interchange of personal views on the life of the times of - . this early social life expressed itself through an organization called the pioneer lyceum and literary club, and he thus speaks of it: "the following are the names charlie pickett had on the membership roll. they were at times widely scattered and are designated upon the roll as regular and visiting members: "john h. couch, f. w. pettygrove, j. m. woir, a. l. lovejoy, j. applegate, s. w. moss, robert newell, j. w. nesmith, ed otie, h. a. g. lee, f. prigg, c. e. pickett, wm. c. dement, medorum crawford, hiram strait, j. wambaugh, wm. cushing, philip foster, ransom clark, h. h. hide (hyde?), john g. campbell, top mcgruder, w. h. rees, mark ford, henry saffren, noyes smith, daniel waldo, p. g. stewart, isaac w. smith, joseph watt, frank ematinger, a. e. wilson, jacob hoover, s. m. holderness, john minto, barton lee, general husted, and john p. brooks. "perhaps a more congenial, easy-going, self-satisfying club has never since congregated in the old capital city and under changed condition of affairs, especially in fashions so strikingly different from the unique and richly colored costumes of that day, never will the good people of our spray-bedewed old city rest upon the like again." the names are given as history, the last quotation as a sample of mr. rees's quiet humor. now an end of life by natural law is not a proper subject of mourning. willard h. rees did not so regard it, when his generous kindness led him to collect the most praiseworthy incidents of very earliest and most unlettered of the pioneers from those coming with lewis and clark and astor's enterprise to those better informed who came after he himself was here. the contributions of willard h. rees, j. w. nesmith, and m. p. deady to the oregon pioneer association publication would alone constitute no mean volume of the history of oregon, beginning with retired canadian hunters and trappers who by cultivating the soil of oregon and creating a magazine of supplies to the american homebuilders unawares were cultivating the seeds of civilization aided and foreseen by the applegates, burnetts, waldos, nesmiths, rees, and others who managed a bloodless victory over the pro-british occupation of oregon. short biography of joseph holman. joseph holman was born at little torrington, devonshire, england, august , . his parents were john and elizabeth holman. his father was a mechanic, and manufacturer of agricultural implements, and died when joseph was quite young, leaving two older sons. the eldest son carried on his father's business, the younger brothers living with him to learn the trade. when joseph was sixteen years of age, the second brother emigrated to canada and sent such good reports of large wages for mechanics that when joseph was eighteen his elder brother allowed him to follow, though bound to him until twenty-one. in joseph took passage on the ship "eliza" for canada and landed at prince edward's island where the ship was seized for debt, which detained the passengers some weeks, the creditors furnishing codfish and potatoes only, for food. the ship finally sailed for quebec and to london, in canada, where joseph found his brother, and worked in that place for several years, but disliked the rough ways of that early time. he went alone to new lisbon, ohio, where he worked at wagon making for a year. hearing much of the so-called west at that time, he went to peoria, illinois, found work and lived two years there. during that time, jason lee, on his way from oregon to the east, stopped at peoria and lectured on oregon. in the spring of eighteen persons agreed to go to oregon and settle there. joseph holman had ideas of a large city at the mouth of the columbia river, and he wanted to be one to help take the claim. the party started west with horses and wagons. at independence, missouri, they sold the wagons and bought mules to carry packs. mr. farnham was chosen captain. they traveled to bent's fort on the arkansas river without mishap, and to bent's fort on the platte river [generally called st. vrain's] became demoralized. some went back, mr. farnham went to santa fé, others went through the next year, but joseph holman, with cook, fletcher and kilbourn, determined to go to oregon. while away from the fort to get dry buffalo meat for food the indians stole their horses. they worked at the fort until they earned more horses, and late in the fall the four started alone and reached green river, in the rocky mountains, and camped in a sheltered place called "brown's hole," also joe meek, doctor newell, cary and others. joseph holman's mechanical knowledge helped him here, for he stocked guns, made saddles for indians, and received an extra horse and beaver skins (as good as money) in return. doctor newell decided to start early in the spring, with the beaver skins to fort hall, in idaho, to avoid indian war parties who would be out later on. they were caught in the snow and nearly perished. where doctor newell expected to see buffalo they did not see one. they were four days without any food, until they met a digger indian woman who sold them her two dogs. after that they now and then killed an antelope until they reached fort hall where they remained three weeks to recuperate themselves and horses. doctor newell remained here. the four young men left with a hudson bay agent for fort boise, but went alone from there to walla walla, arriving there may , ; from there down the columbia river to fort vancouver, was the hardest part of the trip, especially from the dalles to fort vancouver, on the north side of the columbia. the water was high at that season of the year, had covered the indian trail on the bank of the river, and they were obliged to lead their ponies over the bluffs to fort vancouver, a fact doctor mclaughlin could hardly believe when they arrived, at o'clock june , . in the afternoon of the same day a ship arrived at fort vancouver from new york, with forty methodist missionaries to teach and convert the indians. a miss almira phelps, from springfield, massachusetts, was one, to whom joseph was married in less than a year. he was twenty-six years of age, and even then showed a progressive spirit. the four, mr. cooke, mr. fletcher, mr. kilbourn, and joseph holman, rode around looking for places to settle. they took up land and built a cabin. the methodist mission employed them for a time and paid them in stock. joseph holman cut the first stick of timber on the present town site of salem, and just back of the asylum for the insane he took up his claim of land, which was a mile square. he rode a horse to the east, to the north, to the west, to the south, and staked it. years afterward surveyors said he surveyed it correctly on his horse, a mile square. mrs. john h. albert, now living, was born on this land, joseph holman's eldest daughter. his only son, george phelps holman, was the first white child born in salem, or the county. joseph holman's heart and soul were for oregon, for its building up, its prosperity. his loyalty was unbounded. he was honest, affectionate, and true. * * * * * this short statement was dictated by mr joseph holman to his wife during his last illness in . he was on a lounge, and told these facts, and she penciled them down and copied them june , , in the present form. documents. letter of fur traders jedediah s. smith, david e. jackson, and wm. l. sublette-- . gives an account of the taking of the first wagons to the rocky mountains and of the hudson's bay company post, fort vancouver, and its operations in the oregon country. an argument for the termination of the convention of . the letter of smith, jackson, and sublette forms part of senate executive documents , st congress, d session, pp. - . the whole document is taken up with a consideration of "the state of the british establishments in the valley of the columbia, and the state of the fur trade, as carried on by the citizens of the united states and the hudson's bay company," as shown in the communications of gen. w. h. ashley, joshua pilcher, j. d. smith, david e. jackson, and w. l. sublette, and william clark and lewis cass. st. louis, october , . sir: the business commenced by general ashley some years ago, of taking furs from the united states territory beyond the rocky mountains has since been continued by jedediah s. smith, david e. jackson, and william l. sublette, under the firm of smith, jackson, and sublette. they commenced business in , and have since continued it, and have made observations and gained information which they think it important to communicate to the government. the number of men they have employed has usually been from eighty to one hundred and eighty; and with these, divided into parties, they have traversed every part of the country west of the rocky mountains, from the peninsula of california to the mouth of the columbia river. pack horses, or rather mules, were at first used, but in the beginning of the present year, it was determined to try wagons, and in the month of april last, on the th day of the month, a caravan of ten wagons, drawn by five mules each, and two dearborns, drawn by one mule each, set out from st. louis. we have eighty-one men in company, all mounted on mules, and these were exclusive of a party left in the mountains. our route from st. louis was nearly due west to the western limits of the state and thence along the santa fé trail about forty miles, from which the course was some degrees north of west, across the waters of the kanzas, and up the great platte river, to the rocky mountains, and to the head of wind river, where it issues from the mountains. this took us until the th of july, and was as far as we wished the wagons to go, as the furs to be brought in were to be collected at this place, which is, or was this year, the great rendezvous of the persons engaged in that business. here the wagons could easily have crossed the rocky mountains, it being what is called the southern [south] pass, had it been desirable for them to do so, which it was not for the reason stated. for our support, at leaving the missouri settlements, until we should get into the buffalo country, we drove twelve head of cattle, beside a milk cow. eight of these only being required for use before we got to the buffaloes, the others went on to the head of wind river. we began to fall in with the buffaloes on the platte, about three hundred and fifty miles from the white settlements, and from that time lived on buffaloes, the quantity being infinitely beyond what we needed. on the fourth of august, the wagons being in the meantime loaded with furs which had been previously taken, we set out on the return to st. louis. all the high points of the mountains then in view were white with snow, but the passes and valleys, and all the level country, were green with grass. our route back was over the same ground nearly as in going out, and we arrived at st. louis on the th of october, bringing back the ten wagons, the dearborns being left behind; four of the oxen and the milk cow were also brought back to the settlements in missouri, as we did not need them for provision. our men were all healthy during the whole time, we suffered nothing by the indians, and had no accident but the death of one man, being buried under a bank of earth that fell in upon him, and another being crippled at the same time. of the mules, we lost but one by fatigue, and two horses stolen by the kanzas indians; the grass being, along the whole route going and coming, sufficient for the support of the horses and mules. the usual weight in the wagons was about one thousand eight hundred pounds. the usual progress of the wagons was from fifteen to twenty-five miles per day. the country being almost all open, level, and prairie, the chief obstructions were ravines and creeks, the banks of which required cutting down, and for this purpose a few pioneers were generally kept ahead of the caravan. this is the first time that wagons ever went to the rocky mountains, and the ease and safety with which it was done prove the facility of communicating overland with the pacific ocean. the route from the southern pass, where the wagons stopped, to the great falls of the columbia, being easier and better than on this side of the mountains, with grass enough for horses and mules, but a scarcity of game for the support of men. one of the undersigned, to wit, jedediah s. smith, in his excursion west of the mountains, arrived at the post of the hudson's bay company, called fort vancouver, near the mouth of multnomah river. he arrived there in august, , and left the th of march, , and made observations which he deems it material to communicate to the government. fort vancouver is situated on the north side of the columbia, five miles above the mouth of the multnomah, in a handsome prairie, and on a second bank about three quarters of a mile from the river. this is the fort as it stood when he arrived there; but a large one, three hundred feet square about three quarters of a mile lower down, and within two hundred yards of the river, was commenced the spring he came away. twelve pounders were the heaviest cannon which he saw. the crop of was seven hundred bushels of wheat, the grain full and plump, and making good flour, fourteen acres of corn, the same number of acres in peas, eight acres of oats, four or five acres of barley, a fine garden, some small apple trees, and grape vines. the ensuing spring eighty bushels of seed wheat were sown. about two hundred head of cattle, fifty horses and breeding mares, three hundred head of hogs, fourteen goats, the usual domestic fowls. they have mechanics of various kinds, to wit, blacksmiths, gunsmiths, carpenters, coopers, tinner, and baker. a good saw mill on the bank of the river five miles above, a grist mill worked by hand, but intended to work by water. they had built two coasting vessels, one of which was then on a voyage to the sandwich islands. no english or white woman was at the fort, but a great number of mixed blood indian extraction, such as belong to the british fur trading establishments, who were treated as wives, and the families of children taken care of accordingly. so that everything seemed to combine to prove that this fort was to be a permanent establishment. at fort vancouver the goods for the indian trade are imported from london, and enter the territories of the united states paying no duties, and from the same point the furs taken on the other side of the mountains are shipped. the annual quantity of these furs could not be exactly ascertained, but mr. smith was informed indirectly that they amounted to about thirty thousand beaver skins, besides otter skins and small furs. the beaver skins alone, at new york prices, would be worth above two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. to obtain these furs, both trapping and trading are resorted to. various parties, provided with traps, spread over the country south of the columbia to the neighborhood of the mexican territory, and in and they crossed the rocky mountains and trapped on the waters of the missouri river. they do not trap north of latitude degrees, but confine that business to the territory of the united states. thus this territory, being trapped by both parties, is nearly exhausted of beavers, and unless the british can be stopped, will soon be entirely exhausted, and no place left within the united states where beaver fur in any quantity can be obtained. the inequality of the convention with great britain in is most glaring and apparent, and its continuance is a great and manifest injury to the united states. the privileges granted by it have enabled the british to take possession of the columbia river, and spread over the country south of it; while no americans have ever gone, or can venture to go on the british side. the interest of the united states and her citizens engaged in the fur trade requires that the convention of should be terminated, and each nation confined to its own territories. by this commercial interest there are other considerations requiring the same result. these are, the influence which the british have already acquired over the indians in that quarter, and the prospect of a british colony, and a military and naval station on the columbia. their influence over the indians is now decisive. of this the americans have constant and striking proofs, in the preference which they give to the british in every particular. in saying this, it is an act of justice to say, also, that the treatment received by mr. smith at fort vancouver was kind and hospitable; that, personally, he owes thanks to governor simpson and the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, for the hospitable entertainment which he received from them, and for the efficient and successful aid which they gave him in recovering from the umquah indians a quantity of fur and many horses, of which these indians had robbed him in . as to the injury which must happen to the united states from the british getting the control of all the indians beyond the mountains, building and repairing ships in the tide water region of the columbia, and having a station there for their privateers and vessels of war, is too obvious to need a recapitulation. the object of this communication being to state _facts_ to the government, and to show the facility of crossing the continent to the great falls of the columbia with wagons, the ease of supporting any number of men by driving cattle to supply them where there was no buffalo, and also to show the true nature of the british establishments on the columbia, and the unequal operation of the convention of . these _facts_ being communicated to the government, they consider that they have complied with their duty, and rendered an acceptable service to the administration; and respectfully request you, sir, to lay it before president jackson. we have the honor to be sir, yours, respectfully, jedediah s. smith, david e. jackson, w. l. sublette. to the hon. john h. eaton, _secretary of war_. excerpts from st. louis papers, - , on the migration to and settlement of oregon. the _missouri republican_, july , . the american society for encouraging the settlement of oregon territory, propose to enlist men for the purpose, to rendezvous in this city january next. each man will receive gratuitously a lot of land. there is said to be "an immense water power up the wallamott or mulnomah." * * * * * _republican_, november , . an unlucky little paragraph of ours in relation to the prosperous colony at the mouth of the columbia river has been the source of much trouble to us. we have been frequently addressed both by letter and in person for information upon the subject, without having the means of replying satisfactorily to querists. * * * we cannot now state whether the plan has been abandoned, but time has passed by when the adventurers were to have assembled here. the project originated in boston, where, we believe, the principal officers of the society reside. * * * * * _republican_, april , . oregon colony. thirty-six persons attached to this colony arrived in this city friday last. they have since proceeded on their way. * * * * * _st. louis new era_, february , . oregon, the new eldorado. we derive from a long letter in the _national intelligencer_ the following sketch of the territory beyond the rocky mts., which is now the theme of debate in the u. s. senate. * * * * * _newark advertiser._ "within a few years several americans, of whom the writer is one, have crossed the rocky mts., to the mouth of the columbia, with objects entirely unconnected with trade or commerce. mine was a desire to see a new country, a love of adventure for its own sake, and an enthusiastic fondness for natural history. the party with which i traveled left independence, mo., about the latter part of april, , and arrived at the british fort, vancouver, in september, having performed the whole journey on horseback. from this time until october, , with the exception of the first winter which i passed at the sandwich islands, my residence was in the territory of oregon. dr. mcloughlin, chief factor, treated me with uniform and singular kindness, supplying all my wants and furnishing me with every facility in the prosecution of my plans. this is, i believe, the uniform character of the superintendents of british forts in that country. travelers, naturalists, and all who are not traders are kindly and hospitably treated, but the moment a visitor is known to trade a beaver skin from an indian, that moment he is ejected from the community. the company has a sum of money amounting to several thousand pounds sterling, laid aside at vancouver for the sole purpose of opposing all who may come to interfere with its monopoly, by purchasing at exhorbitant prices all the furs in possession of the indians, and thus forcing the settler to come to terms or driving him from the country. if it be an individual who is thus starved into submission he then usually clears a piece of land on the willamette river, takes an indian wife, and purchases furs of the natives, which, by previous contract, he is bound to sell to the company at an advance which is fixed by the governor. ft. vancouver, the principal trading post of the oregon, stands on the north bank of the river, about miles from the mouth. the fort consists of several dwellings, storehouses, workshops, etc., all of frame arranged together in quadrilateral form, and surrounded by a stockade of pine logs about ft. high. the ft. has no bastions, and contains no armament. there are, to be sure, great guns frowning in front of the governor's mansion, long s and -pounders, but two of them have long been spiked and the others are unfit for service. the rainy season begins here about the middle of october and continues until the first of april. during this period the weather is almost uniformly dull, foggy, or rainy. sometimes rain falls incessantly for the space of or weeks. occasionally, during the winter months, there will be a light fall of snow, and in the winter of - the river was frozen over. the intensity of cold, however, continued but a few days and was said to be very unusual. the general range of the thermometer, (fahr.) during that season was from - degrees, but for or days was as low as degrees. in the vicinity of ft. vancouver, the cattle graze during the whole winter; no stabling or stall feeding is ever requisite, as the extensive plains produce the finest and most abundant crops of excellent prairie grass. in choosing a site for settlement on the main river, it is always necessary to bear in mind the periodical inundations. ft. vancouver itself, though built on a high piece of land at a distance of yards from the common rise of the tides, is sometimes almost reached by the freshets of early spring. the soil here, on both sides of the river is a rich black loam, the base being basaltic rock. the face of the country from ft. george, (astoria,) to vancouver, a distance of miles, is very much of a uniform character, consisting of alluvial meadows, along the river-side, alternating with forests of oak, pine, etc., while behind are extensive plains, some of which receive estuaries of the river, while others are watered by lakes or ponds. the pine forests are very extensive, the trees being of great size, and the timber extraordinarily beautiful. all the timber of the genus pinus is gigantic. i measured with dr. gairdner, surgeon of the fort, a pine of the species _douglass_, which had been prostrated by the wind. its height was above ft., and its circumference feet. large as was this specimen, its dimensions are much exceeded by one measured by the late david douglas. the height of this tree was nearly ft., and the circumference ft. cones of this pine, according to mr. d., were to inches long, resembling in size and form sugar loaves. oak timber of various kinds is abundant along the river, as well as button wood, balsam, poplar, ash, sweet gum, beech, and many other useful kinds, but no hickory or walnut. the governor of ft. vancouver, who is an active agriculturist, has exerted himself for several years in raising whatever appears adapted to the soil. wheat, rye, barley, pease, and culinary vegetables of all kinds are raised in ample quantity. fruits of various kinds, apples, peaches, plums, etc., do remarkably well. i remember being particularly struck, upon my arrival at vancouver in the autumn, with the display of apples in the garden of the fort. trees were crowded with fruit, so that every limb had to be sustained with a prop. apples were literally packed along the branches, and so closely that i could compare them to nothing more aptly than ropes of onions. in the vicinity of walla walla or the ney [z] perce's fort, the country in every condition for many miles exhibits an arid and cheerless prospect. the soil is deep sand, and the plain upon which the fort stands produces nothing but bushes of aromatic wormwood. along the borders of the small streams, however, the soil is exceedingly rich and productive, and on these strips of land the superintendent raises his corn and the vegetables necessary for the consumption of his people. the prong-horned antelope occasionally ranged these plains; black-tailed or mule deer is found in the vicinity; grouse of several species are very abundant, and large prairie hare is common. in autumn and winter, in the vicinity of ft. vancouver, ducks, geese, and swans swarm in immense numbers. these are killed by the indians and taken to the ft. as articles of trade. for a single duck, one load of powder and shot is given; for a goose, ; and for a swan, loads. for deer loads of ammunition, or a bottle of rum is the usual price. early in may salmon are first seen entering the river, and the columbia and all its tributaries teem with these delicious fish. the indians take great numbers by various modes, subsisting almost wholly on them during their stay, and drying and packing them away in thatched huts to be used for their winter store. salmon also forms a chief article of food for the inmates of the fort, and hundreds of casks are salted down every season. about miles above this, in the wallamet valley, is the spot chosen by the methodist missionaries for their settlement, and here also, a considerable number of retired servants of the company had established themselves. the soil of this delightful valley is rich beyond comparison, and the climate considerably milder than that of vancouver. rain rarely falls, even in the winter season, but dews are sufficiently heavy to compensate for its absence. the epidemic of the country, ague, is rarely known here. in short, the wallamet valley is a terrestrial paradise, to which i have known some to exhibit so strong an attachment as to declare that notwithstanding the few privations which must necessarily be experienced by settlers of a new country, no consideration would ever induce them to return to their former homes." j. k. t. [townsend]. washington, jan. , . * * * * * _st. louis new era_, tuesday, february , . oregon. the following is an extract from a letter dated honolulu, oct. , . "the town is now full of strangers, the chenamus having brought some passengers from the oregon, who are returning home, disgusted with the people and the country. then again, the victoria brings a few families here on their way to the river to settle. they must be encouraged by meeting so many here, returning." * * * * * _new era_, thursday, march , . (contains notice of "travels in the great prairie wilderness, the anahuac and rocky mts., and in oregon territory," by t. j. farnham; said to contain full account of a journey overland and the methodist missions in the territory. notice copied into "_era_" from _n. y. tribune_, from which office it is issued.) * * * * * _republican_, july , . we learn from maj. albert wilson who has just returned from the mountains, that he met the oregon emigrants on the big arkansas [platte], one month after they had left the settlements, and that they were cheerfully wending their way onwards. there were emigrants, wagons, and a great number of cattle, horses, mules, etc., etc. lord stewart and his party of pleasure, consisting of persons, were three days in advance of the oregon emigrants. copied into _rep._ from "_liberty banner_." * * * * * _republican_, august , . a letter received from the emigrants, at iowa city, some days since: oregon emigrating co. june , . the return of a company of mountain traders to the settlements presents an opportunity for writing which i feel much inclined to embrace. we are now between and miles west of independence, on the blue river, a tributary of the kansas, in good health and spirits. i regret to say that a division has taken place in the company, in consequence of the number of cattle driven by some, those having no cattle refusing to stand guard over stock belonging to others. the result of all this was that capt. burnett resigned command of the company, and the commander, in accordance with our regulations, ordered a new election, and so altered the by-laws that the commander should be called colonel, and also authorized the election of captains, and orderly sergeants. the cattle party selected myself as their candidate, those opposed selected mr. wm. martin, an experienced mountaineer. there being a majority in opposition to the cattle party, mr. martin was elected, and a division of the company ensued. about wagons, with those who had large droves of loose cattle, now left, with a general request that all in favor of traveling with them should fall back. i was particularly solicited to leave martin's party, but as it would travel much the fastest, and col. martin was a very clever fellow, i declined. the new company, it is expected, will be commanded by capt. applegate. our roads, since leaving the settlements have been very fine, except within the last few days, during which period they have been almost impassable in consequence of the tremendous rains, but they are again improving. we have had no trouble with the indians, with the exception of horse and cattle stealing, and this business they have carried on pretty lively. i had a very fine mule and an ox stolen from me on the kansas river, and we lost in all some or head of horses and mules. i believe there is not a case of sickness in camp, though old mr. stout, from iowa, has a violent swelling in his eyes. tell the boys from iowa to come on with all the cattle and sheep they can get, and a company large enough to drive them. truly yours, etc., m. m. m. [mccarver]. p. s.--my friend, mr. henry lee, from iowa, has just been elected capt. of one of the divisions. while writing, news has been brought in of the discovery of a dead indian about one mile from this place, and freshly scalped, and nearly all the company have gone to see him. he was shot with arrows and is supposed to be a pawnee, killed by a party of the kansas indians whom we met the other day, consisting of , with fresh scalps and fingers, which they said had been taken the day before. * * * * * _republican_, friday, september , . we have been favored with the perusal of a private letter from bent's fort, dated july . the writer is one of mr. fitzpatrick's party, and says that thus far their trip has been a severe one. the party has been delayed since the th inst., waiting for the arrival of mr. fremont, who left them on the th of june with men. after progressing ahead some distance, he despatched an express back, requesting the rear party with fitzpatrick not to move until he joined them, alleging as a reason that there were hostile mexicans on their route. on the morning of the date of the letter, the writer says, they were dividing into two parties again, with the intention of meeting at ft. hall, oregon, in about days [weeks]. fitzpatrick's party intended crossing the platte that morning, and would take up its line of march over the mountains. he speaks of a slight difficulty with the indians, but furnishes no particulars. * * * * * _republican_, friday, september , . we have received from mr. edward hutwa a very handsome, and, as far as we have any means of judging, a correct lithograph map of the oregon territory, as claimed by the u. s., with a portion of the adjacent territory. the principal rivers, mountains, routes, trading depots, and the trading depots and forts of the hudson's bay co., are laid down with accuracy. to those migrating to the columbia, or to those wishing to study the topography of the country, this map will be of importance. * * * * * _republican_, wednesday, december , . a postscript to a letter from a gentleman in the indian country, dated october , received by a gentleman of this city, says: "ft. hall, on the oregon has been delivered up to lt. fremont, and it is believed that ft. vancouver soon will be." how far the report is reliable, we have no means of knowing, except that he and his party are in oregon by the authority and direction of the united states government. * * * * * _republican_, thursday, december , . we yesterday noticed a postscript of a letter from the oregon country. we have since seen letters from lt. fremont and other men of his party, written at ft. hall, and bearing date of th september, which do not confirm the report alluded to. the silence of these letters as to the surrender of ft. hall is full assurance to us that the report is not correct. the letter before us, the statements of which are corroborated by lt. fremont, himself, says:-- "i arrived at this place (ft. hall) on the th inst., with my part of the caravan all safe and in tolerable order. * * * (unimportant part skipped). lt. fremont, whom i parted with on the south fork of the platte, and expected to meet at this place, joined us yesterday after making a survey of the salt lake, which he has done much to his satisfaction. the exploration and new routes which we have taken have made our trip tedious and very laborious, but, i hope it will be satisfactory to the department. we leave tomorrow for the lower country, and find it necessary to let some of our men off on account of the scarcity of provisions, which are not to be had at this place. the full objects of the expedition, will, i hope, be completed ere we return. i shall leave the party in a few days for walla walla, or perhaps lower down, to provide necessary supplies for the completion of the business in that quarter. i can not say what time we will return to st. louis; it is to be hoped before the adjournment of congress. the emigrants passed this place some short time since, pretty well worn down and scarce of food. the indians on the columbia are expected to become troublesome to these newcomers. it is supposed they are induced to acts of violence by some persons as yet unknown. they have already burned dr. whitman's mill, and i fear it is not the last spark which will be kindled in the settlement and occupation of this country. the hudson's bay company are improving and pushing their business, perhaps with greater energy than usual, dr. mcloughlin is laying off towns on the willamette, selling lots, etc. this is the report, and you can see that the dr. is in advance of dr. linn's bill." the foregoing is the latest news from oregon, and may be relied upon as correct. not the least interesting part of it is that which relates to the disposition of the indians towards the emigrants. we have always believed that the indians, backed and incited as they will be by agents and emissaries of the hudson's bay co., and furnished as they doubtless will be, with arms and means of warfare from some source, would oppose the emigrants in making their settlements. that the country must be conquered before it is attained, we hardly entertain a doubt, and if we did, the supineness of our government would only strengthen the belief. why is it that our government is so indifferent to the claims of the nation upon this territory, its wealth and possessions? * * * * * st. louis _reveille_, oct. , . the platte _argus_ contains a letter from "multnomah city," oregon, from which we make the following extracts. the killing of the indian has been briefly mentioned heretofore. "when i first came here, months ago, there were but or houses, now there is upwards of good buildings, nearly all of two stories, and or of three stories high. if there had been plenty of nails we should have had a number more up. if a supply of nails reaches us this spring, we shall have houses before this reaches you, and some of these of brick, for a company from baltimore are now building a brickyard. a tanyard is also being established. the fact is, we have mechanics of all kinds here, though not a tenth of the number of each kind required. the winter is past, but it was no winter. it was rather a blooming spring, for we had but little rain and no snow, and grass green all the time. we have had but two days' rain in the last . i saw cattle yesterday which had run all winter, in finer condition than i ever saw any in your state. uncle sam had better be doing something for this country, for if not, within three years _it will be too late_. you laugh, but if you live you will see it. therefore stir them up, mac, for we do not want trouble here, and would all rejoice if the star-spangled banner embraced us within its ample folds. our flag flying by authority would make a vast difference here. an indian committed some outrages lately, and our sheriff endeavored in vain to arrest him; then offered $ reward for the indian, and went to his own house, miles from this place. on monday the indian came into oregon city, close to dr. mcloughlin's mill, where some or men were at work. winslow and some white men went to take him, and got close to him. he saw winslow, fired his gun, which missed its mark, the ball lodging in a tree on this side of the river within feet of me, for i was at work at my garden at the time. the indian then fired his pistol, balls from which lodged in the shoulder of g. w. lebreton, clerk of the court, tearing his arm dreadfully. mr. leb. seized the indian with the other hand, and then threw him down. winslow then ran up and knocked out his brains. in the meantime, other indians fired their guns, and then their arrows, and wounded two men." * * * * * _reveille_, november , . news from oregon. the _western expositor_ of saturday last announces the arrival of mr. wm. gilpin, formerly of this place, from oregon. mr. gilpin passed the winter among the american settlements of the willamette and the adjacent sea coast, and he describes them as enjoying prosperity when he left them in april last. the emigrant party of ' , which he accompanied, arrived at their destination in november last, "after having braved and overcome unparalleled dangers and difficulties from savages, from hunger, from thirst, crossing parched treeless plains, fierce angry rivers, and forcing their wagons through miles of mountains, declared impassable by the most experienced guides and voyageurs." this accession swelled the population of oregon to upwards of , and they had formed a government, elected officers, established courts, and a record of land titles. "farms," he says, "freckle the magnificent plains, towns are springing up at convenient points upon the rivers, a dozen of excellent mills supply lumber and flour for home use and export; the fisheries are not neglected, and lands are surveyed. a college, numerous schools, and several churches are scattering education amongst the young. money has been sent from new york for a printing press and steam engine, cattle and stock of all kinds are accumulating and rapidly increasing under a mild climate and unfailing pastures. provisions of all kinds are abundant, of most excellent quality and moderate prices." mr. gilpin passed the trading fort of bridger and vasquez on the th of august. this fort is miles west of green river, and exactly half way from independence to the willamette. the american trappers scattered among the mountains had there collected to meet the emigrants of last spring; an advanced party of of whom, with their wagons and cattle, passed on the th, two days later than the emigrants of the preceding year. two larger companies behind, under the command of gen. gilliam and col. ford, passed subsequently, and all in good time reached the settlements before the setting in of winter. * * * * * _reveille_, january , . oregon. we learn from a letter published in the _weston journal_, dated at the sandwich islands, that the oregon emigrants who went out during the past season, have made great changes in business, money now circulating, and everything begins to assume the appearance of the civilization, business, trade, and refinements this side of the mountains. * * * * * _republican_, february , . oregon. we see it stated in up-country papers that the late arrivals from oregon furnished information that two parties of emigrants, dissatisfied with their prospects in that country, attempted to return home last winter, but were prevented by the difficulties of road and weather. we have never entertained a doubt that this disposition was uppermost with all the best portions of the emigration to that region; but obstacles are presented of such a character as to deter many persons from attempting to return. emigrants from the states find the greatest difficulty in descending the mountain declivities into the valley of the columbia river, but then their wagons have been relieved of a great part of the provisions and surplus weight, and they do get along. if they should attempt to return to the united states, however, a different prospect is presented. they must start amply provided with provisions and everything necessary for the journey, and thus loaded it has been deemed impossible to get wagons along over the mountains which they necessarily have to ascend in their progress. this cause alone has deterred many persons from making the attempt, and they have been compelled to accommodate themselves to a country and a condition of things in no respect better than they originally left. no man, in our opinion, who has a comfortable home in any of the states can be justified in giving it up in the expectation of bettering himself in oregon. if he has a family, he does a gross injustice to them in exposing them to the hardships of so long and perilous a journey with no prospect of returning to their friends, should they become discontented; and even if an emigrant has nobody to care for but himself, he had better stay at home and earn an honest living, than go to oregon and run the risk of working out a precarious one. for this reason we have never countenanced any one for whom we had the least respect in a journey to oregon or california with a view to a fixed residence there. neither country presents half the inducements to be found in any one of the western states, and an adventure of this kind is prima facie evidence of a restless and discontented spirit, not likely to be pleased anywhere. * * * * * _republican_, may , . on the th of november the governor appointed columbia lancaster to be supreme judge of oregon territory, in place of j. quinn thornton, resigned. from some proceedings of the legislature of a subsequent period, we infer that judge thornton had left oregon on a visit to washington city, as a sort of general agent, to attend to the distribution of offices in the new territory. of his arrival we have not heard, and it is probable that mr. meek may reach washington before him. [then follows proceedings of legislature, resolutions, etc., intended to keep j. q. t. from leaving the territory, quoted in full. also governor's message, expressing the disappointment at the failure of congress to extend jurisdiction over that country, etc.] * * * * * _republican_, july , . arrival of mr. kit carson from california. information has been received by gov. mason in california of the difficulties between the oregon settlers and indians, but it does not appear to come down to a later date than that which we have received from oregon direct. * * * * * _republican_, august , . late from oregon. [general account of defense of oregon regiment against indians; death of col. gilliam, etc.] note--a correction. the name "l. h. ponjade" occurring on pages and of the september number of the quarterly should be l. h. poujade. index index to vol. iv. abbott, captain, . abbott, l. g., . abrams, w. p., . abrams, c., . academy, bishop scott's, opened, . academy, st. mary's, opened, . adair, col. john, first collector customs at astoria, , . adams, henry, wrote history of united states, . adams, emma h., . adams, w. l., . affleck & gunn, publishers of _puget sound courier_, . agriculture in united states, table of, . agriculture, - ; values, table of, . aiken, ----, . albert, mrs. john h., . allen, capt. b. f., wounded, . allen and lewis, . allen, ----, . allen, george t., . "all over oregon and washington"; purpose of, . _alta california, the_, . alvarez, ----, consul at santa fé, . alvarado, governor of california under mexican rule, . alvord, general, . anderson, e. k., . angne [augur?], captain, . ankeny, captain, . american antiquarian society, . applegate, jesse, , . _argonaut, the san francisco_, . _argus, the puget sound_, . armstrong, pleasant, . arundel, harcourt t., employed by bancroft, . astoria and columbia river railroad company, . astoria and willamette barge company, . astoria, social and economic history of, by alfred a. cleveland, . astor, john jacob, , , . _astorian, the_, , , , ; quotation from, , , . atkinson, john, . "atlantis arisen," revision of "all over oregon and washington," . augur, general, . babcock, doctor, supreme judge of oregon territory, . badollet, and company, . bagley, clarence b., pioneer papers of puget sound, , , , , ; business manager _courier_, ; owner and publisher _echo_, . ball, john, teacher, . bailey, doctor, ; governor oregon territory, , . bailey, w. e., purchased the _press_, ; purchased the _times_, . baker, colonel e. d., candidate for united states senator, , ; elected united states senator, , ; mustered into service, ; reply to breckinridge, ; death of, . baker, florence e., . baker and boyer, . baker, d. s. & company, . baker, dr. d. s., the pioneer railroad builder, sketch of life, , , , , , . baker mills, the, . baltimore, j. m., . bancroft pacific states publications: the origin and authorship of, a history of a history, by william alfred morris, . bancroft, hubert howe, "the macaulay of the west," ; a sketch of early life and of growth of history project, ; first venture as a literary man, ; fame as historical writer, ; method of collecting material, ; three leading objects kept in mind in preparation of histories, ; plan for works, ; not a great american historical writer, ; errors in works, . bancroft, h. h. & company, firm of, organized, . bancroft's histories, vastness of the enterprise, ; not all his own work, ; parts written by assistants, . barclay, mrs. dr., . barclay, doctor, . barnes, mary sheldon, . barnes, edward, . barron, major, . bates, alfred, employed by bancroft, , ; sketch of life, . bausman, w., and company, printers, of _northern light_, . _beacon, the_, . berry, a. m., first printer on the _oregonian_, . berry, pamelia ann, . bent, charles, . benton, senator, , . bewley, f. m., . black, capt. h. m., . blair, j. i., . besserer, charles, . bidwell, major, , . "blue book, the big," name for iowa code of laws, . "blue book, the little," . bigelow, daniel r., elected commissioner to draft code of laws for oregon, , , . bernie, james, , . blakeley, james, . blanchet, archbishop, , . blethen, col. a. j., purchased _the times_, . boelling, v., , . boardman, john, letter from, . boise, reuben p., ; elected commissioner to draft code of laws for oregon, ; elected state representative, , . bonneville, captain, . boon, john l., . booth, a., & company, . bohttink, professor, . bowman, amos, employed by bancroft, . border ruffians, . bosquetti, librarian for bancroft, . boyer, john f., , . boyle, ----, . breckinridge, john c., nominated for president, , . breitenbush, john, . bridger, jim, . brotchie, captain, . brooks, john p., . brosset, m., . brown, ----, . brown, miss, teacher, . brown, john, . brown, hugh, founder of brownsville, . brown, f. m., . brown, beriah, , ; editor _puget sound dispatch_, ; publisher _puget sound dispatch_, . brown, j. henry, employed by bancroft, . buchanan, lieutenant colonel, , , . buchanan, president, . buffalo historical society, . _bulletin, the_, , . burnett, peter h., , , , ; letters of taken from _ohio statesman_ and _st. louis reporter_, . burnett, john, . bush, asahel, territorial printer, , , ; editor _oregon statesman_, . burke, thomas, . butler, hillory, . butler, henry, . butterfield, john, . byers, ----, founder _rocky mountain news_, . calapooia, the upper, by george o. goodall, . _call_ and _daily press_ consolidated, . california pioneers, society of, , . california material, how collected by bancroft, . _californian, the_, pioneer paper of california, . campbell, john g., . carey, alice and phoebe, . carson, kit, , . carter, miss julia, . carter, ----, . cartwright, charlotte moffett, glimpses of early days in oregon, . carey, ----, . case, hon. wm. m., . casey, general, . cavalry, the first oregon, recruited, , . cavender, a. b., . cavendish, mcdonald and, . cavanaugh, thomas h., purchased _courier_, . cerruti, enrique, employed by bancroft, . chamberlain, governor george e., . chamberlain, a., state representative, . chapman code, the, , , . chapman, hon. w. w., . chittenden, captain, the american fur trade in the far west (quoted), , . _chronicle, the san francisco_, . chronicles of the builders of the commonwealth, plan of, . clark, george rogers, proposed expedition of, . clark, harvey, . clark, ----, . clark, ransom, . clarke, s. a., the montures on french prairie, , , . clay, henry, . cleveland, alfred a., the educational history of astoria, oregon, . cleveland, alfred a., the social and economic history of astoria, . clugage, james and poole, located first mining claim in southern oregon, . coffin, stephen, . columbia river, discovery of, . _columbian, the_, pioneer newspaper north of the columbia river, , . colvig, hon. wm. h., indian wars of southern oregon, . colvig, dr. wm. l., , , . collins, john, . commerce, . cone, aaron, . cone, anson sterling, . cone, philander j., . connelly, dr., . connelly, owen, . cook, captain, off the oregon coast, . cook, francis h., ; publisher _the echo_, . cooper, frank, . coquille guards, . corbett, h. w., , ; senator, . cornelius, thomas r., appointed colonel, , , . corvallis and eastern railroad, . couch, john h., . _courier, the puget sound_, , ; the daily, first appearance, . courtnay, mrs. agnes b., . courtnay, isaac b., . coues, dr. elliott, . cowles, captain r., . cox, anderson, state representative, . craig, d. w., . crawford, medorum, . crawford, p. v., , . crawford, samuel c., . crawford, samuel l., ; city editor _post intelligencer_, . creighton, captain, . crooks, general george, . crosby, captain, . culver, samuel, . cunningham, ----, . currey, captain george b., . curry, governor george l., , . cushing, william, . cushing, ----, minister to china, . dall, captain w. l., appointed lieutenant in navy, . damon, john f., , ; editor _the northwest_, . daniels, travers, publisher port townsend _register_, . daniel, ----., . davenport, t. w., an object lesson in paternalism, , , , . davenport, miss orla, . davis, ----, secretary of war, . davis, h. w., appointed captain volunteer company, . davis, a. l., . davies, griffith, . deady, judge m. p., , ; contributions to oregon pioneer association, . deakins, william, . dean, n. c., . deardorff, j. d., and wife, , . degrett, phillip, . dement, william c., . dempsey, thomas h., publisher _times_, . dennison, a. p., . denny, mrs. o. p., . dent, captain f. t., . depot, peter, . derby, george h., . devlin and nygant, . dilley, ----, . _dispatch, the puget sound_, , . dixon, hepworth, . doane, rev. n., . documents, ; oregon material taken from a file of an independence, mo., and weston, mo., paper for and , , . dodge, hon. a. c., . douglas house bill of , . douglas, stephen a., candidate for president of united states, . douglass, ----, . downing, george s., , . draper, doctor, . draper, mrs. sarah, . drew, c. s., major first oregon cavalry, . dryer, thomas j., , , ; first editor of _oregonian_, . duncan, l. j. c., . duncan, alexander, . dunlap, john a., ; representative, . duniway, mrs., . dunn, pat, , . dyar, ----., . dyer, e. s., publisher _northwest_, . dyson, george, . eberman, n., . eccleson, col. e., . edison, thomas a., . edwards, edward, . ely, lieutenant, . ematinger, frank, . emigration of , experiences of, . evans creek, battle of, . evans, mr., constructed a ferry on rogue river, . evans, general elwood, , . everett, ----., . _expositor, the western_, . _express advance, the_, . faber, j. g., . failing, josiah, . fairweather, h. w., . fessenden, mr., . ferguson, mr., . ferry, elisha p., first governor of washington, . ferry, james p., published _times_, . field, justice stephen j., . fielding, ----., . fields, thomas, . fillmore, president, . finance, . findlay, john, . finlayson, mr., and wife, . finley, r. c., , , , . fisher, walter m., ; sketch of life, . flavel, captain george, . flemming, john, printer _oregon spectator_, . foard and stokes company, . ford, mark, . foster, phillip, . fowler, w. w., . frazer, thomas, . fremont, captain, , ; colonel, , , ; general, , . fur and trading company, . fur company, the american, ; the northwest, , ; the missouri, organized, ; the pacific, . furth, jacob, . gale, james n., . garfield, selucius, defeated for congress, . gary, rev. mr., . gatch, prof. t. m., . gay, george, . _gazette, the marine_, , . _gazette, the_, published first dispatch coming by wire to seattle, ; first paper in seattle, . gervais, joseph, , . gibbs, addison c., was governor of oregon, , , . gibbs, a. c., editor _oregon weekly times_, . gibbs, ----., . gibson, george r., . gilliam, colonel cornelius, . gilmore, s. m., letter from, . gilpin, mr., . glass, robert, . gold, discovery of, in california, prices of products in oregon, , . "gold beach guards," . goldschmidt, albert, employed by bancroft, . goodall, george o., the upper calapooia, . goodall, captain james p., . grace church parish school started, , . grant, general, , , . grant, frederick j., . gray, captain, sent to north pacific coast, , , , . gray, chesley, . green, wm. o., . greenwood, mary, . griffin, lieutenant burrell, . griffin, george butler, sketch of life, . gunn, e. t., newspaper man, . gunn, affleck &, . gwin, senator, plan for slave-holding republic on pacific coast, , . hall, peter d., . hall, edwin o., . hall, ike m., . hally, c. f., . hamilton, s. m., . hamilton, louis, reference to, . hand book almanac, . hanford, thaddeus, , . hanley, mrs. john a., . hanthorn & company, cannerymen, . harding, captain e. j., . harding, benjamin f., quartermaster first oregon cavalry, . harding, senator, , . harding, john r., killed by indians, . harger, mrs. harriet, . harker, charles, . harris, captain t. s., . harris, david, . harris, mary, . harris, ----, . harris, george w., . hathaway, major j. s., . hawthorne, doctor, . hays, judge benjamin, . hazen, captain, . helm, george, "lion of linn," . hensill, mrs. mary j., . _herald, puget sound_, , . _herald, the cleveland_, . hewitt, miss, teacher, , . hewitt, randall h., ; publisher _pacific tribune_, ; published _echo_, . high school, the astoria, . higgins, david, . hill, mrs., . hill, w. lair, ; editor _oregon weekly times_, . hill, homer m., purchased _chronicle_, . himes, geo. h., . history of the preparation of the first code of oregon, by james k. kelly, . history of the early indian wars of oregon, . history company, the, . hittell, john s., , . hobson, john, . hobson, mr., and family, . hodgins, ----, . hogg, col. t. e., . holderness, s. m., . holman, joseph, short biography of, . holman, george phelps, first white child born in marion county, . holladay, ben, published _the bulletin_, . _home journal_, of new york, . hood, gen. j. b., . hooker, colonel joseph, ; builder of military wagon road, . hoover, jacob, . hopkins, mrs. rebeka, . hopwood, moses, . hosford, rev. c. o., opened first school in astoria, . houston, sam, . howell, ----., . hudson bay company, possession of the northwest, , , , , , ; and northwest fur company consolidated, ----, ----, , , , , , . hughes, w. h., . hughes and davies, purchased _the times_, . humason, judge, . hume, r. d., and company, . hungry hill, battle of, . hunt, l. s. j., . hunter, col. george, "reminiscences of an old timer," quotation from, . hunt's astor party, route of, . heisler, william, . husted, general, . hustler, captain, , . huston, h. clay, . hyde, aaron j., . hyde, h. h., . hyland, rev. t. h., . hyland, mrs. t. h., . indian wars of southern oregon, an address by william h. colvig, . indians: umpquas, ; klamaths, ; rogue rivers, ; modoc, ; shasta, ; mollalas, ; cayuses, , ; klamaths, ; warm spring, ; pawnees, . infantry, the first oregon, . _informant, the_, . ingalls, rufus, . ingalls, david, , . ingraham, e. s., . _intelligencer, the weekly_, . _iowa gazette_, . iowa code, . ireland, d. c., . irish, tom, . irving, washington, . jack, d. n., elected assessor of linn county, . jack, porter, . jackson, stonewall, . jackson, mrs. helen hunt, . jackson, p. b., . jackson, david e., letter of, . jacobs, judge orange, . jefferson, president, trading posts with indians, , , . jefferson, delos, . johns, james, . johnson, miss, . johnson, doctor, . johnson, mr., . johnson, p. b., . jones, mr., killed by indians, . jones, captain, . _journal, the independence_, , . kautz, general a. v., . kearny, major phil, , . keene, granville, . keeney, johnathan, . kelley, hall j., agitating colonization of oregon, . kelly, captain william, . kelly, james k., history of the preparation of the "first code of oregon," ; elected commissioner to draft code of laws for oregon, ; nominated and elected member of council, . kendrick, captain, sent to north pacific coast, . kenny, george l., . kirchoff, louis, . kilham, e. h., , . killin, hon. benton, kincaid, mr., night school taught by, . king, colonel william, , . king, wm. h., . kingsley, c. s., . kinney's cannery, . kinney, r. c., & sons, . kinney, m. j., . kirk, alexander, ; elected county judge of linn county, . kirk, w. r., . klippel, henry, laid out jacksonville as a town, , . knights of the golden circle, , , . knight, wm. h., manager bancroft publishing department, . kuro-shiwo of japan (japan current), . la bonte, louis, recollections of men, . ladd, w. s., , . lamerick, captain j. k., . lampson, roswell c., . land law, the donation, , , . lane, general joseph, appointed governor of oregon, ; nominated for vice president, , , , , , , , , larkin, t. n., . larrabee, charles h., publisher _puget sound dispatch_, . larrabee & company, publishers _puget sound dispatch_, . latshaw, major, . latty, alexander, . lawrence, miss, . lawson, peter, . leary, john, . ledford massacre, . _ledger, the philadelphia_, . _ledger, the weekly_, . lee, jason, , . lee, barton, . lee, h. a. g., . leinweber, christian, . lewis and clark centennial, the, by f. g. young, . lewis and clark expedition--relation to the northwest, ; primary inception of, . lewis and clark, exploring expedition, ; the trail, , , , . lewis and clark centennial, mission of, ; possibilities of, ; duties of its authorities, - . lewis, mr., , . lewis and clark, . lewis, stephen (etienne lucier), . limerick, l., ; appointed county school superintendent, . lincoln, miss liza, . lincoln, abraham, , , , , , . lindgren, waldemar, . lingenfelter, james w., . linn, senator lewis f., . literary club, the pioneer lyceum, . little meadows, battle of, . lorraine, lieutenant, . lorrea, doctor, . louisiana purchase exposition, purpose of, . love, george, . love, g. m., . lovejoy, hon. a. l., appointed postal agent for oregon, , , . lownesdale, d. h., . lucier, etienne, , . luelling, h., . lugenbeel, major, . lumber industry, the, . lupton, major j. a., . lyman, rev. horace, . lyman, h. s., some corrections, . lyman, h. s., reminiscences, , . lyon, colonel george g., published _times_, . madison, president, . _mail and express, the new york_, . manufacturing, . marshall, j. w., discoverer of gold in california, . massachusetts historical society, . massacre at bloody point, . mason, robert, & company, . masters, ----, . mathieu, f. x., , . matthews, captain wm., . mattice, george w., purchased _pierce county news_, . maulsby, g. t., . manson, donald, , . manson, james, . manson, jr., donald, . manson, wm., , . manson, stephen, . maury, r. f., lieutenant colonel first oregon cavalry, . maxwell, mr., . maxwell, s. l., ; publisher _weekly intelligencer_, . mead, elwood, chief of division of irrigation, . meany, e. s., . medary, col. samuel, . meek, joseph, , ; united states marshal, , , , . meek, stephen l., , . "message, the," . mcbride, dr. james, . mccarver, m. m., ; letter of, . mcclure, colonel john, , . mcdonald & cavendish, . mcelroy, thornton f., , . mcfadden, judge o. b., elected to congress, . mccaw, william, elected clerk of linn county, . mcgraw, john h., . mcgregor, miss, teacher, . mcgruder, top, . mchargue, james, . mckay, tom, , , . mckay, alexander, . mckean, s. t., ; and family, . mckew, ----, . mckinley, archibald, , . mcloughlin, dr. john, in charge of fort george, , , , , ; flouring mill completed, . mcnaught, ferry, mcnaught & mitchell, law firm of, . mcnemee, mr., . mcnemee, job, . miller, dan, . miller, captain john f., . mills, james, . mineral productions, , . miner, dr. thomas t., . minto pass: its history and an indian tradition, by john minto, . minto, john, : minto pass: its history and an indian tradition, , , , , . missouri historical society, . mofras' description of astoria in , . monnastes, david, . money, beaver, coined at oregon city, . montgomery, robert, . montgomery, frank c., editor _chronicle_, . monture, george and robert, . montures on french prairie, the, by s. a. clarke, . mooney, mr. and mrs., publishers _the beacon_, . moore, mr., . moore, asa, , . moore, robert, , . moore, miles c., on a pioneer railroad builder, . moore, charles, . moore, paine brothers &, . morrison, captain r. w., . morris, ----, . morris, william alfred, the origin and authorship of the bancroft pacific states publications: a history of a history, . morris, george p., editor _new york home journal_, . morse, mrs. h. b., . moss, s. w., . "mountain men," . mullan, captain john, from walla walla to san francisco, . municipal exposition, dresden, germany, . murphy, john miller, ; publisher _standard_, , , . murray, edward f., assistant to bancroft, . muscovite, the advance of in the pacific northwest, . nash, isaac m., . native races, the, preparation of material, . naylor, t. g., . neale, miss, teacher, . nelson, thomas chief justice supreme court, , ; relieved of office of supreme judge, . nemos, william, employed by bancroft, ; sketch of life, ; severed connections with bancroft library, . nesmith, senator jas. w., , , ; contributions to oregon pioneer association, , . _new era, the_, ; extract from, . newell, ----, . newell, robert, , , , . newell, wm., . newkirk, mr., employed by bancroft, . _new penelope, the_, . _news, the pierce county_, . nolan, rhodes, . _north pacific coast_, . _northern light_, . _northwest coast_, . _northwest, the_, . oak, ora, employed by bancroft, . oak, henry l., bancroft's librarian, ; main facts of his life, , ; retired from bancroft's library, . o'bryant, hugh d., first mayor of portland, . _occident, the_, presbyterian paper, . officer, james, . ogden, isaac, . ogden, william, . ogden, emma, . ogden, peter skeen, , , . _ohio statesman_, . olney, judge cyrus, the olney lottery, . o'meara, james, . oregon, glimpses of early days in, by charlotte moffett cartwright, . _oregon spectator, the_, ; first newspaper in old oregon, . oregon and its share in the civil war, by robert treat platt, . oregon, a territory of united states, ; became a state, ; voted for lincoln, ; railroad to, ; printing press, . "oregon country, the," . oregon--pittsburgh meeting and dr. white's report, . oregon historical society, ; old mission press, . oregon territory, confused condition of statutory laws, . oregon bar association, . oregon emigration movement, documents relating to, . oregon steam navigation company, , , ; bought six sevenths stock walla walla and columbia river railroad company, , , , . oregon, provisional government of, adoption of iowa laws, . oregon reports, . oregon country and its earlier conditions, letters descriptive of, . oregon code, . oregon emigrating company, . oregon emigrants, extract from _independence journal_, . oregon pioneer association, . _oregon weekly times_, . _oregon american and evangelical unionist, the_, . oregon emigrating company, . oregon railway and navigation company, , , , . _oregon free press_, . _oregonian_, first published, , , ; daily, , . ord, general, . ord, captain e. o. c., . osborne, ----, . otie, ed, . _overland monthly, the_, , , . _overland press, the_, . owens, adair, mrs. dr., . owens, captain elias a., . owens, colonel, . paine brothers & moore, . pambrun, ----., , . parker, mrs. h. b., . parker, mrs. w. w., . parker, w. w., , , . parker, james m., . parrish, rev. j. l., . _partisan_, . paternalism, an object lesson in, by t. w. davenport, . patrick, h. c., ; started _weekly ledger_, . pearne, thomas h., . peatfield, j. j., employed by bancroft, ; sketch of life, , . peel, lieut. william, . perry, ----, . pettygrove, f. w., . perkins, dr. j. n., . perkins, t., constructed a ferry on rogue river, . petroff, ivan, sketch of life, ; employed by bancroft, , . phelps, almira, . philpot, ----., . philbrick, c. w., published _puget sound argus_, . phillips, wendell, . pickett, charles e., , . pierce, president, . pinart, m., furnished bancroft's alaska material, . pioneer and historical society, . pioneer captain of industry in oregon, a, by james r. robertson, . pioneer railroad builder, a, by miles c. moore, . pioneer papers of puget sound, by clarence b. bagley, . pittock, h. l., ; printer of the _oregonian_, . poe, a. m., . polk, president james k., , , . polk, colonel, . pomeroy, mrs., . poujade, l. h., . poole, j. r. and clugage, located first mining claim in southern oregon, . poole, john r., laid out jacksonville as a town, . pope, miss, teacher, . population, increase of, in west, ; table of, for united states, . porter, nathan s., . portland founded, . port orford minute men, . _post intelligencer, the_, . _post, the seattle weekly_, ; _the daily_, . _post_ and _intelligencer_ consolidated, . powell, joab, . powers, t. p., , , . poyntz, stone &, . pratt, o. c., justice supreme court, , . pratt, orson b., appointed historian mormon church, . pratt, mrs. william, . pratt, john w., . _press, the_, ; daily, . prigg, f., ; publisher of _pacific tribune_, . prosch, thomas w., , , ; published _puget sound herald_, . prosch, charles, , , , . prosch, fred, in charge mechanical work of _courier_, . provisional government of oregon, . public school, the, of astoria, . public buildings, transferred from oregon city to salem, trouble caused, . radebaugh, r. f., ; started _weekly ledger_, . railroad, astoria and willamette valley, . railroad, astoria and columbia river, . railroad, astoria and south coast, . railroad transportation, , . railroad bill, the pacific, . railroad, corvallis and eastern, . raleigh, p., . rasmus, employed by bancroft, . _record-union, sacramento_, . rector, william h., state representative, ; head of salem woolen mill, . reed, c. a., , . reed, henry e., the great west and the two easts, . reed, t. a., . rees, willard h., in memoriam of, . rees, willard h., elected state representative, , ; contribution to oregon pioneer association, . rees, r. r., . _register, the port townsend_, . reminiscences secured by h. s. lyman, . _reporter, saint louis_, . _republican, the missouri_, extracts from, , . reynolds, general, . rhoades, captain jacob, . rice, j. n., . richards, franklin d., , . riggs, t. a., , ; copy letter of, . riley and ginder, . rinearson, j. s., junior major first oregon cavalry, . river of the west, the, . rivet, francis, . robb, professor, . robertson, james r., on a pioneer captain of industry, . roberts, a. b., . robnett, wm., . _rocky mountain news, the_, . roosevelt, theodore, "winning of the west," (quoted), . rose, wm. r., death of, . ross, colonel j. e., . ruckle, colonel, . russell, general, . russell, uncle bill, . russian-american company, . saffren, henry, . samuels, l., . saunders, mr., . savage, thomas, employed by bancroft, ; sketch of life, , . savannah oregon emigrating company, report of committee, . sawmill, first in oregon, . scarborough, captain, . school history of astoria, what it reveals, . school, the wilcox, first in portland, . schools in lane county, early, letter by joseph h. sharp, . scott, harvey w., ; editor _oregonian_, . scott, general, . scott, captain l. s., . semple, eugene, , . sutter's ranch, . _seattle times_ and _alaska herald_, . seward, william h., . sharpstein, b. l., . sharp, joseph h., early schools in lane county, . shelby, a. d., . sheridan, general, , , , , . sherman, general, , . shaw, hon. t. c., . shively, mr., , . shively, j. m., ; first postmaster west of rocky mountains, , . shortess, robert, . skinner, mrs. judge a. a., . skinner, judge a. a., ; located first donation land claim, . small, d. w., . smart, robert g., editor _western expositor_, . smith, gerritt, . smith, delazon, , , . smith, volney, . smith, solomon, . smith, jedediah, attacked by indians, ; letter of, . smith, thomas, . smith, hugh, . smith, gen. a. j., ; captain, , , . smith, joseph s., editor of the _oregon statesman_, . smith, noyes, . smith, isaac w., . snooks, major, . south pass, the, discovery of, . spalding, rev. h. h., , , . spanish, advance of, in pacific northwest, . speyers, ----., . stanbough, joe, . _standard, the washington_, . _star, the_, first paper in san francisco, . states, henry, , . _statesman, the washington_, article of captain john mullan, . _statesman, the oregon_, , , . steen, major, . stein, mr., . stephens, j. b., . stephens, wm., , . steptoe, colonel, . stewart, c., . stewart, p. g., . stevens, general, . stone, b. f., . stone & poyntz, . stone, nathan j., charge of publication department, a. l. bancroft & company, . strait, hiram, . strong, judge, , , . struve, henry g., , . stuart, captain, death of, . st. vrain, mr., . sublette, william l., letter of, . supreme court, decisions of, . summers, doctor, . sumner, brigadier general e. v., . tarbox, a wisconsin lumberman, . taylor, colonel james, . taylor, judge f. j., . taylor, president, . taylor, john, . templeton, ----., . templeton, william t., . terwilliger, l. l., . tibbetts, mr., . tilden, of washington, . times printing company, . _times, daily_, . thompson, frank w., . thompson, captain d. p., . thornton, judge, , . thurston, samuel r., first delegate oregon territorial government, . _transcript, the olympia_, . trask, mr., . tremewan, mrs. anna, . _tribune, the new york_, . _tribune, salt lake_, , . _tribune, the pacific_, . trimble, edward, . truax, captain s., . tuffs, james, . turner, professor f. j., . turners, j., . t'vault, colonel william g., ; editor _oregon spectator_, . union league, the, . _unionist, the_, . vallejo, general, . vancouver, fort, . vandusen, miss cora, . van voast, captain, . victor, frances fuller, , , , ; employed by bancroft, ; sketch of life, , ; volume on nevada, colorado, wyoming, . victor, meta fuller, . victor, henry c., . vigilante committee, . villard, henry, bought walla walla and columbia river railroad, , . wagner, mrs., murdered by indians, . wait, hon. a. e., . waite, e. m., . waldo, hon. john b., , , . waldo, daniel, . waller, rev. alvan f., letter of, . wallace, general lew, . walla walla and columbia river railroad company, . walla walla to san francisco, from, by capt. john mullan, u. s. a., . walworth, lucy, . walworth, judge reuben, . wambaugh, j., . ward, kirk, a fluent writer, . warren, miss emma c., conducted private school in astoria, . warren, mr. r. k., . warren, f. m., . washington, territory of, organized, . watt, john, . watt, miss, . watt, joseph, sr., ; early life, , , , . watson, j. r., , , . wayne, j. w., . weaver, ----, . webster, daniel, . weir, allen, bought _puget sound argus_, . welch, james, , . wells, j., letter to, . west, the great and the two easts, by henry e. heed, . west, future of, ; the great, table of comparisons, . _weston journal_, . _western star_, . western union telegraph, ; completed to seattle, . whitacre, william t., . whiteaker, governor john, . white, captain, . white, dr. e., indian sub-agent, . white, harry, . whitcomb, lot, published _western star_, . whitman, doctor, , , , , , . two whitman sources, . whitmore, ----., . whitney, ----., . whitworth, james e., . wilbur, j. h., , . wilcox, dr. ralph, . wiley & mcelroy, publishers _columbian_, . wiley, j. w., . willamette valley and cascade mountain military wagon road, . williams, geo., . williams, hon. george h., appointed chief justice of oregon territory, . williams, captain r. l., . williams, robert, . williams, veach, . williamson, ----., . willis, n. p., editor _new york home journal_, . wills, thomas, . wilson, a. e., . wilson, joseph g., . woman's war with whiskey, one of mrs. victor's books, . woir, j. m., . wood, tallmadge b., copy of letters from, , , . woodfin, thomas s., . woodworth, mr., wool, general john e., , . woolery, james, . worthington, professor, , , . wright, colonel, , . wright, captain ben, . wyeth, nathaniel j., expedition to the columbia, . wyley, ----., pioneer settler, . yellowstone expedition, failure of, . young, f. g., the lewis and clark centennial, . young, mrs. maxwell, . http://www.archive.org/details/twoyearsinoregon nashrich [illustration: anchorage in yaquina bay.] two years in oregon. by wallis nash, author of "oregon, there and back in ." straight mine eye hath caught new pleasures, while the landscape round it measures, russet lawns, and fallows gray, where the nibbling flocks do stray; mountains on whose barren breast the lab'ring clouds do often rest; meadows trim with daisies pied; shallow brooks, and rivers wide. l'allegro. turn, fortune, turn thy wheel with smile or frown; with that wild wheel we go not up or down; our hoard is little, but our hearts are great; smile and we smile, the lords of many lands; frown and we smile, the lords of our own hands; for man is man and master of his fate. tennyson. new york: d. appleton and company , , and bond street. . copyright by d. appleton and company . i dedicate this book to my father, who, though severed from us by land and ocean, yet lives with us in spirit. preface to the second edition. it is my grateful task to recognize the marked kindness with which my modest volume has been received by the public and the press. it is rare that a second edition of a work of the kind should be called for within three months of the first issue, and still more rare that, out of a vast number of reviews by the leading journals all over the country, but one newspaper, and that the one i deemed it my duty to the state of oregon to denounce (on page ), has found aught but words of commendation. i desire also to tender my apologies to the esteemed roman catholic archbishop, and to the sisters of charity of portland, for the error on my part in ascribing to bishop morris, of the episcopal church, the credit of st. vincent's hospital. i ought not to have forgotten to notice the good samaritan hospital and orphanage founded by bishop morris. a single remark should be added about the price or value given, on page , for seed-wheat as an element of the cost of the crop raised from it. the wheat reserved by the farmer for this purpose, being exempt from the charges and waste incident to hauling, storage, insurance, and sacking, necessary in marketing, is fairly estimated at seventy cents, though the marketed portion of the crop averages eighty-five to ninety cents; the difference being composed, in part, of profit. w. n. preface. i send forth this book, as sequel to the sketch published three years ago, with many misgivings--rather as if one who, as a lover, had written poems in praise of his mistress, should, as a two years' husband, give to the world his experience of the fireside charms and household excellences of his wife. perhaps the latter might more faithfully picture her than when she was seen through the glamour of a first love. be that as it may, it is true that the questions put from many lands, as to how we fare in this western country, demand fuller answers than mere letter-writing can convey. i trust that those correspondents who are yet unanswered personally will find herein the knowledge they are seeking, and will accept the assurance that they are themselves to blame for some of the more solid and tedious chapters; as, if i had not known that such information were needed, i would not have ventured to put in print again that which previous and better authors have given to the world. while i have striven to write what is really a guide-book to oregon for the intending emigrant, others may be interested in the picture of a young community shaping the details of their common life, and claiming and taking possession of a heritage in the wilderness. no one can go farther west than we have done: it is fair, then, to suppose that the purposes of the western movement will be seen here in their fullest operation. since a vast change has taken place in this, that oregon now shares with older states the benefits of becoming the theatre for large railroad operations. no apology to american readers is needed for the endeavor to show things in a fairer light and different color from those chosen by persons interested in causing all men to see with their eyes. transatlantic readers may not have the same concern; but even from them i bespeak a hearing in matters which may indirectly, if not directly, touch their interests. but i do not wish to suggest that i write as having only a general feeling that certain things would be the better for a more open discussion than they have hitherto received. my own affairs, and those of many friends, both in oregon and elsewhere, and, indeed, the successful development of this great willamette valley, largely depend on our convincing an unprejudiced public that nature is on our side in the effort we are making to secure a direct and near outlet to the great world. i only claim in these particulars to be an advocate, but i add to this a full and honest conviction of the justice of the views for which i contend. to turn again to more general matters, i have the pleasant duty of thanking several friends who have contributed to the information here collected. to our shame be it said that there was not, among our english immigrants, one naturalist who could rightly name the birds, beasts, fishes, and insects in our western home. but i was fortunate in finding an american friend, mr. o. b. johnson, of salem, whose complete and accurate knowledge of these subjects only rendered more easy his kindly endeavors to give me the benefit of all his stores. i wish to acknowledge also the care with which, ever since our visit in , the professors at the corvallis agricultural college have kept the records of climate and rainfall, the results of which are now published. i trust that, if any sketches in these pages are recognized as portraits, not one grain of offense will be taken by those who have unwittingly served as models in the life-studio. or that, if any effect is produced, it may be as good and lasting as that which followed on a fancy picture in the former book, in which many stray touches were collected. whether the cap fitted, or was pressed on his head by too officious neighbors, i know not; but this i know, that cleared fields, neat fences, new barn, clean house, and fitting furniture, rendered it impossible for me to recognize a tumbledown place which then served to point a warning. these improvements, i am told, the owner lays at my unconscious door. wallis nash. corvallis, oregon, _april_ , . contents. page chapter i. personal reasons for coming to oregon--plans of colonizing--who came--who have returned--who remain--bowie-knives and revolvers--a sheriff in danger--no tragedy--our landing at corvallis--frail houses--pleasant welcome--the barber's shop--its customers--given names--new acquaintances--bright dresses--religious denominations. chapter ii. where we live--snow-peaks and distant prospects--forest-fires--the coast mountains and mary's peak--sunset in oregon--farmhouses: the log-cabin, the box-house, the frame-house--dinner at the farm--slay and eat--a rash chicken--bread-making by amateurs--thrift and unthrift--butter and cheese--products of the "range," farm, and garden--wheat-growing. chapter iii. the land-office; its object and functionaries--how to find your land--section --the great conflagration--the survivors of the fire--the burnt timber and the brush--the clearing-party--chopping by beginners--cooking, amateur and professional--the wild-cat--deer and hunting--piling brush--dear and cheap clearing--the skillful axeman--clearing by chinamen--dragging out stumps--what profits the farmer may expect on a valley farm--on a foot-hills farm. chapter iv. a spring ride in oregon--the start--the equipment--horses and saddlery--packs--the roadside--bird fellow-travelers--snakes--the nearest farm--bees--the great pasture--the poisonous larkspur-- market-gardening--the cardwell hill--the hill-top--the water-shed --mary river--crain's--the yaquina valley--brush, grass, and fern --the young englishmen's new home--a rustic bridge--"chuck-holes"-- the road supervisor--trapp's--the mill-dam--salmon-pass law--minnows and crawfish--the pacific at rest--yaquina--newport. chapter v. hay-harvest--timothy-grass--permanent pasture--hay-making by express--the mower and reaper--hay-stacks as novelties-- wheat-harvest--thrashing--the "thrashing crowd"--"headers" and "self-binders"--twine-binders and home-grown flax--green food for cows--indian corn, vetches--wild-oats in wheat--tar-weed the new enemy--cost of harvesting--by hired machines--by purchased machines--cost of wheat-growing in the willamette valley. chapter vi. the farmer's sports and pastimes--deer-hunting tales--a roadside yarn--still-hunting--hunting with hounds--an early morning's sport--elk--the pursuit--the kill--camp on beaver creek-- flounder-spearing by torchlight--flounder-fishing by day--in the bay--rock oysters--the evening view--the general store--skins-- sea-otters--their habits--the sea-otter hunters--common otter--the mink and his prey. chapter vii. birds in oregon--lark--quail--grouse--ruffed grouse--wild-geese-- manoeuvres in the air--wild-ducks--mallard--teal--pintail-- wheat-duck--black-duck--wood-duck--snipe--flight-shooting-- stewart's slough--bitterns--eagles--hawks--horned owls--woodpeckers --blue-jays--canaries--the canary that had seen the world--blue-birds --bullfinches--snow-bunting--humming-birds at home. chapter viii. up to the cascades--farming by happy-go-lucky--the foot-hills--sweet home valley--its name, and how deserved and proved--the road by the santiam--eastward and upward--timber--lower soda springs--different vegetation--upper soda springs--mr. keith--our reception--his home and surroundings--emigrants on the road--the emigrant's dog--off to the spokane--whence they came--where they were bound--still eastward-- fish lake--clear lake--fly-fishing in still water--the down slope east--lava-beds--bunch-grass--the valleys in eastern oregon--their products--wheat-growing there--cattle-ranchers--their home--their life--in the saddle and away--branding-time--hay for the winter--the malheur reservation--the indians' outbreak--the building of the road--when, how, and by whom built--the opening of the pass--the history of the road--squatters--the special agent from washington--a sham survey. chapter ix. indian fair at brownsville--ponies--the lasso--breaking-in--the purchase--"bucking" extraordinary--sheep-farming in eastern oregon-- merinos--the sheep-herder--muttons for company--a good offer refused--exports of wool from oregon-price and value of oregon wool--grading wool--price of sheep--their food--coyotes--the wolf-hunt--shearing--increase of flocks--"corraling" the sheep-- sheep as brush-clearers. chapter x. the trail to the siletz reserve--rock creek--isolation--getting a road--the surveying-party--entrance at last--road-making--hut-building in the wilds--what will he do with it?--choice of homestead--fencing wild land--its method and cost--splitting cedar boards and shingles-- house-building--the china boy and the mules--picnicking in earnest--log-burning--berrying-parties--salting cattle--an active cow--a year's work--mesquit-grass on the hills. chapter xi. the indians at home--the reservation--the upper farm--log-cabins-- women must work while men will play--the agency--the boarding-house --sunday on the reservation--indian sun day-school--galeese creek jem--the store-indian farmers--as to the settlement of the indians --suggestions--a crime--its origin--its history--the criminals-- what became of them--indian teamsters--numbers on the reservation --the powers and duties of the agent--special application. chapter xii. the legislative assembly--the governor--his duties--payment of the members--aspect of the city; the legislature in session--the lobbyist--how bills pass--how bills do not pass--questions of the day--common carriers--woman's suffrage--some of the acts of --judicial system of the state--taxes--assessments--county officers--the justice of the peace--quick work. chapter xiii. land laws--homesteads and preëmption--how to choose and obtain government land--university land--school land--swamp land--railroad and wagon-road grants--lieu lands--acreages owned by the various companies. chapter xiv. the "web-foot state"--average rainfall in various parts--the rainy days in and --temperature--seasons--accounts and figures from three points--afternoon sea-breezes--a "cold snap"--winter-- floods--damage to the river-side country--rare thunder--rarer wind-storms--the storm of january, . chapter xv. the state fair of --salem--the ladies' pavilion--knock-em-downs _à l'américaine_--self-binders--thrashing-machines--rates of speed--cost--workmanship--prize sheep--fleeces--pure _versus_ graded sheep--california short-horns--horses--american breed or percheron--comparative measurements--the races--runners--trotters-- cricket in public--unruly spectators. chapter xvi. history of oregon--first discoverers--changes of government-- recognition as a territory--entrance as a state--individual histories--"jottings"--"sitting around"--a pioneer in benton county--how to serve indian thieves--the white squaw and the chief--immigration in company--rafting on the columbia--the first winter--early settlement--indian friends--indian houses and customs--the presbyterian colony--the start--across the plains-- arrival in oregon--the "whaler" settler--a rough journey--"ho for the umpqua!"--a backwoodsman--compliments--school-teacher provided for--uncle lazarus--rogue river cañon--valley of death--pleasant homes--changed circumstances. chapter xvii. state and county elections--the chinese question--chinese house-servants--washermen--laborers--a large camp--supper--chinese trading--the scissors--cost of chinese labor--its results--chinese treaties--household servants--chee and his mistress--"heap debble-y in there"--the photo album--temptation--a sin and its reward--good advice on whipping--chung and the crockery--chinese new year--gifts-- "hoodlums"--town police--opium. chapter xviii. life in the town--sociables--religious sects--sabbath-schools-- christmas festivities--education, how far compulsory--colleges-- student-life and education--common schools--teachers' institutes-- newspapers--patent outsides-"the oregonian"--other journals--charities --paupers--secret societies. chapter xix. industries other than farming--iron-ores--coal--coos bay mines-- seattle mines--other deposits--lead and copper--limestone--marbles-- gold, where found and worked--silver, where found and worked--gold in sea-sand--timber--its area and distribution--spars--lumber--size of trees--hard woods--cost of production and sale of lumber--tanneries --woolen-mills--flax-works--invitation to irish--salmon--statistics of the trade--methods--varieties of salmon--when and where caught-- salmon-poisoning of dogs--indians fishing--traps--salmon-smoking. chapter xx. eastern oregon--going "east of the mountains"--its attractions-- encroaching sheep--first experiments in agriculture and planting-- general description of eastern oregon--boundaries--alkaline plains-- their productions--the valleys--powder river valley--description-- the snake river and its tributaries--the malheur valley--harney lake valley--its size--productions--wild grasses--hay-making--the winters in eastern oregon--wagon-roads--prineville--silver creek--grindstone creek valley--crooked river--settlers' descriptions and experiences-- ascent of the cascades going west--eastern oregon towns--baker city--prineville--warnings to settlers--growing wheat for the railroads to carry. chapter xxi. southern oregon--its boundaries--the western counties--population-- ports--rogue river--coos bay--coal--lumber--practicable railroad routes--the harbor--shifting and blowing sands--a quoted description --cost of transportation--harbor improvements--their progress and results--the umpqua--douglas county--jackson county--the lake-country --linkville--water-powers--indian reservations--the great mountains-- southeastern oregon--general description--industries. chapter xxii. the towns--approach to oregon--the steamers--the columbia entrance-- astoria--its situation, industries, development--salmon--shipping-- loading and discharging cargo--up the columbia and willamette to portland--portland, west and east--population--public buildings-- united states district court--the judge--public library--the bishop schools--hospital--churches--stores--chinese quarter--banks--industries --the city's prosperity--its causes--its probable future--the oregon railway and navigation company--shipping abuses and exactions-- railroad termini--up the columbia--the dalles--up the willamette-- oregon city, its history--the falls--salem--its position and development--capitol buildings--flour-mills--oil-mills--buena vista potteries--albany--its water-power--flour-mills--values of land-- corvallis--the line of the oregon pacific railroad--eugene, its university and professors--roseburg--the west-side railroad to portland--development of the country--prosperity--counties of oregon --their population--taxable property--average possessions--in the willamette valley--in eastern oregon--in eastern oregon tributary to columbia and snake rivers. chapter xxiii. the transportation question--its importance--present legal position --oregon railway and navigation committee's general report--that company--its ocean-going steamers--their traffic and earnings--its river-boats--their traffic and earnings--its railroads in existence --their traffic and earnings--its new railroads in construction and in prospect--their probable influence--the northern pacific-- terminus on puget sound--its prospects--the east and west side railroads--"bearing" traffic and earnings--how to get "control"-- lands owned by the oregon railway and navigation company--monopoly --how threatened--the narrow-gauge railroads--their terminus and working--efforts to consolidate monopoly--the "blind pool"--resistance --the oregon pacific--its causes, possessions, and prospects--land grant and its enemies--the traffic of the valley--yaquina bay--its improvement--the farmers take it in hand--contrast and comparisons --the two presidents--probable effects of competition--tactics in opposition--the yaquina improvements--description of works--the prospects for competition and the farmers' gains. chapter xxiv. emigration to oregon--who should not come--free advice and no fees--english emigrants--farmers--haste to be rich--quoted experiences--cost and ways of coming--sea-routes--railroads-- baggage--what not to bring--what not to forget--heavy property-- the custom-house--san francisco hotels--conclusion. appendix. two years in oregon. chapter i. personal reasons for coming to oregon--plans of colonizing--who came--who have returned--who remain--bowie-knives and revolvers--a sheriff in danger--no tragedy--our landing at corvallis--frail houses--pleasant welcome--the barber's shop--its customers--given names--new acquaintances--bright dresses--religious denominations. after visiting oregon in the year , and traveling with three or four companions through its length and breadth, i ventured to publish in england on my return a short account of our seeings and doings. while the reception of this book by the reviews generally was only too kind and flattering, one paper, the "athenæum," distinguished me by a long notice, the whole point of which lay in the observation that it would be interesting to know if i, who had been recommending oregon to others, were prepared to take my own prescription, and emigrate there myself. now, although it would not perhaps be fair to make all physicians swallow their own medicines, regardless whether or not they were sick, and although i certainly was not in any position rendering emigration necessary, or in the opinion of any of my friends and acquaintances even desirable, yet i did not like it to be possible to be accused rightly of recommending a course so serious as a change of dwelling-place and even of nationality, without being willing to prove by my own acts the genuineness of the advice i had given. and this, among other motives and inducements, had a strong influence in overcoming the crowd of hesitations and difficulties which spring up when so great a change begins to be contemplated as possible. and it is no more than natural that now, having had two years' experience in oregon, i should desire to have it known if it be necessary to recall the general advice given in the former book, advocating, as undoubtedly i then did advocate, oregon as a desirable residence. but, as this involves my putting into some kind of literary shape our experiences for the past two years in this far western land, it is better to begin by some general relation of our plans. when i undertook to come out with my wife and children and see to the settlement and disposal of the tract of land we had purchased, as one result of my visit in , i was applied to by a good many fathers to take some superintendence of their sons, who desired to emigrate to oregon. next, one or two married couples expressed a wish to join us. then several acquaintances, who were practical mechanics, had heard a good report of oregon, and desired to accompany us. and i was busy in answering letters about the place and people to the very moment of sailing. i was not at all willing to have the company indefinitely numerous, not having graduated in mr. cook's school for tourists, and knowing something of the embarrassments likely to attend a crowd of travelers. we found our party of twenty-six fully large enough for comfort. we were kindly and liberally treated by the allan steamship company, the grand trunk railway of canada, and the chicago and northwestern railway; but our lines did not fall to us in pleasant places when we experienced the tender mercies of the union and central pacific. our party was broken up into different cars, and our strongest portmanteaus were shattered by the most atrocious handling. [sidenote: _plans of colonizing._] it was a serious question if we should try to found an english colony here, in the usual sense of the word. that would have involved a separate life from the american residents; it would have fostered jealousy here, and we should have committed numberless mistakes and absurdities. we should have had to buy all our experience, amid the covert ridicule of our neighbors. and i was confident that many members of our party would have played at emigrating, and treated the whole business as picnicking on a large scale. moreover, i was not sure that, even if we succeeded in transplanting english manners, customs, and institutions, they would take hold in this new soil. the fact was always before my eyes that the country was only thirty years old, in a civilized sense, and i doubted the wisdom of trying to transport thither a little piece of the old country. i believed the wiser course to be to plant ourselves quietly among the oregonians with as little parade and fuss as possible, and to let our own experience dictate to others whether to join us or not. it has been our practice throughout to answer freely, and as fully as possible, the many letters of inquiry as to place and people that we have had, but to offer no advice; leaving those who were thinking of coming out to take the responsibility on themselves of deciding to come or to stay away. under this system our numbers have grown to upward of a hundred, and now rarely a month passes without additions. of course, a process of natural selection goes on all the time. not every one who comes remains; but we have every reason to be satisfied with the representatives of the mother-country who are making oregon their permanent home, and the same feeling is shared, as i am confident, by the original residents. shall i try to describe what sort of people we live among here, a hundred miles from portland, the chief city in the state? [illustration: corvallis, .] what the notions of some of our party were you will understand when i mention that all i could say could not prevent the young men of the party from arming themselves, as for a campaign in the hostile indian country, so that each man stepped ashore from the boat that brought us up the willamette with a revolver in each pocket, and the hugest and most uncompromising knives that either london, new york, or san francisco could furnish. [sidenote: _our landing at corvallis._] as ill luck would have it, just as we arrived, the sheriff had returned to town with an escaped prisoner, and had been set upon by the brother, and a pistol had been actually presented at him. i should say in a whisper that the sheriff, worthy man, had proposed to return the assault in kind, but had failed to get his six-shooter out in time from the depths of a capacious pocket, where the deadly weapon lay in harmless neighborhood, with a long piece of string, a handful or so of seed-wheat, a large chunk of tobacco, a leather strap and buckle, and a big red pocket-handkerchief. so i fancy he had not much idea of shooting when he started out. but the incident was enough to give a blood-color to all our first letters home, and i dare say caused a good many shiverings and shudders at the thought of the wild men of the woods we had come to neighbor with. the worst of it was, that it was the only approach to a tragedy, and that we have had no adventures worth speaking of. "story, god bless you! i have none to tell, sir." still we did know ourselves to be in a new world when we stepped ashore from the large, white-painted, three-storied structure on the water that they called a stern-wheel river-boat, and in which we had spent two days coming up the great river from portland. it was the th of may, just a month from leaving liverpool, that we landed. the white houses of the little city of corvallis were nestled cozily in the bright spring green of the alders and willows and oaks that fringed the river, and the morning sun flashed on the metal cupola of the court-house, and lighted up the deep-blue clear-cut mountains that rose on the right of us but a few miles off. when we got into the main street the long, low, broken line of booth-like, wooden, one-storied stores and houses, all looking as if one strong man could push them down, and one strong team carry them off, grated a little, i could see, on the feelings of some of the party. the redeeming feature was the trees, lining the street at long intervals, darkening the houses a little, but clothing the town, and giving it an air of age and respectability that was lacking in many of the bare rows of shanties, dignified with the title of town, that we had passed in coming here across the continent. the new england hotel invited us in. a pretty plane-tree in front overshadowed the door; and a bright, cheery hostess stood in the doorway to welcome us, shaking hands, and greeting our large party of twenty-six in a fashion of freedom to which we had not been used, but which sounded pleasantly in our travel-worn ears. the house was tumble-down and shabby, and needed the new coat of paint it received soon after--but in the corner of the sitting-room stood a good parlor-organ. the dining-room adjoining had red cloths on the tables, and gave a full view into the kitchen; but the "beefsteak, mutton-chop, pork-chop, and hash" were good and well cooked, and contrasted with, rather than reminded us of, the fare described by charles dickens as offered him in the eastern states when he visited america thirty-nine years ago. the bedrooms, opening all on to the long passage upstairs, with meager furniture and patchwork quilts, the whole wooden house shaking as we trotted from room to room, were not so interesting, and tempted no long delay in bed after the early breakfast-gong had been sounded soon after six. breakfast at half-past six, dinner at noon, and supper at half-past five, only set the clock of our lives a couple of hours faster than we had been used to; and bed at nine was soon no novelty to us. the street in front was a wide sea of slushy mud when we arrived, with an occasional planked crossing, needing a sober head and a good conscience to navigate safely after dark; for, when evening had closed in, the only street-lighting came from the open doors, and through the filled and dressed windows of the stores. [sidenote: _the barber's shop._] saloons were forbidden by solemn agreement to all of us, but the barber's shop was the very pleasant substitute. two or three big easy-chairs in a row, with a stool in front of each. generally filled they were by the grave and reverend seigniors of the city--each man reposing calmly, draped in white, while he enjoyed the luxury, under the skillful hands of the barber or his man, of a clean shave. at the far end of the shop stood the round iron stove, with a circle of wooden chairs and an old sofa. and here we enjoyed the parliament of free talk. the circle was a frequently changing one, but the types were constant. the door opened and in came a man from the country: such a hat on his head! a brim wide enough for an umbrella, the color a dirty white; a scarlet, collarless flannel shirt, the only bit of positive color about him; a coat and trousers of well-worn brown, canvas overall (or, as sometimes spelled, "overhaul"), the trousers tucked into knee-high boots, worn six months and never blacked. his hands were always in his pockets, except when used to feed his mouth with the constant "chaw."--"hello, tom," he says slowly, as he makes his way to the back, by the stove. "hello, jerry," is the instant response. "how's your health?" "well; and how do you make it?" "so-so." "any news out with you?" "wall, no; things pretty quiet." and he finds a seat and sinks into it as if he intended growing there till next harvest. we all know each other by our "given" names. i asked one of our politicians how he prepared himself for a canvass in a county where i knew he was a stranger this last summer. "well, i just learned up all the boys' given names, so i could call them when i met them," was the answer. "i guess knowing 'em was as good as a hundred votes to me in the end." it was a little startling at first to see a rough oregonian ride up to our house, dismount, hitch his horse to the paling, and stroll casually in, with "where's herbert?" as his first and only greeting. but we soon got used to it. but the barber's shop was, and is, useful to us, as well as amusing. the values and productiveness of farms for sale, the worth and characters of horses, the prices of cattle, the best and most likely and accessible places for fishing, and deer-shooting, and duck-hunting--all such matters, and a hundred other things useful for us to know, we picked up here, or "sitting around" the stoves in one or other of the stores in the town. another good gained was, that thus our new neighbors and we got acquainted: they found we were not all the "lords" they set us down for at first, with the exclusiveness and pride they attributed to that maligned race in advance; while we on our side found a vast amount of self-respect, of native and acquired shrewdness, of legitimate pride in country, state, and county, and a fund of kindly wishes to see us prosper, among our roughly dressed but really courteous neighbors. there was a good deal of feminine curiosity displayed on either side, by the natives and the new-comers. when we went to church the first sunday after our arrival, there were a good many curious worshipers, more intent on the hats and bonnets of the strangers than on the service in which we united. we heard afterward how disappointed they were that the stranger ladies were so quietly and cheaply dressed. we could not say the same when callers came, which they speedily did after we were settled in our new home--such tight kid gloves, and bright bonnets, and silk mantles! it was a constant wonder to our women-folk how their friends managed to show as such gay butterflies, two thousand miles on the western side of everywhere. [sidenote: _religious denominations._] we found here, in a little town of eleven hundred inhabitants, all kinds of religious denominations represented--episcopalians, presbyterians, roman catholics, methodists north, and methodists south, evangelicals, and baptists--but very little rivalry and no rancor. i shall have something more to say about the religious life later on, but i think i will reserve the description of our home, and of those of some of our neighbors, for a fresh chapter. chapter ii. where we live--snow-peaks and distant prospects--forest-fires--the coast mountains and mary's peak--sunset in oregon--farmhouses: the log-cabin, the box-house, the frame-house--dinner at the farm--slay and eat--a rash chicken--bread-making by amateurs--thrift and unthrift--butter and cheese--products of the "range," farm, and garden--wheat-growing. you might look the world over for a prettier spot than that on which this house stands. just a mile from corvallis, on a gently rounded knoll, we look eastward across the town, and the river, and the broad valley beyond, to the cascade mountains. their lowest range is about thirty miles off, and the rich flat valley between is hidden by the thick line of timber, generally fir, that fringes the farther side of the willamette. against the dark line of timber the spires of the churches and the cupola of the court-house stand out clear, and the gray and red shingled roofs of the houses in the town catch early rays of the rising sun. the first to be lighted up are the great snow-peaks, ninety, seventy, and fifty miles off--a ghostly, pearly gray in the dim morning, while the lower ranges lie in shadow; but, as the sun rises in the heavens, these same lower ranges grow distinct in their broken outlines. the air is so clear that you see plainly the colors of the bare red rocks, and the heavy dark, fir-timber clothing their rugged sides. ere the sun mounts high the valley often lies covered with a low-lying thin white mist, beyond and over which the mountains stand out clear. for some weeks in the late summer heavy smoke-clouds from the many forest and clearing fires obscure all distant view. this last summer fires burned for at least fifty miles in length at close intervals of distance, and the dark gray pall overlay the mountains throughout. behind the house, and in easy view from the windows on either side, are the coast mountains, or rather hills. mary's peak rises over four thousand feet, and is snow-crowned for nine months in the year. the outlines of this range are far more gently rounded than the cascades, and timber-covered to the top. save for the solid line of the heavy timber, the outlines of the coast range constantly remind us of our own dartmoor; and the illusion is strengthened by the dark-red soil where the plow has invaded the hills, yearly stealing nearer to their crowns. mary's peak itself is bare at the top for about a thousand acres, but the firs clothe its sides, and the air is so clear that, in spite of the seventeen miles' distance, their serrated shapes are plainly and individually visible as the sun sinks to rest behind the mountain. [sidenote: _sunset in oregon._] such sunsets as we have! last night i was a mile or two on the other side of the river as night fell. mount hood was the first to blush, and then mount jefferson and the three sisters in turn grew rosy red. from the valley i could not see the lower cascades, but these snowy pyramids towered high into the sky. one little fleecy cloud here and there overhead caught the tinge, but the whole air on the eastern side was luminously pink. turning westward, the pale-blue sky faded through the rainbow-green into the rich orange surrounding the departing sun; and the westward mountains stood solidly and clearly blue in massive lines. one great peculiarity of the oregon landscape, as distinguished from an english rather than a new england scene, is in the number of white farmhouses that catch the eye. we see many from our windows. i suppose it is that the roads are so bad in winter that the farmers must live on the farms, instead of in the english-village fashion. so it is that you may travel by railroad up and down this valley for two hundred miles between farmhouses every quarter or half mile all the way. nearly every farmhouse has its orchard close by; but one big barn is all the out-buildings they boast, and farm-yard, in the english sense, one never sees. our own house is not a fair specimen, because of our large family and its corresponding habitation; but the regular farmhouse is by no means an uncomfortable abode. there are three kinds: log-cabin, box-house, frame-house. [sidenote: _farmhouses._] the first, by far the most picturesque type, is fast becoming obsolete, and on most of the good farms, if not pulled down, is degraded into woodhouse or piggery. but to my eye there is something rarely comfortable in the low, solid, rugged walls of gray logs, with overhanging shingled roof; the open hearth, too, with its great smoldering back-log and wide chimney, invites you to sit down before it and rest. by the side of the fireplace, from two deers' horns fastened to the wall, hangs the owner's rifle--generally an old brown veteran--with bullet-pouch and powder-horn. over the high mantel-shelf stands the ticking clock, suggesting "sam slick, the clock-maker." curtained off from the main room, with its earthen or roughly-boarded floor, are the low bedsteads of the family, each covered with its patchwork quilt. a corner cupboard or two hold the family stock of cups and plates, and the smell of apples, from the adjoining apple-chamber, pervades the house. round the house is the home-field, generally the orchard, sown with timothy-grass, where range four or five young calves, and a sow or two, with their hungry, rooting youngsters. the barn, log-built also, stands near by, with two or three colts, or yearling cattle, grouped around. the spring of cold, clear water runs freely through the orchard, but ten yards from the house-door, hastening to the "creek," whose murmur is never absent, save in the few driest weeks of summertime. snake-fences, seven logs high, with top-rail and crossed binders to keep all steady, divide the farm from the road, and a litter of chips from the axe-hewed pile of firewood strew the ground between wood-pile and house. here and there, even in the home-field, and nearly always in the more distant land, a big black stump disfigures the surface, and betrays the poverty or possibly the carelessness of the owner, who has carved his homestead from the brush. but as the farmer prospers, be it ever so little, he hastens to pull down his log-cabin and to build his "box" or more expensive "frame" house. in each case the material is "lumber." by this is signified, be it known to the uninitiated, fir boards, one foot wide, sixteen feet long, and one inch thick. the "box" house is built of boards set upright, and the cracks covered with strips of similar board, three inches wide. the "frame" house is double throughout, the boards run lengthwise, and there is a covering outside of an outer skin of planking. with the box or frame house comes the inevitable stove. the cooking and eating of the family go on in a lean-to room, and the living-room is furnished with some pretensions, always with a sewing-machine, and often with a parlor-organ or piano. muslin curtains drape the windows; a bureau is generally present, and chromos, or very rough engravings, hang on the walls. the political tendencies of the owner betray themselves. general grant, with tight-buttoned coat and close-cut beard, or president lincoln and his family, show the republican. strangely enough, general lee, with a genial smile on his attractive face, is affected by the democrats. the followers of the greenback heresy delight in brick pomeroy, with clean-shaven, smug, and satisfied look. [sidenote: _dinner at the farm._] it is not the fashion to carry provisions with you on journeys in oregon. when meal-time draws near, and hotels are many miles away, you ride boldly up to the nearest farm, dismount, throw your horse's rein over the paling, and walk in. the lady of the house appears, from the cooking department at the rear, and you say: "good-morning, madam; can i get dinner with you?" unless there is grave reason to the contrary, she considers a moment, and then answers, "i guess so," with a hospitable smile. the next question is as to your horse, which one of the children leads into the barn, and then fills out a goodly measure of oats, and crams the rack with hay from the pile filling the middle of the barn. while your hostess adds a little to the family meal, you turn over the newspapers in the sitting-room, generally finding a "detroit free press," or a "toledo blade," or a new york "world" or "tribune," or a san francisco "bulletin" or "chronicle," besides the local weekly. if you want books, you must take to the "pacific coast reader," the last school-book, which you are sure to find on the shelf; unless you chance on a "universal history," or the "history of the civil war," or the "life of general jackson," or the "life of general custer," or a collection of poetry in an expensive binding, all of which signify that the book-peddler has been paying a recent visit. then your hostess returns, saying, "will you come and eat?" if you go into the back room--where, generally, the master of the house and you, the visitor, and perhaps a grown-up son, or a farming hand, sit down and dine, while the mistress and her daughter serve--you will not starve. in front of you is a smoking dish of meat, either pork or mutton, salted, cut into square bits and fried; rarely beef, more often venison, or deer-meat, as it is called here. by it is piled up a dish of mashed potatoes, and a tureen of white, thick sauce. a glass dish of stewed apples, or apple-sauce, and one of preserved pears or peaches, and a smaller dish of blackberry or plum jam, complete the meal, with the constant coffee, and generally a big jug of milk. the bread is brought you in sets of hot, square rolls, fresh from the stove. it is not always that you can get cold bread, and a look of surprise always follows the request for it. generally, a good supply of white beans, boiled soft, and with a slice or two of bacon, is an important item. apples, and the best of them, too, you can have for the asking--too common to be offered to you. this _régime_ applies to breakfast, dinner, and supper, with but slight variations. i forgot, though, the saucer of green, sharp, vinegary gherkins, which the oregonians seem not to know how to do without, and also the honey, and trout, which are the frequent and welcome additions to the meal among the hills. my wife and i dropped in once to a dinner of this kind. we were sitting, cooling ourselves on the veranda, watching some pretty, black spanish chickens scratching among the scanty rose-bushes in front. the farmer's wife came quickly out and addressed me: "have you got your revolver?" i stared for a moment, thinking of tramps, and bears, and i know not what. "i never carry one on horseback," i answered. "oh," said she, "i would have had you shoot the head off one of them chickens, for i've got no fresh meat." inwardly i congratulated ourselves that our dinner did not altogether depend on my skill with that common, but, to my mind, very unsatisfactory weapon. one of my friends bought out an oregonian farmer, and paid him for stock and lot, including some fine fowls. dropping in to dinner two days afterward, he found a smoking chicken on the board. i suppose he eyed it askance, for the farmer observed: "that's one of your chickens i killed by accident. i saw some wild-geese feeding on the wheat, and fetched the rifle, and that there foolish rooster got right in the way of the bullet." [sidenote: _bread-making by amateurs._] if any friends of yours think of coming out, send them to the school of cookery, i implore you. it is the greatest possible quandary to be in, to be set down with flour, water, and a tin of saleratus or baking-powder, and to have to make the bread or go without. then, to convert chickens running about your house into food for man is not so easy as it looks; nor is cooking beans or potatoes a matter of pure instinct, i assure you. shall i ever forget riding up at nearly three in the afternoon, to one of our englishmen's farms, to find the proprietor standing, coat off and sleeves turned up, before a huge, round tin of white slush? when he saw me come in, he lifted out his hands and rubbed off the white dripping mess, saying: "i'll be hanged if i'll try any longer; since eleven o'clock have i been after this beastly bread! can you make it? is this stuff too thin or too thick, or what?" it is true that he makes fine bread now; but if you could but know the stages of slackness, heaviness, soddenness, flintiness, that he and his friends passed through, you would see that i was giving a useful hint, and one that applies to the feminine emigrant quite as much as to the masculine. another thing strikes us out here, namely, the waste that pervades an average oregon farmer's household. does he kill a deer? he leaves the fore half of the creature, and all the internals, in the wood where he killed it, taking home only the hind-quarters and the hide. if he kills a hog, the head is thrown out, to be rolled round and gnawed at by the dogs; the same with a sheep or a calf. half of them will not even take the trouble to have butter, letting the calves get all the milk, but just a little for the meals. you rarely see eggs on the table, though there may be scores of hens about. you will hardly believe that large quantities of butter and cheese are imported into this valley, both from california and from washington territory, and cheese even from the east, though there can not be a finer dairy country than this, if they would but look a little ahead and provide some green food for the cows for the interval between the hay-crop off the timothy-grass and the fresh growth of the same from the autumn rains. it is still more inexcusable among the hills, where the grass keeps green all the year round. the exclusive devotion to wheat is what will very shortly and most surely impoverish the country; and therefore it is that, in the interests of oregon, i am so anxious that many farmers should come here who are familiar with mixed farming, and will apply it to our deep, rich, stoneless soil, and will thus avert the inevitable consequences of wheat, wheat, wheat, continuously for fifteen, twenty, ay, and thirty years. it is not that other crops and other pursuits do not answer here. sheep, cattle, and horses thrive and multiply. oregon valley wool ranks among the very best. the angora goat takes to western oregon as if it were his native home, and produces yearly from three to four pounds of hair, worth from sixty to eighty cents a pound. beans, peas, carrots, parsnips grow as i have never seen them elsewhere. swedish turnips have succeeded well in this valley, and nearer the coast the white turnips i have seen nearly as big as your head, and good all through. i saw a large heap of potatoes the other day that averaged six inches long, and perfectly clean and free from all taint. carrots we grew ourselves that weighed from one and a half to two pounds all round. barley thrives splendidly, with a full, round, clear-skinned berry. oats i need hardly mention, as the export of this cereal is very large, and the quality is undeniable. the common red clover grows in a half-acre patch in my neighbor's field waist-high, and he cut it three times last year. we have the humble-bee (or, at any rate, a big fellow just like the english humble-bee--for i never handled one to examine it closely) to fertilize the clover. the white dutch clover spreads wherever it gets a chance. [sidenote: _wheat-growing._] but the temptation to grow wheat is very strong. it is the staple product of the state, and hardly ever fails in quality. the farmers understand it; their system of life is organized with a view to it. a thousand bushels of wheat in the warehouse is as good as money in the bank, and is in reality a substitute for it. there is a clear understanding of what it costs to plant, harvest, and warehouse, and it involves the lowest amount of trouble and anxiety. therefore, oregon grows wheat, and will grow it; and men will grow nothing else until the consequences are brought home to them. chapter iii. the land-office; its object and functionaries--how to find your land--section --the great conflagration--the survivors of the fire--the burnt timber and the brush--the clearing-party--chopping by beginners--cooking, amateur and professional--the wild-cat--deer and hunting--piling brush--dear and cheap clearing--the skillful axeman--clearing by chinamen--dragging out stumps--what profits the farmer may expect on a valley farm--on a foot-hills farm. by the time we had been here about a month and had settled down a little, we set about clearing a tract of wild land called section , situated nearly twenty miles away. you will ask, what does section mean? oregon is divided into several districts. for the willamette valley the land-office is at oregon city, one of the most ancient towns in the state, having a history of forty years, dating from the rule of the hudson's bay company. the chief officer is called the "register." he is supplied with maps of the surveys from the central office at washington. each map is of one township, consisting of a square block of thirty-six sections of a square mile or six hundred and forty acres each. each township is numbered with reference to a baseline and a meridian, fixed by the original survey of the state, thus giving a position of latitude and longitude. from the land-office duplicates of the maps for each county are furnished to the county-seat and are deposited in the county clerk's office for general inspection. each year a certain sum is set aside for new surveys, and contracts are given by the surveyor-general of the state to local surveyors for the work. the corners of each square-mile section are denoted by posts or large stones, and the neighboring trees are blazed or marked so as to direct attention to the corner post or stone. thus for years after the surveying-party have passed through wild land, there is but little difficulty in finding the corner-posts, and thence by compass ascertaining the boundary-lines of any section or fraction of a section in question. surveys being officially made, boundary disputes are avoided, or easily solved and set at rest by reference to the county surveyor, who for a few dollars' fee comes out and "runs the lines" afresh of any particular plot. section , then, is the section thus numbered in township , south of range , west of the willamette meridian. it lay just on the edge of the burned woods country. [sidenote: _the great conflagration._] although forest-fires in oregon are still of yearly occurrence, since settlement by the white men the range of the devastation has been by degrees narrowed and confined. formerly the indians started fires every year to burn the withered grass in the valleys and on the hillsides, and thence fire spread into the woods and ravaged many miles of timber. the "great fire" is said to have occurred about forty years ago, when many indians perished in the flames, and others had to take refuge in the streams and rivers, till the destroying element had passed them in its resistless fury. standing on the top of one of these coast mountains, the eye ranges for many miles over hill and dale, dotted everywhere with the huge black trunks, the relics of the great conflagration. many standing yet, some towering high into the sky, testify of their former gracefulness by the symmetrical tapering of the tall trunk, and the regular positions of the broken limbs and branches. but nature is busily at work repairing damages; each winter's rains penetrate more deeply into the fabric of the trunk; each winter's gales loosen yet more the roots in which the living sap was long ago destroyed; each spring the wind brings down additions to the graveyard of trees, rotting away into mold; while a few young successors to the former race of firs are showing themselves clothed in living green, and a dense growth of copse-wood, hazel, cherry, vine-maple, arrow-wood, and crab-apple is crowding the hollows of the cañons on the hill-sides. the brake-fern covers the hills, attaining a growth of five, six, or eight feet, and sheltering an undergrowth of wild-pea and native grass. section lies between the burned timber and the living forest, but its chief value is in the valley of some three hundred acres of alluvial land forming its center, through which winds here and there the mary river, at this distance from its mouth scarcely more than a clear and rapid brook. eight of us started on the clearing-party with two light wagons, and a good supply of food, blankets, and axes and saws. a squatter had settled on one corner and built himself a hut and a little barn, and had got four or five acres of land cleared and plowed. but he had abandoned his improvements and gone some ten miles off, to clear another homestead among the thick woods. the first night we camped out in a grassy corner by the wood-side, while the horses were tethered near. [sidenote: _chopping by beginners._] the next day we began. two or three of us had some little knowledge of the virtue of an axe, but the rest were new to the art. it was amusing to watch their eager efforts to hit straight and firm. one or two of our oregonian neighbors came and looked on with rather scoffing faces, but advised us how to lay the brush we cut in windrows, with a view to the future burning. we cut young firs, up to a foot thick, cherry poles from fifteen to thirty feet high, vine-maple as thick as the cherry but only half as tall, and here and there a tough piece of crab-apple. the brush was so thick that what was cut could only fall one way, so that the patch each man had cut by dinner-time was ridiculously small. of course, the whole valley was not brush-covered--very far from it; there were great open spaces of clear grass, with here and there a tuft of blue lupin and rose-bushes. the firs once cut off were done with, and the stump would rot out of the ground in a year or two. the cherry-brush was no bad enemy, either; the young shoots would sprout from the root next year, but sheep would bite them off and kill the cherry out in a couple of seasons. but by all accounts the vine-maple was as tough in life as in texture, and that it was tough in texture our poor arms testified when night came. for a few days we tried to be our own cooks, one of the party in turn being detailed for the purpose; but much good victuals was spoiled. so i sent into town for a chinaman cook. that too much chinaman is bad, i am prepared to support my neighbors in believing; but enough chinaman to have one at call whenever you think fit to send for him is a comfort indeed. so jem, as he called himself, came out to us. he wore a smile all day long on his broad face; and he was caught reading earnestly in a poetry-book he must have found left out of one of our bags; so i conclude he was a learned chinaman. but he had strange fancies for his own eating. he cooked a wild-cat that was shot, and we laughed; but he proceeded next to skin and eat a skunk that had fallen a victim to its curiosity to see how white men lived, and had trespassed inside the hut; and that was too much. we tasted, or thought we tasted, skunk in the bread for a day or two, so we sent jem back. turn out at five, breakfast over by soon after six, work till noon; then from one till six; then supper, and camp-fire, and pipes and talk till nine, and then to bed. such was our regular life, certainly a healthy and not an unpleasant one. [sidenote: _deer and hunting._] we had an excitement one night. the hut stood at the corner of the clearing, with a couple of good-sized firs in front of the door. a wood-covered hill came close to it on the right and rear. we were going to bed, when there was a howl outside, followed by a chorus from our three hounds. out rushed a couple of us into the starlight with rifles in hand. the dogs had sent whatever creature it was up into one of the fir-trees and bayed fiercely round. nothing could be seen among the thick branches. one of the party, an enthusiast, though a novice in woodland sport, got right close to the tree-trunk and managed to make out a form against the sky some twenty feet above his head. at once he fired, and down came the creature almost on his head; fortunately for him, the hounds attacked it at once, and a royal fight and scrimmage went on in the dark. presently the intruder fought its way through the dogs to the rail-fence, but mounting it showed for an instant against the sky, and a second rifle-shot brought it down. dragged to the light, some called it a catamount, but others more correctly a wild-cat (_lynx fasciatus_). a right handsome beast it was, with short tail, and tufted ears, and spotted skin. it was and remains the only one that has been seen. it was attracted, no doubt, by some mutton we had hung up in the fir to be out of the way of the dogs. fortunate, indeed, was our friend to escape its claws and teeth, as it has the reputation of being the fiercest and hardest to kill of all the cats found in oregon. the woods in front of the hut across the valley were a sure find for deer, and we could kill one almost any day by planting a gun or two at points in the valley which the deer would make for, and then turning the hounds into the woods above. it is a poor kind of hunting at the best, this hiding behind a bush and watching, it may be for hours, for the deer. you hear the cry of the hound far away, gradually growing nearer, and presently the deer breaks cover, and either swims or runs and wades down the river toward your stand; occupied solely with the trailing hound, and ignorant of the ambushed danger in front, the shot is generally a sure and easy one at a few paces' distance, often within buck-shot range from an ordinary gun. [sidenote: _the skillful axeman._] before the summer had passed, enough brush had been cut to clear some fifty acres of the valley, and we left the cut stuff piled in long rows to dry till next summer, that the burning might be a complete one when we did put fire to it. the fires would need tending for a day or two, and feeding with the butt-ends of the long poles, to finish the work; grass-seed sown on the ashes with the first autumn rains would speedily make excellent pasture in that deep and fertile soil. the fencing of the cleared acreage, and the plowing up and sowing with oats and wheat of some eight or ten acres of land from which the roots and stumps had been carefully grubbed out, would complete a "ranch," according to the oregon fashion, and section would lose that name and assume that of its first owner. the transformation from wild land to tame would be complete, and my work in connection with it would be done. so much for one way, and that the simplest, of making a home in oregon. longer experience taught us cheaper methods. for the large clearing-party with its attendant expense and need of oversight may be substituted clearing by contract; when some one or two of the poorer and more industrious homesteaders will contract to cut and clear at so much the acre or the piece, boarding themselves, and taking their own time and methods of doing the work. some of the indians are masters of the axe, and will both make a clearing bargain and stick to it, provided you are careful to keep always a good percentage of their pay in hand till the work is finished: fail to do this, and some rainy day you will find no ringing of the axe amid the trees, and their rough camp will be deserted, its inhabitants gone for good. i like to watch a skillful axeman. set him to one of the big black trunks, six feet through. watch how he strolls round it, axe on shoulder, determining which way it shall fall. he fetches or cuts out a plank, six or eight inches wide, and four feet long, and you wonder what he will do with it. a few quick blows of his keen weapon, and a deep notch is cut into the tree four feet from the ground; the plank is driven into it, and he climbs lightly on it. standing there, another notch is cut four feet still higher from the ground, and a second plank inserted. then watch him. standing there on the elastic plank, which seems to give more life and vigor to his blows, it springs to the swing of the axe and the chips fly fast. as you look, he seems to be inspired with eager hurry, and the chips fly in a constant shower. soon a deep, wedge-like cut is seen eating its way into the heart of the trunk. in an hour or so he has finished on that side, and leaves it. taking the opposite side of the tree, he is at it again, and a big wound speedily appears. long before the heart is reached, a loud cracking and rending is heard. the axeman redoubles his efforts. the tree shakes and quivers through all its mass, and then the top moves, slowly at first, then faster, and down it comes, with a crash that wakes the echoes in the hills for miles and shakes the ground. then send him into the thick brush, where the stems are so crowded that they have shot high up into the sky. two cuts on one side, and one on the other, an inch or two from the earth, and he drops his axe, and leans all his weight against the stem. it cracks and snaps; he shakes it, and gently it sways, bending its elastic top till it touches the ground before the stem has left its hold on mother earth. before it has had time to fall its neighbor is attacked, and a broad strip of sunlight is soon let into the wood. hard work? of course it is: a day's chopping will earn you sore wrists and aching arms, but a fine appetite and the soundest of sleep. unless a new-comer has had experience in the art and practice of wood-cutting, he will find it too slow work to undertake with his own hands the clearing of wild land to make his homestead. let him buy a place where some of the rough early work has been already done, and there are plenty to be had, and by all means let him by degrees, and as time serves, enlarge his clearing and extend his fields. or, let him contract for the clearing at so much the acre. some of the very best wheat-land in this valley is covered with oak-grubs which have sprung up within the last twenty years to a height of from ten to twenty feet. chinamen are generally used to clear this land, being engaged at the rate of from eighty to ninety cents a day; that is, from three shillings fourpence to three shillings tenpence english. they want looking after closely to get full value from their work. they come in gangs of any size wanted, and have to be provided with a rough hut to sleep in; they furnish their own food and cooking. the oak-wood is not only cut, but the roots are grubbed out, and the land left ready for the plow. the wood is cut into four-feet lengths and stacked ready for carting away. it is worth almost anywhere in the valley not less than three dollars a cord; that is, a pile eight feet long, four feet wide, and four feet high. thus the farmer who has a little capital and so can afford the first outlay, need not hesitate to clear this oak-grub land, as the value of the cord-wood and the first year's crop should more than defray the expense of the grubbing. in england it is usual to bring into farming course gradually woodland that has been cleared, sowing oats first. here, on the contrary, the farmer may expect a good wheat crop from his cleared woodland the first year. yet another method of clearing is very effective and economical, especially at a distance from the haunts of chinamen. a strong wooden windlass is made and fitted with a long lever for one horse. the windlass is anchored down near the oak-grub or cherry-brush to be got rid of. a strong iron chain is caught round the bush and attached to the windlass. the horse marches round and round, and winds up the windlass-rope; the roots soon crack and tear. the farmer stands by, axe in hand, and one or two strokes sever the toughest roots, and the bush is torn up by main force, root and branch. one man and a horse can thus do the work of six men, and do it effectually too. [sidenote: _profits on a valley farm._] before we turn to other subjects let me give some idea of what a newly arrived farmer may expect to get, if he settles on a valley farm. suppose the farm to consist of acres, of which acres are plowed land, the remainder being rough pasture, and acres brush. of the acres, acres would be in wheat and in oats and timothy-grass. the wheat-land would produce bushels to the acre, or , bushels in all. the value may be taken to be cents the bushel, on an average of years, or $ , in all. the farmer would have a flock of sheep, the produce from which in wool and lambs would not be less than $ a year. he would breed and sell two colts a year, yielding him certainly $ , probably half as much more. he would have ten tons of timothy-hay to sell, producing $ . he should fat not less than a dozen hogs, worth $ each, or $ . we will say nothing of milk, butter, eggs, fruit, and garden produce; but, from the sources of profit we have enumerated, you will find the return to be $ , . the necessary expenses would be the wages of one hired hand, say $ a year; harvesting, $ , and other expenses, such as repairs to implements, horse-shoeing, and wheat-bags for the grain, $ , leaving a net return of $ , . supposing that the cost of the farm was $ an acre, or $ , in all, i think the return is a pretty good one on such a figure, even if another $ , or $ , has to be added for implements, farm-horses, and sheep, to start with. the figures i have given are from the actual working of a thoroughly reliable man, but relate to a year slightly above the general average of profit. you will see a large possibility of improvement in bringing more of the unbroken land into cultivation, either in grain or in tame grasses, and better sheep and cattle feed. so much for a valley farm at present prices. naturally, the figures will alter as time goes on, as i do not imagine that the present prices of land will continue stationary, in the face of new railroads, improved communications, and growing population. let us look at the opportunities of an emigrant with less capital and greater willingness to dispense with some of the valley advantages. [sidenote: _profits on a foot-hills farm._] his acres would probably give him only acres of farming, cleared land; but adjoining, or at any rate near by, he would find land belonging still to the government, or untilled and unfenced, for his cattle to range over. he would have, say, acres of wheat, giving him bushels, and acres of oats and timothy-hay, yielding bushels of oats, of which would be for sale, and the rest for use and seed, and tons of hay. he would have, say, cattle, of which would come into market each year. the average value of these would be $ , or $ in all. add hogs at $ , or $ in all. he must also raise and sell three colts a year, giving him $ . looking to smaller items of profit, the farmer's wife should have ten pounds of butter a week to sell, at any rate, through the summer months, which at cents a pound would give her $ a week for weeks, or $ in all. eggs should yield also not less than $ in the year. this all totals to $ , , against an original outlay of $ an acre, or $ , in all for the farm, and $ , for implements and stock. if the farmer is a sportsman, he may add a good many deer in the course of the year to the family larder, and also pheasants and partridges and quail, from august to november. i use the local names, the ruffed grouse and the common grouse being in question. chapter iv. a spring ride in oregon--the start--the equipment--horses and saddlery--packs--the roadside--bird fellow-travelers--snakes--the nearest farm--bees--the great pasture--the poisonous larkspur-- market-gardening--the cardwell hill--the hill-top--the water-shed--mary river--crain's--the yaquina valley--brush, grass, and fern--the young englishmen's new home--a rustic bridge--"chuck-holes"--the road supervisor--trapp's--the mill-dam--salmon-pass law--minnows and crawfish--the pacific at rest--yaquina--newport. some months ago i noticed an observation in the "spectator," in a critique of a book of the duke of argyll's on canadian homes, to the effect that what was wanted was such a description of roadside, farm, and woodland as should cause far-away readers to see them in their ordinary, every-day guise. i have often felt the same need in books of travels, when i little thought it would ever fall to my lot to try to bring a land thousands of miles away before untraveled eyes. so, take a ride with me, in may, from our town to yaquina bay, just sixty-six miles off. i have already said enough of the valley lying here, in the early morning, calm and quiet, with the light mist tracing out the course of the great river for miles into the soft distance, and the cascade range standing out clear above. but we turn our backs on the town and face toward the west. [sidenote: _horses and saddlery._] one word on mount and equipment. the horse is a light chestnut--sorrel we call it here--about fifteen hands high, compact and active, with flowing mane and tail. he cost a hundred dollars six months back; in england, for a park hack, he would be worth three fourths as many pounds. he has four paces--a walk of about four miles an hour, a jog-trot of five, a lope or canter of six or seven, and a regular gallop. he passes from one pace to another by a mere pressure of the leg against his sides, and the gentlest movement of the reins. to turn him, be it ever so short, carry the bridle-hand toward the side you want to go, but put away all notion of pulling one rein or the other. he will walk unconcernedly through the deepest mud or the quickest flowing brook, and climb a steep hill with hardly quickened breath; if he meets a big log in the trail, he will just lift his fore-legs over it and follow with his hind-legs without touching it, and hardly moving you in the saddle. and he will carry a twelve-stone man, with a saddle weighing nearly twenty pounds, and a pack of fifteen pounds behind the saddle, from eight in the morning till six in the evening, with an hour's rest in the middle of the day, and be ready to do it again to-morrow, and the next day, and the day after that. the saddle is in the mexican shape, with a high pommel in front, handy for a rope or gun-sling, and a high cantle behind; it has a deep, smooth seat, and a leather flap behind and attached to the cantle on which the pack rests; huge wooden stirrups, broad enough to give full support to the foot, and wide enough for the foot to slip easily in and out. a horse-hair belt, six inches wide, with an iron ring at each end, through which runs a buckskin strap to attach it to the saddle, and by which it is drawn tight, forms a "sinch," the substitute for girths. the word "sinch" is a good one, and has passed into slang. if your enemy has injured you and you propose to return the compliment in the reverse of christian fashion, "i'll sinch him," say you. if a poor player has won the first trick by accident, "i guess he'll get sinched soon," says the looker-on. i advise no englishman to bring saddlery to oregon. he will save no money by doing so, and will not be fitted out so well for the hours-long rides he will have. i have only heard one englishman out of fifty say that he prefers the english saddle, after getting used to the mexican, and he had brought one out with him and used it out of pride. behind the saddle is the pack. just a clean flannel shirt and a pair of socks, a hair-brush, a comb and tooth-brush, fit us out for a week or two; baggage becomes truly "impedimenta" when you have to carry it on your horse. you need not carry blankets now, for there are good stopping-houses at fit distances apart. but you may, if you wish, bring your martini carbine, or winchester rifle, for we may meet a deer by the way. so we start. the first mile or two is along the open road. a brown, rather dusty track in the center, beaten hard by the travel; on either side a broad band of short grass; and snake-fences, built of logs ten feet long, piled seven high, and interlaced at the ends. in the angles of nearly every panel of the fence grows a rose-bush, now covered with young buds, just showing crimson tips. as we canter by, a meadow-lark gives us a stave of half-finished song from the top of the fence, and flits off to pitch some fifty yards away, in the young green wheat, and try again at his song. the bird is nearly as large as an english thrush, with speckled breast, and a bright-yellow patch under the tail. just in front of us, on the fence, sits a little hawk, so tame that he moves not till we pass him, and then by turns follows and precedes us along the road, settling again and again upon the tallest rails. he is gayly dressed indeed, with a russet-brown back and head, and a yellow and brown barred and speckled chest, and all the keenness of eye one looks for in his tribe. [sidenote: _snakes._] early as it is, here and there in the road is one of the little brown snakes that abound in the valley; seduced from his hole by the warm sun, he is enjoying himself in the dust, and only just has time to glide hastily away as the horse-hoofs threaten his life. their harmlessness and use in waging war on beetles, worms, and frogs, ought to save their lives; but they are snakes, and that suffices to cause every passer-by to strike at them with his staff. the face of the country is vivid green, the autumn-sown wheat nearly knee-high, and the oats running the wheat a race in height and thickness. the orchard-trees close to the farmhouse we are approaching stand clothed from head to foot in flower; the pear-trees, whose branches are not now curved and bent with fruit, tower as white pyramids above the heads of the blushing apples. close by the orchard-fence the ewes and lambs feed, the little ones leaping high and throwing themselves away with the mere joy of warm sun and young life. the farmer sees us coming, and scolds back the rough sheep-dog noisily barking at the strangers as he comes to his gate to shake hands. "won't you hitch your horse and come in?" he says; "i want you to look at these bees--i have got six swarms already." and under the garden-fence stands a long, low-boarded roof, and under it a whole row of boxes and barrels, of all ages and sizes, with a noisy multitude coming and going. straw hives are unknown, and any old tea-chest is used. not much refinement about bee-keeping in oregon; but honey fetches from thirty to fifty cents a pound. we mount again, and, passing through a couple of loosely made and carelessly hung gates, we enter the big pasture. not very much grass in it; it is wet, low-lying, undrained land. the wild-rose bushes are scattered here, there, and everywhere in clumps, and the face of the field is strewed with the dull, light-green, thick and hairy leaves of a wild sunflower, whose bright-yellow flowers with a brown center, all hanging as if too heavy for the stalk, have not yet matured. the cattle are very fond of this plant, and do well on it. an enemy of theirs is the lupin, here called the larkspur, one of the earliest of spring plants. its handsome, dark-blue flowers do not redeem it, for the cattle are deceived by it, eat, and are seized with staggers, and will sink down and die if not seen to and treated. one of our friends tells us that he cures his larkspur-poisoned cattle with fat pork, lumps of which he stuffs down their throats. this information we submit to an unprejudiced public, but we do not guarantee that this remedy will cure. it is generally two-year-old cattle which partake and sicken--perhaps the calves have not enterprise enough, and the older cattle too much sense. the plant is not so very common, but it has to be watched for and extirpated when found. between the pasture and the wheat-fields stands another snake-fence and a gate. alas! by the gate, and to be crossed before we reach it, is the slough of despond--a big, deep, uncompromising pool of black, sticky mud. the horses eye it doubtfully, and put down their noses to try if it smells better than it looks, and then step gravely in, girth-high almost, till we open and force back the heavy gate. skirting the wheat-field, between it and the creek, hardly seen for the undergrowth of rose-bushes and hazel, with here and there a big oak-tree, the road brings us out into a patch of garden-ground, filled with vegetables for the town housekeepers. just now there is little to be seen but some rows of early peas and spring cabbage. later on, the long beds of onions, french beans, cauliflowers, and all the rest, with the melons, squashes, or vegetable marrows, pumpkins, cucumbers, and tomatoes (which were the glory of the gardener), showed the full advantages of the irrigating ditches, fed by the higher spring, which are led here, there, and everywhere through the patch. for, remember, we had almost continuous fine weather, with hot sun and few showers, from the middle of may till the middle of october. [sidenote: _the cardwell hill._] but here is the main road again, which we left to turn across the fields, and we are at the foot of the cardwell hill. the wood lies on both sides of us, and we mount rapidly upward. the wild-strawberry creeps everywhere along the ground, its white flower and yellow eye hiding modestly under the leaves. the catkins on the hazel-bushes dangle from each little bough. the purple iris grows thickly in the frequent mossy spots, and the scarlet columbine peers over the heads of the bunches of white flowers we knew not whether to call lilies-of-the-valley or solomon's seal, for they bear the features of both. the purple crocuses have not yet all gone out of bloom, though their april glory has departed, and the tall spear-grass gives elegance all round to dame nature's bouquets. we have ample time to take in all these homely beauties, for the road is too thickly shaded by the wood for the sun to dry the mud, and our horses painfully plod upward, with a noisy "suck, suck," as each foot in turn is dragged from the sticky mass. but the undergrowth is thinner as we mount; first oak-scrub and then oak-trees growing here and there, with grass all round, take the place of the copse, and the mountain air blows fresh in our faces as we near the summit. halting for a moment to let the horses regain their breath, we turn and see the whole broad valley lying bright in sunshine far below. so clear is the air that the firs on the cascades, forty miles away, are hardly blended into a mass of dark, greenish gray; and the glorious snow-peaks shining away there twenty miles behind those firs, look to be on speaking terms with the coast range on which we stand. but we pursue our westward course along a narrow track following the hill-side near the top, leaving the road to take its way down below, to round the base of the hill which we strike across. this hill is bare of trees, and is covered now with bright, young, green grass, soon to be dried and shriveled into a dusty brown by the summer sun. we wind round the heads of rocky clefts or cañons, down each of which hastens a murmuring stream. there the oaks and alders grow tall, but we look over their heads, so rapid is the descent to the vale below. the mountains on the distant left of us are mary's peak and the alsea mountain; the former with smooth white crown of snow above the dark fir timber; and away to the right, among lower, wooded hills, we catch one glimpse of the burned timber, the thick black stems standing out clear on the horizon-line. passing down the hill and by the farmhouse at the foot, with its great barn and blooming orchard, we strike the road once more, passing for a mile or two between wheat-fields, with the mary river on the left closed from our sight by the screen of firs that follow it all the way along; then by a bridge and by other farms, and between fir-woods of thickly standing trees, and up and down hill, with here and there a level valley in between, we strike the mary river again for the last time, and climb the summit hill. we are twenty-two miles from our starting-point, and claim a meal and rest. we are among old friends as we ride up to crain's to dine, and the noonday sun is hot enough for us to enjoy the cool breeze among the young firs behind the house, as we stand to wash hands and face by the bench on the side of the dairy built over the stream close by. the horses know their way to the barn, to stand with slackened sinches, and nuzzle into the sweet timothy-hay with which the racks are filled. [sidenote: _the yaquina valley._] on our way once more, in half an hour we stand on the edge of the water-shed, and look down far into the yaquina valley, lying deep between rugged and broken hills below. as we dip below the crest, the character of the vegetation changes at once. we have left the thick woods behind. the last of the tall green firs clothes the crest we have passed, and the black burned timber is dotted along the hill-sides. last year's brake-fern clothes the hills in dull yellow and brown, except where patches of thimble-berry and salmon-berry bushes have usurped its place. the wild-strawberry has been almost entirely left behind, and instead there is the blackberry-vine trailing everywhere along the rough ground, and casting its purple-tinged tracery over the fallen logs. there is plenty of grass among the fern, and the wild-pea grows erect as yet, not having length enough to bend and creep. the river yaquina comes down from a wild, rough valley to the right, to be crossed by a wooden bridge close to a farmhouse on rising ground. two of our recently arrived englishmen have bought this place, and are well satisfied with their position. about eight hundred acres of their own land, of which quite three hundred are cultivable in grain, though not nearly all now in crop, and really unlimited free range on the hills all round for stock; some valley-land which produces everything it is asked; a garden-patch where potatoes grew this year, one of which was six pounds in weight; a comfortable house and substantial barn; a trout-stream by their doors; a railroad in near prospect to bring them within two hours of a market at either end; and, meanwhile, a demand at home for all the oats and hay they can raise for sale--it would be strange, indeed, i think, if they who had supposed they were coming into a wilderness with everything to make, were not well pleased. the only things they complain of are the scarcity of neighbors and bad roads--both, we hope, in a fair way to be overcome. they look contented enough, as they stand by their house-door to bid us good-day as we ride by. the valley widens out and narrows again in turn. in each open space stands a farmhouse, or else the site demands one. as we get nearer to the coast, the river forces its way through quite a narrow gorge, following round the point of a projecting fern-covered slope, and under the shadow of the high hill on the northern side. the great blechnum ferns, with fronds three or four feet long, are interspersed with the thimble-berry bushes, and border the road. syringa and deutzia plants and two varieties of elder, which bear black and red berries, but are now bright with abundant flowers, clothe the steep bank overhanging the river, which here widens out into calm pools, divided by ripples, and runs over rocks. and see, here is a natural bridge; a huge fir has fallen right across, and the farmer has leveled the ground up to the top of the trunk, some six feet high, and has set up a slender rail on each side of his bridge, and over it he drives his sheep into the less matted and tangled ground on the far side. [sidenote: "_chuck-holes._"] the road, cut into the steep hill-side, never gets the sunshine; the mud clogs the horse's feet and fills the "chuck-holes"--traps for the unwary driver. be it known that oftentimes a great log comes shooting down the hill in winter, and brings up in its downward course on the ledge formed by the road. notice is sent to the road supervisor by the first passer-by, and this functionary, generally one of the better class of farmers, who has charge of the road district, calls out his neighbors to assist in the clearing of the road. he has legal power to enforce his summons, but it is never disregarded, and the "crowd" fall on with saws, axes, and levers. they soon cut a big "chunk" out of the log, some ten feet long, wide enough to clear the center of the road, and roll it unceremoniously away down the hill, or lodge it lengthwise by the roadside. there they leave matters, deeming spade-and-shovel work beneath them. next winter's rain lodges and stands in the dint made by the trunk when it fell, and in the depression left by the men who rolled the middle of the log away. never filled up, or any channel cut to run the water off, a "chuck-hole" is formed, which each wagon enlarges as it is driven round the edge to escape the center. woe betide the stranger who does not altogether avoid, or boldly "straddle," the "chuck-hole" with his wheels! the side of the wagon whose fore and hind wheels have sunk into the hole dips rapidly down, and he is fortunate who escapes without an upset, and with only showers of liquid mud covering horses, driver, and load, as the team struggles to drag the wagon through. but, pressing through the gorge, we emerge into a more open stretch. on the right of us rises a smooth, round hill, fern-covered to the top; and on the opposite side, next the river, planted on a pretty knoll just where the valley turns sharply to the north, thereby getting a double view, is mr. trapp's farmhouse, our resting-place for the night. we have made our forty-four miles in spite of the muddy road and steep grades, and there is yet time before supper to borrow our host's rod and slip down to the river for a salmon-trout. excellent fare and comfortable beds prepare us for the eighteen miles we have yet before us on the morrow, and we get an early start. two miles below trapp's is eddy's grist-mill, with its rough mill-dam, made on the model of a beaver-dam, and of the same sticks and stones, but not so neatly; the ends of the sticks project over the mill-pool below, and prove the death of numberless salmon, which strike madly against them in their upward leaps, and fall back bruised and beaten into the pool again. an effort was made to pass a law, this last session of the legislature, compelling the construction of fish-passes through the mill-dams; but it was too useful and simple a measure to provoke a party fight, and therefore was quietly shelved. better luck next time. [sidenote: _minnows and crawfish._] presently we leave the yaquina river, which, for over twenty miles, we have followed down its course; for never a mile without taking in some little brook, where the minnows are playing in busy schools over the clean gravel, and the crawfish are edging along, and staggering back, as if walking were an unknown art practiced for the first time. the river has grown from the burn we first crossed to a tidal watercourse, with a channel fifteen feet in depth, and, having left its youthful vivacity behind, flows gravely on, bearing now a timber-raft, then a wide-floored scow, and here the steam-launch carrying the mail. but we climb the highest hill we have yet passed, where the aneroid shows us eleven hundred feet above the sea-level, and from its narrow crest catch our first sight of the bay, glittering between the fir-woods in the morning sun. we leave the copse-woods behind, and canter for miles along a gently sloping, sandy road; the hills are thick in fern and thimble-berry bush, with the polished leaves and waxy-white flowers of the sallal frequently pushing through. we have got used by this time to the black, burned trunks, and somehow they seem appropriate to the view. but the sound of the pacific waves beating on the rocky coast has been growing louder, and as we get to the top of a long ascent the whole scene lies before us. that dim blue haze in the distance is the morning fog, which has retreated from the coast and left its outlines clear. on the right is the rounded massive cape, on the lowest ledge of which stands foulweather lighthouse. the bare slopes and steep sea-face tell of its basaltic formation, which gives perpendicular outlines to the jutting rocks against which, some six miles off, the waves are dashing heavily. between that distant cape and the yaquina lighthouse point the coast-line is invisible from the height on which we stand, but the ceaseless roar tells of rocky headlands and pebble-strewed beach. below us lies the bay, a calm haven, with its narrow entrance right before us, and away off, a mile at sea, a protecting line of reef, with its whole course and its north and south ends distinctly marked by the white breakers spouting up with each long swell of the pacific waves. under the shelter of the lighthouse hill, on the northern side, stands the little town of newport, its twenty or thirty white houses and boat-frequented beach giving the suggestion of human life and interest to the scene. away across the entrance, the broad streak of blue water marking the deep channel is veined with white, betraying the reef below--soon, we trust, to be got rid of in part by the engineers whose scows and barges are strewed along the south beach there in the sun. [illustration: yaquina bay, newport, .] [sidenote: _newport._] on that south side a broad strip of cool, gray sand borders the harbor, and there stand the ferry-house, and its flag-staff and boats. looking to the left, the fir-crowned and fern-covered hills slope down to ford's point, jutting out into deep water, which flows up for miles till the turn above the mill shuts in the view. but we must not wait, if we mean to catch any flounders before the tide turns, and so we hurry down to the beach and along the hard sand bordering the bay under the broken cliffs, and are soon shaking hands with the cheery landlord of the sea-view hotel, who has been watching us from his veranda ever since we descended the hill from diamond point. chapter v. hay-harvest--timothy-grass--permanent pasture--hay-making by express-- the mower and reaper--hay-stacks as novelties--wheat-harvest--thrashing --the "thrashing crowd"--"headers" and "self-binders"--twine-binders and home-grown flax--green food for cows--indian corn, vetches--wild-oats in wheat--tar-weed the new enemy--cost of harvesting--by hired machines --by purchased machines--cost of wheat-growing in the willamette valley. neither the first nor the second year did hay-harvest begin with us till after the first week in july. we did not shut the cattle off the hay-fields till the end of february, so that there was a great growth of grass to be made in four months and a half. how different our hay-fields are from those in the old country! i should dearly like to show to some of these farmers a good old-fashioned devonshire or worcestershire field, with its thick, solid undergrowth and waving heads. i should like them to see how much feed there was after the crop was cut. here timothy-grass is everything to the farmer. certainly, the old-country man would open his eyes to see a crop waist-high, the heavy heads four to seven inches long, and giving two tons to the acre. and he would revel in laying aside for good and all that anxiety as to weather which has burdened his life ever since he took scythe and pitchfork in hand. we expect nothing else but dewy nights and brilliant sunshine, so that the habit is to cut one day, pile the grass into huge cocks the same day, and carry it to the barn the next. hay-stacks are unknown; the whole crop is stored away in the barn; and you may see sixty, eighty, or a hundred tons under the one great roof, and no fear of heating or burning before the farmer's eyes. [sidenote: _the mower and reaper._] the glory of the scythe has departed. every little farmer has his mower, or mower and reaper combined; or else, if he can not afford to pay two hundred dollars or thereabout for his machine, he hires one from his more fortunate neighbor, and pays him "six bits"--that is, seventy-five cents--per acre for cutting his crop. wood's, mccormick's, or the buckeye, are the favorites here. our own machine, with one pair of stout horses, cuts from nine to twelve acres a day, according to the thickness of the crop and the level or hilly nature of the ground. it looks easy--just riding up and down the field all day--but try it, and you will find you have to give close attention all the time, to be ready to lift your knives over a lumpy bit of ground or round a stump, and to cut your turns and corners clean; and there are no springs to your seat, and a mower is not the easiest carriage in the world. nor is it light work to follow the horse hay-rake all day, lifting the teeth at every swath. pitching hay is about the same work all the world over, i think; but at home one does not expect to make acquaintance with quite so many snakes, which come slipping down and twisting and writhing about as the hay is pitched into the wagon. it is true they are harmless, but i don't like them, all the same. we put up a big hay-stack each year, in spite of the most dismal prophecies from our neighbors that the rain would mold the hay, that it would not be fit to use, and that even a "town-cow" would despise it (and they will eat anything from deal boards to sulphur-matches, i declare). but the event justified us, and the whole stack of was duly eaten to the last mouthful. wheat and oats follow close on the heels of the hay. we finished our stack on the th of july, and began cutting wheat on the th. there is one harvest, and only one, on record in oregon, where rain fell on the cut grain and injured it. the rule is to feel absolutely secure of cutting your grain, thrashing it in the field as soon as cut, and carrying it from the thrashing-machine straight to the warehouse. there is lively competition to get the thrasher as soon as the grain is cut. the "thrashing crowd," of some seven or eight hands, which accompany the thrasher, have a busy time. they get good wages--from the $ . for the experienced "feeder" of the machine, to the $ . for the man who drives and loads the wagon, or pitches the sheaves. they travel from farm to farm, setting up the thrasher in a central spot, and "hauling" the sheaves to it. the quantity passed through the machine in one long day varies from one thousand to fifteen hundred bushels with horse-power; driven by steam, the quantity will run up to upward of two thousand bushels. these quantities seem very large by the side of those yielded by english machines, but they are too well authenticated to be open to doubt. [sidenote: "_headers" and "self-binders._"] a great wheat-field of a hundred acres, with headers and thrasher going at once, is a lively scene. the "header" is a huge construction ten feet wide. revolving frames in front bend the wheat to the knives, where it is cut and delivered in an endless stream into a great header-wagon, driven alongside the cutting-machine. six horses propel the header in front of them, and move calmly along unterrified by the revolving frames and vibrating knives. as soon as the header-wagon is filled, it is driven off to the thrasher, whirring away in the center of the field, and an empty one takes its place. six horses to the header, two each to three header-wagons, eight to the horse-power on the thrasher, and one to the straw-rake, are all going at once. one man driving the header, one each to the three wagons, two feeding and tending the thrasher, one fitting and tying up the wheat-bags as the cleaned and finished grain comes pouring from the machine, and one hand at the straw-rake, are all busily at work. very speedily the field is cleared, and the just now waving grain lies piled in a stack of wheat-bags in the center, waiting the departure of the "thrashing crowd," to be hauled by the farmer to the warehouse. a little of the straw is taken to the farmhouse, for use as litter in stable and pig-sty; the rest is set fire to as soon as the wheat is gone, and a great, unsightly, black patch is the last record in the field of the year's crop. the worst features of the "header" are that the wheat has to be much riper than for the reaper or self-binder, and consequently more is strewed about the field and lost; the machine cuts the wheat higher up also, and consequently leaves more weeds to ripen and leave their seed. its advantage is the greater breadth of its cut and more rapid rate of work. in more general use is the reaper or self-binder. several of our farmers' wives and daughters can take their turns on these machines, and give no despicable help to the hardly-worked men. this year it is expected that twine will be substituted for wire, thus removing one great objection. a twine-binder was exhibited at the state fair at salem, in full operation, and worked well. besides getting rid of the damage and danger of the wire getting into the thrashing-machines, an additional advantage will be the fostering the growth of flax in the state, and its working up into the harvest-twine. be it known that these counties of the willamette valley produce the finest and best of flax, samples of which secured the highest premium at the centennial exhibition at philadelphia in . the culture of flax and its manufacture afford, as far as i can judge, one of the very best of the various openings at present attracting both labor and capital to the state. as a mere experiment i had twenty-two acres of flax sown on the th of june, on some land about three miles from corvallis which unexpectedly came under my control. in seven weeks from that day i gathered a handful, indiscriminately, from an average spot in the field; the fiber of this was seventeen inches long. the flax that was grown in linn county, ten miles from here, and used in the twine-factory there, produced fiber from two feet and a half to three feet in length. in january last we saw it hackled, and the workman, a northern irishman of long experience, told us, as he gave the hank he held in his hand a dexterous and affectionate twist, that he had never handled better in ould ireland. i should dearly like to see linen-works established here; not only are linen goods unreasonably dear on the pacific coast, but it goes against the grain to see a splendid raw material produced and not turned to the best account. flax is not found here to be an exhausting crop. the farmers who have grown it say, on the contrary, that their best wheat-crop has followed flax; while to neither one crop nor the other is any fertilizing agent used. [sidenote: _green food for cows._] one of the great difficulties the farmer finds here is to keep green food going for his cows during the harvest months. one successful expedient is to grow a patch of indian corn or maize. well cultivated, and the ground kept stirred and free from weeds, the absence of rain does not prevent its growth, and its succulent green leaves are eagerly munched at milking-time by the sweet-breathed cows. another crop just introduced here is the vetch, better known as tares, for the same purpose. two friends of mine in marion county, forty miles north of this place, have found the experiment a very successful one; the appearance of the two or three acres i put in this last winter goes far to justify them. sown in december, about two bushels to the acre, the growth is very vigorous and the produce heavy. continuous cropping in wheat for many years has fostered the growth of the wild-oats, now a great disfigurement and drawback to the wheat-crop in this valley. traveling north to portland by train, this last harvest, it was sometimes even hard to say whether wheat or wild-oats were intended to be grown. nothing but summer fallowing, thoroughly applied and regularly followed, can remedy this. i have known a farmer to send his wheat to the mill, and get back half the quantity in wild-oats. to the timothy-hay fields a noxious plant called "tar-weed" is the great enemy on all damp or low-lying spots. the plant was new to us, but, once seen, is never forgotten. fortunately, it matures later than the timothy, and so does not get its seeds transferred; but it is almost disgusting to see the skins and noses of the horses and cattle turned into the field when the hay is off, coated with a glutinous, viscid gum, to which every speck of dust, every flying seed of weeds, sticks all too tightly. plowing up the field, and summer fallowing, are the only remedies when the tar-weed gets too bad to endure. tar-weed is an annual which grows some eight or ten inches high, one stalk from each seed; short, narrow, hairy leaves of a dingy green and a tiny colorless flower offer no compensation in beauty for the annoyance it occasions as you pass through the field, and find boots and trousers coated with the sticky gum. it is a relief to know that it affects the valley only, and does not mount even the lower hills of the cascade and coast ranges. before leaving the subject of harvesting i ought to give the cost. it is not now the question of the capitalist who can afford to pay from $ to $ , for his thrashing-machine in addition to $ for his self-binding harvester to cut his grain; but of the struggling farmer, who has to make both ends meet by economy and fore-thought. we will suppose that he has seventy acres of wheat to harvest, and that it will produce twenty bushels to the acre, a moderate suggestion. [sidenote: _cost of harvesting._] the cutting and binding in sheaves of the crop by a neighbor's self-binder will cost him $ . per acre, the contractor supplying the wire. the machine will cut and bind nearly ten acres a day; the cost, therefore, for the seventy acres will be $ . , or say $ , to be safe. the thrashing will cost him six cents a bushel for his wheat, or $ for his fourteen hundred bushels; and the farmer has to supply food for the men and horses whose services he hires. this expense will naturally vary according to the liberality and good management of the farmer and his wife. it falls heavily on the hostess to provide for seven or eight hungry men, in addition to her own family; but plentiful food, well cooked, is no bad investment, for it reacts strongly on both the quantity and the quality of the work done. a fair average cost is fifty cents a day for each man, and the same for each horse. the expense of keep of the cutting and binding, man and three-horse team for seven days, will, therefore, be $ . on a similar basis the keep of the "thrashing crowd" and twelve horses, for a day and a half and something over, will cost just $ . the total outlay, therefore, on harvesting a wheat-crop of twenty bushels per acre on seventy acres, _when all services and all machines have to be hired_, will be $ . or an average of just fourteen and two-thirds cents per bushel. a glance will show what a good investment the self-binding harvester is, if only well cared for when harvest is over. the farmer who has a machine of his own saves more than six cents a bushel, and, on a crop of fourteen hundred bushels only, would pay for the machine in less than four years. let us see, then, what wheat-growing in the willamette valley costs--a matter of deep interest to the intending emigrant, and to farmers in other parts of the world who have to compete with oregon-grown wheat. we will take the same seventy acres, as a reasonable extent for a small valley farm. once plowing, at the rate of two acres a day with a three-horse team, or one and a half acre for a two-horse team--that is thirty-five days' labor for man and three horses. twice harrowing, at the rate of fourteen acres a day--that is ten days' labor for a man and two horses. sowing, at the rate of twenty-one acres a day, or three and a third days' labor for a man and four horses. the seed will cost $ , at the rate of two bushels per acre and seventy cents a bushel. the cost, therefore, of growing the crop will be $ in money, and the labor of one man for forty-eight days and a third, and of a pair of horses for sixty-nine and a quarter days. putting the farmer's labor into money at the rate of a dollar a day, and that of his team also at the rate of half a dollar a day for each horse (and these are here the regular rates of wages), the result will be $ . ; add the $ for the seed, and you arrive at a total of $ . ; or, on seventy acres, an average of three dollars and eight cents an acre; or, on fourteen hundred bushels, of fifteen and four-tenths cents per bushel. to this add the fourteen cents and two-thirds for harvesting and thrashing, and add twelve days' labor for man and one team of horses hauling the grain to the warehouse: this represents an additional cost of one cent and seven tenths per bushel, and the _total cost then is thirty-one cents and seven tenths per bushel_. [sidenote: _cost of wheat-growing._] remember that this wheat is grown on the farmer's own freehold, which may have cost him twenty or twenty-five dollars per acre. do not forget also a taxation of about fifteen thousandths a year on the total value of the farmer's estate, as arranged between him and the assessor--land, stock, implements, and everything else he has beyond about three hundred dollars' worth of excepted articles. but add no rent or tithe, and recollect that in this calculation the farmer's own labor and that of his team are charged at market price against the crop. the charge for warehousing the wheat till it is sold is four cents a bushel; and the wheat-sacks, holding two bushels each, will cost from ten to twelve cents each. add, therefore, still nine and a half cents a bushel for subsequent charges, and the farmer who kept accounts would find his wheat, in the warehouse and ready for market, represented to him an outlay of forty-one cents and a quarter a bushel. if he sells at eighty-five cents a bushel, that gives him a profit of $ . per acre on the portion of his farm in wheat. chapter vi. the farmer's sports and pastimes--deer-hunting tales--a roadside yarn-- still-hunting--hunting with hounds--an early morning's sport--elk--the pursuit--the kill--camp on beaver creek--flounder-spearing by torchlight --flounder-fishing by day--in the bay--rock oysters--the evening view --the general store--skins--sea-otters--their habits--the sea-otter hunters--common otter--the mink and his prey. the oregon farmer has one great advantage over his eastern or european brother. starting from the first of january, he has until july comes a good many days wherein he can amuse himself without the detestable feeling that he is wasting his time and robbing his family. the ground may be either too hard or too soft for plowing; or he may have sown a large proportion in the autumn and early winter, and so have little ground to prepare and sow in spring; and he has little, if any, stock-feeding to do as yet. a good supply of hay is the only addition to the pasture-feed that he need provide; so long, that is, as he is content to work his farm in oregon fashion. many a one is within reach of the hills where range the deer, and shares in the feeling strongly expressed to me the other day, "i would rather work all day for one shot at a deer, than shoot fifty wild-ducks in the swamps." as i was riding out to the hills not long since, i met an old friend of mine returning from a week's hunt in the regions at the back of mary's peak. [sidenote: _a roadside yarn._] his long-bodied farm-wagon held some cooking-utensils, the remains of his store of flour and bacon and coffee, his blankets, his rifle, and the carcasses of his deer. with him were two noble hounds, nero and queen--powerful, upstanding dogs; stag-hounds with a dash of bloodhound in them; black and tan, with a fleck of white here and there. "had a good time, john?" we asked, as we stopped at the top of a long hill for a chat. "well, pretty good--ran four deer and killed three; got my boots full of snow, and bring home a bad cold," he answered. "where did you camp?" "away up above stillson's, there"--pointing to the mountain-side just where the heavy fir-timber grew scattering and thin, and the clean sweep of the sloping crest came down to meet the wood. "we was there inside of a week, hunting all the time." "see any bear?" "just lots of sign, but i guess my dogs haven't lost any bear; the old dog got too close to one a bit ago, and came home with a bloody head and a cut on his shoulder a foot long." "find many deer?" "had two on foot at once one day: killed one, and hit the other, but he jumped a log just as i shot, and i guess i only barked him; i ran after him to try for another shot before he got clear off down the cañon, but i tumbled over a log myself in the snow, and just got wet through, and my boots all filled with it." "pretty rough up there, isn't it?" "well, it wouldn't be so bad if it wasn't for the fallen timber; but you can't get through them woods fast when you have to run round the end of one big log one minute and then duck under another, and then scramble on to the next for dear life, and half the time get only just in time to see the last of the deer as he gets into the thick brush." "better come out with us after the ducks, john." "blamed if i do!" came out with an unction and energy that startled us. "can't understand what you fellers can see in that duck-hunting." and, with a cheery good-by, the old boy spoke to his horses, and off they went down the hill, the brake hard held, and the wagon pushing the team before it on the rough corduroy road. still-hunting is the more sportsmanlike way; but the deadlier fashion is this hunting with two or three hounds: the slower they run, the more chance for the guns. one day last summer, returning from the bay, we stopped for the night at a farm by the roadside, among the burned timber. the fern had not grown up yet, but the hillsides were green and thick with salmon-berry and thimble-berry growth. two or three hounds--not of the very purest breed, but still hounds--were lounging about the door, and greeted us with a noisy welcome as we dismounted. the sons of the house were telling, round the fire before we went to bed, of the hundred and thirty deer they had already killed this season. they urged us to have a hunt in the morning, promising to get all done, so that we might be on the journey again by nine instead of seven. breakfast was over by a quarter to six, and we started. four in the party--two farmers' sons and two travelers--and three hounds. the huntsman carried a henry rifle of the old model; his younger brother a rifle of the old school--long, brown, heavy-barreled, throwing a small, round bullet. round the huntsman's neck hung an uncouth cow's horn, to recall the hounds if they strayed too far away. [sidenote: _hunting with hounds._] the sun was just driving off the early mist as we tramped along the road by the side of the river, toward the spot where they intended throwing off. but before we reached the place a quick little hound threw up her head, and, with a short, sharp cry, dashed into the brush between us and the river; the other hounds followed, and we heard the plunge and splash as the deer, so suddenly roused from his lair, took to his heels. the hounds took up in full cry along the opposite cañon, which led high up the hill-side, and the huntsman followed, his jacket changing color at once as he pushed through the dew-laden brush. under the guidance of the younger brother, we crossed the river also, and, following the farther bank, soon came to an open, grassy spot, from the upper side of which a view was got of the course of the river as it wound round the lower side in a graceful sweep. the trees, willow and alder, were thick on the bank, but here and there we caught more than a glimpse of the brown water as it hurried along. one of us being posted here, our guide took the other still higher up the stream. sitting down under the lee of a big old log, its blackness hidden under the trailing brambles and bright ferns, we waited and watched. the cry of the hounds came faint on the air from the hill-side above us, hounds and quarry alike invisible, and, as the sides of the cañon caught the sounds, echo returned them to us from all points in turn--fainter and still fainter, until we thought the chase had gone clear over the mountain into the distant valley beyond; and we sat watching the two little chipmunks, grown hardy by our stillness, which were chasing each other in and out among the brambles, then stopping to watch us with their bright-black, beady eyes. no sounds at all, and then a far-off music, just audible and no more. but it comes nearer, and we see our guide creeping toward us, rifle in hand, his face white with excitement and suspense. he can not resist the temptation of passing us to get command of the lower reach of the stream, and we have sympathy with his nineteen years, and take no notice. presently a distant splash in the river, and then a scrambling and splashing along the water's edge, and we catch a glimpse of a bright-yellow body flitting rapidly between the trees. the young hunter's rifle cracks, but the deer only gains in speed and dashes by. there is a clear space of ten or fifteen yards between the tree-trunks on our right, and, as the deer rushes past, we get a quick sight, almost like a rabbit crossing a ride in cover at home, and the winchester rings out. whether by luck or wit we will not say, but the splash ceases suddenly, and, running to the bank, there lies the deer, shot through the neck close to the head, drawing his last long breath. he was soon dragged out on to the grassy bank, and a feeling of pity was uppermost as we admired his graceful limbs, neat hoofs, and shapely head. in about ten minutes' time came the hounds, their eager cry ceasing as they caught sight of their quarry, lying motionless before them. the last hunters' rites were speedily paid, and we went a mile higher up the stream, to where a brook joined it, flowing quickly down from the southern hill. the hounds were again thrown into the brush, and before long were once more in full cry. this time the shot fell to the young huntsman's share, and we saw nothing of the chase till, hearing his rifle, and noticing the ceasing of the voices of the hounds, we pushed our way to the spot, to find the obsequies of a second deer already in progress. leaving one deer on a log by the roadside, with a note attached to it, asking the stage-driver to pick it up and bring it for us into corvallis, when he passed, in a couple of hours' time, we retraced our steps, mounted our horses, and were on our road, according to promise, by very soon after nine o'clock. [sidenote: _still-hunting._] still-hunting is a more arduous business. the hunter has the work to do of finding the deer; his rifle must slay it; if he wounds it, he must follow it on foot; the only help he can get is that of one steady old dog, which must never stray from his side. starting from his camp in the early dawn, he mounts the hill-side, carefully examining each likely spot of brush as he passes it, taking special note of each sheltered patch of fern. very carefully he climbs the logs, avoiding every dead branch that may crackle under his weight, and parting the brush before he pushes through. when he reaches the crest, he follows it along, scrutinizing every cañon closely, for his prey lies very wisely hidden. at last, he sees a gentle movement in the brush, and the deer rises from his lair, stretches his neck, arches his back, and snuffs round at each point of the compass to try if there be danger in the air. the hunter sees his chance, judges his distance as cleverly as he can, remembering that in this clear mountain air he is almost sure to underestimate the range; the shot rings out, and the deer springs high into the air, to fall crashing down the steep cañon-side. the common deer of western oregon is the black-tailed _cervus columbianus_. in the early spring many of them leave the mountains and traverse the valley-land to the closely timbered sloughs and brush bordering the willamette river. but, as the valley has been more closely cultivated and the farms spread in a nearly unbroken line, the deer have but a poor chance. some settler is almost sure to get a glimpse of the visitor as he tops the snake-fence into the oat-field for his morning feed, and the rifle, or worse, the long muzzle-loading shot-gun which carries five buckshot at a charge, hangs by or over the wide fireplace. if not killed outright, the poor beast carries with him a lingering and dangerous wound. but, away in the hills, i do not hear that the number is appreciably diminished; many of the hunters get a deer almost every time they go out. so wasteful are they that they carry off only the hind quarters, which they call the hams, and the hide, leaving the fore quarters and head to taint the air. the white-tailed deer (_cervus leucurus_) is now very rare. he frequents the more open spots; he chooses the bare slopes at the top of mary's peak and the bald mountain; he is not so shy as his black-tailed brother, and so falls an easier victim to the rifle. he abounds in the cascade range on the eastern side of the willamette valley, where he is found in the same haunts as the larger mule-deer. the noblest deer we have in oregon is the wapiti (_cervus canadensis_), invariably known in this country as elk. a day or two ago i saw a pair of fresh horns standing in front of one of the stores in the town, which were quite four feet six inches long, spread three feet six inches at the tips, and weighed forty pounds by scale. [sidenote: _elk._] as we handled them, a dry-looking, bearded, long-booted fellow joined the group. "those horns are nothing much," said he; "i killed an elk some time back in the alseya country, back of table mountain, that when we set the horns on the ground, tips downward, a feller could walk upright through them." "oh, yes," said we; "did you walk through them, stranger?" "wal, no, i guess not," said he, "but a feller might, you know." the elk go in bands of from seven to twenty in number, and their tracks through the woods are trampled as though a drove of cows had passed along. to kill an elk you can not go out before breakfast and return to dine. you must secure a good guide, who knows the mountains well; you must take a pack-horse, with food and blankets, as far into the wilds as the last settlement reaches, and there leave him. then slinging your blankets round your shoulders, and packing some flour, bacon, and coffee, a small frying-pan and coffee-pot, and tin cup, into the smallest possible compass, and taking your rifle in your hand, not forgetting the tobacco, you must strike into the woods. when night comes on, build your fire, fry your bacon, make some damper in the ashes, smoke the pipe of peace, and lie down under the most sheltering bush. no snakes will harm you, nor will wolf or cougar molest you, and the softness of your bed will not tempt you to delay long between the blankets after the first streak of dawn. rise and breakfast, and then on again. all that day, perhaps, you will have to tramp on and on, seeking one mountain-slope after another; here skirting brush too thick to penetrate, there walking easily through the low fern among the massive red and furrowed trunks of the gigantic firs. your guide finds "sign," and reports that it is not fresh enough to follow; so pursues his course till, looking back on the devious miles of weary wandering, you can hardly credit it that you have been but eight-and-forty hours on the trail. but your camp is pitched once more, and dawn has again roused you from your ferny bed. listen! the branches are crackling and rustling close by. you and your guide race for the spot, rifle in hand, too eager almost to duly remember woodland rules of caution. crouching and crawling as you get closer to the sounds, peering through the fern, you see--what? six, eight, ten, twelve, seventeen great beasts; one with enormous head, two others with smaller but still imposing antlers; the rest the mothers of the herd. unconscious of danger, they browse round; both rifles speak together, and the monarch and one of the smaller stags lie prostrate. you stay hidden; the deer group together in a confused crowd, too foolish and excited to think of flight. again your comrade fires, and another falls, and yet another, till, in disgust at the needless slaughter, you step from your shelter, and the survivors rush madly away, crashing through the wood as if a herd of cattle were in flight. i have known men, not usually cruel or excitable, get so maddened in a scene like this, that seven great elk lay dead together before they thought of stopping firing; and yet they knew that from the wilderness they stood in it was impossible to carry off the meat of even one! many hunters prefer elk-meat to any deer; others think the fawn of the white-tailed deer the best eating in the world. [sidenote: _camp on beaver creek._] one night last summer we camped out on beaver creek, nine miles south of the yaquina, along the beach. we had been trout-fishing all day from a canoe, and were glad to stretch out before the fire limbs that had been somewhat cramped from the need of balancing the rocking craft with every cast of the fly. before the fire stood roasting a row of trout, held in place over the hot embers by a split willow wand. we heard voices approaching through the wood, and presently a half-breed hunter and two friends of ours came in sight. they had been out two days after elk, but failed to find. on the way back they came across a doe and well-grown fawn; the latter they had killed, and brought it in. it was speedily skinned and cut up, and a loin, shoulder, and leg were skewered on sticks and roasting in the blaze. no bad addition to our fish supper, deer-meat and trout; the coffee was the only contribution of civilization to the meal, and a merry evening, extended far into the night, followed, as the logs were piled on, and the ruddy glow and showers of sparks lighted up the wild but comfortable scene, dancing in the lights and shadows of the overhanging trees. did you ever hear of flounder-spearing by torch-light? i have tried it, and do not propose to try it again. yaquina bay abounds in flounders--a flat fish resembling the turbot more than the flounder; red-spotted like the plaice, and weighing from one pound up to five or six. after nightfall, when the evening tide has just turned to come in, and the sandy channels and banks are all but bare, away from the main deep-water, channels of the bay, you may see tiny specks of distant lights moving on the black water. these are the indian canoes. take a skiff from the beach by the hotel at newport, and row out to sea. here are two or three lights near together, under heddon's point, on the south shore. row on till the lights in the hotel are blended into one, and the dark outlines against the sky of the overhanging cliffs are lost to sight. no sound reaches you in the darkness, but the recurring rattle of the sculls in the rowlocks, and the soft lapping of the tide. the lights you are seeking grow brighter, and you distinguish the glare of the fire and the moving, dim form of the fisherman. the canoe, some sixteen feet long, is boarded roughly across amidships, and on a thin layer of sand and wood-ashes burns a pine-knot fire. the indian stands in the bows, his back to the fire; as you look, he poles himself along by driving the handle of his long spear into the sand underlying the shallow channel. his fire burns dim for a moment, and he turns and with the same spear-handle he trims it; then, stooping, throws on it a fresh lump of the resinous pine. the fire dulls for an instant, then flares with a bright light, and a thick puff of smoke rises into the air, on which the glare falls strongly. the short, athletic form of the indian, and his swarthy, flattened features, glittering eyes, and bushy hair, stand out for a moment in strong relief. he turns, and again looks keenly into the black water. a moment, and he strikes, the spear making the water flash as it dips swiftly in. yes, he has it, and the frail boat quivers as he balances it ere he lifts out his struggling prey, and, with a deft, quick motion, throws the fish off, flapping and bouncing on a heap of victims in the stern of the canoe. without a smile or word, or an instant's respite, he turns again and resumes his keen watch, moving to the shallower waters as the tide makes. [sidenote: _flounder-spearing by torchlight._] i had a friend who was an enthusiast in the sport, and he beguiled me to join him. about eight we started, and about two in the morning we returned. warm as the weather was, i was chilled to the bone; and the worst of it was, i had not succeeded in striking one single fish. my friend armed me with a long spear and a lantern, and deposited me in the stern of the boat; similarly provided, he knelt in the bow and pushed the skiff along from bank to bank of sand and mud. my light did not burn brightly enough to show more than the dimmest outlines of the fish, just off the sandy bottom of the bay. here scuttled an old crab, scared by the novel light, and hurrying for shelter, crab-fashion, to the nearest bunch of weeds. there was a school of tiny fish, their silver sides glancing as the ray reached them; and there, again, a quick, white flash betrayed the sea-perch, not waiting to be spoken to. every now and then my friend darted his long spear at what he said were the flounders, but i could see nothing with my untrained eyes but a gray cloud and a gentle stirring of the sand. he did get one fish at last; and i, being too proud to say how bored and tired i was, waited sleepily for the rising tide to drive us home. how glad was i when he announced that the water was now too deep to see distinctly, and how thankfully i stumbled up the slimy steps by the little wharf and in to bed! [sidenote: _flounder-fishing by day._] flounder-fishing in the daytime is good sport. find out the nearest camp of indians there on the beach, crowded under a shelter of sea-worn planks, a few fir-boughs, and a tattered blanket; the smell of tainted fish pollutes the air, and a heap of flounders, each with the triangular spear-mark, attests the skill of last night's fishermen. "any fish, muck-a-muck?" say you, blandly. without turning her head, or raising herself from her crouching posture by the old black kettle, stewing on a tiny fire of sticks in the center of the hut, the old crone grunts out, "halo" (none). "want two bit?" you say, nowise discouraged. money has magic power nowadays, and she rises slowly and shuffles past you to where a rag or two are drying in the sun on a stranded log. from under the clothes she brings out a dirty basket of home make, and in it is a heap of greenish, struggling prawns. she turns out two or three handfuls into the meat-tin you have providently brought, holds out her skinny hand for the little silver pieces, and buries herself in her shanty without another word. fit out your fishing-lines and come aboard; the tide has turned, and the wind blows freshly across the bay. the surf keeps up its continuous roar on the rocky reefs outside. on the sand-bank in front of you sits a row of white and gray gulls preening themselves in the morning sun; a couple of ospreys are sailing overhead in long, graceful, hardly-moving sweeps, and away out by the north head hangs an eagle in the air, watching the ospreys, that he may cheat them of the fish he looks to see them catch. set the sail and let her go free, and away rushes the little boat, tired of bobbing at her moorings by the pier--away across the bay, to where the south beach sinks in gentle, sandy slope. take care of that waving weed, or we shall be on the edge of the bank! here we are, and down goes the kedge in six feet of water, close to but just clear of that same edge. now for the bait; tie it on tightly with that white cotton, or the flounders will suck it off so fast that you will have nothing else to do but keep replacing it. keep your sinkers just off the bottom, and a light hand on the line. a gentle wriggle, a twitch, and you have him; haul him in steadily. up he comes, a four-pounder, tossing and flopping in the bottom of the boat. here comes a great crab, holding on to the bait grimly, and suffering you to catch him by one of his lower legs and toss him in. now for a sea-perch; what a splendid color!--bands of bright scarlet scales, interlaced with silver. but what is this? a stream of water flows from the fish's mouth, and in it come out five or six little ones, the image of their parent. i wonder if it is true (and i think it is) that the little ones take refuge inside their parent in any time of need? the fishermen on this coast call this the "squaw-fish," from this sheltering, maternal instinct. but we have been here long enough; the water is too deep, the fish have gone off the feed, and we shall have to beat back, lucky if we do in two hours the distance we ran in half an hour on our way. the tide has run nearly out this evening: a good chance for some rock-oysters. get your axe and come along. where? along the coast toward foulweather; we shall find those long reefs almost bare. we climb over the big reef on the north head of the harbor, under the lighthouse hill, and wind in and out on the hard sand among the rough rocks, all crusted over their sides with tiny barnacles. there is little kelp or seaweed here. the surf beats too powerfully in this recess, away from the shelter of the great outer reef. see that group of indian women and children away out there, barelegged, digging with their axes in the rock. they are after the rock-oysters too. now is our chance. jump on to that rock before the next wave comes in, and climb on to the reef beyond it and get out to low-water mark. here we are. do you see that crevice? chip in and wrench the piece off; the rock is soft enough sandstone to cut with that blunt old axe. here is the spoil--soft mollusks, are they not, and not pretty to look at? but wait for the soup at dinner to-morrow before you pronounce on them. and we dig, and then venture farther out and farther, till the turn of the water warns us to get back. the evening is closing in; the sun has set, leaving a hot, red glow, where his copper disk has just sunk beyond the pacific horizon; and the eye wanders out from the infant waves, at foot just tinged with red, and reflecting the light as they move up in turn to catch it, to the blue and still darker blue water beyond, out to the sharp indigo line where sky and water meet. no land between us and the eastern world; the mind can hardly grasp the idea of the vast stretch of sea across which this new world reaches forth to join hands with old china and japan. [sidenote: _sea-otters._] before we go to bed, step for a moment into the quaint general store all but adjoining the hotel. what a medley! flour and axes; bacon and needles and thread; fishing-lines and bullock-hides; writing-paper and beaver-traps; milk-pails and castor-oil; tobacco in plenty, and skins; and a smell compounded of all these and more, but chiefly the product of that batch of skins hanging from that big nail in front of you, and lying piled on the bench by your side. take them down, and turn them over; bush won't mind. and we shake hands with the proprietor, coming from the darkness at the back. he has borne an honorable limp ever since the war, and has never yet quite recovered from illness and wounds. he swears by newport as the best, and healthiest, and most promising place in the world. "say," he whispers in our ear, "got a sea-otter skin to-day!" "where did you get it, bush, and who from, and how much did you have to pay for it?" "got it from the indians," he says; "they shot it away up by salmon river, beyond foulweather, and had to give more dollars for it than i care to say." "where did they get it?" "where they always do, away out in the kelp among the surf." "don't they ever come to land?" "no," he answers, "they live, and sleep, and breed out in the kelp. but if you want to know all about them, why don't you ask charlie here? he has been trading this summer, and last winter and spring, up by gray's inlet in washington territory, where they are plenty." so saying, he calls up the captain of the steam-schooner lying at her moorings by the quay. from this man, and from hunters and indians all along the coast, i have gathered many a tale of the habits of the sea-otter, and of the fate of those that have been killed; for the rarity of the beast, and the beauty and value of its skin, interest these men, both from their hunters' instinct and from the mere money business of it. i know also that scientific naturalists desire all the facts they can get, that such facts may be placed on record before this connecting link between the seals and the otters perishes from the earth. i believe that the sea-otter (_enhydra marina_) is only met with on this north pacific coast, along which it is gradually being driven northward by constant hunting. thirty years ago they were common along the oregon sea-line; now the killing of a single specimen is noted in the newspapers; and hardly more than one a year is generally met along the coast. they inhabit the belt of tangle and kelp, which is found a few hundred yards from the beach, beyond the shore-line of sand or rock. they are never seen ashore, or even on isolated rocks; when the sea is warm and still, they live much on the surface, playing in the weed; sometimes, supporting their fore-feet on the thickest part of the wavy mass, they raise their head and shoulders above the weed, and gaze around. parents and children live together in the weed; i have not heard of more than two young ones being seen in the family group. the skeleton is about four feet long: the fore-paws are short, strong, and webbed; almost in the same proportions as a mole's; the hinder extremities are flappers, like the seal's. the hide is twice the size of the common otter's; the fur the most beautiful, soft, thick, and glossy in the world--dark-brown outside, and almost yellow beneath, like the seal's. they are sometimes shot from a steam-schooner, like my friend's, lying-to at a safe distance, but much more commonly from the shore. along the coast of gray's inlet several hunters make a regular business of it. quite high watch-towers of timber are built just above high-water mark, and on these the hunter climbs with his long-range rifle, and watches. he provides a man on horseback to follow any otter he may be fortunate enough to kill, up or down the coast, and take possession of it when thrown up on the beach by the tide. these men seem to prefer the sharp rifle for accuracy of long-range fire. that they are no mean proficients may be judged when i mention that one hunter killed upward of sixty last year; the skins, or most of them, my friend the captain bought, at prices, varying with size and condition, of from fifty to one hundred dollars each. i am told that about august the young ones are seen in company with their parents; but that the otters may be met with at almost any time in the year when the sea is calm enough for them to be marked among the tangle. [sidenote: _common otter. mink._] the common otter (_lutra californica_) abounds in the tidal portions of the rivers along this coast. two indians, whom i know, shot six in an hour or two among the rocks bordering a little cove some eight miles north of the yaquina, into which a little river empties itself. the skins are not quite so large as those of the english otter, but the fur is valuable. the mink (_putorius vison_) resembles the polecat, but is nearly twice as large, with nearly black fur; it frequents the borders of the streams, and takes to the water with the greatest readiness. we have rabbits in oregon (_lepus washingtonii_) not much more than half the size of the common rabbit of europe, but similar in habits and place of residence. it is on these that the mink chiefly preys. i was walking my horse along a quiet stretch of sandy road, between thick bushes, returning from the yaquina one day in summer, when a rabbit darted out before my horse and down the road for a hundred yards as hard as he could go; then into the bushes, then back into the road, and up the other side, close to me, evidently in the greatest fear. i stopped to see. presently, a mink came out where poor bunny first appeared--nose to the ground, and hunting like a ferret. he followed the rabbit's track step by step down the road, into the bushes, back again close to me, then into the brush; and then out came poor rabbit again, the heart gone out of him. stopping an instant, then going on a few steps, stopping again, and at last, trembling, he bunched himself into his smallest compass in the middle of the road, and there awaited his fate. not losing one twist or turn, patient, fierce, inexorable, the enemy followed, not raising his nose from the trail till he was almost on his prey. then a quick bound; the rabbit was seized by the head, almost without a struggle, and dragged nearly unresisting into the bushes down toward the river's edge, while i passed on, musing on the points of resemblance between cousins on opposite sides of the world. fortunately, these rabbits are very scarce. they are hardly seen in the valley; they live solely in the woods, never in or about the cultivated ground. chapter vii. birds in oregon--lark--quail--grouse--ruffed grouse--wild-geese-- manoeuvres in the air--wild-ducks--mallard--teal--pintail--wheat-duck --black duck--wood-duck--snipe--flight-shooting--stewart's slough-- bitterns--eagles--hawks--horned owls--woodpeckers--blue-jays--canaries --the canary that had seen the world--blue-birds--bullfinches-- snow-bunting--humming-birds at home. i have read comments on the scarcity of birds in america. this may be true in some parts; here, in oregon, we have abundance, except of singing-birds. of these last the meadow-lark is almost the sole example; and his song, in its fragmentary notes and minor key, does not even remind one distantly of his english cousin, who always seems to express by his gush of complete and perfect melody the joy that fills his being: "... in a half sleep we dream, and dreaming hear thee still, o singing lark! that singest like an angel in the clouds." the quail (_oreortyx pictus_) has one long, sweet whistle, with the peculiarity that it is almost impossible to follow up and find the bird by his note; it sounds so close that you expect the bird is standing on the nearest log, but you look in vain; then it calls you from a hundred yards off, among the brush; again from the other side, and you try to drive him out of the left-hand thicket; but all the while your dog is working in the wood twenty yards ahead. you turn your head just in time to see a dark-brown bird flit like a flash across the road and disappear. in the shooting-season the quail is one of the hardest birds to kill. they run in front of the dog in the brushwood with the greatest speed, then rise and fly for fifty or a hundred yards like lightning, and then take to their heels again. in harvest-time the grouse (_tetrao obscurus_), here called the partridge, come down from the fir-woods to the grain-fields and give good sport. they frequent the corners of the fields, nearest to the brush, and as the brood rise, ten or a dozen in number, and wing quickly across to shelter in the wood, it reminds one of old times and of partridge-shooting in norfolk or suffolk ten years ago. when the grain is cleared off, the grouse keep to the slips and corners of brush nearest to the field for some weeks. as the season advances, they take to the fir-woods again, and lose their interest to the sportsmen by becoming in the first place almost impossible to find, and next worthless for the table from their turpentine taste. after the grouse have left the harvest-fields and got back into the woods, the shot-gun sportsman must be quick indeed to shoot as the bird rises and makes for the nearest tall fir. there he perches and defies you. the rifle-shot waits till the bird has taken up its place on the bough and peers over to look after the dog; then he shoots and often kills, though the head and neck of a grouse thirty or forty yards off is not a very big mark. the ruffed grouse (_bonassa sabinensis_), here called the pheasant, is a fourth larger than the common grouse, with beautiful bright-brown plumage, dashed with yellow, and a spreading tail. he frequents the oak-grubs and scattering brush of the foot-hills, and is found all through the less dense portions of the woods of the coast range. he gives good sport, rising to the dog and giving a longer flight, and offering the sportsman a fairer chance. [sidenote: _wild geese._] as soon as the first half of october has passed by, the cry of the wild-geese is heard far away in the sky, and their v-shaped companies are seen winging their southward course. these first advance-guards do not stay, and scarcely ever descend low enough to tempt even the most sanguine shot. but in a week or so the main army arrives. following up the general course of the willamette river, they betake themselves to the sand- and gravel-bars of the river to spend the night, leaving in the early morning for the bare harvest-fields, where, after a vast amount of debate and consideration, and many long, circling flights, they descend to feed. now every kind of firearms sees the light, and the gun-maker of the town begins to reap his harvest. as you ride along the country roads in the valley, you see a lurking form behind almost every fence. it is a kind of sport exactly suiting the average oregonian, who likes his game to come to him, and is great at watching for it. following with your eye the line of timber that betokens the river's course, you see six or seven great flocks of geese (_bernicla canadensis_) on the wing at once; some in the far distance, mere specks in the air, others near enough for you to overhear their conversation, which goes on continually. however confused the crowd that rises from the river, it is but a few seconds until order is taken. one flies to the head to guide the band, others take places on either side behind him; regular distances are kept, leaving just enough room for free motion, but no more. inside the head of the v, and generally on its left side, fly two or three geese in a little independent group. i think it is from these that the officer appears in turn to lead the van. how many times have i watched their evolutions with delight!--all the keener that the band was coming my way; that the quick, regular beats of the wings had nearly stopped, and the spread pinions showed they were about alighting in the very field under the snake-fence of which i crouched, double-barrel in hand. the voices grow louder; the conversation and debate is perfectly confusing; they are near enough for you to note the outstretched necks and quick eyes glancing from side to side; the blue-gray colors on the wings, with the black bars, are plain. waiting till they have passed over, some thirty yards to the right--for it is of no avail to shoot at them coming to you (the thick feathers turn the shot)--here go two barrels at the nearest birds. what a commotion! there is a perfect uproar of voices all declaiming at once, and away they scatter as hard as they can, resuming regular order in a hundred yards, but leaving one poor bird flapping on the ground. my dog runs to pick him up, but can't make out the big bird, and comes inquiringly back to know what on earth i mean by shooting at birds he surely has seen--"yes, about the home-pond, master--what _are_ you about?" the geese are sorely destructive to the autumn-sown wheat; the farmer welcomes the sportsman from selfish motives, as well as from his usual hospitality, when he sees him, gun in hand. the wild-geese are nearly all of one variety (_bernicla canadensis_); a few white ones (_anser hyperboreus_) appear now and then, prominent among their gray brethren by their snowy plumage. wild-ducks come next, and by the end of the first week of november the sportsman's carnival is in full swing. first come the mallard and his mate (_anas boschus_), in small bands; next follow the whistling and the common teal (_querquedula cyanoptera_ and _nettion carolinensis_); then the pintail (_dafila acuta_) in great bands; following these, the wheat-duck, or gadwall (_chaulelasmus streperus_), in multitudes; then, at a short interval, the redhead (_fuligula athya americana_) and the black duck (_fulix affinis_). these stay with us all the winter, as do also the wood-duck (_dix sponsor_), and until the crocuses cover the wild ground once again. we have the snipe (_gallinago wilsonii_) in our marsh-lands, but not in large numbers, and one specimen of the great solitary snipe has been killed. the snipe have a curious instinct for knowing exactly how many one piece of marsh will support. near this house is a wet corner, fed by springs and also by ditches. the extent is about an acre; it is covered with rose-bushes and alder-shoots, and with rushes. in this are usually three snipe, never more. several times each winter we have cleared the three out, but in a week or so successors fill their places. [sidenote: _flight-shooting._] our favorite sport in winter is "flight-shooting"--killing the geese and ducks as they fly round the swamps at evening, preparing to settle for their night's feed. this comes in after the day's work is pretty nearly done. mounting our ponies about four o'clock, we canter off to a big swamp about three miles off. through this flows a little stream, whose water swells with the winter rains into two little lakes. long grass and sedges cover the ground, and a good many patches of reeds give shelter. arriving just as the sun is setting behind the mountain south of mary's peak, his departing rays strike in brilliant red and yellow light along the surface of the pools, filling the valley with quivering, purple haze. we post ourselves at long intervals along the marsh, crouching while the light lasts, among the reeds. just as the red light fades away, a group of black specks is seen against the sky, rising from the fir-timber that bounds the distant river. they grow quickly larger, and presently the rapid beat of wings is heard, as they whistle through the air overhead. the first flight round is high up in the sky, as they take a general view. circling at the far end of the swamp, back they come, this time nearer to the ground. just as you are debating if you dare risk the shot, whish! whish! comes the big band of teal close behind you, dashing by with a swoop worthy of the swiftest swallow, and defying all but a chance shot into the thick of them. by this time the big ducks are past, your chance at them is gone, and you hear in a second or two the bang! bang! from lower down the swamp, telling of one of your comrades' luck. here come some more--right, left, overhead, behind--till an unlucky cartridge sticks in your gun, and the scene falls on an unhappy wretch cursing his luck, and devoting himself, his gun, his powder, the ducks, the swamp, and all oregon to the infernal deities! night has fallen; the pale gold-and-green light has faded from the sky; the dark purple line of mountains has turned into a solid mass of the darkest neutral tint; one star after another has shown out overhead, to be reflected in the still, shallow water in which you stand. a low voice calls out of the darkness, "time to go home, i suppose." and a quick canter along the muddy road, possible only because the horses know every step of the way, soon brings us home to a late meal, where all our battles are fought over again, and the spoils, in their various beauty, are proudly shown. among the game-birds may be included the blue crane, which flies in bands of from ten to twenty, high in the air. but it does not remain here, and is only killed by chance. the other day a bittern (_ardeidæ minor_) was shot--a bird somewhat larger than the european bittern, but exactly resembling it in all essentials. [sidenote: _eagles, hawks, horned owls._] eagles and hawks we have in abundance, and of all sizes. the former are destructive to the young lambs even in the valley. how bold they are, too! one flew into a bush the other day as i rode across a wide pasture, and watched me as i came close by him, never taking to flight, though i passed within twenty yards of him--near enough to note the defiant, proud expression of his great black eye. last summer we lost chicken after chicken. i could not make out the robber, having taken precautions against rats, _et id genus omne_. one night, about ten o'clock, our english servant burst into the sitting-room with--"sir, sir, bring your gun; here's a heagle come down on to the roof of the barn!" one of us ran out with a gun, and made out a big bird against the starlit sky. a shot, and down it came on the roof of the stable, making the horses jump and rattle their halter-blocks. it turned out to be a splendid specimen of the great horned owl. after his death the depredations among the chickens ceased for the time. very often a pair of owls, just like the english barn-owl, are seen beating the swampy ground, i suppose after rats; quartering the ground, and examining every sedgy patch like a setter-dog. two kinds of woodpeckers are common; the smaller sort abounds in the burned timber, and again and again in the course of the day's ride you hear the tap, tap, and see the little fellow propping himself against the black trunk with his strong tail. the larger woodpecker is a beautiful bird, with a bright brown-and-gray speckled and barred chest, and a scarlet head and top-knot. these birds are eagerly sought by the indians, who adorn themselves with the red feathers, and use them also as currency among themselves in various small transactions. the blue-jays are as noisy in our woods as in other parts of the world, and as inquisitive and impertinent. in summer we have flights of little yellow-birds just like canaries. one of my boys brought his pet canary from england in a little cage. he cared for and tended it all the long journey, and until we were on board the steamer coming up the willamette. in the course of the morning he thought he would clean out his bird's cage. the open door was too strong a temptation. out slipped the captive, and, after a short flight or two in the cabin, away he went into the outer air and perched on the upper rail of the pilot-house. after a moment he caught sight of a flock of little yellow-birds flitting round a big tree by a farmhouse on the bank. off flew the little traveler to join them, and the last we saw of him was that he was joyfully joining the new company, while his master stood disconsolately watching the escape of his favorite. flocks of little bluebirds (_sialia mexicana_) frequent the town, the whole of their plumage a bright metallic blue. among them is sometimes seen the golden oriole (_icterus bullockii_), making, with his orange jacket and black cap, a brilliant contrast with his blue companions. along the fences, and in the clumps of bushes filling their angles, is the favorite haunt of a pretty bird (_pipilo oregonus_), in plumage almost exactly resembling the european bullfinch; like him too in habit, as he accompanies you along the road in little, jerky flights. [sidenote: _humming-birds at home._] when the winter day has closed in, and the lamps are lighted, several times the little snow-bunting (_iunco oregonus_) has come tapping at the window, attracted by the light, and seeking refuge in the warmth within from the rough wind and driving rain without. in the honeysuckle, which covers the veranda and climbs over the face of the house, two sets of humming-birds (_selasphorus rufus_) made their home. it was pretty to watch them as they poised themselves to suck the honey, and then darted off to one flower after another among the beds, returning every instant to their nests, close to our heads, as we sat out in the cool evening air. we were taken in several times by the humming-bird moths, which imitated exactly the motions of the birds. chapter viii. up to the cascades--farming by happy-go-lucky--the foot-hills--sweet home valley--its name, and how deserved and proved--the road by the santiam--eastward and upward--timber--lower soda springs--different vegetation--upper soda springs--mr. keith--our reception--his home and surroundings--emigrants on the road--the emigrant's dog--off to the spokane--whence they came--where they were bound--still eastward--fish lake--clear lake--fly-fishing in still water--the down slope east-- lava-beds--bunch-grass--the valleys in eastern oregon--their products --wheat-growing there--cattle-ranchers--their home--their life--in the saddle and away--branding-time--hay for the winter--the malheur reservation--the indians' outbreak--the building of the road--when, how, and by whom built--the opening of the pass--the history of the road--squatters--the special agent from washington--a sham survey. after recovering from a sharp attack of illness last fall, i was sent away for change of air. i fancied the mountain air would revive me speedily; so we resolved to travel up to the upper soda springs, in the cascades. it was two days' journey from the valley. the first twenty miles led us across the rich valley portion of linn county. we had to pass through the little town of lebanon. near here we saw an illustration of farming carelessness that i must mention. the harvest of was marked by the first recorded instance of rust attacking the spring-sown wheat. the spring was unusually late, and when the rains ceased, about the th of may, the summer sun broke forth at once with unclouded warmth and splendor. the lately sown grain sprang up in marvelous vigor, and the crop promised abundantly for the farmer, when, just before the wheat hardened in the ear, the rust seized it, the leaf took a yellow tinge, and the grain shriveled up. the valley portions of linn, lane, marion, and benton counties suffered, the first-named the most severely. in our ride across the valley we passed several fields which were standing abandoned and unreaped; the preparations for next year's crop were in active progress; in one great wheat-field we saw the farmer, with his broad-cast grain-distributor fixed in his wagon, sowing his seed among the untouched, shriveled crop! and the wonder is that the crop of this year, all through this stricken district, was unusually fine for both quality and quantity of wheat. i do not know that a stronger fact could be adduced in proof of the still wonderful fertility of this willamette valley than that it should be possible this year to reap a good crop, grown on ground that was neither reaped, plowed, nor rolled--nothing done but to cast abroad the seed and harrow it lightly in. soon after passing lebanon, eighteen miles from here, we reached the foot-hills of the cascades; round, swelling, sandy buttes; sometimes covered with short pasture-grass; generally bearing a growth of oak-brush, sprinkled with firs of a moderate size. [sidenote: _sweet home valley._] we slept at the first toll-gate, at the other side of sweet home valley. this pretty vale deserved its name. some five or six miles long by about two in width, there was a good expanse of fertile bottom-land, plowed and cultivated; all round the hills rose, lightly timbered in part, affording pasture for the cattle. we were told that the first five settlers were bachelors, and called the valley "sweet home" to induce their lady-loves to follow them so far into what was then a wilderness. that their invitation succeeded, i judge from the fact that the valley has now three hundred inhabitants; that the settlement was a permanent one, i judge from the fact that a neat schoolhouse, well filled with scholars, is now the chief ornament of the valley. the road followed on along the course of the santiam river, now becoming a rapid mountain-stream, with many a rock and ripple. by the side of every farmhouse stood one or two "fish-poles," betokening that the river was of use as well as ornament to the dwellers by its banks. the road now led us straight eastward to the mountains, whose fir-crowned summits frowned on us from every side. here and there a little valley nestling among the hills had been reclaimed to the use of man; and many a neat little farm and well-grown orchard, with fenced grain-fields and hay-fields, witnessing to the successful labor of the owner, smiled on us as we passed. on nearly all appeared the magic words: "hay and oats sold here. good accommodation for campers"; betokening that we were on the main road of travel, and that the farmers found a ready market for their produce at their very door. at one farm stood a set of fairbanks's scales, for weighing and apportioning the wagon-loads before undertaking the passage of the mountains. the ascent was soon commenced; indeed, we had mounted several hundred feet before we were well aware of it, so good was the engineering of the road. [sidenote: _lower soda springs._] the timber grew larger on either side and ahead; no burned timber here, but massive, heavy growths, extending mile after mile, of spruce, hemlock, and pine, interspersed with many a cedar, tall, straight, and strong. very little undergrowth of brush; a good deal of brake-fern and of grass; and by the sides and along the edges of the little gullies and cañons that we crossed, the large maidenhair-fern grew in beautiful profusion. we were never far from the santiam, and now and again the roar and rush of water told us of little falls and rapids in the stream. always ascending, here with a long, straight stretch of grading cut into the hill-side, there with a winding course to cheat the hill that rose to bar our road; down a short distance, then along the little valley with its farm, then up again, till we gained the brow overlooking the settlement at the lower soda springs. the little wooden houses, with galleries overhanging the rocky stream; the heavy fir-woods clothing the hill-sides; the abundant ferns and creeping plants growing down to the water's edge; the abrupt outlines of the rocks in places too steep for vegetation--all reminded us of norway, and of happy tours in bygone years. and the welcome we received from the hospitable innkeepers served to strengthen the remembrance. we went down to drink at the soda-springs. long, inclined ledges of white and gray rocks lead down to the river's edge; there, within a few feet of the sweet, running water, so near that the rise of one foot in actual level of the stream would overrun the spring, we found the alkaline spring, welling out from a hole six inches across in one of the wide ledges of gray rock. i never yet tasted a mineral water that was nice, and it seems as if the medical value of a spring varied exactly with its nastiness; so judged, i should say that the lower soda springs were very valuable. a few hours more, over broken country, which grew wilder as we advanced, brought us in twelve miles' travel to our destination. the last few miles entered a burned timber-patch, where the black trunks either towered high into the air or lay supine, rotting by degrees into yellow mold. the vegetation had a different aspect from the coast range; a great feature in the brush was the abundance of elder-bushes, then covered with blue-gray berries, and the flourishing dogwood-trees, whose branches bore a quantity of large, white flowers and also of scarlet fruit. we had crossed the santiam several times, here by timber bridges, there by fords. the excellence of the road, its freedom from rocks and "chuck-holes," alike surprised and pleased us, and my poor bones would have told a sad tale if all the stories of "mere wagon-track" had been founded in even the semblance of fact. [sidenote: _mr. keith._] we mounted the little rise which brought us in sight of upper soda springs. on the left of the road stood a barn; on the right, three little detached wooden huts, from one of which the thin, blue smoke was rising and betokened the habitation of the owner. a thin, bent, elderly man issued from the barn with a big bundle of hay in his arms, as we drove up, and came across to meet us. "mr. keith?" i asked. "i have a letter of introduction from a friend of yours, and we wish to stay with you for a week or ten days." "you read it to me," was the answer; "i haven't got my spectacles." so i read it. "well, sir, can we stay?" "i don't mind men, but i can't abear women," was the somewhat forbidding response, as my wife smiled across from the back of the carriage. "i don't think you need mind my wife, mr. keith; she won't give you any extra trouble." "i don't mind cooking for men--they don't know any better; but, as for the women, they are always thinking how much better they could do it." however, we settled it amicably, and took possession of the third little hut, where the bundle of hay was soon shaken out on to the two standing bed-places on either side. we made great friends with the old gentleman, whose roughness was all on the outside, and who slew his chickens, and cooked his cabbages, and stewed his dried plums and apples for us without stint, and in a manner that no woman could object to. the situation was most romantic--just under the shadow of a huge body of rugged rocks on one side, while on the other mr. keith's little fields, from which all the dogwood and elderberry bushes had not been grubbed out, led to the edge of the bank overhanging the santiam. the river here is a beautiful stream, rocky and broken, deep and shallow, by turns, with a trout under every stone. mr. keith's garden was a few steps from the house, in a little bottom; although so high up above sea-level (about twenty-five hundred feet, i believe), the vegetables were as fine as i ever saw, and the grape-vines, trained over a trellis in front of the house, were loaded with fruit. here, among the hills, trout-rod for me and sketch-book and water-colors for my wife, we spent ten happy days. there was no lack of company, for, besides our old host, all the passers-by stopped at the house. hardly a day went, even at that late period of the season, without from six to ten wagons passing, on their way from western and southern oregon to the wide plains and fertile valleys of eastern oregon and washington territory. the self-reliance, the absolute trusting to the future, of all these good people was impressive. the whole family were together: beds, chairs, stove, blankets, clock, saucepans, and household stores were all packed or piled into the wagon; underneath hung a box or basket with a couple of little pigs or a dozen cocks and hens. a couple of cows were driven along or took their parts as a yoke of oxen in draught; a colt or two and a few young cattle ran by the side, and the family dog, presiding over the cavalcade, seemed to have more of a burden on his mind than the human heads of the expedition. many stopped to camp for the night, almost all for at least one meal, and all without exception to get a drink from the effervescing soda-spring. [sidenote: _off to the spokane._] one wagon was driven by a pleasant-spoken man; with him were his wife and a sick baby of a year old. they had nothing for the baby but potatoes and flour. their stores were but scanty. "where are you going?" said i. "to the spokane, i guess," was the reply. "where do you come from?" "well, i had a valley-farm, and we were doing pretty well, but i hadn't my health good, and i thought we'd try the spokane." "do you know where it is you are going?" "no, but they told us to take this road and we'd find our way." "have you any idea how far it is?" "not much; a hundred miles or two, isn't it?" "put five hundred or so on, and you'll get there." "you don't say so! well, i dare say we shall get through all right." "what do you mean to do?" "well, i haven't money enough to buy a farm, so i shall just take up a place." "you mean to homestead, then?" "i guess so." "how many miles can you make in a day?" "not more than ten or fifteen with this old scrub team." "have you thought that this is the first week in october, and that you can't expect to get there much before january?" "i guess not; but i dare say we shall get on very well." "you told me just now you had not much money; have you thought how long it will last you, spending two dollars a day on the road?" "no, i haven't rightly figured it. i knew we shouldn't have much left when we got there." "what makes you want to go to the spokane?" "well, i've heard it's good land up there." "isn't oregon good enough for you?" "i don't know but what it is. i didn't know the place was so far off." i fetched him a large scale map, and left him to think it over after supper. they were off in the morning before we were out, and i have no idea whether they reached the spokane; my only consolation was, that the baby was the better for the care and food it got that night, and for the additional stores they carried away for it. this conversation was, perhaps, an extreme one; but it is absolutely true to facts. all that we talked to were equally hopeful, and few much better instructed as to their course. certainly no people in the world could be better qualified to make a little go far, to take cheerily all the inevitable discomforts of both the long journey and the new home, and to make the best use of every advantage they found or made. only a few were going to this spokane country, away north in washington territory; the rest were bound for eastern oregon, which is being settled up marvelously fast, when the difficulties of getting there, and of getting their produce out from there, are taken into account. the stretch of burned timber country ended about the upper soda. all round it, and on from there eastward, grew miles upon miles of magnificent fir, hemlock, spruce, and cedar-trees, averaging three feet through, and, i judged, a hundred and fifty feet in height. i measured several of the dead trees on the ground, which ran from two hundred and twenty to two hundred and fifty feet in length, and the tops of all of them were gone. a few miles farther on eastward are fish lake and clear lake. the former merits its name from the abundance of trout from one to three and four pounds in weight. in summer the water shrinks away to little more than a stream in the middle of the depression which forms the lake, and a growth of rich, succulent grass follows the subsidence of the waters. clear lake, some four miles off, is vastly different. it evidently occupies the place of a great and sudden depression of timber-covered country, for, looking down into the deep, clear water, the great firs are seen still standing erect on the bottom, far, far below. fly-fishing on this lake is wonderfully good. throw the flies on to the still water, oh! so quietly, and there let them lie motionless; in a moment or two a dim form shines deep down, rising with a quick, vibrating motion, and up comes your friend: with a greedy snatch he takes the fly, and bolts downward with it, to be speedily checked and brought to book. soon begins the descent, much more gradual than the ascent, and not so prolonged, since all eastern oregon is a kind of plateau, elevated from one to two thousand feet above sea-level. [sidenote: _valleys in eastern oregon._] a stretch of lava-bed is soon reached, the acme of desolation, where the road has been painfully worked by crushing down the rugged blocks, or laboriously moving them with levers from the path. two or three miles carry us across, and then the bunch-grass country begins. great tussocks of succulent feed for spring and early summer, dried by the hot sun into natural hay for autumn and winter use, afford pasture for countless herds of cattle. even here there are watercourses and springs a few miles apart. the valleys--namely, des chutes, crooked river valley, ochoco, beaver creek, grindstone creek, silver creek, harney lake, and malheur--stretch in a practically unbroken line across the whole of the remainder of oregon to the eastern boundary of snake river. take crooked river valley as a specimen. it varies from one to three miles in width, but is bounded, not by the steep and rugged hills we are used to in the coast range, but by gently swelling bluffs, covered with bunch-grass to and over their tops. the valley-land is rich and fertile, and wherever cultivated yields abundantly in potatoes, cereals, vegetables, and small fruits of all kinds. sixty and eighty bushels of oats to the acre is not an unusual crop. and tame grasses take firm hold of the country wherever opportunity is given them. the bunch-grass slopes, with occasional sagebrush scattered among the grass, are not to be always set apart for such common use as at present. precisely the same character of land has been plowed up and put into wheat during the last few years round walla walla, just north of the northeast corner of oregon, and produces forty bushels of wheat to the acre. indeed, it is from country like this that the great crops of northeastern oregon and washington territory are produced; crops yielding a magnificent return, if not to the farmer whose enterprise and industry have served to raise them, yet to the recently formed transportation company called the oregon railway and navigation company, by whose boats plying on the columbia the wheat is carried to portland to be shipped. at present these vast stretches of rolling hill and dale are the home of the cattle-rancher--a strange and wild life. a suitable site is fixed on, commanding ample water privilege, with some valley-land near by to grow sufficient hay, and to raise the desired quantity of oats and vegetables; here the house is built, the lumber being hauled by wagons perhaps fifty or a hundred miles from the mill. the rancher's family consists of his wife and children, and possibly five or six herdsmen. while looking after cattle, these men almost live in the saddle. horses abound, and form as good a source of revenue as cattle, in proportion to the capital engaged. the eastern oregon horse is taller and bigger-boned than the valley horse, but naturally his education is not so well attended to, and he is apt to be "mean" and to buck. little recks his rider, and after a bout of bucking, in which the horse has not dislodged the man, but has shaken up every bone in his body till he is sore all over with the constant jar, as the horse comes to the ground all four feet at once after a mighty jump, then it is the man's turn. driving in the heavy mexican spurs, with their rowels two or three inches across, the rider starts wildly out, and mile after mile the open country is crossed at a hard-gallop. the herd is soon seen and ridden round, and a close lookout is kept to see if any stragglers have joined the band, and if the calves and yearlings are all right. branding-time comes twice a year, in spring and autumn, when the cattle of a whole "stretch" of country are driven together, separated according to the various ownerships determined by marks and brands. in spring come in the eastern buyers, who travel through the country, collecting a huge drove of perhaps from ten to twenty thousand head. the three-year-old steers fetch about fifteen or seventeen dollars a head; no wonder the ranchers prosper, considering that the cost from calfhood was only that of herding. some of the provident ones collect one or two hundred tons of natural hay against the severities of winter. it may be that for two or three years the hay will stand unused; then comes the stress. deep snow will cover the face of the country and lie for weeks, too deep for the cattle to live, as in ordinary winters, on the dry bunch-grass protruding from the snow, or easily reached by scratching a slight covering away. even an abundant store will not save all, for many of the herd will have taken refuge in distant valleys, or perhaps have retreated far off the whole range in the face of the driving storm. and even those that are found will move very unwillingly from any poor shelter they may have secured toward the life-saving food. [sidenote: _the malheur reservation._] there is a large indian reservation called the malheur reserve; the road crosses its southwest corner. these indians are quiet enough now, but only three years ago there was an outbreak among them. one rancher had built a fine stone house, just outside the reservation bounds, and there lived in comfort, surrounded by all the necessaries and many of the luxuries of life. he had six or eight thousand head of cattle and some three hundred horses in his band. one morning a friendly indian rode up in haste, telling him to get away, as the hostiles were coming to kill them all. mounting their horses, the rancher and his wife took to flight; they looked back from the hill-top to see the flames and smoke rising from their comfortable home, telling how narrow had been their escape. a hurried ride of fifty miles took them to safe refuge; and the speedy repulse of the indians, and their being driven once again within their own boundaries, enabled the rancher to rebuild his house, and restore once more his household goods. this road was built by men who were sent out from albany, and spent years in the work, rifles by their side; for the country fourteen years ago was not the safe domain it has now become. the first idea was to use the pass through the cascades (which is the lowest and safest in oregon, so far as i can learn), to build a road to open the plains of eastern oregon to the willamette valley. after a good deal of the work had been accomplished, a suggestion was made to the owners of the road that if they would undertake to extend it clear across the state to the idaho boundary, a distance from albany of some four hundred and fifty miles by the necessary deviations from a straight line, a land grant might probably be procured from congress to aid the work. whatever may be said of the general policy of granting the national lands to corporations to aid wagon-road and railroad enterprises, there may surely be cases where the effect is not only to secure the execution of the work, but also to encourage the settling up of a district, and the consequent increase of the population and wealth of a state. here was the state of affairs in eastern oregon prior to : a vast country, adapted for the gradual settlement and ultimate habitation of a prosperous race, was lying at the mercy of a few roving bands of indians, who made the lives and property of even casual travelers their speculation and sport. what was the value then of all that country? could any purchaser for it have been then found, at even a few cents an acre? [sidenote: _building of the road._] the projectors of the road took their lives in their hands when they ventured forth to work. they risked themselves, their horses and equipments. every pound of food consumed had to be brought in wagons from their starting-point. as they progressed, their danger and difficulty increased with every mile they traversed; and the last section of the road was built by men who had suffered themselves to be snowed in and shut off from families and friends, and to give up every chance of succor in distress, that the work might not stand still. and it was no light work, even judged by us who travel the road at ease, and have hardly a passing glance for the rocky grade, the deep cutting, the ponderous lava-block, the huge black trunk. how appalling must the undertaking have appeared to those who had first to face the dangers and difficulties of a mountain-chain, to plan for and survey out the most favorable route among heavy timber and rocky precipice, beside rushing waters and through deep gorges; and then across those wide and then silent plains, where the timid antelope ranged by day, and the skulking wolf by night made solitude hideous with his melancholy howl! no roadside farms to welcome them, no little towns to mark, as now, the stages of their journey, but farther and farther into the wilderness, till four hundred miles lay between the workers and the valley-homes they had left months before. and this was no wealthy corporation, which has but to announce its readiness to receive, and dollars are poured into its lap by a public hungry for dividends, until it has to cry, "hold, enough!" here were no regiments of yellow workmen, trained to labor in many a ditch and grade; but citizens of oregon, who desired to build up their state; who believed the records of their fellows as to the miles of country that could be forced to contribute their quota of productions if but the way were opened in and out; who, having themselves prospered in the sound and moderate way in which oregon encourages her children, were ready to risk what they had gained in a cause they knew was good--these men combined their energies to the common end. it was an enterprise which roused and maintained the kindly interest of all. the working parties in the cascade range were followed up by the teams of those who desired the first choice of settlement in the promised land beyond. by the time the last great log that barred the pass was reached, a long string of wagons stood waiting its removal. while the long saws were plied, and then the levers brought, all stood in expectation; willing hands lent their eager aid: the great wooden mass rolled sullenly away, and the tide of settlement poured through the gap. between that day in and upward of five thousand wagons have made the journey, and, to the honor of the original locators be it said, all without accident arising from the road. the first few years all went merry as a marriage-bell. the road naturally followed the fertile valleys; and small blame to the road-makers if, having the whole country before them, they chose the smoothest and cheapest route. no man will climb a hill and cut his way along its side if he can find good level ground at the bottom. the road-makers were entitled under their congressional grant to alternate mile-square sections in a wide belt on either side of their road; the intervening sections were, of course, opened to settlement by the construction of the road. the open-valley sections were soon seized on, and a band of settlements justified, even so soon, the principle of the road-grant. [sidenote: _squatters._] but to many men in this world, and oregon has her share, the descriptive motto is not, "labor is sweet, and we have toiled," but the antithesis, "other men have labored: let us enter into the fruits of their labor." so squatters entered with the legitimate settler, or close on his heels, and took possession of many a section of the road company's land, "taking the chances," as they would express it, of something happening to help them to hold. to aid matters, these men fenced across the road near their houses, and carried the road round on the hill-sides above their farms. the settlers were not slow to follow so promising an example, and, to have the benefit of the bottom-land through which the road ran, they also pushed the road away up the hills. on more than one occasion the road company sent and had these fences removed and opened the original road afresh. but travelers did not aid them; for here came in a trait of american character i have often noticed, namely, unwillingness to insist on strict right against their neighbors, and a readiness to make any shift, or agree to and use any _détour_, when to keep the old, straight road would involve a question. so the valley road got disused in places, and travel went round by the hills. next, the squatters bethought them that they might in time upset the road grant, and get good title to their neighbors' vineyard. so they sent on a petition to washington, alleging that the road had never been made; that there was no road at all; that there had been a colossal fraud. but the matter was investigated, and discovery made that the united states authorities had ceased to have any jurisdiction so long ago as . still, those who were agitating thought something might be made of it. so, somehow or other, the secretary of the interior, mr. carl schurz, was induced to interfere, not deterred by the knowledge that the land department had declined to act twelve months before; and so, a year after the squatters' complaint had been refused, an agent was sent out to report; he was well armed with the assailants' stories in advance, and he need be a man of superexcellent straightforwardness and hardihood unless he too could "see something in it." in this case the phoenix was not discovered, and the eyes, ears, and common-sense of hundreds of men who knew the road well were outraged by a report that no road existed or had been made except for about sixty miles at the western end; and that the road, if road it could be called, was a mere wagon-track, capable of use only for a short time and under exceptionally favorable circumstances! it was of course assumed that, at so great a distance from headquarters, a hostile report would end matters, and that all the advantages hoped for by the squatters, and by any and all who had espoused their cause, would be forthwith enjoyed. we have yet to learn that the american congress will consent to be made parties to such an outrageous conspiracy; to cast an infamous slur on the characters of american citizens who ventured much in an undertaking for the public good; in violation of plain and acknowledged principles of law, to hamper and delay an enterprise relying on the title gained in , and quietly enjoyed for ten years. [sidenote: _harney lake valley._] the largest of the valleys through which this road passes is harney lake valley, only about eighty miles from the eastern boundary of the state, which will receive fuller description farther on. chapter ix. indian fair at brownsville--ponies--the lasso--breaking-in--the purchase--"bucking" extraordinary--sheep-farming in eastern oregon-- merinos--the sheep-herder--muttons for company--a good offer refused --exports of wool from oregon--price and value of oregon wool--grading wool--price of sheep--their food--coyotes--the wolf-hunt--shearing-- increase of flocks--"corraling" the sheep--sheep as brush-clearers. [sidenote: _breaking-in._] some of our people wanted to buy ponies this last fall, and heard that the indian pony fair at brownsville, about twenty-five miles from here, was the best place. they rode off one fine october morning, and returned the next day but one, with a handsome four-year-old. the scene as they described it was exciting and interesting. i should say that the town of brownsville is a lively little place, with seven or eight hundred inhabitants, and some fine woolen-mills. it is the nearest valley town to the mountains accessible by the wagon-road to those crossing from eastern oregon. near the town was the fair-ground, a large, fenced inclosure, with from two to three hundred ponies careering about it in a state of wild excitement. nearly all the indians were warm springs, some few nez-percés. both these tribes are far finer-looking and better grown than our coast indians. they wear white men's clothes, but deerskin moccasins on their feet. except for the absolute straightness of the black hair, these men almost exactly resemble the gypsies as seen in europe; they are very like them too in many habits of mind and life--equally fond of red and yellow handkerchiefs for neck-wear for the men or head-gear for the women. several of the indians were on foot, others on horseback in the inclosure where the horses ran. on our friends telling one of the warm springs chiefs who was standing there of their wish to buy a horse, he questioned them as to the kind they wanted, and the price they were willing to give. then, on giving some directions to one of the indians on horseback, that worthy unslung his lasso from his saddle-horn and rode into the crowd of horses. the whole wild band were kept on a rapid gallop round and round. the indian soon selected one, and flinging his lasso over its head he turned and stopped his horse abruptly, and the captive was brought to the ground with a shock enough to break every bone in his body. he was quickly secured by another rope or two by other indians standing near, and was then carefully inspected. not being altogether approved, he was set free again, and quickly rejoined the band. another was caught, and another, and at last a trade was arrived at, subject to the breaking-in of the horse in question. the horse, carefully held by lasso-ropes, was quickly saddled, a hide bridle with sharp and cruel curb-bit was slipped over his head, a young indian mounted, and all the ropes were let go. away went the horse like an arrow from a bow; then as suddenly he stopped; then buck-jumping began, while the indian sat firm and unmoved, seemingly immovable. this play lasted till the horse tired of it, and then off he went at a gallop again. before he got too far away the rider managed to turn him, and he was kept going for an hour and more till he was utterly exhausted, and the white foam lay in ridges on his skin. by this time all the bucking had gone out of him, and he suffered himself to be brought quietly back to the corral, and he was handed over to the purchaser as a broken horse. a long negotiation as to price had ended in sixteen dollars being paid in silver half-dollar pieces (the indian declined a gold ten-dollar piece), and a red cotton handkerchief which happened to peep from our friend's pocket, which clinched the bargain. the average size of the ponies was just under fourteen hands; the shape and make were exceedingly good. there was one splendid coal-black stallion, a trifle larger than the rest, whose long mane and tail adorned him; for this the indians declined all moderate offers, and got as high as fifty dollars, and would hardly have sold at that. there was a considerable proportion of the spotted roan, which is the traditional color for the indian "cayuse." [sidenote: _the sheep-herder._] sheep-farming in eastern and northern oregon has become a very important pursuit; it is also followed largely in the southeastern portion of the state. as sheep advance cattle retire, and many a growl have i listened to from the cattle-men, and most absurd threats as to what they would do to keep back the woolly tide: even to the length of breeding coyotes or prairie-wolves for the special benefit of the mutton. the merinos, french. spanish, and australian, thrive better in the drier climate east of the cascades than in this willamette valley. the vast expanse of open country covered thinly with grass involves the herding system. one of our fellows undertook this business near heppner in umatilla county. he had entire charge of a flock of , merinos. there was an old tent for him to sleep in, but he preferred to roll himself in his blankets on the open ground. no company but his dog, and no voices but the eternal "baa, baa" of the sheep, which almost drove him mad. his "boss" came out to him once in three weeks with a supply of coffee, flour, beans, and bacon; and, if meat ran short, there was abundance of live mutton handy. about once in three weeks, on the average, a stray traveler would cross his path, and have a few minutes' talk and smoke a pipe. he had not the relaxation of sport, for the sheep have driven deer and antelope from the country. early in the morning his sheep were on the move; he had to follow them over the range; about noon they lay down on the hill-side, and he stopped to eat his scanty meal. all the afternoon they wandered on, till evening fell, by which time they were back on the sheltered hill-side, which stood for headquarters, and where the tent was pitched. day in, day out, the same deadly round of monotonous duty, until he hated the look, the smell, the sound of a sheep, and i think has an incurable dislike to mutton which will last him all his life. don't you think that his forty dollars a month was earned? when october came, and a few flakes of snow heralded the coming winter, the "boss" came, and warned him that he must now elect whether or not to spend the winter with the sheep, as the way out would shortly close. if he would stay, he could have a share in the flock to secure his interest, and could also take his pay in sheep, which would thus start his own individual flock. the offer was a tempting one; the path was the same that all the successful self-made sheep-men had followed; cold and privation alone had not many terrors to a hardy man; but--one look at the sheep decided him; he could not stand their society for six months longer. so he left, and returned to the valley, like a boy from school. i know one or two men, who, forced to accept a situation of this sort, have used the time for the study of a language, and, after a few months with the sheep, have come out accomplished spanish, italian, or german scholars. but it takes some resolution to overcome the temptation to drift along, day by day, in idleness of mind and body more and more complete. the portland board of trade reports that, for the year , , pounds of wool were received at that city from eastern oregon, and , , pounds from the willamette valley, showing in value an increase of about thirty-five per cent. over the previous year. but messrs. falkner, bell & co., of san francisco, reported that the receipts at that city of oregon wool aggregated , , pounds for the clip of . the figures for were only , , pounds. it should be noticed also that oregon wool commands an excellent price in the market, even six cents higher than california, possessing greater strength and evenness, and being free from burs. the valley wool is clearer from sand and grit than that from eastern oregon. but much remains to be done in this valley. far too many of the farmers are absolutely careless about scab; and sheep, infested with this noxious parasite, are suffered to run at large and poison the neighbors' flocks. it is true that a law intended to extirpate this curse now exists; but neither is legislation as sufficient nor its enforcement so strict as in australia, though the necessity for both is full as great. there is but little encouragement either to the valley farmer to expend labor and money in improving the quality of his flock, when he sees his neighbors' inferior fleeces command just as high a price, the wool from perhaps ten or twenty farms being "pooled" without regard to quality. the remedy is of course found in grading the wool; steps for this purpose are being talked over by many intelligent farmers, and i expect soon to see them carried out. the exhibit at philadelphia of oregon wool received medals and diplomas from the commissioners of the centennial of , with high and deserved praise. and the show at the paris exhibition of was also splendid; the oregon fleeces equaling the australian in length, strength, evenness, and beauty of fiber. [sidenote: _price of sheep._] i shall have a little more to say as to the breeds of sheep when the state fair at salem is described, where the best specimens were supposed to be, and i believe were collected. sheep in this valley are worth from $ . to $ . for store-sheep for the flock, and from $ to $ for mutton-sheep in winter. the wool of a sheep may be taken to fetch $ on an average of seasons. the sheep eat grass all the year round; they have never seen a turnip or cole-seed. i know many farmers who have kept sheep successfully for twenty years on nothing whatever but the natural wild grasses. the great enemy of the sheep in these foot-hills, where the pasture is intermixed with brush, and borders on the thicker brush and timber of the mountains behind, is the coyote. two or three of these little wolves will keep half a county on the alert, destroying far more than they eat. this "varmint" is somewhat larger than a scottish sheep-dog, and of a tawny color; he has long hair like a colley, and is much more cowardly than fierce. he lives in the thick brush, whence he steals out at dusk on his murderous errand. he hunts generally alone, though one of our friends saw three together one evening this winter. his pace is a long, untiring gallop, and it takes a very good hound to run him down. the usual plan of the hunt is for several rifles to command the outlets from a piece of woodland, and then to take into the brush a collection of five or six of the best hounds that can be got together. when the scoundrel breaks cover he may go fast, but the rifle-bullet or buckshot goes the faster, and it would not do to miss. the sheep killed by the coyote is identified by the two little holes on either side of the throat, where the wolf has struck and held to drink the fast-flowing life-blood. the carcass is rarely torn. but the worse and more common coyote is the mongrel hound. every now and again one of these impostors takes to murdering, and, demure and quiet as he looks by day, slouching around the barn, spends his nights killing the neighbors' sheep. there is not much chance for him if he is but once seen; his life is a very short if a merry one. when shearing-time comes round there are plenty of applicants for the job. the price is usually five cents a head, the farmer providing food, but the shearer finding his own tools. some of these fellows will clip a hundred sheep a day, or even more: true, you must look after them to prevent scamping, in the shape of cuts on your sheep, and wool left on in thick ridges, instead of a clean, good shear. we expect an increase of at least one hundred per cent. on the ewes at lambing-time, even though so little cared for; those farmers who are good shepherds too, improve greatly on this average. the lambs must be well looked after, unless the wild-cat, eagle, and coyote are to take their toll. not half the sheep are kept in this valley that ought to be, and that will be, when change or succession of crops are universally practiced. [sidenote: _"corraling" the sheep._] the amusing part of sheep-keeping in our coast-hills is "corraling," or gathering them for the night. by day they roam freely over the hill-sides, and you would be surprised to see how they thrive in brushwood and among fern, where the new-comer could hardly detect a blade of grass. these mountain-sheep, too, are more hardy and independent than the valley flocks. but, when the lambs are about, i am sure it is wise to undertake the labor of collecting them in the "corral" for the night. without your sheep-dog you would be lost, for you would not have a chance on the hill-sides, and over and under the occasional logs, with sheep that jump and run like antelopes. but the dog cures all that, and you can stand in the road and watch dandy or jack collect your flock just as well as if he were in the cairns and corries of old scotland, whence he or his grandfather came. i like to see them march demurely in at the open gate, and then run to the log where you have scattered a handful of salt for them, every grain and taste of which is eagerly licked up. and they are excellent brush-clearers; they love the young shoots of the cherry and vine-maple, and keep them so close down that in one or two seasons at most the stub dies, and can be plowed out and burned. therefore every settler who takes up land, or buys a partly cleared farm, will find both pleasure and profit in his sheep, and that to him they are a necessity, even more than to the valley farmer. he must expect a percentage of loss from the wild animals, but his vigilance and love of sport together will reduce that percentage to the lowest point. chapter x. the trail to the siletz reserve--rock creek--isolation--getting a road--the surveying-party--entrance at last--road-making--hut-building in the wilds--what will he do with it?--choice of homestead--fencing wild land--its method and cost--splitting cedar boards and shingles-- house-building--the china boy and the mules--picnicking in earnest --log-burning--berrying-parties--salting cattle--an active cow--a year's work--mesquit-grass on the hills. when i traveled through oregon in , we visited the siletz indian reservation. to get there from the district called king's valley, where we were, we had to take the mountain-trail first cut out by general sheridan, when, as a young lieutenant, twenty years ago, he was stationed on this coast. the trail went up one mountain and down another, and crossed this river and that creek, till, at the foot of one long descent from a lofty ridge, which we thought then, and which i know now is, the water-shed between two great divisions of this county, we entered a valley entirely shut in. at the southeastern end, where we entered it, it was a narrow gorge, down which a quick stream hurried, with many a twist and turn, and over many a rocky ledge. the hill-sides above were thick with fern and berry-bearing bushes, and the black trunks of the burned timber stood as records of the great fire; but the stream ran through a leafy wilderness, where maple, alder, and cherry shut in the trail, and the maiden-hair and blechnum ferns grew thickly along the banks. the valley widened out as we advanced, and we found it in shape almost like an outspread hand, the palm representing the central level bottom, and the fingers the narrow valleys and cañons between the encompassing hills. the trail led us by turns along the bottom and the lower steps of the hill-sides. we camped to dine, and explored some distance up the side-valleys, coming on old indian camping-places, with the bones of deer and beaver scattered round. the isolation of the place, hidden away there among the hills, the fresh abundance of the vegetation, the mellowness of the thick, fat soil shown where we crossed again and again the creek dividing the valley down its entire length, all charmed me; the steep yet rounded outlines of the hills often recurred to me when i was very far away. when i came back to oregon, in , i took the first chance i had of going over this old ground. the question was, if it were possible to run in a road out of the main yaquina road, which i knew lay but some five or six miles off. so i sent out a surveying-party to ascertain, and a rough time they had. it rained almost incessantly; the brush was thick; they lost their way; it got dark, and they went wandering on till they struck a trail which led them to a river. "now we're all right," said the leader; "this is the yaquina; the road is on the other side of the creek." so they struck into the rushing water, then running in flood, and waded across waist-deep. but no road on the other side; only a dark trail leading into thick brush. presently it was pitch-dark, and the surveyor confessed he did not know where he was; that this was certainly not the yaquina, and apparently there was no road. the rain still fell heavily, and saturated them and their packs. then one of the horses, which they were leading along, slipped from the bank into the flooded stream, and nearly dragged his owner after him. at last they determined to camp. not a dry spot and no dry wood could they find. so they lay down under the shelter of the biggest log, and ate a supper of raw bacon and an odd lump of stale crust. not even a match would light, and they staid out the weary hours of darkness as best they could, wishing for dawn. with the earliest light they were on foot once more, and, after wandering a little farther, the leader identified the rock creek valley, and pointed out the siletz trail. they had found a route, but certainly not the route i wanted. next i went out myself and questioned the settlers down the road as to the trails across. at last we struck on what looked from a distance the lowest gap in the encircling mountains, and made up our minds to keep on trying for a road through that till we got it, or were satisfied it was impossible. perseverance answered, and we struck a trail up the course of the yaquina river nearly to its source, and then through some thick wood to the foot of the mountain, on the other side of which was the rock creek valley; then up the mountain to the low gap, and thence the way was plain down into rock creek. [sidenote: _road-making._] road-making in oregon is like road-making elsewhere. we had a party of twelve or fourteen men at work, and had to build three huts at intervals before the road got through. the huts only took a few hours to construct. cut down a dozen cherry poles, straight and long; saw off a cedar log and split it up again and again, till you get planks out of it four feet long and about an inch or so thick. drive your cherry poles into dug holes, and set up the frame of your hut; build a recess five feet wide and two feet deep at one end for a chimney; board the whole in, and double the boarding on the roof; line the inside of the chimney with damp earth for about two feet up, and then carry that up above the roof of your house also by boards; hang a door on a couple of wooden hinges made by choosing strong forked pieces of crab-apple which will not split; beat down the floor level and hard, and, if you are very luxurious, set up standing bed-places, or bunks, of cherry-pole legs and cedar boards for the beds, and your habitation is complete--as soon, that is, as you have brought in a huge back-log and set a great fire blazing. cut off a few chunks of wood level for chairs, and fix two or three boards against the walls for shelves, and you have no idea of the comfort you can get out of your house. we dug, and graded, and moved logs, and built bridges, and laid corduroy crossings over wet places, and in about three months the way into rock creek was clear. i confess to a little pride when the first wagon went safely in, and down into the level bottom below. the next question was the hard one, what will he do with it? the wilderness was before us; how were we to civilize it? gazing down into the valley, with here a ferny slope, there a copse filling acres of bottom, then a deep cañon with green trees, there a beaver-dam flooding the best piece of land at every high water, and everywhere the great black trunks, standing or lying prostrate, in some places heaped together in the wildest confusion--it was a case that called for the "stout heart to the stiff brae." the first thing was to settle the place for a homestead, supplied with water, but out of the reach of flood. and a rising ground, some hundred yards from the river, along one side of which ran a clear little stream at right angles to the creek, supplying a chain of three beaver-ponds, overhung with trees and shrubs, was chosen. [sidenote: _fencing wild land._] the next thing was to find out the most open spaces, free from logs and brush, and which could be plowed for oats and hay. three such were soon set apart, lying far distant from each other, and therefore giving three distinct centers from which clearing should spread. then the plow was set to work to tear up the ferny ground, and what few logs there were had to be cut in pieces and split for burning. next came the fencing. it takes five thousand rails, ten feet long and five or six inches thick, to make a mile of snake-fence. a man can split from one to two hundred rails a day, according to the soundness and straightness of grain of the timber; and good hands will contract to saw the logs, split the rails, and keep themselves the while, for about a dollar and a quarter the hundred rails. the difficulty was, that not one in forty of the fallen logs was sound, and the rail-splitters had to wander all up and down the valley and far up the hill-sides to get the right material. however, eleven thousand rails were provided and gradually hauled to their places, and the fields and the intervening spaces of wild lands all fenced in. meanwhile, as we were too far from a mill to haul lumber to any advantage, we had to rely on the cedar, which splits more evenly and easily than the fir; and some five thousand boards, six inches wide and from four to six feet long, were got ready; while the timbers for the house and barn were split from straight-grained, tough fir. then came the shingles, and a contract at two and a half dollars a thousand set two excellent workmen going, and first fifty thousand and then twenty thousand more were made on the spot. then the house-building and barn-raising went on merrily, though with constant grumbling at the expense of time in preparing the rough materials, instead of having ready-sawed lumber from the mill. we sent to the saw- and planing-mill, fifteen miles away, for doors and windows, and one wagon brought in all that were needed for a nine-roomed house, at a cost of just eighty dollars; the doors and door-frames ready, and the windows duly glazed. at last the house was barely habitable, and we moved in in patriarchal procession. we treated ourselves to one china boy to cook and wash. for his benefit a cooking-stove was sent out, and set up in a handy kitchen, close to but detached from the house. these china boys are well off for sense. the wagon was heavily laden with stores, and the mules were struggling up a muddy hill. "get out, john, and walk," said the scotch driver, and john had to obey. long before the top was reached, john got in again at the rear, and scrambled back into his place. "get out, john, i tell you!" "never mind, kenzie; horsee no see me get in; they know no better." but a good deal of the cooking went on over a bright fire of logs down on the ground in front of the house, where the tripod of sticks stood, with the black kettle depending. for the children it was a continuous picnic; two or three times a day they were bathing in the river; and whenever they were not tending the fires, which were burning up the logs and brushwood all the time, they were off, fishing down the creek. there was abundant employment for every hour of the day, and a comfortable assurance that the work once done was done for good; that is, that each patch of ground cleared and sown was so much actual visible gain. [sidenote: _log-burning._] at night the scene was most picturesque--bright stars overhead, and great fires going in twenty places, lighting up the whole valley with a crimson radiance. some of the huge trunks, fifty or sixty feet high, were lighted by boring two auger-holes so as to meet a couple of feet deep inside the tree; the fire would lay hold of the entire mass, and cataracts of sparks burst out in unexpected places high up the stem, pouring out in a fiery torrent at the top. and then, when the tree had been burning for a day or more, it would fall with a heavy crash, and a great spout of fire would start forth. and then there were the berrying-parties. all the women and children would start for the hills, and come back, their baskets laden with ripe blackberries, and the crimson thimble-berries, and yellow salmon-berries, and scarlet huckleberries, and later on with the black, sweet sal-lals. and they filled their nut-bags and pockets with the wild hazels. if it rained too hard, and it did once or twice, the pocket-knives were all in use, and candlesticks, and salt-cellars, and other trifles, were cut out of the ever-useful cherry and crab-apple. and the cattle had to be salted. this went on near the house, and in the great corral, to get them to recognize their headquarters, a most necessary knowledge for them before the winter set in. they were quick to learn, and, after a time or two, a short excursion down the valley, with a pocketful of salt, and the long-drawn cry of "suck, su-uck, su-u-uck," would bring a speedy gathering from distant hills and tall patches of valley-fern, and a long procession would follow the caller back to the corral. these cattle, most of them mountain-bred, do tricks that would make a valley-cow's hair stand on end. we got one fine young heifer into the narrow branding-corral, to milk her. this was shut off from the large corral by a fallen log five feet thick, which looked high enough to keep the idea of scaling it out of any cow's mind. but i saw her make a standing high jump on to the top of the log, and over, as neatly as the best-trained hunter could possibly have done it, even if his rider had the hardihood to put him at it. even while getting their own livelihood on the wild feed on the mountain-sides, where you and i could see nothing but fern and thimble-berry bushes, the cows grew fat and yielded abundance of milk, and that very rich. and even through the rainy months of winter the cattle have kept themselves fat and flourishing. [sidenote: _mesquit-grass on the hills._] the work has now been going on nearly eleven months, and this is the position to-day: the road is made. the house is built, but not quite finished inside. the big barn is finished, with stable attached. the orchard is cleared, plowed, planted with trees, which have now nearly a year's growth, and is in part seeded down into permanent pasture; as to the other part, it is in potatoes and onions. two fields--one of four, the other of eight acres--are cleared and plowed, and will be in oats this spring. another field, across the river, is cleared, but not yet plowed. the garden round the house is prepared. another field, near the house, of about three acres, is cleared, plowed, and now being sowed down in clover. another clearing, of about two acres, on old beaver-dam land by the river, is planted in cabbages in part, and the rest will be in carrots and beets. about two hundred acres are fenced in for sheep, and about ninety head are on it, helping out the brush-cutting by eating the shoots. about fifteen hundred acres of hill-land were burned and sowed down in mesquit-grass, which is now, at one year old, about three inches high. some forty head of cattle, chiefly cows and calves, and a few two-year-olds, are in the valley and all doing well; the steers were sold fat to the butcher in december last. the building work has been done by one carpenter and an assistant, and he has had occasional help in preparing boards. the doors and windows came from the mill; and the timbers and boards were got out of the rough logs by separate contract. the outside work has been done by three men, and an occasional fourth. the place will support itself this year, if all goes well, and next year should yield a fair profit. no doubt a more experienced deviser, and more constant supervision, might have shown a speedier profit. but i have given these details by way of example in bringing wild land in, and making a "ranch" of it. chapter xi. the indians at home--the reservation--the upper farm--log-cabins-- women must work while men will play--the agency--the boarding-house --sunday on the reservation--indian sunday-school--galeese creek jem--the store--indian farmers--as to the settlement of the indians --suggestions--a crime--its origin--its history--the criminals-- what became of them--indian teamsters--numbers on the reservation --the powers and duties of the agent--special application. at rock creek we are only ten miles from the siletz indian agency, and i have paid many visits there, and have seen a good deal of the working of the agency, and also know a good many of the indians pretty well. [sidenote: _the reservation._] first, as to the place itself. there is no question that on the reservation is some of the best land in the country, and the most easily improved. at some not very distant geological date, the valley must have consisted of a series of lakes, connected by rivers. on the sides of the hills are two clearly defined terraces, and the flat bottoms, are not covered with heavy timber, either alive or dead. there must have been one convulsion which let the waters out and reduced the level to the lower terrace, and then a subsequent one which abolished the lakes altogether, leaving the siletz river for the water-course of the whole district. entering the reservation from the rock creek trail, there is about six miles of rough and tangled country to get through, where the hills are broken, and the river foams and breaks every now and again over rocky ledges. the brush is thick along the river-banks, and the thimble-berries grow so high and strong that, as you ride by, you can pluck the berries from the level of your face. mounting a hill, which closes the gorge ahead of you, the whole valley known as the upper farm lies before you. at this point rock creek joins the siletz itself, which here is a wide and rushing stream, and divides the valley along its entire length into two unequal parts. the hills fall back on either side of you and lose their broken forms, becoming long slopes, draped thickly with the heavy brake-fern. here and there stand the houses of the indians, each with its grain- and hay-fields; while of cattle of all ages, and little groups of ponies, there is no lack. except in one or two instances, the houses are log-cabins, and you miss the staring white paint so common in this country. the barns also are log-built. there is not much show of neatness about the houses, fences, or the inhabitants. as you ride along, you pass an old crone or two, with bare feet, and ragged, dirty petticoats, each with a large basket on her back, supported by a broad band across the forehead, in which she is carrying home the potatoes she has been digging in the field. round one or two of the doors you see a group of lazy ones, men and children, lying or squatting on the grass or in the dust of the bare patch in front--the women you see through the open door at work inside the house. the voices cease as you come in sight, but your salutation, either in chinook or english, is civilly returned, and a quick glance takes in at once your personal appearance and that of your horse, and every detail of your equipment. you see a few men at work in the fields, but only a few. the men are better dressed than the women; torn or ragged clothes are very rare, and nearly every man has a red or red and yellow handkerchief loosely knotted round his head. here come two cantering after you on their ponies; one carries a rifle, and you recognize him as one of the reservation indian police. he asks you your destination and business, and, as you are bound straight for the agency, he lets you go on without a pass. they are bound to be strict, and to see that unauthorized visitors do not enter, and, above all, that no whisky comes within the reservation boundaries. four miles more along the road, nearly all the way through farms, or by open pasture-fields, where grass and fern dispute possession, but all through fine bottom-land, varying in width from one to two or three miles across, brings you to the agency on the middle farm. what timber is left standing are huge firs, splendid specimens of trees. here is the agency, the central spot of the reservation-life. the prominent building there, two stories high, with overhanging eaves, spick and span in new white paint and red shingles, is the boarding-house. here some forty or fifty indian children of all ages are collected from the outlying portions of the reservation, and are clothed, fed, and trained; their actual teaching goes on in the adjoining school-house. the low, gray house in the orchard, behind the boarding-house, is where the agent lives; those other two white houses, each in its garden, are inhabited by the farmer and the builder or head-carpenter and millwright. in front of the boarding-house is a pretty, open grass-field of six or seven acres; and that neat, white structure at the lower corner of it is the store. the indians' houses are dotted round; the fields are better kept and cultivated than the upper farm; there is a notable absence of loafers and stragglers round, and more farming going on; several teams of horses are in sight. [sidenote: _indian sunday-school._] the agent receives us kindly, and shows us round everywhere with interest in his work and its results. one sunday i was there, and, hearing the church-bell calling to service, went in. the sabbath-school was just beginning in the school-room behind the boarding-house. it was a mixed assembly of all ages, some ninety or a hundred in all. the women were better dressed, and the little children had been treated to all the comforts and care in the way of dress their parents could muster. there was a great variety of type apparent, for the remnants of thirteen tribes of the coast and klamath and rogue river indians are collected on this reservation. nearly all could speak a little, and understand more, english--and i think we could have got on quite as well without the help of the indian interpreter, who turned our english into fluent chinook. this man, named adams, is an excellent fellow, well instructed, capable, civil, and, i believe, an earnest christian man. the agent asked me to take the bible-class at the far end of the room, and soon i was the center of the observant eyes of a dozen indian men of all ages. certain of them were friends of mine. old galeese creek jem, a little fellow about five feet high, with a broad face and a pair of twinkling, laughing eyes, had brought us some salmon in rock creek a few days before, and was under promise to bring us some more on monday. two or three of the others always stopped for a chat as they passed through. all of them, i noticed, were curious to see how king george's man would act in this new capacity. i am bound to say that they showed considerable knowledge and some reflection in the answers they gave. perhaps this is not to be wondered at, considering the resolute efforts made now for several years past to instruct and christianize the indians here. at the store i found an excellent stock of all things that the indians need, and marked at prices which enabled them to lay their money out so as to get its fullest value. the assistant told me that they were all keen traders, and alive to minute differences in quality and texture of their purchases. [sidenote: _suggestions._] the great majority of the men now heads of families on this reservation, engaged in farming a little, and sufficiently instructed in methods of labor to add considerably to their resources by working during a part of the year for the outside farmers, who are very ready to employ them, do not, i consider, either wish or require to be treated any longer as children or wards of the united states government. in my judgment, the time has come to apply a far different rule. many to whom i have talked, and others whose opinions i have gathered from trustworthy sources, desire earnestly to be relieved from the restrictions and to abandon the privileges of their present condition. if the lands they now farm, the houses they now dwell in, could become their private property, i believe that they would support themselves and their families in respectability. it may be desirable, it probably is, to prevent their having now the power of free sale and disposal of such lands, so as to guard them at the outset from designing purchasers; but i believe the larger part by far would prize earnestly their separate estate. why should not an independent officer have power to establish such families on homesteads of their own, on sufficient evidence of character and capacity--such men ceasing thenceforth to have claims for support on the agency as a whole, but still entitled to all the common benefits of the school, the church, and the store? the open land of the reservation would be diminished, of course, but how could it be put to better purpose? i am persuaded that the sight of their neighbors established on homes of their own would operate as a strong stimulus to those growing up and entering on life, to decent and orderly behavior. and as one district of a reservation became thus settled up, i think the boundaries of the open land devoted to general indian purposes might be proportionately removed and contracted. naturally, this plan would be of slow operation, but i think it would be sure. i am aware of the powers given to indians by the homestead act to obtain land, but the plan differs in important respects from that set out above. the indians on the siletz reservation, of which alone i know anything from personal observation, are not all of the desirable class to whom i have referred. some mistiness on the moral law yet remains. for instance, a murder was committed by three of them a month or two ago. it took place on the northern and remote part of the reserve, far away from the agency itself. here lived one who, being a quack-doctor, claimed the character of a mighty medicine-man, having power to prescribe for both the bodies and souls of his patients. to him resorted many of his neighbors, whose faith in his charms and spells was boundless. he undertook the cure of the wife of one charlie, and the poor thing endured his remedies patiently. but the woman grew worse and worse. charlie and his friends debated the case, and at last concluded that, if the medicine-man could not cure the woman according to his contract, and that she died, it would prove to them that the doctor was a humbug, and deserved to die the death. the catastrophe arrived, for the woman died. a council was held, and due inquiry made. the decision was fatal to the doctor, and charlie and two friends undertook to secure that no one else should be misled and defrauded by the quack. proceeding to his house, away up north by salmon river, near the sea-coast, the three fell on the medicine-man with clubs, and, despite threats, prayers, and entreaties, they beat him to death. the news soon spread, and was carried to the ears of the agent. i can not help confessing to a half sympathy with the murderers, though i am fully aware of the enormity of the crime. it would be a satisfaction to feel justified in conscience in calling for a bodily expiation of the false pretenses and ignorant mummeries that did one's wife to death. and i hear that the indians in question, while acknowledging that they knew they were sinning against the laws that governed life on the reservation, yet evidently had no consciousness of intrinsic wrong. however, they were arrested by the agent, and carried off to fort vancouver for detention and trial. hence they escaped, but were pursued by the soldiers. one, being caught, refused to submit, and was shot by the corporal in charge of the party in the act of flight; the others were recaptured, and what their fate is or will be i do not yet know. but, as one stands on the beach at newport, and sees a long string of wagons and teams coming down from the reservation for supplies, each in charge of its owner, a respectable-looking indian, it is impossible not to wish for them the separate life and property they themselves desire. the number of indians on the siletz reserve is most variously stated; the estimates range between twenty-four hundred and four hundred. i should fancy the truth to be nearer the smaller than the larger figures. it is obvious that the conditions of life, the stage of civilization, the state of education, the desire or readiness to acquire or own separate and individual property, must vary in every reservation. it is impossible to apply the same rules to each, and i do not presume even to have an opinion regarding reservations other than the one in our immediate neighborhood. [sidenote: _powers and duties of the agent._] i had no idea till lately of the overwhelming power held by the agent. no indian can leave the reservation, however well established his good character, and for however temporary a purpose, without the pass of the agent. no one can enter the reservation, even to pass through it, or to stay a night with one of the indians at his house, without the same leave. work on the roads or in the fields of the reservation is at the absolute order of the agent; no _corvée_ in ancient france could press more crushingly on the peasant than could the order of a harsh or stern agent on his charge. in the choice and erection of houses, in the furnishing and distribution of stores, in matters of internal police of all sorts, his word _is_ law. if any one desires to study the working of an instructed despotism in a partly civilized community, he can see it carried to its logical extreme on an agency. so long as the indians possess the attributes of children it may be right so to treat them. but i presume it was intended by the framers of the existing system that at some date the pupils should put away childish things and emerge from the condition of tutelage. the question is, whether that time has not come already in many instances. my observations have all had reference to a reservation honestly governed, as i believe, with the best intentions toward its inhabitants. but how the system would lend itself to dishonest measures and arbitrary, even cruel, treatment, it is not hard to imagine. chapter xii. the legislative assembly--the governor--his duties--payment of the members--aspect of the city; the legislature in session--the lobbyist --how bills pass--how bills do not pass--questions of the day--common carriers--woman's suffrage--some of the acts of --judicial system of the state--taxes--assessments--county officers--the justice of the peace--quick work. the legislative assembly of the state of oregon meets for a session of forty days once in every two years, at salem, the capital of the state. the assembly consists of a senate of thirty members and a house of representatives of sixty members. senators are elected for four years and representatives for two years; but half the whole number of senators go out of office every two years, so that at every biennial election the whole number of representatives and half the whole number of senators are chosen. the proportion of senators and representatives pertaining to any county may be varied after each united states or state census, in accordance with the results of that census, as showing the number of white inhabitants in the county or district and their proportion to the total white population of the state. the executive power of the state rests in the governor, who is chosen by the white voters in the state every four years. his duties are various and important. they are defined by the constitution as follows: he is commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of the state, which forces he may call out to suppress insurrection or to repel invasion. he must take care that the laws be faithfully executed. he must inform the legislative assembly as to the condition of the state, and recommend such measures as he deems expedient. he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the legislative assembly by proclamation, and must state to both houses, when assembled, the purpose for which they are convened. he must transact all necessary business with the officers of government, and may require information in writing from the officers of the administrative and military departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices. he has power to grant reprieves, commutations of sentences, and pardons for all offenses except treason--this last offense being under the direct control of the legislative assembly. he has power to remit fines and forfeitures--subject in all these cases to his reporting to the legislative assembly his exercise of such powers, and his reasons therefor. he must sign all bills, and has the power of veto. the houses of the legislative assembly may, on recommittal, pass bills over such veto by votes of two thirds of members present. he has power to fill vacancies occurring in any state office during the recess of the legislative assembly. he must issue writs of election to fill vacancies occurring in the legislative assembly, and all commissions must issue in the name of the state, signed by the governor, sealed with the seal of the state, and attested by the secretary of state. in case of vacancy in the office of governor the secretary of state has to discharge his duties till the next election-time comes round. oregon manifests a good deal of pride in her various governors; the portraits of several of them adorn the capitol building. [sidenote: _the legislature._] members of the legislature receive pay at the rate of three dollars a day during the session. the president of the senate and the speaker of the house of representatives receive five dollars a day. in addition, they all get mileage for their journeys to and from salem. during the session of the legislature the capital city is crowded and busy; a strong and intelligent interest is shown in the meetings of this miniature congress, all of which are open to the public. the preservation of order, of course, depends largely on the character and influence of the presiding officers; but the members of both houses appeared to me remarkably amenable to discipline. the debates in the senate were generally decorous, even to dullness; the house presented a more lively scene, a good many members being sometimes on their feet at once. the great faults appeared to an outsider to be the tendency to make very unnecessary speeches, and the constant calling for divisions, by name, on the most trivial points. thus, much time was wasted. the objectionable feature was the presence of a numerous "lobby." the persons constituting this institution made themselves seen and heard in season and out of season; no man or corporation having any bill to promote could leave it to the uninfluenced consideration of the members, but sent to salem paid retainers, to attend the sittings, to haunt the members, to study their proclivities and intentions, and to get together and cement such alliances as should secure the passage of the various bills. bills may be introduced in either house, but may be amended or rejected in the other; save only that bills for raising revenue must be introduced in the house of representatives. it becomes a matter for grave consideration in which house a bill should be introduced, as the prestige of success in one house may help to carry it through the other. oregon as a state voted democratic for some years, and that party commanded a majority in the legislature. but, prior to the last elections, namely, those held in , various splits or dissensions in the republican party, or among its managers, were got rid of, and a republican majority in the legislature, and the election of a republican representative to congress, followed. the first struggle when the legislature meets is over the choice of presiding officers. the chief reason for this interest is that on the president of the senate and the speaker of the house devolves the duty of nominating the various committees to which bills shall be referred. there are committees on finance, federal relations, commerce, railroads, and several others. the houses pay some respect to the report of a committee on a bill--especially if it be unanimous; but the chief province of the committees appeared to me to be to obtain possession of a bill, and then according to the private views of the committee or of a majority of its members to expedite, or hinder, and perhaps entirely prevent, its passage. and thus, again, the power or rather the influence of the presiding officers was felt. every kind of parliamentary tactics was practiced; no device that i ever heard of was unknown and unused by these far-western politicians. one thing was very noticeable, namely, that the great fights of the session were over matters involving, or supposed to involve, private interests. [sidenote: _the lunatic asylum._] thus, for many years it has been the custom in oregon for the state to let out to a physician the care of the insane, he receiving from the state so many dollars for each patient, the cost to the state being collected from the responsible relatives or from the estate of the insane person. as the population of the state increased, of course, the number of the insane grew also, till about three hundred patients were in the doctor's care. not a whisper was heard against the management: there was good supervision; the patients were well and wisely treated, and the percentage of cures quite up to the average of the most successful public asylums. but many persons thought the time had come to have a state asylum, with its buildings, and committee of management, and its staff. so a bill was introduced to this end; the physician who was then contracting, and for many years had contracted, with the state for the care of the insane, objected. then rushed in the lobbyists, and every stage in the struggle was watched, and wrangled over, and schemed for, as if the whole future of the state depended on the result. in spite of the efforts of the doctor and his following, the state-asylum advocates won the day, and ultimately the bill passed. plans for the new asylum have since been prepared, and the building is begun. another vast question, which divided the legislature into two hostile camps, was whether or not the narrow-gauge railway company should carry an act giving it the use of a piece of ground at portland, called the _levée_, which had been presented to that city a few years ago, but now lay practically unused. the railroad company had marked the ground for its terminal purposes; the city of portland objected. this fight was most bitter, but ended by the country members joining in support of the bill, and carrying it over the heads of the portland members by swinging majorities--animated largely by a spirit of resentment at the portland members having been very active in striving to defeat a bill for preventing unfair discrimination by railroad and steamboat corporations throughout the state. this was another of the burning questions. the transportation business of the state is now largely controlled by one great corporation, called "the oregon railway and navigation company," formed by amalgamating divers ocean and river steamboat companies, and purchasing or constructing detached lines of railroad. the two lines of railroad running north and south up and down the willamette valley not being as yet absorbed, a lively competition existed so far as river and railroads ran parallel. outside the limits of competition the corporations took it out of the people by what they thought were oppressive exactions. further, the headquarters of both companies being in the city of portland, and their course of transportation carrying all the traffic of the state in and out through the portland gate, the continuance of this state of things, and the support of the railway and navigation company, became the great object of the portland members of the legislature, as well as of those members who were for any reason influenced by the corporations. hence a deep-lying division of interest between them and the country members. [sidenote: _common carriers._] these last desired to pass the bill in question, not only to rectify existing unfairness, and to prevent the repetition of former oppressions, but as rendering more easy the task of whoever should propose to create competing lines, which might connect with or intersect those of the present companies. this end was to be gained by providing that all transportation agencies, of whatever kind, should convey, without preference in time, rates, or method of delivery, all passengers and goods presented for transit over the whole or any portion of their lines. it left the hands of all companies entirely unfettered as to what rates they should charge on fares or freights, but insisted that all traffic should be evenly and proportionately charged. the bill was introduced in the senate, and passed its earlier stages triumphantly. then the corporations and the portland merchants awoke to the possibilities of competition; stimulated also by the knowledge that the passage of the bill was desired by the promoters of the oregon pacific railroad, designed to bisect the state from east to west, and to have its outport at yaquina bay. what an outcry arose! every argument that could be tortured by the lobbyists into a criticism of the bill was openly and secretly brought to bear on the members. its enemies got it referred to a hostile committee, from which it was with great difficulty recalled. time was asked to understand a bill which consisted of but twenty-four lines. motions for adjournment were made, and divided on again and again to waste time. but the most ridiculous scene was reached when after the debate on the third reading had virtually closed, and the final vote to determine the fate of the bill under the "previous question" was just going to be put, the president of the senate, a stout jewish gentleman from portland, of german extraction, descended to the floor of the senate to deliver a panting, incoherent tirade of abuse, not on the merits of the bill, but against the oregon pacific railroad and every one connected with it; denouncing as a "lie, and a fraud of the first wather, ghentelmen," a statement made by a body of traders and farmers in the valley, and submitted by them to the united states board of engineers, that the grain which would seek an outlet over the proposed road would amount to six million bushels annually--which statement had been quoted by the oregon pacific railroad company in their prospectus. shall i ever forget the look of blank amazement on the faces of the senators while the president's five minutes lasted, and he gesticulated and foamed! however, the bill was lost by a vote of to ; one senator having "ratted" at the last moment, to the disgust of a large body of the members of the house, who were waiting to seize the bill and carry it up-stairs into their chamber. [sidenote: _some legislative acts._] among other resolutions carried was one in favor of woman suffrage--a triumph celebrated immediately by a supper and reception given to the members of the legislature in the opera-house at salem by the ladies who had been pressing forward the resolution, and advocating it in some cases by a form of lobbying which, however legitimate, i should fancy some of the members must have found it hard to resist. heaven forbid that it should ever fall to my lot to hold opposing views and bring forward hostile argument to a group of ladies whose heads were as full of logic and sense as their faces and forms of smiles and attractiveness! to give some general idea of the scope of the state legislation, let me quote the titles of a few of the acts of the session of : "an act to amend an act entitled 'an act to provide for the construction of the willamette valley and coast railroad.' "an act to promote medical science. "an act to protect the stock-growing interests of the state of oregon. "an act to regulate salmon-fisheries on the waters of the columbia river and its tributaries. "an act to secure creditors a just division of the estates of debtors who convey to assignees for the benefit of creditors. "an act for the support of the state university. "an act defining the rights and fixing the liabilities of married women, and the relation between husband and wife. "an act to authorize foreign corporations to do business and execute their corporate powers within the state of oregon. "an act to provide for liens for laborers, common carriers, and other persons on personal property. "an act to prevent the spread of contagious and infectious diseases among sheep." before finishing this chapter i wish to add a few words on the judicial system of the state. the judicial power of the state is vested in the supreme court, circuit courts, and county courts. the supreme court sits at salem, to hear appeals from the circuit courts. it now consists of three judges, elected in to serve six years, four years, and three years respectively, their successors holding office for six years. the state is divided, i believe, into five circuits, and for each a judge is elected to serve for six years. the circuit courts have all judicial power, authority, and jurisdiction not specifically vested in any other court, and have appellate jurisdiction over the county courts. [sidenote: _county officers._] the county court consists of the county judge, who holds office for four years, and two county commissioners. together they transact county business, and have a jurisdiction over civil cases where not more than five hundred dollars is in issue, and over the smaller class of criminal offenses where the punishment does not extend to death or to imprisonment in the penitentiary. the supreme court of the united states has a district judge presiding over a court at portland. that court is the arena for trying all cases where one of the parties is not a citizen of the state, and also all cases in which the federal laws and constitution, as distinguished from the state system, are involved. the police of the state is in the hands of the sheriffs and their deputies, the sheriff being elected by popular vote every two years. the city of portland has a regular police force of its own. the other towns in the state appoint marshals, who perform police duties within the city limits. the sheriffs are also tax-collectors. it should be added that the state and county revenue, as distinct from federal revenue, is collected in one payment by an assessment of so many mills (or thousandths) in the dollar on the total amount of property of every kind owned in the state by the tax-payer. the amount on which each man has to pay is ascertained by the county assessor, in consultation with the tax-payer. no form of property is allowed to escape, but a reasonable valuation is placed on possessions of a doubtful or fluctuating nature; and exemptions are allowed for household furniture and clothes and small possessions to the extent of three hundred dollars. the county clerks have also to stand the racket of election every two years. in benton county we are fortunate enough to have the services of a gentleman who has been reëlected eight times. his long experience in the office makes him an absolute dictionary of information on the history of every farm in the county. he is, to my mind, an illustration of the absurdity of this election and reëlection. every two years he has to waste a month in going over the county, spouting on every stump, to please the electors. he has had to endure several contests, evoked by the sayings, "it's well to have a change now and then," "he's been there long enough; let some one else have a show," etc. but any new-comer into his office would have to spend a year or two in getting up the very information about the county which the experienced official has at his very finger-ends. and his long enjoyment of the office is the only reason i have heard given for a change. in the county clerk's office are kept the record-books for the county, and also the maps of the various townships, received from the chief office at oregon city. in the record-books are copied all deeds affecting the title to land in the county. the chief effect of thus recording deeds is to give such public notice of the object of the deed that no man subsequently dealing with a fraudulent vender can he treated as an innocent purchaser without notice, to the injury of the real purchaser. all deeds affecting land have to be executed in the presence of two witnesses, and acknowledged before a county clerk or a notary public. the interest of a wife in her husband's property is carefully guarded; and, in order to give proper title, the wife has to join in conveying land to a purchaser. in addition to the various judicial officers above described, there are the not-to-be-omitted justices of the peace. their functions are extensive: among others, they can perform marriages, and at short notice, too. i have heard of one justice, known for his expeditious ways, before whose house a runaway couple halted on their wagon. the man shouted for the justice, who appeared. "say, judge, can you marry us right away?" "i guess so, my son." "well, then, let's have it." whereupon the justice mounted the wagon-wheel, and there stood with his foot on the hub. "what's your name?" "jehoshaphat smith." "well, then, wilt thou have this woman, so help you ----?" "yes." "my fee's a dollar; drive on." the justice in the city tries for assaults and drunkenness, and administers for the latter seven days in the calaboose--a hole of a place in a back alley--detention there no trifle, especially if, like a tipsy little friend of mine, he finds, on awaking with his customary headache, that his room-mate is a big countryman, very drunk, who has the reputation of "smashing everything up" when he has got what some here call "his dibs." chapter xiii. land laws--homesteads and preëmption--how to choose and obtain government land--university land--school land--swamp land--railroad and wagon-road grants--lieu lands--acreages owned by the various companies. to make this book useful, i must run the risk of making it tedious by some account of the land system relating to the preëmption and homestead laws applicable to the public lands of the state. it is true that, long since, the prairie-lands of the willamette valley have all been taken up and are in private ownership. but there are very large tracts indeed of public lands in the hilly and wooded portions of western oregon still open; there is also an abundance of open land in the fine valleys of eastern and southern oregon available. there are still upward of thirty million acres unsurveyed out of the sixty million nine hundred thousand which the state contains. there are five united states land-offices in oregon: namely, at oregon city, for the upper and central parts of the willamette valley, including also northwestern oregon generally; at roseburg, for southwestern oregon; at linkville, for the southeastern portion; at la grande, for eastern oregon, strictly so called; and at the dalles, for the great counties of wasco and umatilla--the northern part of the state. at each of the land-offices a register and a receiver are stationed; and the maps of the district are also deposited there for general reference. when the settler has ascertained that a piece of land is eligible--that is, that it will suit him not only for clearing and farming, but also to build his house on and live there--he goes to the neighbors to find out the nearest corner posts or stones, and thence by compass he can determine roughly the boundary-lines. the land must lie in a compact form, not less than forty acres wide; thus he can take his one hundred and sixty acres in the shape of a clean quarter of a section or of an l, or in a strip across the section of forty acres wide; but he can not pick out forty acres here, and a detached forty there, and so on. [sidenote: _homesteads and preËmption._] he then goes to the county clerk's office, where duplicates of the land-office maps are kept. he finds out there with sufficient correctness if the piece he wants is open to settlement. the land-office is the only source of quite certain information, because it is possible that a claim may have been put on file at the land-office, particulars of which have not yet reached the county clerk. being satisfied that the land is open, the intending settler must next determine whether to preëmpt or homestead. if he desires to preëmpt, and by payment to government of $ . per acre for public land outside the limits of railroad and wagon-road grants, or $ . per acre for land within those limits, to obtain an immediate title, he must be sure that he does not fall within the two exceptions; for no one can acquire a right of preëmption who is the proprietor of three hundred and twenty acres of land in any state or territory, nor can any one who quits or abandons his residence on his own land to reside on the public land in the same state or territory. but, first of all, he or she must have one of the following personal qualifications: the settler must be the head of a family, or a widow, or a single person; must be over the age of twenty-one years, and a citizen of the united states, or have filed a declaration of intention to become such. further, the settler must make a settlement on the public land open to preëmption, must inhabit and improve the same, and erect a dwelling thereon. no person can claim a preëmption right more than once. but the settler on land which has been surveyed, and which he desires to preëmpt, must file his statement as to the fact of his settlement within three months from the date of his settlement, and he must make his proof and pay for his land within thirty-three months from the date of his settlement. the fee of $ . is payable to the register, and a similar fee to the receiver at the land-office on filing the declaratory statement above mentioned. it should be added that, if the tract has been offered for sale by the government, payment must be made for the preëmpted land within thirteen months from the date of settlement. if the settler desires to obtain a homestead, he must come within the following description: the head of a family, or who has arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and is a citizen of the united states, or who has duly filed his declaration of intention to become such. the quantity of land thus obtainable is acres, which is, at the time his application is made, open to preëmption, whether at $ . an acre or at $ . an acre. there was until recently a distinction between land within the limits of railroad or wagon-road grants or outside of such limits, only acres of the former class being obtainable, but the distinction is now done away. the applicant has to make affidavit, on entering the desired land, that he possesses the above qualifications, that the application is made for his exclusive use and benefit, and that his entry is made for the purpose of actual settlement and cultivation. he has also to pay fees of $ for acres when entry is made, and $ when the certificate issues; and of $ for acres when entry is made, and $ when certificate issues. such fees apply to land of the $ . price. they are reduced to totals of $ for acres and $ for acres, for land of the $ . price. before a certificate is given or a patent issued for a homestead, five years must have elapsed from the date of entry. affidavit has to be made that the applicant has resided upon or cultivated the land for the term of five years immediately succeeding the time of filing the affidavit, and that no part of the land has been alienated. the patent gives an absolute title. in case of the death of the settler before the title to the preëmption or homestead is perfected, the grant will be made to the widow, if she continues residence and complies with the original conditions; if both father and mother die, leaving infant children, they will be entitled to the right and fee in the land, and the guardian or executor may at any time within two years after the death of the surviving parent, and in accordance with the laws of the state, sell the land for the benefit of the children; and the purchaser may obtain the united states patent. from what has been stated, it will be seen that no title to land can be obtained from prëemptor or homesteader who has not perfected his title. nothing can be done to carry out such a transaction except for the holder to formally abandon his right, which can be done by a simple proceeding at the land-office, and for the successor to take the chances of commencing an entirely fresh title for the land in question. another point to be noticed is that the homestead is not liable for the debts of the holder contracted prior to the issuing of the patent. the law allows but one homestead privilege: a settler relinquishing or abandoning his claim can not thereafter make a second homestead entry. if a settler has settled on land and filed his preëmption declaration for the same, he may change his filing into a homestead, if he continues in good faith to comply with the preëmption laws until the change is effected; and the time during which he has been on the land as a preëmptor will be credited to him toward the five years for a homestead. the above information is obtained from the statutes of the united states, and is generally applicable. the rates of fees given are those which apply to oregon, and vary slightly in different states. [sidenote: _school and railroad land._] besides the public lands open to homestead and preëmption, a settler may purchase school lands, university lands, state lands, or railroad or wagon-grant lands. in each township of thirty-six sections of acres each, the two numbered and are devoted to school purposes, and are sold by the board of school commissioners for the state to settlers in quantities not exceeding acres to any one applicant, and at the best prices obtainable; such lands are valued by the county school superintendents for the information of the commissioners, but the minimum price is two dollars an acre. a further number of sections has been granted by the united states to the state of oregon for the support of the university and of the agricultural college. the greater part of these lands has been sold; some still remains; the average price of previous sales is somewhat under two dollars an acre. the state also possesses some further lands donated by the united states for various purposes, but the quantity is not extensive--except of lands known as swamp lands. where the greater portion of a section is properly describable as wet and unfit for cultivation, it is called swamp land. such lands have been granted by the united states to the state of oregon, and are not open to preëmption or homesteading. a very free interpretation is put on the words "wet and unfit for cultivation," and a very large acreage is included. the state has given rights of purchase over large bodies of these lands to different parties, and at prices which i have heard bear but a small proportion to their real value. at every session of the legislature some fresh bills are brought in for dealing with the swamp lands, and a vast amount of "lobbying" goes on, which i suppose some people or other find a profit in. the great bulk of these lands are situated in southeastern oregon, in the vicinity of the lakes, such as klamath lake and goose lake; but a good many acres are scattered throughout eastern and southern oregon. [sidenote: _acreages owned by companies._] the largest land-owners in the state are the railroads and the military wagon-road companies. the great grant to the oregon and california railroad extends over the alternate sections within twenty miles on either side of the road, to the extent of , acres for each mile of railroad. the total estimated amount of this grant is , , acres. the west-side railroad, called properly the oregon central, has a grant estimated at , acres. the prices at which these companies sell these lands do not exceed seven dollars per acre; and the amount may he spread over ten years, carrying seven per cent. interest. the wagon-roads have grants the amounts of which are stated as follows: acres. oregon central military road company , the dalles military road company , corvallis and yaquina bay wagon-road company , coos bay military road company , the willamette valley and cascade mountains military wagon-road company , this last grant is attached to the road company described in a previous chapter. the willamette valley and coast railroad company also has a grant of all the tide and overflowed lands in benton county, the amount being estimated at about , acres of alluvial land. in many cases the companies were unable to obtain the full amount of acreage which their grants give them out of the odd-numbered sections within the belt covered by the grant. the alternative is for them to get what are called "lieu-lands," outside of their declared limits. so rapid is the tide of settlement, especially in eastern oregon, that the land-offices are thronged with applicants. a young englishman who came out with me wrote from the dalles to us last spring that on three successive fridays he had come in from his range to file his homestead application, and after waiting the whole day he had been unable to get the business done, and had to return to his quarters disappointed. chapter xiv. the "web-foot state"--average rainfall in various parts--the rainy days in and --temperature--seasons--accounts and figures from three points--afternoon sea-breezes--a "cold snap"--winter-- floods--damage to the river-side country--rare thunder--rarer wind-storms--the storm of january, . i should think that no state is so much scoffed at as oregon on the score of wet weather. our neighbors in california call us "web-feet," and the state is called "the web-foot state." emigrants are warned not to come here unless they want to live like frogs, up to their necks in water, and much more to the like effect. and this question as to the quantity of rain is one always asked in the letters of inquiry we get here from all parts of the world. it is impossible to give a general answer, because the rainfall varies in the state from seventy-two inches at astoria, at the mouth of the columbia river, to twelve inches on some of the elevated plains of extreme eastern oregon. western oregon also varies in its different parts; the rainfall of seventy-two inches at astoria sinking by pretty regular stages southward to thirty-two inches at jacksonville. [sidenote: _average rainfall._] the average rainfall for four years reported by the united states signal-service station at portland is - / inches. at eola near salem the average of seven years is - / inches. at corvallis the average of the last three years, taken at the agricultural college by professor hawthorne, is - / inches; but this last low average is produced by the fact of the months of october and november, , having been unusually dry. the average rainfall for october, in and , was - / inches, and for november - / inches; while in the rainfall for those months was only / and / of an inch. the result of the late setting in of the rains in the fall of was that the grass was very late in resuming its growth, and consequently feed for stock during the early part of the winter of -' was very scanty. but, perhaps, it is better to give the number of snowy and rainy days annually occurring, as that is what at any rate the feminine part of the families of intending emigrants desire to know. during , from may to december, there were at corvallis thirty-five rainy days and five snowy. during there were sixty-nine rainy days and nine snowy. in these figures are taken in several days which were only showery at intervals, and there are omitted several days when a slight shower or two fell, with bright sun in between, but which it would not be fair to call rainy days. but the distribution of the rain is of more consequence, both to the farmer and to the mere resident, than the aggregate. so i will set out the rainy and snowy days for the several months, at corvallis: .--from may th to st, ; june, ; july, ; august, ; september, ; october, ; november, ; december, , and snowy. .--january, , and snowy; february, , and snowy; march, , and snowy; april, ; may, ; june, ; july, ; august, ; september, ; october, ; november, ; december, , and snowy. .--january, rainy, and snowy; february, , snowy; march, showery, no steady rain. at eola, near salem, about forty miles north of this, the figures differ slightly, as will be seen from the following table. but this is an average of the seven years, from to : months. number of snowy days. rainfall, rainy days. in inches. january · · · february · · · march · · · april · · · may · · june · · july · · august · · september · · october · · november · · · december · · [sidenote: _temperature._] the next question is as to temperature. the following figures speak for themselves--the highest and lowest temperature in each month, and the monthly range, reported by the united states signal-service station, portland, oregon: legend: h = highest l = lowest r = range . . . months. h l r h l r h l r january ° ° ° ° ° ° ° ° ° february march april may june july · · august september · october november december for comparison's sake we give a similar table for , , and , kept at the corvallis agricultural college: legend: h = highest l = lowest r = range . . . months. h l r h l r h l r january ° ° ° ° ° ° ° ° ° february march april may june july august september october november december the averages of temperature for the four seasons at these three points, portland, eola, and corvallis, are as follows: points. spring. summer. autumn. winter. portland · ° · ° · ° · ° eola · · · · corvallis the difference between the extremes is therefore for portland, · °; for eola, · °; for corvallis, °. contrast this with similar figures from davenport, in the state of iowa. the winter mean there is · °, the summer · °; showing a difference of · °. at corvallis, throughout the summer months and till late in the fall, a daily sea-breeze springs up from the west about one o'clock in the afternoon, and continues till night closes in, and then dies off gradually. however pleasant this is to the settler heated in the hay- or harvest-field, it brings its perils too. i give an earnest caution not to be betrayed into sitting down in the shade to cool down, with coat and vest off, while this sea-breeze fans a heated brow, or a sore attack of rheumatism or its near relative, neuralgia, will very likely make you rue the day. rather put on your warm coat and button it close, and let the cooling process be a very gradual one. but if, by your own forgetfulness of simple precautions, you have taken cold, and rheumatism has you in its grip, do not turn round and abuse a climate which is one of the most delightful in the whole temperate zone, but blame yourself, and yourself only. in the winter of -' we had a "cold snap." the day before christmas the west wind suddenly veered round northward. what a bitter blast came straight from the icy north! the cattle set up their poor backs, and crowded, sterns to the wind, into the warmest corners of the open fields, and there stood with rough coats and drooping heads, the pictures of passive endurance. in two days the ice bore, and everything that could be called a skate was tied or screwed on to unaccustomed feet; and a beautiful display of fancy skating followed, as all the "hoodlums" of the town sought out the crystal lake or fisher's lake. then came the snow; and every one left off skating and took to sleighing. the livery-stable keepers made fortunes by hiring out the one or two real sleighs; but poor or economical people constructed boxes of all shapes and fastened them on runners, making up in the merriment of the passengers for the uncouthness of the vehicles. but the snow, too, only lay a few days, and we were glad when our old friend the rain fell and restored to us the familiar prospect. for houses here are not constructed for extremes of temperature in either direction; and hot, dry air in the sitting-room, where the close stove crackles and grows red-hot, is a bad preparation for a bedroom with ten degrees of frost in it, or the outside air with the icy wind bringing a piece of mount hood and its glaciers into your very lungs. the only good thing was, that it lasted so short a time. and during this last winter of -' we have had no such experience. [sidenote: _floods._] instead, we have had trial of floods--the highest since -' , the year of the great flood. after about twenty-four hours' snow, the wind went round to the south, and a soft, warm rain followed for nearly thirty-six hours more. this melted the snow, both on the cascades and on and round mary's peak. the mackenzie, which is the southeast fork of the willamette, and comes straight from the cascades, brought down a raging torrent into the more peaceful willamette. all the tributary streams followed in their turn. telegrams brought news from eugene city, forty miles up the river, every hour, "river rising, six inches an hour." soon the banks would not hold the water, which spread over the surrounding country. corvallis stands high on the river's bank; but looking across over the low-lying lands in linn county, nothing but a sea of moving, brown water appeared, in which the poor farmhouses and barns stood as islands in the midst. the settlers who were warned in time cleared their families out of their houses, and left their dwellings and furniture to their fate. the horses and cattle that could be reached in time were swum across the river to safety on this side, and an excited crowd lined the river-bank, watching the swimming beasts and helping them to land, while every skiff that could be pressed into the service was engaged in bringing across the women and children and their most valued possessions. one man lost fourteen horses which had been turned out on some swampy land four miles below the city; others cattle, sheep, and pigs; and none within reach of the inundation--that is, within a belt of low land averaging two miles from the river in extent--but had their fences moved or carried away and heaped in wild confusion. the worst case i heard of was of a poor fellow from the east, who had just invested his all in a farm of fat and fertile bottom-land a few miles from salem. he had repaired his house and furnished it, had stocked his farm, and had written for wife and family to join him. the rain descended, the flood came; higher and higher it rose, sweeping off fences, drowning cattle; it entered the house and spoiled all of its contents. the unlucky owner had to betake himself to a tree, whence he was picked by a passing skiff the next morning, bewailing his fate, and offering his farm as a free gift to any one who would give him enough dollars to return to the eastern state whence he had just come. but nearly all the mischief to stock came from neglect of timely warning. no one but could have driven all off to safety, for the water-worn belt was a very narrow one. some men gained largely by the deposit left by the flood on their land, serving to renew for many years the productive qualities; others were in a sad plight--the soil being washed away, deep gullies plowed, and a thick coating of stones and river-gravel left. the river rose high enough to flood the lower floors of the wheat warehouses from rosebury to portland, and in the river-side towns caused a great deal of discomfort and some loss; but no loss of life resulted. it carried away the new bridges over the santiam river just built by the narrow-gauge railroad, and washed away several miles of their new track. it also broke through several viaducts on the east-side railroad, and stopped postal communication for a day or two. [sidenote: _the "chinook."_] the winter of -' has proved disastrous to stock in eastern oregon. as a general rule, the sheep and cattle ranges are covered with bunch-grass, which grows from ten to twenty-four inches high during the summer months, and is dried by the sun into natural hay. when winter comes it brings with it snow from six to eighteen inches deep, and this lies light and powdery over the face of the country. the cattle and sheep scratch the covering off, and feed on the hay beneath. the prevailing winds in the winter there are north and south, and neither melts the snow. but now and again comes the west or southwest "chinook." it breathes softly on the snow, and a quivering haze rises from the melting mass. when the "chinook" blows long enough to melt the snow away, all goes well. but this last winter, after blowing for a day or two and melting the surface, it gave place to a biting blast from the north, which froze all hard again. the unfortunate sheep and cattle tried in vain to scratch through the icy crust, and died from starvation within but a few inches of their food. in speaking of the rainfall of the state it is right to mention a considerable stretch of land lying on the east side of, and directly under the lee of, the cascade mountains. here there falls but six or eight inches of rain in the year. the residents have, therefore, to depend on irrigation for fertility of soil. they have abundant facilities for this, as many streams and creeks flow down from the cascades. with irrigation, very heavy crops of grain (as much as forty bushels of wheat to the acre) are produced. western oregon enjoys a remarkable immunity from thunder-storms. they are of very rare occurrence, and when the thunder is heard it is rumbling away in the mountains many miles off. we have seen some summer lightning on a few evenings, gleaming away over the hills. wind-storms, too, very seldom visit us. in january, , one curiously local storm swept from the south through the valley. it bore most severely on portland. a friend there told me that he was looking across the river to east portland, where the catholic church stood with its spire, a prominent object. as he looked, the blast struck it, and, as he expressed it, the building melted away before his eyes. riding through the green fir-timber in the hills a few days after the storm, i saw several places where the limbs were torn off, and even great trees blown down in a straight line, their neighbors within but a few feet of them standing unhurt. [sidenote: _pleasant spring weather._] the government records in twenty-five years only show three winds blowing over the state with a velocity of forty-five miles an hour and a force of ten pounds to the square foot. but what a spring we have had this year-- ! while the papers have been full of snow-storms and floods in other places, here we have had balmy sunshine and mild nights, with occasional showers. the old residents call it real oregon weather, and say it always was like this till two or three years ago. chapter xv. the state fair of --salem--the ladies' pavilion--knock-'em-downs _à l'américaine_--self-binders--thrashing-machines--rates of speed-- cost--workmanship--prize sheep--fleeces--pure _versus_ graded sheep --california short-horns--horses--american breed or percheron-- comparative measurements--the races--runners--trotters--cricket in public--unruly spectators. about two miles from the city of salem, the capital of the state, are the fair-grounds. round a large inclosure of some fifteen acres of grass-land there runs a belt of oak-wood. here, inside the boundary-fence, are camping-places without end. until the state fair has been held in october, but it was then changed to july, in the interval between the hay- and the grain-harvest, and so as to take in the great national festival on the th of july. every one goes to the fair, which lasts a week, for every one's tastes are consulted. the ladies have a pavilion with displays of fruit and flowers; of needle-work and pictures; of sewing-machines and musical instruments of all kinds; of household implements and "notions" various. the children delight in an avenue of booths and caravans, where the juggler swallows swords, and a genius in academic costume and mortar-board hat teaches arithmetical puzzles and the art of memory in a stentorian voice. here is the wild-beast show, and there the american substitute for the old world knock-'em-downs. a canvas-sided court, five-and-twenty feet across, contains the game. at the farther side, on a continuous ledge, stands a row of hideous life-size heads and shoulders labeled with the names and painted in the supposed likeness of the prominent political characters of the time. a great soft-leather ball supplies the place of the throwing-sticks; and for a quarter (of a dollar) you can have a couple of dozen throws at the pet object of your aversion. as fast as the doll is knocked over his proprietor sticks him up again; while an admiring crowd applaud the hits, or groan, according to their political colors. here is a great opening for skill, and also (say it in a whisper) for trifling bets. a man i know was "dead broke" when he went to the knock-'em-down, but by straight throws and cunning he gained a couple of dollars in a quarter of an hour, and so got another day in the fair. the real business of the fair appeals straight to the farmer and mechanic. the long rows of lumber-built sheds are filled with choice sheep, cattle, horses, pigs, poultry. the race-track on the farther side of the grounds is crowded also every afternoon, while many a rivalry between the running or trotting horses of the various counties is decided. [sidenote: _self-binders._] the implements, too, are a fine show. the "self-binders" display their powers by catching up and tying over and over again the same sheaf of grain before a curious crowd, far better instructed than you would suppose in the intricacies of construction and neatness and rapidity of performance of the various machines. last year the great attraction was the osborne twine-binder, for every one was interested in getting rid of the wire that has been injuring the thrashers and hurting the digestion of the stock. it was voted a good worker, but complicated, as far as we could judge; and the general verdict seemed to be that greater simplicity of make and fewer parts to get out of order would soon be brought to bear either by these or other makers. there were two or three thrashing-machines displayed--the buffalo pitts, the minnesota chief, and one or two others. the great distinctions between these and the machines of english makers, such as clayton and shuttleworth, lie in the american drum and cylinder being armed with teeth and driven at a rate of speed from twice to three times that used in the english machine. the straw is, of course, beaten here into shreds between the revolving teeth, and its length and consistency far more completely destroyed than in the clayton and shuttleworth, and so loses much of its value for storing and feeding purposes. on the other hand, the grain is better cleaned, and the product per hour in clean grain is double that of the english machine. the american makers authorize as much as fifteen hundred bushels per day with horsepower, and up to three thousand with steam. there were several horse-powers shown, for use with the thrashing-machines; these left nothing to be desired for simplicity and economy of power. the thrashing-machines are of various sizes and prices, ranging from $ to $ , in value. an idea prevails in some parts that the mowers and reapers of american make are slighter and more fragile than those of english construction. such is not the result of our observation and experience here. on the contrary, our "champion" mower and reaper combined did work over rough ground, baked hard with the summer's sun, which demonstrated both strength and excellence of work beyond what we should have expected from any english machine we know of. there was a very poor show of chaff-cutters and root-pulpers, because our farming friends here have not yet required these indispensable aids to mixed farming and succession of crops. after spending a couple of profitable hours among the machines, now come and inspect the stock. [sidenote: _prize sheep._] we turn first into the long alley of sheep-pens. the first attraction is the prize lot of spanish merinos. huge, heavy sheep clothed with wool almost to their ankles; ungainly to an english eye, from their thick necks, and large heads, and deep folds of skin. the shearer was at work, and fleeces weighing from seventeen to twenty pounds were displayed. we examine eight or ten pens of these merinos, including spanish, french, and german, mostly in use in eastern and southern oregon, where the dry climate and wide range suit these sheep exactly. there were one or two pens of graded sheep, merinos crossed with cotswold or vermont bucks. the crosses maintained the weight in wool and decidedly showed improved mutton, but the quality of the wool, of course, betrayed the admixture of the coarser fiber. there were two or three pens of improved oxfordshires, the breed of which has been kept pure by a well-known fancier in marion county, on the uplands east of salem. the sheep were in many points very pretty, but seemed to us now to require fresh blood, as the wool-bearing surfaces were evidently reduced. several pens of pure cotswolds were exceedingly good, both in shape, size, and wool. the vermont crosses which had been tried in a few instances did not seem to us to have been profitable. one thing pleased us, namely, that the best sheep, as a rule, came from those farmers who bred sheep in inclosed lands and fed them well, as part of a general system of farming, rather than from the huge flocks of the sheep-men who range the wilds. the only cattle worth looking at were some durhams brought up by one of the successful california breeders for exhibition and sale. the prices he got must have been very satisfactory to him, and proved that some oregon farmers at any rate have the pluck and foresight to give full value for good stock. next came the horses. the stamp varied from nearly thoroughbred to clydesdale and percheron stud-horses, with a fair number of mares and foals. the parade of the horses each day, as they were led round the ring each by its own attendant, was a very pretty sight. nothing special need be said of the well-bred stock--that is much the same the world over; only the size proved how well adapted oregon is for the home of horses of a high class. what interested us most were very fine specimens of what are called here heavy horses for farm-work. standing fully sixteen hands high, with long but compact bodies, good heads, with large, full eyes, and hard, clean legs, fit to draw a light wagon six or seven miles an hour over muddy roads, and to drag a sixteen-inch plow through valley soil, they seemed to us the very models of the horse the valley farmers should breed in any number. we regretted to notice the large number of clydesdales and percherons; the latter type of horse especially we deprecate--tall grays, with thick necks, heavy heads, upright shoulders, slim, round bodies, hairy, clumsy legs, huge flat feet covered with the mass of hair depending from the fetlock. just such you may see any day in the farm-carts in the north of france--a team of four in a string, the shaft-horse overshadowed by the huge cart with wheels six feet high; the carter plodding by the side, in his blue blouse with his long whip. just to settle a controversy with some percheron-mad oregonian friends, we had several horses of the two different types measured then and there. we found the oregon mare girthed nearly a foot more round the body behind the shoulders than the percheron horse. the girth of the forearm below the shoulder was greater. the percheron was the taller at the shoulder, the thicker round the fetlock, and, i should think, carried two extra pounds of horse-hair in mane, tail, and fetlock-tufts. the oregon mare showed just those points which every horse-lover seeks, to testify to activity, strength, endurance, and intelligence; the percheron was lacking in such respects, but instead had a certain cart-horse comeliness, looking more suitable for a brewer's van in a big city than for our farms and roads. [sidenote: _the races._] like the rest of the world, we answered to the call of the bell, and crowded through into the grand stand to see the races. a circular track of half a mile, the surface of which was already churned into black mud, did not look promising for the comfort of either drivers or riders. the benches of the grand stand were crowded with eager spectators, ladies predominating--the men were lining the track below, while the judges looked down from a high box opposite. the din of the men selling pools on the impending race was deafening, and each of the little auctioneers' boxes where the sales went on was surrounded by a throng of bidders. the first race was for runners, that is gallopers, ridden by boys thirteen or fourteen years old. it was not a grand display to see three or four horses galloping away, dragging their little riders almost on to their necks, and their finishes showed no great art. then came the trotting races, and these were worth seeing. three sulkies came on the track, the driver sitting on a little tray just over his horse's tail, and between two tall, slender wheels. catching tight hold of his horse's head, and sticking his feet well in front of him, each driver sent his horse at a sharp trot round the track to open his lungs. then the bell rang again, the course was cleared, and the drivers turned their horses' heads the same way, and tried to come up to the judges' box in line. once, twice, they tried; but the bell was silent, and back they had to come, the horses fretting at the bit, and getting flecked with foam in anxiety to be off. the third time the three sulkies were abreast as they passed the line, the bell sounded once, and off they tore. the drivers sat still farther back, and the horses laid themselves down to their grand, far-reaching trot. before two hundred yards was covered one broke into a gallop, and had to be pulled back at once, his adversaries gaining a yard or two before he could be steadied to a trot again. here they come in the straight run-in, the little black horse slightly in front, the big bay next, but hardly a head between them; the crowd shouts wildly, and the bay breaks trot just at the critical moment, and the black wins the heat, his legs going with the regularity and drive of a steam-engine. the horses are surrounded by admirers as they are taken out of the sulkies, and led off to be rubbed down and comforted before the next heat comes on. then follows a running race, and then another heat of the trotting race. this time the bay wins, hard held, and forbidden by a grasp of iron to break into the longed-for gallop. soon comes the deciding heat, and the excitement grows intense; the pools are selling actively, and speculation is very brisk. our sympathies are with the little black; half a hand shorter than his antagonist, and more like a trotting-horse than the tall, thoroughbred bay. but the fates are against him--size and breeding tell, and the bay wins. then the band strikes up, and the crowd disperses. most get back to the city by one of the miscellaneous wagons, or hacks, or omnibuses pressed into the service of the fair; the rest betake themselves to their camping-places among the oak-grubs, after supplying themselves with meat and bread from one or other of the temporary stores set up at one side of the grounds. [sidenote: _cricket in public._] this year the visitors had a new sensation in seeing cricket played on the fair-ground, to most of them a new sight. portland is blessed with a cricket club, mostly supported by the emigrants from the old country. corvallis has a similar advantage. the portlanders, in the pride of their strength, and heralded by a paragraph in the "oregonian" newspaper, that the "team selected to beat the corvallis athletes" had gone up to corvallis, had come for wool and gone home shorn. so, as a return-match was under discussion, it was determined to accept the invitation of the fair committee and play the return on the fair-grounds for the amusement of the visitors. accordingly, the game was duly played out, and ended again in a one-innings defeat of proud portland, to the delight of the spectators from the valley, who are generally a little jealous of the airs and graces of the hustling town which calls herself the metropolis of the northwest. there was some difficulty in keeping the ground clear; the ladies particularly could not comprehend the terrible solecism they were committing in tripping bravely across, to speak, to "point," and chat with the wicket-keeper. if you could but have seen the horror-stricken faces of one or two of our eleven, accustomed to the rigor of the game at cambridge, rugby, or cheltenham! chapter xvi. history of oregon--first discoverers--changes of government--recognition as a territory--entrance as a state--individual histories--"jottings"-- "sitting around"--a pioneer in benton county--how to serve indian thieves --the white squaw and the chief--immigration in company--rafting on the columbia--the first winter--early settlement--indian friends--indian houses and customs--the presbyterian colony--the start--across the plains--arrival in oregon--the "whaler" settler--a rough journey--"ho for the umpqua!"--a backwoodsman--compliments--school-teacher provided for--uncle lazarus--rogue river cañon--valley of death--pleasant homes --changed circumstances. taking note of the civilized and settled condition of so large a part of this state, it is hard to credit that it was only in that the first attempts at farming in oregon were made by some of the men in the hudson bay company's service, and that in the first printing-press arrived. this valued relic is now preserved in a place of honor in the state capitol building at salem--more accordant with the spirit of the times than rusty armor or moth-eaten banners. the early history is somewhat misty, but the following slight sketch is, i believe, accurate: the coast of oregon was visited both by british and spanish navigators in the sixteenth century. in captain cook sailed along the coast. in heceta, and in vancouver, both suspected the existence of the columbia river from the appearance of its estuary. but in captain gray, of boston, and afterward, in the same year, captain baker, an englishman, entered the estuary itself. it was on captain gray's discovery that the united states government afterward rested its claim to the whole country watered by the great river, the mouth of which he had discovered. but lieutenant broughton, of the british navy, in or , a very few months after captain gray's visit, actually ascended the columbia for one hundred miles, and laid claim to the country in the name of king george iii. in the american government expedition of lewis and clark crossed the rocky mountains, descended the columbia, and passed the winter of -' at its mouth; and the records of their discoveries first drew public attention to the country. in captain winship, also from new england, built the first house in oregon. astoria was founded in by john jacob astor, of new york, as a trading-port. the british, while the war was raging in , took possession of the post and named it fort george. then followed the hudson bay company, who claimed the sovereignty of the country under the terms of their wide charter. they established their headquarters for the north pacific coast at vancouver, on the north bank of the columbia, about one hundred miles from its mouth. there the fort was built, the settlement formed, farming began, and the governor of the hudson bay territory had his western home. in the first school was opened. between and missionaries of various denominations arrived, bringing cattle with them; and in commodore wilkes visited oregon on an exploring expedition by order of the united states government. from to the "joint occupancy" of oregon by the american and british governments lasted under treaty. in the people were for the first time recognized, and united in forming a provisional government, formally accepted at a general election in . by the year the white population numbered about ten thousand souls, and in that year the oregon territory, including both the present state of oregon and also washington territory, was ceded, under the ashburton treaty, by the british government to the united states. congress formally recognized the territory of oregon in , and in general joe lane entered office as the first territorial governor. his portrait now adorns the capitol building. and the old general, still erect and in full preservation, in spite of his years and services, has been until this spring of yet seen and respectfully greeted at many a public gathering. [sidenote: _entrance as a state._] in oregon was admitted into the union as a sovereign state; the population was , . in the census gave a total of , souls, showing an increase of , in twenty-one years, and an increase of , over the state census in . but, after all, the history of a state is the history of its people. nowadays we enter oregon within twenty days from liverpool, having been speeded on our journey by steamships and railroads in continuous connections. within two years the state expects to have two direct lines of eastern communication--one by the northern pacific, the other by a line through the southeastern corner of the state to reno, on the central pacific--shortening the twenty to sixteen days. within two years more it is hoped that the oregon pacific will make communication at boisé city, idaho, with independent eastern lines, and open a still more direct course out to the centers of population and enterprise. but in the early days, from to , when the tide of settlement ran first this way, their experiences were widely different. listen to the tales some of these men tell--not old men yet by any means; the vigor and power of life still burn in most of them, for the dates are but thirty years back. but what a different life these pioneers led then! let me sketch the scene and its surroundings where these "jottings round the stove" are made. it is rather a dusty old room, and a rusty old stove in the middle, and rather a dusty and rusty company are gathered round it. winter-time is upon us; the rain falls in a ceaseless drizzle, and the drops from the eaves patter on the fallen leaves of the plane-trees round the house. the time is after the noon dinner-hour; no work presses, for the fall wheat is all in, and there is a sense of warmth and comfort within, which contrasts with the dim scene without, where the rain-mists obscure the hills and fill the valley with their slowly driving masses. five or six of us "sit around"--mostly on two legs of the chairs, and our boots are propped up on the ridge round the stove. we don't go much on broadcloth and "biled" shirts, but we prefer stout flannel shirts and brown overalls, with our trousers tucked inside our knee-high boots. tobacco in one form or the other occupies each one. carpets we have no use for, and it is good that the arm-chairs are of fir, as the arms are so handy for whittling, there being no loose pieces of soft wood by. but we are all good friends, and i, for one, do not wish for better company for an hour or two "around the stove." [sidenote: _a pioneer in benton county._] "so the old man came into benton county in , did he?" "yes, he and his wife and two young children, and took up a claim there three or four miles from town." "was there a town then?" "not much--just three log-cabins and a hut or so; they called it marysville; it did not get the name of corvallis till years after." "how about the indians?" "well, there were plenty in the valley, klick-i-tats and calapooyas--these last were a mean set at that. the valley was all over bunch-grass waist-high, and the hills were full of elk and deer." "had the old man any stock?" "he had just brought a few with him from missouri over the plains, and fine store he set by them. you see the indians used to come and beg for flour and sugar, and a beef now and then. some of the neighbors would give them a beef at times, but the old man used to say he hadn't brought no cattle to give to them varmints." "how did they manage to live at first?" "well, the old man used to go off for a week at a time to oregon city to work on the boats there at his trade of a ship-carpenter. he had to foot it there and back, and pack flour and bacon on his back for his folks, and a tramp of sixty miles at that." "did the indians bother any while he was gone?" "one time a pack of them came round the cabin and got saucy, finding only the old lady at home. they crowded into the house and began to help themselves, but the old lady she took the axe and soon made them clear out. when the old man came back she told him about it. 'well,' says he, 'i reckon i shall have to stop at home a day or two and fix these varmints.' so three or four days afterward back they came. "the old man he kept out of sight, and the buck they called the chief came in and began to lay hold of anything he fancied. "then the old man showed himself in the doorway with his old rifle on his arm. he looked the chief up and down, and then he says to his wife: 'do you see that bunch of twigs over the fireplace? you take them down, and go through that fellow while the twigs hold together!' and he says to the indian, 'you raise a finger against that woman, and i'll blow the top of your head off!' so the old lady takes down the willow-twigs, and goes for the indian for all there was in it, and beats him round and round the house till there wasn't a whole twig in the bunch. lord! you should have seen the whole crowd of twenty or thirty indians splitting with laughter to see the white squaw go for the chief. i tell you, sir, that indian made the quickest time on record back to the camp as soon as she let him go, and that crowd never bothered that cabin any more. now, wasn't that much better than shooting and fighting, and kicking up the worst kind of a muss?" "well, i guess so. did he have any more bother with the indians?" "not a great deal. you see they were a mean lot, and would lay hands on anything they could steal; but there wasn't a great deal of fight in them. one time they had been robbing one of the neighbors of some cattle, and they went and told the old man. he went up all alone to the indian camp with his rifle, and picked out the man he wanted out of a crowd of fifty of them; and he took him and tied him to a white-oak tree, and laid on to him with a sapling till he thought he'd had enough, and not one of the whole crowd dared raise a hand against him. now the old gentleman's got three thousand acres of land and all he wants. how's that for an early settler?" "why, pretty good. but you came over the plains yourself, didn't you?" "yes; i was but a little shaver then, in . we came by way of the dalles." "what sort of a crowd had you?" [sidenote: _rafting on the columbia._] "well, there was my father, nahum his name was, and my four brothers, all older than i was, and there was the watsons and the chambers and their families in the company. we crossed the plains all right and got to the dalles. there were thirteen wagons in the party, and we rafted them and the cattle and all the rest of it down the columbia." "how on earth did you make a raft big enough?" "well, we just cut the logs in the woods on the edge of the river, and rolled them in and pegged them together with lighter trees laid across. it took us about all the morning to get out into the current, and all the afternoon to get back again. but, after all, we got to the cascades." "how did you get past them?" "we had to just put the wagons together, and cut a road for ourselves, six miles round the portage, till we could take to the river again. then we got boats and came all right down the columbia and up the willamette past where portland now stands." "where was portland then?" "there was no portland, i tell you--just a few houses and cabins. i forget what they called the place. anyhow, we got pretty soon to the tualitin plains, where forest-grove station is now, and there we passed that first winter in oregon." "was it rough on you?" "well, no--not particularly. all the lot of us crowded into one little cabin; but we lived pretty well." "what did you live on?" "well, there was a little grist-mill near by, and the folks had raised a little wheat and some potatoes and peas. we got no meat at all that winter. the next spring we came on into king's valley and took up the old place--you know where i showed it you--under the hill." "weren't there plenty of indians there?" "indians! i should think so; about two or three hundred klick-i-tats were camped in that valley then. good indians they were, tall, and straight as a dart." "who was the chief?" "a man they called quarterly. when we came in and camped, that indian came up to my father and said, 'what do you want here?' my father said, 'we have come here to settle down and farm and make homes for ourselves.' 'well,' says the indian, 'you can; if you don't meddle with us, we won't hurt you.' no more they did; we never had a cross word from them." "was the country theirs?" "well, no; it belonged properly to the calapooyas, and these klick-i-tats had rented it off them for some horses and cloths and things for a hunting-ground." "plenty of game?" "just lots of it; elk and deer plenty, and the bunch-grass waist-high. the indian ponies were rolling fat; good ponies they were, too." "what sort of houses had these indians?" [sidenote: _indian houses and customs._] "the klick-i-tats had regular lodges: sticks set in the ground in a circle and tied together at the top, and covered all over with the rush mats they used to make. good workers they were, too. they and the calapooyas fell out once. i mind very well one day the klick-i-tats came running in to our camp to say there was ever such a lot of calapooyas coming in to attack them. they sent off their women and children to the hills, and then drove all their horses down to our camp. strange, wasn't it, they should think their stock safer with five or six white men? there must have been several hundred of those calapooyas." "did the fight come off?" "not that time; they made it up with some presents of horses and beads and things." "what's become of those klick-i-tats?" "all that's left of them are gone to the reservation away north on the columbia. they had their big fight with the calapooyas down there by the mary river bridge, out by wrenn's school-house, just before we came into the country. the calapooyas were too many for them, for they were, i should say, three to one. that was quite a battle, i should say.--but here comes one of the early settlers. why don't you ask him about it?" just then the door had been opened, and in came a slender, gray-haired minister, with black coat and white collar and tie. "so you were an early settler?" "yes, i had some experiences in early days. did you ever hear of our presbyterian colony?" "i think not." "well, i was born and raised in pennsylvania. i had just finished my theological course and got married. i had heard a good deal about oregon, and took the notion of getting some presbyterians to go out there. this was in , when the law had been passed giving half a section of land to every settler, and half another section for his wife, if he had one." "how did you set about getting presbyterians together?" "i just put an advertisement in the pennsylvania papers that a presbyterian minister intended starting for oregon in the spring of , and would be glad for any presbyterians to join him and found a colony there." "did you get many answers?" "about eighty agreed to go, but a good many weakened before the time came, and only about forty of them started; some twenty came in afterward, so that our party was sixty strong. when we left st. joe, in missouri, we had twenty wagons. i had a nice carriage with four mules for my wife, and a half-share in a wagon and ox-team. we left st. joe in may, , and arrived in oregon four months and a half afterward." "did you travel all the time?" "we laid over for sundays, and i preached every sunday on the journey but one, when we were crossing an alkali desert, and had to push on through to water." "were there many emigrants on the road, minister?" "there was the heaviest emigration to oregon that year that there has ever been. many times i have climbed a hill just off the great emigrant trail, and counted a hundred wagons and more ahead, and more than a hundred behind us." "did you carry any feed for your stock?" "not any, and it was terribly hard on stock, as the bunch-grass on and near the trail was eaten down so close. it was harder on the oxen than on the mules. i brought all my mules safe into oregon, but only one ox out of our team." "how did you do when the oxen gave out?" "oh, a man just cut his wagon in half and hitched what oxen he had left on to the front half, and left the hinder end there in the desert." "did you have trouble with the indians?" "none at all; all quiet and peaceable. we came into oregon by way of boisé city, idaho, and umatilla and the dalles. the last sixty miles my wife and i walked nearly all the way, for the mules gave out crossing the cascades, and we drove them before us into this valley. the first milk and butter was at foster's, near oregon city; but one old lady in the crowd would not eat the butter her son had bought for her: she said it tasted too strong of silver." [sidenote: _the presbyterian colony._] "where did you settle down?" "about three miles from corvallis, or marysville, as it was called then. just twelve houses in the place, and two of them stores." "what did you do for a house?" "just set to and built one. i built it round my wife as she camped in the middle. i cut me down a big fir-tree, and split it out into boards and shingles." "what was this valley like then?" "all open prairie. a man could drive seventy miles without stopping--from salem to eugene. all this oak-brush has grown up since." "what became of your presbyterians?" "well, we organized the church the next fall, in , with just seven of the sixty persons who had left the east with me the year before. so you see we have grown a good deal in these seven-and-twenty years." here the minister got up and left the circle. so we turned to a brown-coated, cheery fellow in the next arm-chair. "you came round the horn, didn't you, bush?" but the cake of tobacco had to be got out of a deep pocket, and a pipeful slowly cut off and the fresh pipe started, before the answer came; and then a great laugh had to expend its force over the merry memories called up by the question. "we had a pretty rough old time of it, hadn't we, boys?" and a low murmur of assent ran round, and all eyes turned, meditatively, to the stove. presently the answer to the first question dropped casually out: "yes, i came round the horn. i had been whaling in the pacific, and stopped at 'frisco; we were all mad for the diggings. one day, as i was strolling round, i saw a great, big placard on the wall, in letters two feet long: 'ho! for the umpqua diggings! lots of gold! plenty of water! good grub! fine country! the well-known schooner reindeer, captain bachelor, will sail for the umpqua, october the th, !' there were four of us in my party, all young and active then, and we made up our minds to go, and weren't long about deciding, either. we were up to roughing it, too; you see, a few years in a whaler will fit you for most anything." "what was the voyage like?" "rough! there were about one hundred and thirty on board the schooner, some for the umpqua, the rest going on to portland. after knocking about at sea for a few days, we made the umpqua and stood in. the old man anchored just under the north beach. as i put my hand on the cable, it was like a bar of iron, and i felt the anchor drag. i told the mate, and he went and called the captain. up came the old man, and wouldn't believe it at first, but in another minute we should all have been in the breakers, and nothing could have saved us. just then a little boat came past and they hollered out, 'you'll be on the beach inside of three minutes!' i tell you it was touch and go." "how did you get off, bush?" [sidenote: _the "whaler" settler._] "the old man shouted to set all sail, and i ran to the helm. i could see the channel pretty well, and i just steered her by the look of the water. we just shaved a big rock by three feet or so, and ran up the river. presently we anchored again and landed. then we got a little indian canoe and pulled on up the river." "what was the country like?" "pretty rough." "but the diggings, bush?" "bless you, there weren't any! it was all a plant." "didn't you get back to the coast?" "no, sir, we were in for it, and we calculated to see it out. the country there, in southern oregon, pleased us mightily, it looked so fresh and green in the valleys, but the mountains were no joke. then we heard of this willamette valley, and traveled on north to find it. two of my mates staid down there on rogue river for the winter, but one came on north with me." "any adventures, bush?" "not particular. i mind me, though, when we got up to where monroe city is now, there was one log-house. old dr. richardson lived there. as we came to the house he came out and stood just outside. i tell you he was a picture." "what like, bush?" "well, he was a great, big, stout fellow, about fifty, with a jolly red face. he had on a buckskin hunting-shirt with long fringes, and long buckskin leggins, and his old rifle lay ready in the hollow of his arm. when we stepped up to him, 'well, young men, and what do you want?' says he. 'we should like to stop here and get some dinner,' says i. 'what a beautiful place you have got here, sir!' i went on, 'and, if you'll allow me to say so, i just admire you for a perfect specimen of a backwoodsman.' 'what!' says he, 'what on 'arth do you mean, you young thief of a son-of-a-gun?' says he, stepping up to me, to lay hold of me by the collar. i tell you, sir, i thought we were in for it, and he was big enough to whip the two of us. as good luck would have it, the door opened just then, and the old lady stepped out. she just looked and then she spoke up. 'old man,' says she, 'just let me speak to these young men.' so, she came and asked us our names and where we came from, and i explained to her that i had no notion of insulting the old gentleman. 'oh, well,' says she, 'don't mind him; and now what can i do for you? you seem nice, quiet young men.' so she gave us some bread and milk, and the end of it all was, they wanted us to stay all winter with them." "so the lady helped you out, as usual, bush?" [sidenote: _uncle lazarus._] "they didn't help me always. for the next place we came to was starr's settlement. there were a lot of ladies, quilting. we went into the house to ask if there were any claims to be had. 'are you married?' says one of the ladies. 'no, ma'am,' says i. 'oh, well, then, you can just get on; we have got plenty of bachelors already. say, are you a school-teacher?' says she. i thought for a moment if an old whaleman dared venture on school-teaching, but i thought, maybe, that was a leetle too strong. 'no, ma'am,' says i, at last, 'i am not, but my friend here is well qualified.' 'oh, well,' says she, 'he can stay and take up a claim; we have got one here of three hundred and twenty acres, we have been saving up for the school-teacher; but as for you, young man, you can jest go on right up the valley.' so i had to go on to where corvallis now stands. there were just four or five log-cabins, and a little stock. i took up a claim and built me a house, and as i was a pretty good carpenter i got all the work i wanted.--but here comes uncle lazarus." just then the door opened, and a quaint figure entered. let us sketch him. a broad-brimmed, low-crowned, brown beaver hat (and when we say broad-brimmed we mean it--not a trifling article of fifteen inches or so across, but a real, sensible sun-and-rain shade, two feet or thereabout from edge to edge); an old worn blue military great-coat covered him; while a mass of snow-white hair and beard framed in a ruddy face as fresh as a winter apple, and a pair of bright blue eyes twinkled keenly, but with a hidden laugh in them, from under the broad brim. "sit down, uncle," cried some one, and the old man came to an anchor with the rest of us round the stove. "talking of old times, uncle," we said. "you came in pretty early, didn't you?" "well, i guess it was in ," said he, in a plaintive, slow voice. "we came over the plains, the old lady and i, from illinois. we had a pretty good ox-team, and we got through safe." "did you have any fighting, uncle?" "well, no; there was too many in the company when we started, and they did get to quarreling, so i jest left them with one or two more--any day rather fight than have a fuss; so i thought we'd jest take our chance with the injuns, though they was pretty bad then. we were nigh to six months on the road." "which way did you come into oregon?" "by klamath lake and rogue river. the worst piece on the whole journey was that rogue river cañon; you know where that is?" "yes, uncle, came through it at a sharp run on the california stage a month ago." "well, there warn't no stage then--no, nor road either. you know it is about eight miles long, and i calc'late you might go a quarter of a mile at a time on the bodies of the horses and oxen that had died there. no man got through without leaving some of his cattle there. tell you, sir, when you once got into the place, seemed like there was no end to it, and you jest got to face the music; for there warn't no other way." "how did this country strike you when you got through?" "well, the old lady and me jest thought lots of it. we took up our claims in king's valley--you know the place--jest the nicest kind of a place, with lots of grass and a nice river. you had all the timber you wanted on the mountains close by, and jest lots of deer and elk." "pretty lonely, though, wasn't it?" "well, it was kinder lonely, but we had lots to do, and the time passed very quick. the country settled up quick, and we had all the neighbors we wanted." "any trouble with indians, uncle?" "no; the calapooyas would thieve a bit, but fifty of them cusses would jest scare from five or six of us settlers with our rifles. and the klick-i-tats were good injuns, and never troubled us any. those were good old times, boys." and the old man rose to go, with a sigh. [sidenote: _changed circumstances._] think of the change the old gentleman has seen--for he lives there yet! now, his white farmhouse, with good barn and out-buildings, fronts on a well-traveled road, leading past many a neighbor's house, and to the church and village. the woods on the hill-sides have disappeared, and the ruled furrows of the wheat-fields have replaced the native grass; the elk and deer which found him food as well as sport have retired shyly away into the far-off fastnesses round mary's peak and in the "green timber," and the fleecy flocks have usurped their place. the thievish calapooyas and good klick-i-tats have lost their tribal connections, and their shrunken remnants have been shifted away north to the indian reserve. as you stand on the hill above his house, and the vision ranges over the gentle outlines of king's valley, dotted with farms and lined with fences, it is but the noble forms of the distant mountains that could identify the scene with that which he scanned with wayworn eye as he halted his weary oxen after his six months' journey from distant illinois. chapter xvii. state and county elections--the chinese question--chinese house-servants--washermen--laborers--a large camp-supper-- chinese trading--the scissors--cost of chinese labor--its results--chinese treaties--household servants--chee and his mistress--"heap debble-y in there"--the photo album--temptation --a sin and its reward--good advice on whipping--chung and the crockery--chinese new year--gifts--"hoodlums"--town police--opium. in the summer of there occurred an election of senators and representatives to the state legislature, and also to the county offices of clerk, sheriff, assessor, coroner, surveyor, and commissioners. the whole apparatus of caucuses and canvasses was put in operation, and the candidates nominated on both republican and democratic "tickets" perambulated the county, and addressed audiences in every precinct from the "stump." the greenbackers had the courage of their opinions and put candidates in the field. indeed, one of the precincts in the burned-woods country, of which i have already discoursed, enjoyed the proud distinction of casting more votes for the "greenback" candidate than for either of the two great parties. i attended some of these meetings and listened to the stump-speeches with much interest. that which caused the current of eloquence on all hands to run fastest was the chinese question. how vehemently have i heard denounced the yellow-faced, pig-eyed, and tailed mongolians who were spreading like locusts over the face of the country, and ousting the poor but honest and industrious white laborer from those employments to which he is specially adapted--how they sucked the life-blood of the people in order to carry their ill-gotten gains across the seas; how their barbarous language and filthy social habits "riz the dander" of these orators, while the audience loudly applauded every strong stroke of the brush! at the torch-light processions which closed some of the evening meetings, transparencies were carried about by citizens staggering under their weight, which depicted chinamen in various conditions of terror flying from the boot-tips of energetic americans; or, on the opposite back, the poor but honest white man prostrate on the ground, while a fat chinaman sat heavily on his breast. such an obvious current of popular opinion set an on-looker to rub his eyes, and feel if he were dreaming. for, go into nearly every house inhabited by a family, in or near any town in the state, and you will find one or more chinamen doing the house-service. walk through the streets, and you will meet a blue-coated asiatic with a big clothes-basket of clean linen on his shoulders. here and there in the streets hangs a sign: "hop kee," "sam lin," "lee chung," "ah sin," "washing," or "chinese laundry," and "labor provided," or "intelligence-office," and through the steamy windows you catch a glimpse of white-shirted chinamen, bending over their ironing, and a mixed gabble of strange "ahs" and "yahs" strikes the ear as you pass by. [sidenote: _chinese trading._] i went up the columbia river to the dalles the other day. at the dalles was a camp for the night of about five hundred chinamen, being transferred by the oregon railway and navigation company from work higher up the river to some of the heavy rock-cutting and tunneling between the dalles and the lower cascades. i stood and watched them at their suppers. divided into messes of twelve or fifteen each, they had supplied themselves with beef in the town. holes were dug in the ground, sticks lighted in them, and large pans set on to boil, and, with plenty of salt and pepper, a savory smell soon arose. large pans of rice were boiling by the side, and before long each man's portion was ladled out into a real china basin, which he held in one hand close to his mouth, while the chop-sticks moved at a terrible rate in the fingers of the other hand. such uncouth figures!--bronzed in tint, short and heavy in form, clad in thick blanket-coats, with knee-boots; turbans round most heads made of heavy scarlet woolen comforters, and a few old hats among the crowd; and a constant gabble of voices, nearly deafening in the aggregate. their little tents were pitched on the river-bank close at hand, and a huge pile of their unmistakable baggage lay heaped, with their shovels and axes, on the deck of the great scow hard by. the town was full of them, buying or bargaining in every store. i marked a group of four who wanted a pair of strong scissors. they were asked fifty cents in a store. they examined the scissors and tried to cheapen them in vain, and then left. they tried four stores in turn, but found no better article, and the same price; then returned to their first love, and strove hard for a reduction in vain. again they went the round; again they came back: on the fourth visit the patience of the jewish gentleman behind the counter gave way, and he told them to take it or leave it, they should not see the scissors again. most unwillingly, and after a vast amount of breathing on the blades to see how quickly the vapor disappeared, the half-dollar came forth and the scissors changed owners. they are the closest buyers in the world. the next morning by seven o'clock the tents were struck, the chinamen on board the steamer, and in the afternoon we passed them hard at work, spread in a long line on the face of a terrible rock, which looked as if five thousand chinamen might work at it in vain for a year to make a fit passage for the train. but without them how would these great works get done? later on i intend describing some of the undertakings in progress in the state. delay in them--still worse, the stoppage of them--would be a calamity indeed. after all, the chinamen work for about eighty or ninety cents a day, and out of this sum the contractor has to find them food. the food, save the rice, is purchased in the state; the material of the clothes they wear is manufactured and sold in the united states; the tools they work with also. so that it is only the profit on their labor's price which goes to china; and some of that goes to pay their passage in the ships which transport them to and fro. and their labor remains--its results felt by every passenger and freighter on the railroads, and every oregonian directly or indirectly interested in increasing the population of the state. naturally, it is easy to have too much chinaman. i should grieve to see them multiply so as to dominate the state. excellent servants, but bad masters. and by all means let us have treaties with china to enable the influx of these mongolians to be regulated. already we have laws forbidding the employment of chinamen on government or municipal public works. and i do not see that there is any economy in the working or superiority in the labors on such undertakings. for household service on this coast they are simply indispensable. they receive high wages: for a good chinese cook you must pay from fifteen to twenty-five dollars a month. a laundryman and house-servant can be had for somewhat less. but our experience and observation lead us to the knowledge that two chinese servants will do well the work of four english servants. another thing is that, having learned to cook any special dish, you may be sure of having it always thereafter equally good. if they are a bother sometimes by not comprehending orders, they make up for it by quaint ways. an english neighbor of ours has one chee, a boy of sixteen, as house-servant, and a very good cook and general servant she has made of him. chee and his mistress are on the best of terms usually; sometimes they fall out. [sidenote: "_heap debble-y in there!_"] the mistress was staying with us for a few days once, while her husband was out hunting in the hills, and she preferred sleeping in her own house. this chee strongly disapproved, as it involved his going up to make the bed and clean the house, instead of having high-jinks in the china house down in the town. when his mistress went into the house, chee pointed into her bedroom, and in a mysterious voice warned her thus: "heap debble-y in there. some time i make bed, i see four, fi' debble-y go under bed. some time come catch you in night!" another time, his master and mistress being out, chee amused himself with their photograph-album. they found many of the pictures shifted, and one charming young lady missing. chee stoutly denied it all, and swore he never saw the picture. so his "boss," hop kee, was appealed to. in the afternoon of the same day hop kee appeared with a second chinaman. this man produced the missing photograph for identification, and then hop kee disappeared into chee's kitchen and administered a hearty beating to the culprit. when hop kee reappeared, panting, his companion explained and apologized thus: "chee heap bad boy; but he no steal um; he heap love um picture; he sew um up his bed." another time chee was pottering about in the garden when his mistress called him. he would not answer, so she called him again, and this was the conversation: "chee, come here." "heap tired in foot; can' walk." "chee, come here directly." chee comes and gets his orders. "wha' for you can' talk me there?" "chee, you must not answer me like that; you speak as if i were a dog." "well, you allee same likee one dog!" "chee, how dare you? i tell hop kee what you say." "i no care." but hop kee comes that afternoon and hears the sad accusation, and this is his advice: "mrs. ----, you heap takee some poker; you beat him. i heap much obliged. chee no good; you whip um." chee asks for his wages, and even for some in advance. "what for you want money, chee?" "i want fi'teen dollar." "what for, chee?" "i want buy one big watch." "how big, chee?" "heap big watch; he weigh ha' pound." and i believe it does weigh half a pound. one of our chinamen, chung, was a sad breaker of crockery. we bore it patiently in spite of the loss, for stone-ware is terribly dear here. but one day there was an awful smash, and we ran out to see chung wringing his hands over a tray on the ground, with broken cups and plates all about. we said nothing; but the next day he went of his own accord, and at his own cost replaced the greater part. [sidenote: _chinese new year._] all the house-servants expect a holiday for a day or two at the chinese new year, which occurs about the th of january. it is a mark of good breeding and condition with them to give presents at that time to every one in the house. a little cabinet of lacquer-work to the lady of the house, a fan in sandal wood or ivory, one or two flowered silk handkerchiefs, a pot of sweetmeats, and two or three boxes of the inevitable chinese crackers for the children, make up the list. each of the china houses in the town collects all the chinamen that make it their headquarters, and prepares a magnificent supper. they spare no expense on this occasion; all the chickens in the neighborhood are slaughtered, and the sweet chinese wine flows freely. even a drunken chinaman may be met in the street, staggering from one china house to another, and he will very likely be mobbed by all the "hoodlums" in the town, pelting and hustling him. "hoodlums"--a fine word this to describe the vagabond, rough hobble-de-hoys that swarm in these western towns; lads too big for school, too lazy to work, an incumbrance to their families, a nuisance to all their neighbors. i am told that the word originated in san francisco twenty years ago. there were there gangs of these rough lads who hung about the wharves, ready for riot or plunder as occasion offered. against them the police of the city waged a constant war. these arabs had various haunts among the hovels and sheds, the piles of lumber and rubbish, that deface the water-side of every growing and unfinished city. when the police appeared, "huddle-um!" was the watchword that sent every skulker to cover. but the irish element pronounced the watchword with a rounder sound, and so "hoodlum!" caught the ear of the passer-by, and soon was adopted as the label of the tribe. the police of our town is represented by the city marshal and his deputy, who act under the authority of the mayor and the city council. the "calaboose" is the lock-up for offenders; and work on the streets in irons is also a punishment which may be awarded by the recorder for offenses against the city laws and regulations. drunkenness and opium-smoking are in this black list. passers-by were edified, a few days ago, by the spectacle of one white man, for drunkenness, and two chinamen, for opium-smoking, shoveling away at the mud, and ornamented with iron ball and shackles. it is strange to find that opium-smoking in these dens is not altogether confined to the chinese, but some degraded white men are occasionally captured by the marshal in a raid on a china house. such are not only punished, but scouted, and still they repeat the offense, proving the hold the practice gains when once yielded to. chapter xviii. life in the town--sociables--religious sects--sabbath-schools-- christmas, festivities--education, how far compulsory--colleges-- student-life and education--common schools--teachers' institutes --newspapers--patent outsides--"the oregonian"--other journals-- charities--paupers--secret societies. life in these country towns possesses some features strange to a new-comer. every family, almost without exception, is allied with some church organization. the association of such families in religious matters gives the connecting bond they need. not contented with worshiping together on sundays, they often meet in church sociables and in school entertainments and concerts, for which purposes the church-building is very commonly used. to get up a "sociable" is a pleasant task for the matrons of the church. having settled on the day, they meet and agree for how many it is likely they must provide. then each lady undertakes her share, finding so much tea, coffee, and sugar, and so many sandwiches and cakes. it is a delicate compliment for outsiders also to contribute a cake to the common fund. then, the evening having come, the company begin to meet, generally about seven o'clock, and are received by the ladies of the congregation. every one is made welcome. the object of the "sociable," so far as money-getting is concerned, is met either by a small charge for refreshments as supplied, or by a charge for admission, making the visitor free of the room. when the tea or supper is finished, there is a fine flow of talk, as all tongues are loosened. then follows music, either as solos by such as venture to make so public an appearance, or in duets, glees, or choruses provided by the church choir. interspersed with the music are recitations, readings, or short lectures. the recitations are as commonly given by young ladies as by the other sex; and the most awful and tragic pieces are decidedly the favorites. a good deal of gesture and action is approved. generally, a few words from the minister of the church close the entertainment, and the audience separate about ten o'clock, all the better for the "sociable." the comparatively trifling differences which serve to keep one sect separate from another, result in a number of small congregations and weak "interests"--and also, i think, react injuriously on the education and condition of the various ministers. and i do not see any progress toward obliterating differences and combining scattered forces against the common foes of indifference, irreligion, and vice; rather, i notice in the meetings or conventions attended by representatives or delegates from the various congregations of a special sect, and held annually in some central place, a disposition to insist on differences, and enforce the teaching of each special set of distinctive doctrines on the young. outside of the episcopal church, which, of course, possesses and uses its own liturgy, the services of the other christian sects are almost exactly similar; i except also the roman catholics, who are present in the state of oregon in considerable numbers, and whose organization of archbishop, bishops, priests, and sisters is as perfect as usual. but i have reference to presbyterians, congregationalists, methodists, north and south, baptists, evangelicals--the order of their services is about the same, and unless by chance you were present on some occasion for enforcing the special doctrines of the sect, you could not determine to which belonged the particular church in which you might be worshiping. the institution of the sabbath-school is not similar to that pursued in england, at any rate. the church is opened at a special hour for sabbath-school, and the children attend in numbers; the minister of the church holds a service for the special benefit of the young, but adults are also present. there is not the division into classes, and the enlisting of the efforts of teachers for those classes, which we have seen elsewhere. [sidenote: _christmas festivities._] christmas is chiefly marked by the christmas-trees which are so commonly provided; the religious significance of the day is hardly enforced at all. but the great christmas-trees arranged by a congregation, lighted up in the church or school-room, and hung with presents contributed by each family for its own individual members, and only brought to the common tree that the joy of donor and receiver might be alike shared in by friends, are a pretty and a happy sight. and this is by no means confined to the towns. the various precincts of the county have each their headquarters at the common school-house, and in many of these christmas-trees are provided; and, if the gifts are less in money cost than those hung round the city christmas-trees, they are none the less worth if got by so many hours of country work, and brought over many a weary mile of muddy road, and treasured in the old trunk among the sunday garments till the happy day came round, and the christmas frost hung the fir-trees with their sparkling load, and glazed the old black logs and gray snake-fences with their glittering covering of ice. a common notion prevails that education here is compulsory. it is compulsory in the sense that facilities by way of school-houses and trained teachers, and superintendence by committees and clerks, are provided by the state, and paid for by the counties from the county tax. it is not compulsory in the sense that so many hours of school attendance can be enforced against parents or children by the public authority. much is done; a strong and general interest is shown; expense is not spared, even where expenditure is severely felt; but still many children both in town and country escape the educational net. there is a state superintendent of education; there are county superintendents; there are many schools and teachers; and there are universities and colleges, with good staffs of professors, and a very high and wide course of studies in all. but very much remains to be done. there is far too much effort at variety rather than thoroughness in study. however hard both professors and students may labor, it can not be possible in a four-years' course to fill a lad, who has previously had but a common-school education, with a satisfactory knowledge of latin, high mathematics, euclid, history, english grammar and composition, chemistry, organic and inorganic, geography, geology, mechanics, electricity, polarization of light, and various other studies usually required for the master of arts honors examination in a british university. but this is attempted here. and, moreover, this extensive course is carried on in the state agricultural college as well as in the universities of the state. it can hardly be said that the name of "agricultural" is earned, since there is nothing in the studies here engaged in to distinguish this from any other high-class college in the state. [sidenote: _teachers' institutes._] the course followed in the common school is open to much the same criticism--too much of the ornamental, too little of the thorough and solid, being instilled. this is hardly to be wondered at when it is considered that the teachers in the common schools are taken principally from the students of the colleges or universities, whose learning is of the class above described. there is a great need of a normal school, where teachers can be specially trained for that work; as it is now, a young fellow is ready to "teach school" for a year or two for want of, or on his way to, his intended niche in life. the scale of payments at the schools is moderate enough, but a large item of expense is in the school-books: they are dear, their use is compulsory, they have to be purchased by the scholars, and they are frequently changed by the board of education. one great means by which it is sought at once to instruct, amuse, and infuse the school-teachers with common ideas and sympathies is by "teachers' institutes." in each county a time is fixed by the state superintendent of education, and for two or three days all, or as many as can be got together of the teachers in the county, are gathered in some central town, and for two or three days have constant meetings. this occurs annually. the most experienced teachers give illustrations of their favorite methods of instruction in the various subjects, and free discussion on these matters follows. the days are devoted to this practical work, and in the evenings some more general entertainment is provided in the shape of music, lectures, or readings, and these are thrown open to the public. at one of these the lecturer, who was one of the professors at the monmouth college, descanted on the high general standard of educational attainments in this willamette valley. he pointed out, in proof, that whereas through the united states the population supported one newspaper to each eight hundred, in this valley the proportion was one to three hundred or thereabout. [sidenote: _newspapers._] i found on inquiry that the figures were about correct. and the fact is, that it is only in the newspapers that the country people find nearly all their literature, and that barely a farmer can be found who does not regularly take three or more papers, and this makes the continued lives of these papers possible. a town of a thousand or twelve hundred inhabitants will support two or even three papers. how is it done? examine one of these papers and you will find the outside pages better printed than the inside, and filled with a special sort of romantic stories, and short bits of general information; extracts from magazines and from eastern or english newspapers. the inside pages have the true local color. here you will see the leader, devoted to the topics of the time and place; descanting on the railroad news of the day; expressing the editor's opinions on the rates of freight or passage, or on the advantages his town offers for establishing new industries; or criticising the recent appointment of postmaster. then the correspondence from various outlying towns or villages, written very often by the schoolmaster, and abounding in literary allusions and quotations. and then comes the amazing feature of the paper--a column or two are devoted to "locals." this is the style: "beautiful weather. new york sirup at thompson's. the spring plowing is nearly done. use the celebrated xl flour, the best in the market. mrs. ---- has been in ----, attending to the woman-suffrage question, the past week. our thanks are due to two fair ladies for bouquets of spring flowers, the first of the season. our young friend pete m---- called on us yesterday; good boy pete. judge henry was at salem the past week. miss addie bines is visiting friends in town. did you see that bonnet at the presbyterian church on sunday? the accidental pistol-shot the sheriff got is pretty bad. the rates of board at the cosmopolitan hotel are five dollars a week; three meals for a dollar. the odd-fellows will give a ball on the th. our vociferous friend sam n---- is starting for puget sound." and so on. i observe and i hear that these locals are by far the best-read portion of the paper. a variety of items of scraps from the neighborhood, and advertisements, the longest of which relate to patent medicines of all sorts, fill up these two inner pages of the paper. the secret of cheap production lies in obtaining the paper, with the two outside pages ready printed, from an office in portland, which supplies in this way twenty or thirty of these little newspapers. thus the cost to the editor is reduced to the getting-up of the two inner pages, and, as will be seen, not a very high level of brain-power is needed. "the oregonian" is the only journal in the state giving the latest telegrams. naturally it is published in portland, and devoted mainly to the interests of that city. it is connected with the associated press, and possesses the practical monopoly of the supply of news, properly so called. professing to be republican in politics, it assumes the liberty of advocating doctrines and supporting candidates for office in direct violation of the acknowledged principles of the party and the wishes of the party managers. with a parade of fairness, and willingness to admit to its columns views and communications opposing the ideas it may be advocating at the time, it takes care to color matters in such form as to pervert or weaken all opposing or criticising matter. it is bitterly hostile to every movement in the willamette valley tending toward independence of portland's money power and influence. while professing to desire the development of the state, it reads that to mean solely the aggrandizement of portland. it enjoys a happy facility of conversion, and will unblushingly advocate to-day the adoption of measures it denounced last week. unreliable in everything except its telegraphic news, and oftentimes seeking to color them by suggestive head-notes and capital announcements, it is a calamity to the state that its chief journal should be at once the most unpopular at home and the most misleading abroad. of course, "the oregonian" is not the only journal professing to be of and for the state at large. several are published at portland claiming the character of general state interest. such are the "willamette farmer," a journal chiefly devoted to the farming interest, and with which "the oregonian" is very frequently at war; "the new northwest," edited by mrs. duniway, a lady enthusiast in favor of woman's rights and woman's suffrage, but making up with a good deal of ability a paper containing much of general interest; the "pacific christian advocate," a religious paper; and also a number of other papers, democratic and republican, of no special note. salem, albany, and harrisburg possess newspapers above the average of ability and circulation. i thought there was a good deal of wisdom in the letter of a correspondent of mine in one of the eastern states, who concluded a letter of general inquiry as to the state of oregon with a request that i would send him a bundle of local newspapers, "by which," said he, "i can judge better of the present conditions of life in oregon than by the answers of any one special correspondent." there are very few poor people in oregon--so poor, that is, as to need charitable help. such are taken charge of by the county court, and from the county funds such an allowance is made in the case of families as shall keep them from absolute want. in the case of single persons they are given into the care of such families as are willing to receive them in return for a moderate sum, say three or four dollars a week. [sidenote: _secret societies._] the various societies and orders, namely, the freemasons, the foresters, the odd-fellows, the order of united workmen, the good templars, and others, have a large number of adherents in oregon. i believe the freemasons number upward of seven thousand brethren; the present grand master is the secretary of state, and a very efficient head he makes. the freemasons and other orders take charge of the needy brethren with their proverbial charity, and thus relieve to a great extent the public funds. chapter xix. industries other than farming--iron-ores--coal--coos bay mines-- seattle mines--other deposits--lead and copper--limestone--marbles --gold, where found and worked--silver, where found and worked--gold in sea-sand--timber--its area and distribution--spars--lumber--size of trees--hard woods--cost of production and sale of lumber--tanneries --woolen-mills--flax-works--invitation to irish--salmon--statistics of the trade--methods--varieties of salmon--when and where caught-- salmon-poisoning of dogs--indians fishing--traps--salmon-smoking. it must not be inferred, from the prominence given in these pages to the farming and stock-raising interests of oregon, that openings can not be found in many directions for new and rising industries. oregon is as rich in minerals as in lands for wheat-growing and cattle-raising. in the north of the state, about six miles from portland, at a place called oswego, on the willamette, very rich deposits of brown hematite iron-ore have been discovered, and have for a few years been worked. the pig-iron produced at these smelting-works is now used in a foundry close at hand, to which a rolling-mill is just added. the iron is of the very best scotch-iron quality, and commands equivalent prices at home and also in san francisco. at many other points large deposits of iron-ore are waiting for development. it is reported from columbia, tillamook, marion, clackamas, linn, polk, jackson, and coos counties. in the cascade mountains it has been found in many directions, but as yet has not been properly prospected. coal abounds. the coos bay mines have been opened and worked for some years, and they keep quite a fleet of schooners plying between the mines and san francisco. other beds have been found on the umpqua; and coal is reported from many points in the coast range. so far as my own knowledge goes, these mountain discoveries are of no very great value, from the want of continuity and uniformity of level, though it is but little more than the outcrop which has been tested in most places. a different report is given of a recent discovery in polk county, in this valley, where a thick vein of stone-coal in the basin has been found. the coal i have seen in the hills is anthracite, nearly allied to lignite. the favorable feature is the outcrop at so many points in a northeast and southwest line of what seems to be the same vein. recently there has been a very energetic effort made to develop the coal-mines located in the seattle district of washington territory. the presiding genius is mr. henry villard, now so widely known in connection with the oregon railway and navigation company. the present output of these mines is about one hundred thousand tons per annum; but under the new arrangements it is expected that this will be raised to seven hundred and fifty thousand tons, so as to supply not only the san francisco market, but also to deliver the coal at a moderate price at the various points, both on the columbia and willamette rivers, reached by the steamboats of the above-mentioned company. three large steam-colliers are to be used for the ocean transport of the coal. although this enterprise belongs to washington territory, i have thought it deserving of mention here, as being likely to have an important bearing on the development of oregon. [sidenote: _minerals._] lead and copper have been discovered in abundance in jackson, josephine, and douglas counties, on cow creek, a tributary of the umpqua river, and also on the santiam among the cascades. limestone, sandstone--both brown and gray--and marble quarries have been opened at various points in the state. gold is found in paying quantities at many points in southern oregon, and also in the gold-bearing black sand of the sea-beach, all along the southern and central portions of the state. the finely comminuted condition in which the gold occurs in the black sand has been a serious obstacle in the way of its profitable working; but the combined chemical and mechanical processes recently adopted bid fair to prove thoroughly successful. the governor of the state estimated the product of oregon in gold and silver in the year at not less than two million dollars. the gold-mines of baker county, and the gold and silver mines in grant county in eastern oregon, have also recently been more fully developed, and with great success. with the inflow of foreign capital, now begun in earnest, those best qualified to judge predict for oregon a very high place among the gold and silver producing states of the union. the mineral district in grant and baker counties will be shortly rendered accessible and profitable by the expected completion, both of the oregon railway and navigation company's line and of that of the oregon pacific, having eastward connections at boisé city in idaho, some fifty miles eastward of the eastern boundary of oregon. the timber of oregon is of world-wide fame. it will take many years to exhaust the districts even now accessible to river, railroad, or harbor; and the opening up of the various portions of the state to be traversed by the railroads either now or shortly to be put in hand will bring to market the timber from hundreds of square miles of woodland yet untouched. the following general statement is chiefly extracted from the "report of the government commissioner of agriculture" for the year : baker county has a timber area of five hundred square miles, principally pine and fir. benton county has a belt of timber-land of one eighth of a mile wide by forty-five miles in length, lying along the willamette river, and another belt in the coast mountains of twenty-five by thirty miles. this timber is principally pine and fir; there are also large quantities of splendid spruce; alder and white-oak, laurel and maple are also found. alder grows from twenty-four to thirty inches in diameter, and is worth for cabinet-making purposes from thirty to forty dollars a thousand feet at the factory. there is a belt principally of spruce timber, a mile wide and how many miles long i can not say, heading northward from depot slough, a stream running into yaquina bay, many of the trees being eight and nine feet in diameter, and two hundred and fifty feet high. i have seen a hundred and thirty pines cut for ships' spars on one homestead near yaquina bay, not one of which snapped in the felling, and which ran from eighty to one hundred and twenty feet in the clear, without a branch, and about as straight and level as a ruler. and this lot were cut from but a very few acres of the wood, and where it was easy to convey them to the tidal stream which floated them to the harbor. it was a pretty sight to watch the team of five or six yokes of oxen hauling the long, white spars from the wooded knoll on which they grew--the red and white colors of the oxen and the voices of the teamsters and lumbermen lending life and cheerfulness to the somber forest. [sidenote: _timber._] clackamas is one of the best timbered counties in the willamette valley, fully one half of its area being in heavy timber. pine, fir, spruce, white cedar, white oak, maple, and ash are found. about two thirds of the area of curry county is covered with forests of yellow, red, and white fir, sugar-pine, white cedar, spruce, white and other oaks, and madroño. the timber-lands of douglas are principally covered with the different varieties of evergreens and oaks. there are thousands of acres which would yield from three to six hundred cords to the acre not yet taken up. not over one third of the area of lane county is woodland. this embraces the different varieties common to the pacific coast. the timber-land of linn, occupying half its area, is comprised in three belts of dense forest, half of which is red fir. within the last twenty-four years thousands of acres of woodland have grown up from seed, and are now covered with trees from forty to eighty feet high, with a diameter of from ten inches to two feet. there have been made from one acre of fir-timber six thousand rails ten feet long by at least four inches thick. multnomah has a large area of timber-land, mostly yellow and red fir. three fourths of the area of tillamook is in timber, and half of this is fir and hemlock. the forests of umatilla are confined to the mountains, where they are very dense, and to the belts along the streams. wasco has immense forests in the mountains, many of them as yet inaccessible. the general result is, that oregon has in all , , acres of woodlands out of a total area of , , acres. the timber on the average is worth now about four dollars per thousand cubic feet at the saw-mill in the log, and costs when sawed into inch lumber about eight dollars the thousand feet of such lumber. the price of the lumber to the consumer varies from nine to fourteen dollars per thousand feet, according to the demand. much of the fir and spruce timber will cut into six or seven logs of sixteen feet in length, the tree being six feet in diameter two feet from the ground. from one cut out of a fallen fir on my own land we split one hundred and thirty-two rails of fully four inches diameter, and from several trees over six hundred rails each have been split. a good deal of unauthorized timber-cutting goes on upon the government land not yet taken up. when the logger is honest, he buys the right to cut from the owner of the land, paying "stumpage" of about fifty cents a tree. i have known many acres to provide over fifty of these big trees, thus returning a good price for the timber, and leaving rich and partly cleared land for pasturing purposes in the hands of the owner. one of the industries that needs to be established in many parts of the state is tanning. hides are plentiful, and of excellent quality; bark, both of oak and of hemlock, is easily procurable, and the water-power is abundant almost everywhere. at present the leather used is chiefly imported from california; it has been hastily tanned, and is of poor quality. the drawback to this business is that it absorbs capital before it begins to yield profit; but, the machine once having begun to revolve, the returns are steady, the risks few, the results permanent, and the profits very considerable. [sidenote: _woolen-mills._] the woolen manufacture in oregon has already taken good hold. oregon goods are well known in california, and in philadelphia and new york also. they received well-deserved praise at the centennial exhibition of . there are three woolen-factories in the state: one at oregon city, one at brownsville, and one at ashland, in the south of the state. their blankets and tweeds are admirable for thickness, solidity, and softness of texture. the oregon city mills employ a good many chinamen; they work well and economically. there is every probability of a fourth factory being at once established in or near albany; and the more the better, considering the ample water-power, and the abundance and excellence of fleeces. taking into account the quality of the flax grown in the state and the indefinite power of expansion of the product, seeing that the very edge of the flax-land has hardly yet been touched, while many thousand acres are specially fit for the crop, and considering, also, that linen in its various forms is unnaturally dear on the pacific coast, it seems a pity that one or more linen-factories should not be established. the present disturbed state of ireland has, we know, prepared many of its inhabitants for emigration, and among them are many trained in the growth, the preparation, and the manufacture of flax. any persons familiar with this industry could not do better than transfer themselves, their capital, their machinery, and their staff of workers, to this free land; here they will find a hearty welcome, a fine climate, the very best of raw material, a market at their doors, unlimited opening for expansion of their business, and a habitation free alike from turbulence, riot, and oppression. no book attempting to deal, in however general terms, with the industrial development of oregon, can pass the business in canned salmon without notice. the growth of the business has been marvelous. the following table shows the canning of the columbia river salmon during the ten years ending with : year. cases. year. cases. , , , , , , , , , , each case contains four dozen tins of one pound each, or two dozen of two pounds. the total output of the pacific coast for is estimated at , cases. [sidenote: _salmon._] besides the columbia river, which is the main source of supply, other oregon rivers are laid under tribute. the rogue river, the alsea, umpqua, coquille, nehalem, siletz, and yaquina rivers are all salmon-yielding streams. the system followed is generally known. the proprietor erects his cannery on the edge of the river, generally on piles driven into the mud. the cannery consists of a large warehouse for laying out the fresh salmon as soon as caught. next comes a building fitted with large knives for cutting up the salmon into the proper length for canning, and boilers in which the cans or tins are boiled. then come the packing and storing houses. that the undertaking need be on a large scale may be judged from the fact that they may have to deal with three or four thousand salmon at a time, as the produce of one night's take, and these salmon averaging twenty-five pounds in weight. the canneries make their own tins, one man, by the aid of ingenious machinery, putting together fifteen hundred tins in a day. the boats and nets belong to the cannery. the fishermen are paid by the fish they bring in: one third belongs to the cannery in right of boat and nets; the other two thirds are bought from the fishermen at fifty cents a fish. the importance to oregon of the trade is shown by the proceeds for the year ending august , , from the , cases exported being $ , , . the tin for the salmon, and also for the canned beef which is prepared in several of the canneries, is all imported. the imports for amounted to , boxes, costing from $ to $ a box. the number of salmon ascending some of these streams to spawn is almost incredible. both the siletz and the yaquina rivers yield two kinds: one a heavy, thick-shouldered, red-tinged, hooknosed fellow, which is never eaten by white men when it has passed up out of tidal waters; the other a slim, graceful, bright-scaled fish, known as the silver salmon. of this last there are two runs in the year: one in april and may, the other in october and november. the heavy, red salmon runs in the fall of the year, from august to november, and the heads of all the streams, even to the little brooks among the mountains, are filled with ugly, dark, yellow-and-white spotted fish pushing their way upward, until i have seen five huge fish in a tiny pool too shallow to cover their back-fins. some get back to the ocean with the autumn floods; the majority are left dying, or dead, on the gravel or along the edges of the streams. here they are deadly poison to dogs, and to wolves also. it is almost impossible to keep dogs of mature age in the coast district; sooner or later they are almost sure to get "salmoned," and to die. the only way is to allow the puppies free run at the salmon: two out of three will die; the survivor, having passed the ordeal, will be salmon-proof and live to his full age. the symptoms of salmon-poisoning are refusal of food, staring coat, running at the eyes, dry and feverish nose, absolute stoppage of digestion, followed by death in about three days after the first appearance of poisoning. all sorts of remedies have been unsuccessfully tried. a young dog may battle through, if dosed with epsom salts as soon as his state is observed; for an old dog, i can find nothing of avail. castor-oil, large doses of mustard, shot in quantities forced down the throat, calomel, aloes, blackberry-tea--all of these i have heard of, but have not the slightest faith in any one. therefore, any new-comers into the coast country bringing valuable dogs with them will have to keep them tied up, or else may expect to lose them, as i have unfortunately experienced. [sidenote: _indian salmon-traps._] the repugnance of the white man to the dark and spotted salmon is not shared by the indians. they had a salmon-camp on big elk, the chief tributary of the yaquina, last year, which i went to see. the river runs between steep hills, covered with the usual brush, and with a narrow trail cut through along the edge of the water. the tide runs up for about four miles above the junction with the yaquina, and there, in a wide pool into which the little river fell over a ridge of rocks, hardly to be called a fall, the indians had their dam and traps. just below the fall they had planted a row of willow and hazel stakes in the bed of the stream close together and tied with withes. in the center was an opening--a little lane of stakes leading into a pocket some six feet wide. the indian women sat out on the rock by the side of the pocket with dip-nets and ladled out the salmon, which had been beguiled by their instinct of pushing always up the stream into entering the fatal inclosure. the indian _tyhees_ or shelters were on the bank close by--miserable hovels made of boughs, and some old boards they had carried up--and hung round with torn and dirty blankets to keep in the smoke. poles were set across and across, and from these hung the sides and bellies of the salmon, while a little fire of damp wood and grass was kept constantly replenished in the middle of the floor, by a wretched-looking crone who squatted close by. [illustration: newport pier, .] when we got there, a younger woman was opening and splitting the salmon just caught, pressing the eggs into a great osier basket, where they looked exactly like a pile of red currants. she gave us a handful of eggs for trout-bait; as every one knows, the most deadly and poaching lure for that fish. and we found the benefit of them that same evening at elk city, four miles below, where the salmon-trout crowd almost in shoals to be caught. chapter xx. eastern oregon--going "east of the mountains"--its attractions-- encroaching sheep--first experiments in agriculture and planting --general description of eastern oregon--boundaries--alkaline plains--their productions--the valleys--powder river valley-- description--the snake river and its tributaries--the malheur valley--harney lake valley--its size--productions--wild grasses --hay-making--the winters in eastern oregon--wagon-roads--prineville --silver creek--grindstone creek valley--crooked river--settlers' descriptions and experiences--ascent of the cascades going west-- eastern oregon towns--baker city--prineville--warnings to settlers --growing wheat for the railroads to carry. while western oregon and the willamette valley in particular have been settled up, the valleys, plains, and hill-sides of eastern oregon are only just now beginning to attract population. but the reports of that country have spread far and wide through the valley, and half the young men are burning to try their fortunes "east of the mountains." when a youngster has been brought up in a wide valley, the eastern sky-line of which has been marked out, from his very infancy, by a line of rugged hills, over which the snow-peaks tower; when he has been used to see the mountains stand out clear and majestic, rosy in the glow of the setting sun, and then putting on their winter garments of purity, and shining cold in the clear moonlight of the winter nights; when he has watched them disappear as the mists of the autumn rains filled the valley, to be hidden for weeks from his gaze, and then suddenly revealed as the drying and vigorous west wind dispelled the veil which the warm south wind had only served to thicken--i can sympathize with the longing felt, even if unexpressed, to climb this barrier and find if there be in verity a canaan beyond. and then, until lately at all events, to the young and bold there was a strong attraction in the life on horseback, in the gallop after the straggling cattle over those rolling plains; in the bachelor life of freedom, where home was just where night found him, and where his comrades had made their fire and picketed their horses; and, though last not least, where the wealthy stockmen had started from the exact point where he stood, their capital good health, readiness to rough it, and a determination to get on. but a few years ago this was what life east of the mountains meant. then men found that sheep paid better than cattle; and the sheep-herder, with his band of merinos, took possession of the rocky hill-sides, on which the thick bunch-grass was already beginning to fail to hold its first vigor and abundance, and his peaceful but not unresisted invasion pushed the cattle-men farther into the wilderness. the loathing and contempt of the stockmen for these encroaching sheep! some of them actually encouraged, and refused to permit the slaughter of, the prairie-wolves, which did not molest the cattle, but waged war on the flocks. but the tide would not be turned back, and mile after mile the sheep pushed on. the bunch-grass which the cattle lived on, and which only overstocking injured, gave way before the sheep; for these eat out the hearts of the young grass, and their range grew wider as the feed became more sparse. and then the farmer followed the sheep-herder, and the eaten pastures were turned up by the plow. true, the soil was alkaline in many places, and rocky and stony to an extent strange to the eyes of the valley farmer, who hardly ever sees a stone. but there were streams on many a hill-side which only needed a little work to be turned on to and to irrigate the soil below; and many a valley was explored, whose level land gave promise of numberless farms. even if the land were bare and desolate-looking to a degree, and the farmhouse stood naked and unattractive, yet it was found that apples and pears would grow, and even that peaches would ripen well in a hotter and drier summer climate than is found elsewhere in oregon. and when the results of the first experiments were disclosed, and it was found that wheat yielded thirty, forty, and even fifty bushels to the acre on these very lands, the tide turned. [sidenote: _eastern oregon._] men who had decried eastern oregon as a desert, fit only to pasture a few cattle and scattering bands of sheep, suddenly changed their tone, and nothing was heard from them but advice to leave the worn-out lands of the willamette valley, and go to this, which was the coming country. and advantage was at once taken of this state of things to prepare the public mind for, and then to take up vast sums of money to provide, railroad and increased steamboat accommodation to bring the products of these eastern plains within reach of portland and the seaboard. what is this country like? the columbia bounds the north, the snake river the east of oregon--the one running east and west, the other north and south. nearly midway between the cascade mountains and the snake river, the blue mountains run, roughly speaking, north and south. this range is much less elevated than the cascades, but very wide, and rises gradually from far-reaching foot-hills about the center of the state. between the blue mountains and the cascades lies a great stretch of open, rolling country--bare, rocky hills, not a tree and hardly a bush to be seen; until lately covered with bunch-grass and some sage-brush. this is some of the country to which the change of purpose applies which i have just described. the prevailing color of the country is a reddish-brown, except when in spring a tinge of living green spreads with the growing grass. near the cascade mountains are wide tracts covered with fine volcanic lava-dust. where there is moisture to be found, this soil supports a good growth of grass, and the pine timber stretches to its edge. but joining it come the bare alkaline plains. their natural vegetation is the bunch-grass and the sage-brush (_artemisia_). the chief constituents in the alkaline formation are chlorides of sodium and potassium--demanding irrigation as the remedy for the excess of alkali, while beet-root is recommended as a first crop to absorb the surplus salt. excellent crops are raised in the ochico valley, on this land; and there is no doubt that a very large portion of the tracts now being abandoned by the cattle- and sheep-herder will prove of enormous productiveness in wheat. east of the blue mountains is found, among others, the powder river valley. this is in the western part of baker county and partly in union county. on the north and east a steep hill-side separates it from the grand ronde valley; on the south and west rises the spur of the blue mountain range. the valley is about twenty-four miles long by twelve wide, thus covering two hundred and ninety square miles. the lands in this valley may be taken as a type of similar valleys in eastern oregon. they may be divided into three classes. first, the bottom-lands pure and simple. these consist of alluvial soil of abundant depth and richness; the only question an intending settler need ask is whether they are subject to inundation from the overflow of the river, which invariably is found running through the whole length. above the bottom-lands, and far exceeding them in extent, are the foothills, yielding in this instance fully one hundred and eighty square miles of excellent grain-producing lands, and adapted in all respects to farming purposes. and above these again rise the hills for pasturage, and only useful for grain-growing where facilities for irrigation can be found. the character of bareness does not apply to these hill-sides; the alkaline soil does not extend to them, and a richer vegetation, in which other native grasses and spreading plants come to the aid of the predominating bunch-grass, affords food to sheep and cattle all the summer through. [sidenote: _snake river and its tributaries._] all the tributaries of the snake river from the oregon side run through a country of a somewhat similar character, and each of these streams is the source of life and vegetation. among these other valleys may be named the lower powder river, eagle creek, pine creek, upper burnt river, upper and lower willow creek, and the malheur. this last requires separate mention. it runs through the boundaries of the malheur indian reservation, now shortly to be thrown open to settlement, and offering about three million acres of fertile and desirable land. the malheur river runs from the harney lake valley to the snake. this last-named valley is about sixty miles long by twenty wide; and this area of twelve hundred square miles is mainly covered with a growth of grass so tall that a man riding through it on horseback in august can tie the heads of the wild-rye together over his head, or, to use another illustration, sufficiently high and dense to hide completely a horseman who diverges from the road or track. with the wild-rye are mixed bunch-grass, blue-joint, and quantities of the wild-pea vine. and the country north and south of it, though bare, is not barren and mountainous; but in the spring and summer, before the grass is up to its full height, a man can ride and even drive his wagon, day in and day out, until he gets out of the boundaries of oregon. the preparations which the settlers make for the winter consist mainly in cutting and storing for hay the natural grasses of the country. fort harney, which has been until lately a post held by two companies, has stabling for four hundred horses. five years ago the troops got cut and stacked from the surrounding country nine hundred tons of choice hay. neither in this valley are the winters very severe. until railroad communications are provided, the sparse settlers have to abandon themselves to isolation from the outside world, because the snow lies deep on the plateaus and ridges which extend between them and the haunts of civilized man. but within the limits of the valleys the inhabitants enjoy life in winter. the snow does not lie long or deep; and from so many sources that i am forced to credit it comes the information that no one accustomed to american winter in any of the middle states need have any apprehension in coming to live in any of the valleys i have named. turning westward from the snake river and traversing the malheur valley and the harney lake valley, the traveler may follow one of the military wagon-roads--that one whose fortunes in the violent and scandalous attempts on the title to its granted lands i have before referred to. from camp harney to prineville, the principal town in the southern portion of wasco county, the distance is about one hundred and forty-five miles. for between thirty and forty miles the road runs through silver creek valley, or along land watered by its affluent streams. the description i have given of valleys in eastern oregon applies to this. the country on either side of the road consists of rolling hills, covered with bunch-grass and sage-brush, and occasionally sparse juniper. settlement in this valley is very recent. but thirteen families had taken up their residence there previous to and during the fall of , and several more are going in this spring. [sidenote: _grindstone creek valley._] then grindstone creek valley is reached. this is one of the head-waters of crooked river. a perfect network of creeks and streams is passed before the main crooked river is reached, and each stream and creek brings fertility to the land on either side of it and through which it runs. a farmer named moppin has the credit of growing the first grain on grindstone creek; and there, in the harvest of , he raised six hundred bushels of fine oats on nine acres of land, and grew one hundred and fifty bushels of potatoes on less than two thirds of an acre; several of the potatoes weighed two pounds and upward. then, following down the course of the crooked river valley, we pass through a country which is described in the following terms by a settler of eleven years' experience: "this crooked river valley is about seventy-five miles long, and extends almost due east and west. it is a beautiful valley, with little or no timber in it, with the exception of willows along the river. the average width of the river is about one hundred feet. now comes the stock country on the south of this river, and along its entire length is one line of hills and plateaus, thickly covered with bunch-grass of the best quality. every few miles comes in a creek from the highlands back on either side. on these streams, from head to mouth, with but few exceptions, are good farming-lands. "at this time there are hundreds of thousands of acres of good land lying idle, waiting for the industrious farmer to fence and plow and raise grain on. but what is the use? there is no market for the grain except in limited quantities, as we have no facilities for shipping to the outside world. the consequence is, that if a man does not have money enough to go into the stock-business, he won't come here at all. the one great trouble is to get our supplies. within a year after the completion of a railroad to this locality the people over in your section will be surprised at the vast amount of grain received from here. as it is now, we have to drive our fat cattle from one to two hundred miles in the winter to find a market, and by the time we get them there they are poor. give us a railroad, and we can ship our fat stock five hundred miles to market, and afford to sell cheaper than those who live in your (willamette) valley. we do not have to feed at all. we mark and brand a calf, turn him out on the range, and, when he is four years old, sell him for twenty dollars cash--net profit about seventeen dollars. does that pay? give us facilities for getting to a better market, and it will pay better." passing still eastward after leaving prineville along this crooked river valley, and then to its junction with the des chutes river, the country retains its fertile and promising character. [sidenote: _a farmer's opinion._] a farmer of twenty years' experience in oregon, and who is a thoroughly reliable man, writes thus: "i have known this country well for several years. this fall ( ) i have taken a journey through it right along east, traveling slowly and with a view to settling. what my opinion is you may judge when i tell you that i have made up my mind to settle in the crooked river valley, where i shall go with my family in the spring. "i know no part of oregon that pleases me better. you have the best of land for wheat, oats, and potatoes. you can get a good garden, and grow all the vegetables you want. you have unlimited range for your stock, where they will get fat on the natural grasses, and where you can put up all the hay you want. cattle, horses, and sheep do equally well out there. you are going into a healthy climate, away from all fever and ague or any other sickness of that nature; and you are going to a place where the land is bound to be worth four times its present value when the oregon pacific railroad is opened." beginning the ascent of the cascades, you pass through and over some twenty miles of rough lava country, interspersed with strips of scattering timber-land, and then come to fish lake and clear lake, the paradise of the fisherman, the hunter, and the berry-gatherer and botanist. before i leave the description of eastern oregon, let me quote from one more letter from a settler of last year out in the prineville country: "i am located on a ranch on camp creek, and eight miles below the famous 'soap-holes' (silver-mines). we can raise almost anything out here, unless it is a mortgage. we have all the potatoes, turnips, onions, carrots, and beets we want; all were raised on our ranch, and, by-the-way, they were immense. i pulled one turnip that measured thirty-four and a half inches in circumference, and quite a number ran as high as thirty inches. early-rose potatoes do remarkably well here. i have in about five acres of rye, and will sow about twenty acres of wheat and oats in the spring." i should add that the towns in eastern oregon, away from the columbia, are beginning to assume considerable importance. baker city was described in december, , as having about one thousand inhabitants, while the amount of business transacted would average fully $ , . there were then six substantial fire-proof business structures, and two large school-buildings, namely, "st. joseph's" and "the sisters of the holy names." the former is said to be a large four-story structure, in brick and stone, of the pure gothic style of the fourteenth century, with accommodations for about one hundred and fifty boarding and day scholars; it is managed by a roman catholic priest named de roo. prineville is a very lively and bustling place, with about the same number of inhabitants. it is growing fast, several fine buildings having been recently erected, among them a convenient and substantial church. there are three large general stores, supplied with heavy stocks of goods; from this, as a distributing center, the stockmen and ranchers for fifty miles and more in every direction fetch the necessaries of life. in the summertime ten or a dozen heavily-loaded wagons may be seen any day starting out along this road (which was called no road!) for their distant homes. [sidenote: _warnings to settlers._] it must not be assumed that all eastern oregon could be divided off into farms of the character of these choicer pieces which such men as i have referred to have chosen and settled on. there is many a rough, stony hill-side, where the sparse vegetation struggles for life in the crannies of the rocks. there is many a stretch of sandy, alkaline plain, where the dingy sage-brush grows, with here and there a tuft of bunch-grass; there is many a gully where the thirsty steer would look in vain for water, even in a dirt-hole, to quench his thirst. but all this is fully consistent with the fertility and attractiveness of the valleys and slopes i have described. for, remember, we are dealing with fifty thousand square miles of country, on which, if the existing farms were marked on a large scale-map, they would be hardly noticeable in the vast expanse of land waiting for settlement and population. but he would be a short-sighted man who should think of farming in eastern oregon, as it now is, save in a few accessible spots, where proximity to a road will provide a market at his door for the produce he has raised. in northeastern oregon, where the great crops of wheat are beginning to be grown, the farmer is at the mercy of the transportation company, which hitherto has sucked the oyster and left the farmer the shell. for what profit can there be in growing wheat at thirty and thirty-five cents a bushel, that same wheat being worth one hundred cents in portland, and the difference being absorbed in freight and charges? and yet, so great is the charm of novelty, so prone are a large number of the emigrants to this state to try a new place, that land up there fetches from five to fifteen dollars an acre, just about the same price for which they could buy a farm in the valley foot-hills, where wheat was worth seventy-five cents against the thirty-five, and where churches, schools, post-offices, and telegraphs are already provided. chapter xxi. southern oregon--its boundaries--the western counties--population--ports --rogue river--coos bay--coal--lumber--practicable railroad routes--the harbor--shifting and blowing sands--a quoted description--cost of transportation--harbor improvements--their progress and results--the umpqua--douglas county--jackson county--the lake-country--linkville --water-powers--indian reservations--the great mountains--southeastern oregon--general description--industries. southern oregon is defined generally as bounded on the west by the pacific, and starting from its western boundary is bounded on the north by the calapooya mountains, shutting in the umpqua valley, and then running eastward, taking in the lake country. in this division are included the western counties of douglas, coos, curry, josephine, jackson, lake, and the southern half of grant and baker. a great portion of the last-named counties is yet unsurveyed. the western counties already possess, according to the census of , a population of , souls. the portions of grant and baker counties properly belonging to southern oregon have only about two thousand people, the reason being that this country is truly inaccessible, being so far distant from the seaboard, and hardly traversed by a road. southern oregon possesses several rivers and their attendant seaports. the most southerly is the rogue river, which has a course of about one hundred miles, running through a very fertile but secluded valley. the bar at the entrance is shifting, and the channel very variable; but it is entered by both small steamers and by the coasting schooners which ply along the coast, with san francisco as their port of delivery. coos bay, some sixty miles to the north of the rogue river, needs a fuller description, as it is the headquarters of the coal and lumber business of southern oregon. detailed reports of the coal-basin give not less than seventy-five thousand acres of coal-bearing land, estimated to produce from the one vein at present worked not less than four hundred and fifty million tons of coal. as many as six workable seams are, however, known to exist, including one which has been prospected to eleven feet in thickness. five coal-mines have been opened, which are capable of producing about two thousand tons of coal daily. the working of these mines is of an inexpensive character, much of the mineral being accessible from adits or galleries delivering their produce on the hill-sides. the lumber shipped at coos bay is yielded by four large steam saw-mills, with an aggregate capacity of about one hundred and fifteen thousand feet per day. there are also four ship-yards, from which between forty and fifty vessels have been launched, even up to two thousand tons burden. the value of coal and lumber exported from coos bay was upward of $ , in the year , according to the statistics collected by a committee of residents, when application was about to be made to congress for an appropriation for the improvement of the harbor. it was then reported that a railroad was found to be practicable from coos bay along the coquille valley across the coast mountains. such a line would then pass through the umpqua valley to roseburg, with a practicable extension up the north fork of the umpqua river and through the cascade mountains into eastern oregon. [sidenote: _shifting and blowing sands._] it was ascertained that the chief difficulty in improving the entrance to the port lay in the enormous quantity of movable and shifting sand, driven along the coast southward by the prevalent summer northwest winds, and then returned by the winter southwest gales. so violent is this action that it is thus described: "large tracts to the north of coos bay and along the rock separating its lower part from the sea, where once stood farms and pine-forests, are now buried to the tops of the highest trees. immense quantities of this wind-borne sand are constantly going into the bay, and by its swift currents are carried out to form the bar, or be deposited in the bight to the east and north of the cape." let me quote a short description of this section of the country, on which before many years the tide of immigration must roll in. the writer is the hon. b. hermann, who is doing all in his power to draw public attention to his district: "ten-mile and camas valleys, being respectively ten and fifteen to twenty-five miles from the terminus of the oregon and california railroad at roseburg, are without any other outlet. the cost of teaming to this point, added to the present exorbitant rates of railway freights, discourages the farmers of those sections in the cultivation of the soil. and yet some of the best and most extensive wheat-fields of the country are within those circuits, while a vast area is left annually to grow brush and weeds, and to remain of comparatively little value, which should otherwise contribute to the harvest of thousands of bushels of the finest grain. "from camas valley, and along the middle fork of the coquille river, until its junction with the main stream is reached, a distance of twenty-eight miles by survey, three fourths of the route is without even a wagon-road communication, travel being by trail, with ox and sled, saddle and pack horse. and yet there is found a goodly population, having substantial improvements, some very good farms in cultivation, with flouring-mills for the local accommodation. "the land is very fertile, and capable of growing the usual cereals and esculents to perfection, but, owing to the great difficulty of transporting the productions to market, a very small portion only is cultivated, and much remains vacant, subject to homestead and preëmption.... "from the junction with the main river, and following the latter to near beaver slough, or coquille city, the point of diversion of the route toward coos bay, an enterprising community is found, owning bottom-lands of rich alluvial soil, a great portion of which is now being cleared of timber, annually placed under cultivation, and large crops of grain garnered. this same remark applies to all the remaining portion of the main coquille valley, a distance of forty miles or more to the sea, and also along the north and south forks, as well as the smaller tributaries. for a distance of seventy-five miles inland the coquille valley is capable of extensive agricultural development. already this distance is closely peopled, all lands on the main stream settled, and improvements slowly made. much grain is now grown here, a large proportion manufactured into flour by the various mills for home consumption and shipment to coos bay, while a considerable quantity of the grain is exported to san francisco through the mouth of the river. [sidenote: _cost of transportation._] "owing, however, to the condition of the coquille entrance, only small ships venture in, and even they are often delayed in the river for months at a time, with the shippers' cargo on board.... "thus the hopeful people of this extensive and unrivaled valley for its soil, its productions, its coals, timber, and other abundant natural resources, are virtually left without an exit to the markets of the world.... "the cost on each bushel of wheat for transportation to portland from any point in the umpqua valley is twenty-three cents, to say nothing of the added expense of one hundred and ten miles to astoria, thence by sea to san francisco and elsewhere. from roseburg to san francisco by way of portland and astoria is about eight hundred and seventy-five miles, and from roseburg to san francisco by the way of coos bay is only four hundred and sixty-five miles. "mr. james dillard, as we are credibly informed, produced last year on his farm in douglas county about six thousand bushels of grain. to have transported this only to portland on its way to market would have cost him $ , . the saving in transportation to coos bay by eighty-five miles of narrow-gauge road would be to this one farmer on one year's crop $ ." no wonder that in this district, as in all others in the state, the transportation question should be the burning one of the day. the coos bay people succeeded in gaining the ear of congress, and two years ago an appropriation of $ , was made for the improvement of the harbor. the problem was a very difficult one for the engineers to solve, from the conditions above stated of the driven and shifting sand. it would not have been strange if the works first planned had needed alterations as they progressed. but the success of the breakwater constructed by the united states engineers from cheap material, available on the spot, has been sufficiently marked to encourage the requests for further appropriations until the plans are executed in their entirety, and the opening of the harbor carried still farther out to sea. it is reported now (in the spring of ) that the north sand-spit is being cut through by the current in the direction indicated by the lines of the breakwater, and that deeper and more constant water is found than heretofore--a good augury of success for similar works where the obstructions are not so shifting as sand alone, and where they are free from the influence of the sand tracts to the north, whence so much of the obstruction to coos bay entrance came. and this is our happy case at yaquina. the umpqua river is the largest river that, rising in the cascades, and draining a large and fertile valley in its course, flows directly into the pacific, after cutting its channel through the coast range. there is a wide and very shifting bar at its mouth, through which the usual channel gives twelve or thirteen feet at low water. the river is navigable for all vessels which can cross the bar as far as gardner city, five miles from the mouth, while smaller vessels can get as far as scottsburg, twenty-five miles up. douglas county, now possessing a population of , , is capable of sustaining a vastly increased number. it lies almost surrounded by mountains, but with a good outlet to the north along the valley lands through which the oregon and california railroad runs. it is well watered throughout by the umpqua and its tributaries, while the northern portion of the county forms the head of the great willamette, the aggregate of many creeks and streams having here their rise. the climate of jackson county is a good deal warmer than its mere geographical relations to the counties on the north and east of it would account for. indian corn is a staple crop, and peaches and vines flourish exceedingly. the sun seems to have more power; and i have a vivid remembrance of heat and dust along its roads. [sidenote: _the lake country._] lake county is well named. huge depressions in the land are filled with the upper and lower klamath lakes, the latter crossing the california boundary-line. north of the upper klamath lake, again, some twenty miles, is the klamath marsh, doubtless not long since another lake--now, in summer, the feeding-ground for cattle, in winter the home of innumerable flocks of migratory birds. between the upper and lower klamath lakes runs a rapid water-course. the town of linkville stands on its banks. i am told that there is water-power enough here to drive as many mills as are found at lowell, massachusetts. at linkville is the land-office for southern oregon. it has been proposed to run the california extension of the oregon and california railroad through the gap between upper and lower klamath lakes. should that long-talked-of project ever be realized, the manufacturing facilities of this splendid water-power will no longer be suffered to lie dead. passing eastward, the great klamath indian reservation is reached--a tract i only know by hearsay as a land of hills and streams, of gullies and water-courses, of lava-beds and barrenness intermixed with quiet vales and dells of wondrous beauty--a land where indian superstitions cluster thickly. the indians are few and scattered, and this country, no doubt, ere long will be thrown open to the white traveler and hunter, to be quickly followed by the herdsman and the settler. the great snowy pyramids of the southern cascades stand on guard. mount scott ( , feet), mount pitt ( , ), and mount thielsen ( , ) are placed there, thirty miles apart, forbidding passage between the warm valleys of jackson county and the open plains east of the mountains. but here, too, the hardy pioneers have found their way. i have talked with several men who are herding sheep and cattle on these plains. the merino thrives here even better than in northeastern oregon, and many thousand pounds of wool are raised. they describe the country as one of open plain and rocky hillside, of scarce water and abundant sage-brush; resembling in general features the tract fifty miles to the north, but, alas! containing scarcely any of the creeks \and streams which give life and fertility to middle oregon. [sidenote: _the idaho boundary._] eastward again of stein's mountains you strike the head-waters of the owyhee, an important tributary of the snake, and at once recur the common features of fertility and consequent settlement. and thus the idaho boundary is reached. chapter xxii. the towns--approach to oregon--the steamers--the columbia entrance-- astoria--its situation, industries, development--salmon--shipping-- loading and discharging cargo--up the columbia and willamette to portland--portland, west and east--population--public buildings-- united states district court--the judge--public library--the bishop schools--hospital--churches--stores--chinese quarter--banks-- industries--the city's prosperity--its causes--its probable future --the oregon railway and navigation company--shipping abuses and exactions--railroad termini--up the columbia--the dalles--up the willamette--oregon city, its history--the falls--salem--its position and development--capitol buildings--flour-mills--oil-mills --buena vista potteries--albany--its water-power--flour-mills--values of land--corvallis--the line of the oregon pacific railroad--eugene, its university and professors--roseburg--the west-side railroad to portland--development of the country--prosperity--counties of oregon --their population--taxable property--average possessions--in the willamette valley--in eastern oregon--in eastern oregon tributary to columbia and snake rivers. having said so much about the country, something needs to be said about the towns. all persons reaching oregon, save those few who choose to face the three nights and two days of staging that divide redding (the northern terminus of the california and oregon railroad) from roseburg (the southern terminus of the oregon and california railroad), enter oregon by ship from san francisco. and here, in passing, a word of praise for the really beautiful and commodious steamers which have now replaced the ajax and the other monsters which disgraced the traffic they were furnished for, as well as their owners. no better boats ply on any waters than the state of california, the columbia, and the oregon. the first two are new ships, with electric lights, and all other appliances to match. all are safe and speedy. the state of california belongs to the pacific coast steamship company, the others to the oregon railway and navigation company. the approach to oregon is forbidding and stern. there is nothing attractive in the sandy coast, in the muddy water, in the broken but not romantic scenery, where the water is encroaching on the land, and shifting its position and attack from time to time. here and there along the edge are strewed, or stand in various attitudes of death, the skeletons of the pine-trees, which look like the relics of battle, the perishing remains of the beaten defenders of the coast; and, once over the bar, that terror to sea-worn travelers, the approach to astoria can hardly be called beautiful. [sidenote: _astoria._] but the city of astoria itself has claims to beauty of position. it lies within the course of the columbia; though here the estuary is so wide as to give the idea of a lake. jutting out into the bay above the town rises a little promontory, crowned with firs; and between the eye rests on the unfamiliar outlines of a large cannery, the buildings of gray wood, based on piles sunk into the mud of the bay, and the long, shingled roofs catching the rays of the departing sun. the city consists of a mass of wooden structures low down by the water's edge--wharves and docks and repairing-yards in front, and a long line of stores and saloons and business-houses behind, broken by the more imposing custom-house, post-office, and churches. on the slopes of the high hills rising from near the water's edge are the scattered white houses of the inhabitants, while the sky-line of the hills is broken through by the cutting by which many tons of stone and sand are being piled into the bay. the city proper mainly stands on piles, the water gurgling and lapping round the barnacles, which cluster thick; the enterprise of the people is fast filling in underneath from the hills behind. there are large and substantial docks of the oregon railway and navigation company and others adjoining, where are generally lying two or three large ships or barks, going out or returning from their long and weary voyage. the atmosphere of the place in the salmon-season is fishy, huge stacks of boxed salmon filling the wharves. the principal street is fringed with saloons, mainly looking for custom to the fishermen and seamen. there is a large lumber-mill, which makes the air resonant with the shriek of the great saws; and a boot-and-shoe factory has been recently established. other industries exist; but it is as a seaport that astoria justifies its existence and the foresight of its founders. clatsop county has , inhabitants, of which, i suppose, astoria claims a third. there is an air of business and life about the place, and there will be, so far as i can see, even though means should be found of ending the present practice of all large ships going to sea from portland being towed to astoria, and followed by scows and barges, there to complete their loading for their outward voyage. a similar necessity exists for incoming ships to stay at astoria to discharge a large portion of their cargo before facing the shallows and mud-banks of the willamette on the way to portland as their port of discharge. [sidenote: _portland._] the voyage up the columbia for a hundred miles, and up the willamette for twelve, to portland, has many charms. first, the grand stream of the mighty columbia, telling in its size and volume of the three thousand miles some of its waters have come from their far-off sources among distant mountains; then the banks, rising generally sheer from the water's edge, crowned with rich and varied vegetation, and here and there the rugged rocks breaking through, to give clearness and strength to outline; and then on either side the more distant hills, clothed with the dark fir-timber to their summits, and behind the mountains proper, with mount hood and mount saint helen's showing their snowy heads. here and there in a niche or angle under the bank lie huddled close the buildings of a cannery, the blue smoke rising from the central chimney, and the white boats tied to the piling which juts out into the deep water of the river. you are hardly conscious of leaving the columbia for the willamette. it looks as if it were an island in mid-stream behind and to the south of which you are about to pass; but soon you find that the supposed island is the opposite bank of the willamette, and, passing beacons and marks, set to define the channel with the accuracy that is absolutely needed (since a sheer to the east or west of only a yard or two would leave you fast in a mud-bank for hours), you come in sight of portland. i ought to have noticed that here and there along the banks coming up, almost on the river's level and exposed to inundation at each high water, you pass dairy-farms, consisting of a shanty, or tumble-down house, and a few acres of rank and muddy pasture, where ague seems to sit brooding on the branches of the trees, whose trunks and limbs yet bear the traces of last season's flood. but now for the juvenile but audacious portland, who describes herself as "the commercial metropolis of the northwest." one considerable suburb, called east portland, stands on the east bank of the willamette; but the main part of the town is on the west bank, and now nearly fills all the level land between the river and the hills behind, which seem to be pushing at and resenting the intrusion of the streets along their sides. extensions are taking place along the northern end, where a considerable stretch of low-lying land is yet available along the banks of the river, and also to some extent at the farther or southern end of the city. the building westward is mounting the hill-sides, already dotted with the somewhat pretentious wooden houses of the more prosperous towns-people. to one who has seen real cities it is but a little place; but some of its twenty-one or twenty-two thousand inhabitants raise claims to greatness and even supremacy that make it difficult to suppress a smile. in thirty-five years the place has grown from a collection of log-huts, set down as if by chance, to its present dimensions, and, no doubt, could go on growing as fast as oregon developed, could the same conditions last. the city consists of near a dozen streets running parallel with the willamette, and about twenty-three at right angles. front street and first street contain some brick buildings, remarkable for so very young a place: the former backs on the willamette, and on it front the warehouses and wharves, against the backs of which the ships are moored; the latter contains nearly all the city's stores and shops of any consequence. [sidenote: _the public library._] the united states district and circuit courts sit at portland. the former is and has been for several years presided over by the hon. matthew p. deady. this gentleman's name will be long associated with the jurisprudence of oregon, having been one of the original compilers of the code, and reporter of the decisions of the supreme court of the state, until, promoted to the bench of the united states court, he has taken a high place as a conscientious and able judge. to him also portland mainly owes that which i consider the chief ornament and pride of the city, rather than the ambitious but faulty structures in wood, stone, and iron on which most of the citizens glorify themselves--i mean the public library. this institution has its headquarters in spacious rooms over messrs. ladd & tilton's bank; the shelves are filled with upward of ten thousand well-selected books, and the process of addition is going on under the same careful oversight. here every evening are groups of readers, and it must be a source of constant satisfaction to the judge to have been the means of organizing and continuing the successful working of an institution which is effecting silent but untold good. portland is also the residence of bishop morris, of the episcopal church. he has resided there for twelve years past; and to him the city is indebted for the st. vincent's hospital, where accidents are treated at all times, and which is open for receiving besides a certain number of sick persons. the bishop has also founded and kept going the bishop scott grammar-school. this is a high-school for boys. last year it had fifty-nine pupils and five teachers, and a sound and solid education is there given. st. helen's hall, the best girls' school in the state, was also founded by him. there were here one hundred and sixty pupils and twelve teachers last year. other churches exert themselves to occupy and hold prominent positions in the city: notably the roman catholics, whose archbishop, seghers, resides in portland, and who have erected a large red-brick cathedral. it is as yet unfinished, but a further effort by the roman catholics in the diocese is about to be made to complete and furnish it. there is a fair theatre in the city; it is occupied now and again by a traveling troupe from san francisco, generally consisting of a star, and his or her supports of a more or less wooden consistency. the building of the mechanics' fair, which is used for balls and concerts, one or two masonic and societies' halls, the rooms of the several fire companies, and those of the young men's christian association, complete the list. there are a good many expensive stores of all kinds, and all seem prosperous. the chinese quarter is, of course, not so large and picturesque as in san francisco, but it is equally well marked: a complete range of chinese stores, with doctors' shops and theatre, the usual lanterns hung out over the doors, and the common display of curious edibles. there are several substantial chinese firms and business-houses; one of their chief sources of revenue is the bringing over and hiring out the large numbers of chinese laborers required for the railway works now in progress. the census disclosed nineteen hundred chinamen as residents of multnomah county; i suppose eighteen hundred of them were found in portland. [sidenote: _banks and manufactories._] four banks do a large general business, and there is also a savings-bank. a mortgage company, having its headquarters in scotland, at dundee, takes up cheap money in scotland, and lends it out to great advantage in oregon, at the rates prevalent here, with results satisfactory to its manager, mr. william reid, as well as to its stockholders. there are two iron-works, a large sash and door factory, a brewery, and a twine and rope factory, but beyond these scarcely any manufacturing industry. the prosperity of the city, which has been very great during the last few years, is solely attributable to its character of toll-gate. situated at the extreme northern boundary of the state, in a position which was not unsuitable when oregon and washington territory were bound together, it is perfectly anomalous to suppose that the capital city of oregon should have been there placed by deliberate intention. as matters now stand, it is the only port in oregon, save astoria, to which the large grain-ships can come, and at which the deep-draught ocean-going steamers can take in and discharge their cargoes; and, very naturally, its business-men seek to perpetuate that state of affairs, regardless of the growing interest of the great country which now pays tribute to their little town. it is not easy to forget how more than one of its leading citizens, when applied to to add their signatures to a petition to congress in aid of the removal of the reef partially obstructing yaquina bay, replied, "every dollar you get is so much taken directly from our pockets." a further adventitious help that portland got was by being made the headquarters of the oregon steam navigation company, which brought to its wharves the produce of the columbia river traffic as well as that of the willamette. it might be natural to bring to and to leave at portland wharves the wheat of western oregon, but there seems little sense in bringing grain down the columbia, and then up the willamette, to be deposited in portland, thence to be transferred partly in ships, partly in barges and river-steamers, to astoria, where alone the loading of the ships could be completed. the present style of the portland and astoria newspapers is to make very light of the columbia bar. in fact, they boldly state that to hardly any port is so good an approach vouchsafed as to portland; they instance london and philadelphia, glasgow and new orleans, as parallel instances in position; and "the oregonian" is never weary of singing the praises of their tom tiddler's ground of a city. but it has not always been so with them. "the astorian" stated, on the th of january, , that there were thirty vessels off the bar, unable to enter. the same paper, on the d of march, , published this item of news: "pilots on the bar all agree that, unless some measures are adopted for permanent improvement of the channel, it will not be longer considered safe for vessels to enter or cross out with more than eighteen feet draught of water." "the astorian" in the same issue also informed us that "captain flavel has been making personal inspections of bar-soundings, ... and is himself fully satisfied that it is only a question of very brief time, so rapid and broadcast is the shoaling process, when it will be impossible for deep vessels to cross; the north channel, along sand island from the head, is filling up as fast as does the south channel"; while "the oregonian" told us as recently as december, , that "the gatherer, with railroad-iron for the northern pacific railroad company, was compelled to lighter four times between baker's bay and kalama, at heavy expense. the chandos, sailing from this port within the past two weeks, lightered thirteen hundred tons. the a. m. simpson lightered eleven hundred tons; and the last departure, the edwin reed, getting off on a winter rain-flood, scraped over the shoals with all but two hundred and eighty tons of her load, the lightest lighterage of a wooden vessel for many months. the report has gone forth that to reach portland a ship must be dragged up a hundred miles or more of river over four bad bars, and at the shipping season lighterage at enormous cost is necessary. naturally enough, we now have no large ships." [sidenote: _shipping abuses and exactions._] the abuses of the present system of shipping are many and great, and all on the principle of making hay while the sun shines. hear a shipmaster who published his experiences in october last: "on the fourth day we got two tugs and crossed the outer bar and anchored in baker's bay, where the ship had to be lightened to twenty feet and six inches draught before she could cross the inner bar and reach astoria. this lighterage cost two dollars per ton, and had to be paid by the ship. as four other ships arrived about that time which required lightering also before they could proceed farther, we were detained at baker's bay for nine days, having the expense of a full crew on board all that time. the distance from outside of the outer bar to astoria is about fourteen miles, for which the towage is $ , pilotage $ , and that was in the middle of a beautiful day, ship also using her own canvas and hawser. i believe this charge is almost equal to salvage. the pilots are hired by the owner of the tugs, who collects the pilotage, paying the pilots $ a month for their services.... as the pilots have no boat of their own, they are obliged to go in the tugs, which are all owned by one man. i was just fourteen days from the time i anchored off the bar till i reached the dock where i was to discharge cargo, and for towage and pilotage alone from the bar to the dock, paid $ , ." portland is the oregon headquarters of the oregon railway and navigation company, a corporation formed by the fertile genius of mr. henry villard in june, , by the amalgamation of the oregon steamship company, owning the ocean-going steamers between san francisco and portland, and the oregon steam navigation company, owning the river-boats plying on the columbia and willamette. here are the termini of the east and west side railroads (originally formed by mr. ben holladay, a name very familiar to oregon ears), but until this spring of owned and worked by the committee of european bondholders, into whose hands the lines in question fell by virtue of the securities they held. and in portland also are the head offices in oregon of the scotch system of narrow-gauge railroads, now being constructed by means of scotch capital attracted to the state by the successful working of the land-mortgage company referred to above. it will be seen, therefore, that there are abundant reasons for predicting that a large portion of the business of oregon will center in portland, for many years to come, at any rate. the more cause that portland men should welcome the development of the other portions of the state, with which in the future profitable business is certain to arise, as new industries are started, existing interests widen and strengthen themselves, and new centers of population and business find their places in the growing state. time will show whether the sanguine hopes of the portland people that their city will hold the virtual monopoly of the trade of the northwest are well founded or not. there can, in my mind, be little doubt that she will have a very formidable rival in the city on puget sound which will spring up, as by magic, when the northern pacific railroad there receives and discharges passengers and freight. it will be an evil day for portland when the wharves at tacoma find the grain-ships alongside, and the cars pouring in the grain of eastern oregon and washington territory. and some little effect on her tolls will be produced when yaquina bay is opened, and the cars of the oregon pacific are there delivering the freight of middle and southern oregon. portlanders rely on what they call the concentration of capital to pull them through. they have yet to learn the sensitiveness of the movements of their divinity--how prone she is to follow the current of trade to its points of receipt and delivery. and should that day ever dawn, when figures show her "supremacy" to have departed, not one single sigh will escape these valley counties, which portland has levied tribute on, and done her best to keep in bondage till the end of time. [sidenote: _up the columbia river._] passing eastward from portland up the columbia, in one of the large and comfortable boats of the oregon railway and navigation company, a day's journey brings you to the dalles. i have already mentioned how rapidly this town is growing, as the point of distribution for the greater portion of northeastern oregon, and the point of reception for vast quantities of grain, wool, hides, and other productions of that pastoral and agricultural country. taking a willamette river boat, notice in passing the oswego iron-works, seven miles from portland, and then the village of milwaukee, with large and well-appointed nurseries, whence many of the orchards of the state have been supplied. the steamer will then stop at the wharf of oregon city, just below the great falls of the willamette. notice the magnificent river throwing itself over the rocky ridge which shows one or two black points of rock amid the foam of the falls. see the lofty hills on either side, clad with vegetation to their very tops, while the little town is crowded on the narrow strip down by the river on the eastern side. what a water-power is yet running to waste, though lumber-mills, flour-mills, and woolen-mills take their tribute as it passes! on the west side are the locks. here the steamer crosses the river from the city, and you get a pretty view of this, one of the earliest settled towns in the state. it dates from the hudson bay company's rule, and the oldest inhabitant can tell you story after story of the early days, when the meetings were held here which virtually determined the allegiance of the infant state. iron-ore has been prospected in plenty in these hills above the town, but waits for development. [illustration: the columbia point below the dalles.] [sidenote: _salem._] passing up the river, the next important place we meet is salem, the capital of the state. the state capitol stands on elevated ground about a mile back from the river, with a large, green space in front, planted with ornamental trees and shrubs. the scene from the great windows at the back is really grand, mount jefferson being in full view, and the line of the cascades in ridge after ridge displayed in all their beauty. fronting the capitol buildings at the other side of the park are the court-house and offices of marion county, also a substantial and handsome pile. on the southern side of the capitol stand the buildings of the willamette university. the town of salem is now growing. it has the advantage of a splendid water-power, called mill creek, which is turned to good account before it reaches the willamette just below the city. on it are placed the pioneer oil-mills, where linseed-oil and linseed-cake are produced, of excellent quality and moderate price; also a large building now used both as an implement-factory and as a flour-mill; this has lately changed hands, and it is too soon yet to speak of its success. below this are placed the "salem flour-mills" of kinney brothers & co. their brand is recognized and approved in all the markets of the world--as it ought to be, if the best of wheat turned into the best of flour, and its sale honestly and intelligently carried out, can command success. the mills are fine buildings, fitted with the most modern and powerful machinery, and stand just on the edge of the willamette, with a dock where the river-steamers can deliver wheat and receive flour. i believe that this last fall of they converted , bushels of wheat into flour. a switch from the oregon and california railroad runs from the main line to the mills on the other side, and is proving an immense convenience to the city generally as well as to the mills. the steamboat pauses on its upward journey at buena vista, to take in and deliver freight for the pottery there, already extensive, and which by the excellence of its productions demonstrates that it only needs further capital and enlarged business relations to do an important share of the trade of the coast. the glaze on the ware is very good, made from a mineral earth found in the bank of the willamette at corvallis. after passing the mouth of the santiam, the most considerable tributary of the willamette, we stop at albany. this is one of the best situated and most progressive towns in the state. although with a little less than two thousand inhabitants at present, it has all the enterprise and "go" of a town in europe of five times that number. there are here also three large flour-mills, the brands of some of which are known and prized in liverpool, to which port cargoes are frequently sent. albany has a lumber-mill, foundry, twine-mill, and scutching-mill, fruit-drying works, sash and door factory, and soon will have woolen-mills also. the making of the place is the water-power of the santiam river, brought in a canal for thirteen miles through the level prairie-land, but rushing through the town and supplying the mills and factories with a flow and force of water sufficient for double as many works as at present use it. the town is supplied with water for domestic purposes from the same source, of clearness and purity that it is hard to equal. albany has three newspapers, six churches, a very good collegiate school, and excellent common schools. it is a principal station on the oregon and california railroad, and also an important station on the oregon pacific, now so rapidly building, and its point of crossing the oregon and california, and a junction for the branch line to lebanon, away there under the slopes of the cascades. land in the neighborhood of the town, and indeed throughout the level portions of linn county, ranging over an area of nearly twenty miles each way, is worth from twenty-five to sixty dollars an acre--the last sale i heard of, of one hundred and thirty-two acres, about five miles from the town, being at thirty-nine dollars an acre. [sidenote: _corvallis and eugene city._] the next town we come to is our own corvallis, appropriately named as the heart of the valley. it is indeed fitly placed as the valley starting-point seaward of the oregon pacific railroad, being on the direct line east and west between yaquina bay, the mount jefferson pass through the cascades, prineville, in eastern oregon, harney lake and valley, the malheur river and valley, and boisé city--the meeting-place in the near future of divers transcontinental lines. corvallis has been too fully described in these pages to need further reference here. the commencement of energetic construction of the oregon pacific and the assurance of its early completion have given an increased business-life to the place which impresses the visitor strongly with the idea of rapid future growth. continuing in our steamboat to the head of the willamette navigation, we pass the little towns of peoria and harrisburg, and at last reach eugene city. this, which is the chief town of lane county, is blessed with a university, presided over by excellent professors, one of whom, professor condon, has a name and fame as a geologist far beyond the limits of his county and also of the state. i trust the time will soon come when the liberality of the legislature of oregon will provide the funds necessary to enable professor condon to complete and publish the systematic geology and mineralogy of oregon, the materials for which are already to a large extent in his possession, the result of years of careful study and journeyings over the state. eugene city is a lively, pleasant little town, but has not yet attained any manufacturing or industrial development like some of the other towns in oregon. this is to come. leaving the river for the railroad, we journey up to roseburg, the capital of douglas county, and the southern terminus of the oregon and california line. no town can be more prettily placed, really at the head of the great valley country, with the vast mountain-forms behind frowning on the traveler who dares attempt to thread their passes. as i have said, the douglas county people trust to get a railroad outlet from roseburg down to coos. i hope they will succeed, and so open to ocean-transit the productions of a vast and fertile country. turning north again as far as corvallis, we may there take the west-side railroad and journey along the western side of the willamette valley and river. the towns of independence, dallas, sheridan, amity, lafayette, mcminnville, forest grove, and hillsboro' lie in the district between corvallis and portland. each and all are thriving, but i can do no more than mention them, though i fear so short a reference will be considered scant courtesy to the active, pushing people who are laboring with such success at the development of polk, yam hill, and washington counties. the land is almost uniformly good; large quantities are being yearly grubbed and put under the plow, and several of my recently arrived english friends prefer the undulating land and gentle slopes of this side of the valley to any other part of oregon, and have proved their preference by their actions. land in these counties varies from ten to twenty-five dollars an acre in price. [sidenote: _counties: population, etc._] i think i will close this somewhat tedious chapter by setting out the counties of oregon, their population, and the statement of their taxable property, furnished by the secretary of state: counties. population. taxable property of . baker , $ , benton , , , clackamas , , , clatsop , , , columbia , , coos , , curry , , douglas , , , grant , , , jackson , , , josephine , , lake , , lane , , , linn , , , marion , , , multnomah , , , polk , , , tillamook , umatilla , , , union , , , wasco , , , washington , , , yam hill , , , ------ --------- total of the state , $ , , increase over , , the proportion of taxable property held by each man, woman, and child in oregon is therefore $ . . the population of the valley counties, properly so called, is , --this leaves portland and multnomah county entirely out. the taxable property of these valley counties is $ , , . the population of the whole of eastern oregon east of the cascades is but , . the value of its taxable property is only $ , , . the population of that part of eastern and northeastern oregon which is in any sense tributary to the columbia or snake rivers is , . the value of their taxable property is $ , , . the average taxable property of the population of the valley counties is $ . ; that of the population of eastern oregon, $ . . [illustration: the columbia cascades landing (looking up stream).] these figures will be seen to have an important hearing on the subject of the next chapter. chapter xxiii. the transportation question--its importance--present legal position-- oregon railway and navigation committee's general report--that company --its ocean-going steamers--their traffic and earnings--its river-boats --their traffic and earnings--its railroads in existence--their traffic and earnings--its new railroads in construction and in prospect--their probable influence--the northern pacific--terminus on puget sound--its prospects--the east and west side railroads--"bearing" traffic and earnings--how to get "control"--lands owned by the oregon railway and navigation company--monopoly--how threatened--the narrow-gauge railroads --their terminus and working--efforts to consolidate monopoly--the "blind pool"--resistance--the oregon pacific--its causes, possessions, and prospects--land grant and its enemies--the traffic of the valley-- yaquina bay--its improvement--the farmers take it in hand--contrast and comparisons--the two presidents--probable effects of competition --tactics in opposition--the yaquina improvements--description of works--the prospects for competition and the farmers' gains. from all that has gone before, the deduction is plain that on the solution of the transportation question in the interests of the fixed and industrious population of the state depends absolutely the growth and prosperity of oregon. nature has done her part. the words of messrs. george m. pullman, of chicago, and william endicott, jr., of boston, in their report of august , , to the stockholders of the oregon railway and navigation company, will be echoed by every man who is now or has been in oregon with eyes to see. they wrote as follows: "our observations afforded, in the first place, ample confirmation of all we had previously heard and read of the propitious climate, great attractions of scenery, and wonderful agricultural resources of western and eastern oregon, and eastern washington territory. we believe that in these respects those regions are not surpassed, if equaled, by any other portion of the united states. it can, indeed, be safely said that nowhere else in this country do rich soil and mild climate combine to the same degree in insuring such extraordinary results of almost every agricultural pursuit as regards quantity, quality, and regularity of yield.... the striking evidence of past and present growth which we found everywhere, forced at the same time the irresistible conclusion upon us that we were beholding but the beginning of the sure and rapid progress in population, productiveness, and prosperity which will be witnessed in the immediate future within the vast stretch of country watered by the great river columbia and its numerous tributaries." the reader of this book will, i think, admit that the facts herein detailed go far to justify the conclusions summed up in these few but carefully chosen words. how does this transportation question now stand, and what (if any) matters are in progress or contemplation to affect it? in the first place, the companies are all free to manage their own business in their own way; they charge what they like, favor what persons and places they choose, and load on others burdens heavy to be borne. i have before indicated what was the purpose of the bill introduced in the legislature of , to prevent discrimination by common carriers. "the oregonian" commented on the loss of the measure in these terms: "we present to-day the report of the (hostile) senate committee on this bill. the report shows why the proposed measure was both an unjust and an impracticable one. it should be apparent to every one that railways never can be operated in this way. the confusion and disorder would be endless; besides, every railroad which is undertaken and constructed as an actual business enterprise is entitled to make fair earnings. instead of being annoyed by straw railroads got up for speculative purposes, it ought to have protection from such annoyance." [sidenote: _oregon railway and navigation co._] in further illustration of the working of the present system, i would instance the fact that from corvallis to portland for about a year the freight on wheat by the river steamboats of the oregon railway and navigation company has been one dollar a ton, and of this fifty cents had to be paid for passing the locks at oregon city; the rate immediately previous to this was three dollars and a half. this ridiculously low rate was put on in order to destroy the traffic of the east and west side railroads, and is in strong contrast with the rate from corvallis to junction city, some twenty miles up the river, where no such reasons existed, and which stood through this period at about tenfold the one-dollar rate. no sooner did the president of the oregon railway and navigation company think he had secured "control" of the two railroads, than steps were prepared to quadruple the previous rate. the question of "control" stood adjourned, and the one-dollar rate was confirmed. but, having seen reason to think his acquisition secure, the rates from portland to corvallis (ninety-seven miles by railroad), both by railroads and steamboats, have just now (april, ) been raised to six dollars per ton--a rate equal to that charged in the infancy of the business, twenty years ago. the lion's share of the carrying business of the state is in the hands of the oregon railway and navigation company, and with them are closely identified the hopes of the city of portland. this company owns two of the steamers plying between portland and san francisco--the oregon and the columbia. with these two steamers, or with the george w. elder as the predecessor of the columbia, they carried from the st of july, , to the th of june, , , passengers, and , tons of freight. the gross receipts were $ , ; the net profits, $ , . as we know from the published circular of mr. villard, the president, that the cost of the columbia was $ , , and the oregon is a smaller and decidedly less expensive ship, the proportion of net earnings of the vessels in question to their total cost will be seen to be about enough to pay ten per cent. per annum on their cost, and to buy the vessels out and out in three years and a half. the fare from portland to san francisco, even while these earnings were being made, stood at twenty dollars the first-class passenger. news has just arrived that these fares are to be raised to thirty dollars a head. if the same rate of expense is maintained as during last year, the earnings at the higher figure now put on will be increased by about $ , , and enough will be realized to pay for the fleet in about two years and a half. with twenty-five steamboats (stern-wheelers) navigating the columbia and willamette rivers, and twelve barges and two scows (several of the boats being old, and laid up in ordinary much of the time, reducing thus materially the fleet in real service), the company earned $ , , gross, and $ , , net profit. if $ , is deducted for the earnings of the barges, it will be seen that the average net earnings of the twenty-five river-steamers are positively $ , each. the fleet could be replaced for less than the sum of the net profit of one year. like oliver, "asking for more," they are positively raising these freights also! [sidenote: _railroad along the columbia._] the railroad possessions of the company for the year in question consisted of but forty-eight miles, and of these the line from walla walla to wallula on the upper columbia, a distance of about thirty miles, was the longest; the other two being short strips of portage railroad round the cascades or rapids on the columbia. the passengers carried were , ; the tons of freight, , ; and the net profits, $ , , or $ , a mile. the company is engaged in constructing a line of railroad along the south bank of the columbia; the portion from celilo (the upper end of the rapids, at the lower end of which the town of the dalles is situated) to wallula, just over the washington territory border, a distance of one hundred and fifteen miles, is just completed. the line is being extended to the city of portland, the works between the dalles and the western end of the pass through the cascade mountains being of the most severe and expensive character. at least two tunnels and mile after mile of blasting and cutting through solid rock, where the mountains tower perpendicular above, would inspire dismay in the soul of any ordinary railroad-man. but the word has gone forth that the road has to follow what is facetiously called the pass of the columbia through the cascades, and doubtless it will be done. several thousand chinamen are at work; steam-drills are busy perforating the rocks; scows have to be moored alongside in the river (there not being even room for the track between mountain and water), while the perpendicular faces of the cliffs are being tormented and torn. and thus about seventy miles of construction of this nature have to be got through. when completed, of course, the result will be at once to transfer nearly all of as many of the , passengers as traveled in the company's boats on the columbia, to the cars; and a vast quantity of the freight must follow the same route. [illustration: columbia, above the lower cascade.] but another factor is intended shortly to come into play. the northern pacific railroad is vigorously at work, and in a year or two will compete with the oregon railway and navigation company for the washington territory and extreme eastern oregon trade. the passengers and freight intrusted to the northern pacific line will be carried from wallula, the columbia river point above referred to, to tacoma, on puget sound. by this route a saving of one hundred and fifty-one miles in actual distance will be effected, and the traffic will reach the deep and still waters of puget sound, far away from the troubles and stickings of the willamette and columbia mouths, and the delays, dangers, and expenses of the columbia bar. it is true that before this result is gained the line must cross the cascade mountains, but it is well known that a pass at less than thirty-four hundred feet exists, and the engineers have no doubt whatever that this piece of road will keep pace with the rest to the port. [sidenote: _how to get "control."_] mark now another feature in the case. the east and west side railroads on either side of the willamette river compete with the boats of the oregon railway and navigation company for the trade of the willamette valley. the railroads naturally divert the passenger traffic almost entirely, and carry a large quantity of freight. they would carry more and earn a fair profit for their owners, the german and english bondholders, but, instead of a fair competition, the oregon railway and navigation company, as i have said, put down the freights from corvallis downward to portland on grain to one dollar per ton--of course, an impossible rate for either river or railroad to profit by. why is this? because what mr. villard calls the "control" of these railroads is vitally necessary to the future continuance of the oregon railway and navigation company's stocks in their exalted dividends and consequent enormous market value. therefore, it is sought now to destroy the earning powers of these railroads, to force the owners into succumbing to the "policy of control." one more step. the oregon railway and navigation company owns practically no land--that is to say, it is interested speculatively in the rise of value in property in portland by having invested a large sum (i believe $ , ) in the purchase of acres of land in and near the city. but, outside this and its railroad-track, the company owns altogether about , acres of land in scattered pieces, only about acres of which lie in oregon; the rest in washington territory, and a bit or two in idaho. we will not omit to mention its wharves at the various stopping-places of the boats, as they represent the expenditure of a considerable sum. once again: if anything at all is clear, it is that the inflated value of this company's securities depends solely on the continuance of their monopoly. i have shown that on the columbia river this is threatened by the northern pacific, and also by themselves in effect, by the substitution of the costly railroad line for the inexpensive boats, and the consequent devotion of both investments, namely, that in the boats and that in the railroad, to the same traffic, which the competition of the northern pacific is certain to reduce in gross volume. now turn to the willamette valley traffic, and scrutinize the position there. not only is there the existing competition of the railroads, which is fatal, so long as it is genuine, to the earning of large profits from the north and south traffic of the valley, both in passengers and goods, but here come in two competitors more. the scotch narrow-gauge system also centers everything in portland, and has succeeded, after a hard fight with the city authorities, in securing a large tract of land for depot or terminal purposes. it had the audacity to claim a right of way right through the tract purchased by the oregon railway and navigation company, and, under the law of eminent domain as it exists in oregon, it would have got it, ay, and used it, too, with but scant regard for the feelings of the high and mighty corporation which had marked it for their own. but a working arrangement was with much difficulty made, by which the scotch line runs, free of charge, alongside the other, right through its land, to the terminus of the narrow-gauge. this scotch line has put boats on the willamette also. they ply between ray's landing, about seventeen miles up the willamette, and portland. the narrow-gauge also has an east-side and a west-side line through the willamette valley. the east-side line runs north and south a short distance from the foothills of the cascades, and has now got as far as brownsville, about one hundred and twenty miles from portland. their west-side line runs through the rich farming country in polk county by dallas to sheridan, and a junction with the western oregon broad-gauge near by. this is also an ambitious company, who are pushing surveys across the cascade range. the narrow-gauge system is yet by no means complete, but, when it is, it will become at once a very dangerous rival both to the east and west side roads, and also to the boats of the oregon railway and navigation company on the willamette. so seriously did mr. villard feel the impending danger that it is no secret in oregon that a confidential agent was dispatched by him to scotland, to endeavor to put the scotch investors out of conceit with their property, and, failing that, he attempted to secure some of their stock, so as to gain a footing inside their camp. but there also he failed. [sidenote: _the "blind pool."_] shortly before these pages were written, occurred the episode of what is known in financial circles in america as "the blind pool." mr. villard caused it to be known among his circle of followers that he desired the use of eight million dollars. according to statements made on his authority, he not only secured it, but in all fifteen millions were offered him. quietly and secretly he used the eight millions in buying up stock of the northern pacific railroad in the new york market, nor did he show his hand until he had thus secured twenty-seven millions par value of the stock of that road. when his great gun was thus loaded, he discharged it full at the head of mr. billings, the president of the northern pacific, and those directors who had loyally coöperated with him in the reorganization of the company and the redemption of its securities from the chaos into which they had fallen following the jay cooke failure. and the invader boldly claimed that he had secured the "control" of that company too, and proposed to oust the president, to install a representative of the "blind pool." but an unexpected check was met. it seems that part of the reconstituted stock of the company, amounting to eighteen million dollars, was as yet in the treasury of the company, but was the property of divers persons who had coöperated in or assented to the reconstruction. this being issued, as mr. billings and his friends claim, in fulfillment of engagements long since entered into, displaced the center of gravity, and caused it to incline heavily toward the billings section. a vociferous outcry was of course heard; the courts were appealed to; and the result of what promises to be a long and costly litigation remains to be seen. even without the entrance on the field of the new forces i am about to describe, the position of the oregon railway and navigation company appears to be a very perilous one. under the chieftainship of mr. villard, who was no novice at the art of playing with railroad companies as counters in the game of "beggar-my-neighbor," a vast amount of eastern capital was taken up by the aid of the enormous profits earned by the previously existing oregon steamship and oregon steam navigation company. then followed naturally an era of really delusive prosperity, while the expenditure of this capital in substituting the new lamps of costly railroads for the magical old lamps of stern-wheel steamboats was going on. but, in order to secure this capital, it was necessary to publish to the world the enormous profits the earlier companies were making. the effects were twofold and immediate. one was to open the eyes of the farmers of oregon to the fact that they were paying for the transport to market of their crops sums utterly disproportionate to the cost and risk of the services rendered. and thus it was certain that ere long measures would be taken in the legislature of oregon, similar in purport to those adopted in other states, to check and curb the power of discrimination, which was the engine used to force the traffic on to the boats and trains of the oregon railway and navigation company. the measure to that end introduced in the session of the legislature of was, it is true, defeated by the strenuous efforts of the company, aided by their portland friends. but that success was dearly bought, and the process was so patent as to awaken the farmers, with whom the real power dwells, in a fashion that will soon be felt. [sidenote: _yaquina bay._] the other result, equally inevitable, was to call into active life plans, long in preparation, for constructing an east and west line across the state, relying on yaquina bay as the outport, and on the trade of the willamette valley as the mainstay of the road. but the enterprise had other features to recommend it. the willamette valley and coast railroad company had been originated four or five years back by the farmers of the valley to construct a railroad between corvallis and yaquina bay. it had obtained a charter from the legislature giving it authority to extend its line across the state to the eastern boundary, at a point directly _en route_ to boisé city, idaho. this had been long ago marked out as the probable limit where connection either with a branch from the union pacific railroad, or with some other road pushing westward to the ocean, might be made. the willamette valley and coast railroad received in its charter from the state immunity from taxation for twenty years, and also a grant of all the rich tide and overflowed lands in benton county, amounting to probably upward of one hundred thousand acres. not content with this, the framer of this scheme had obtained the right of purchase, on the basis of value of land in eastern oregon ten years ago, of the grant of lands in aid of the construction of the willamette valley and cascade mountains military wagon-road, amounting to eight hundred and fifty thousand acres. a sketch of the history of this road has been given before in these pages, and of the character of the country through which it runs. the vital force of the oregon pacific company, which was formed and brought before the world in the autumn of to complete and operate the willamette valley and coast railroad, lay in the advantage of position in its central line, cutting oregon in half, and thereby attracting traffic to it from both sides, and also in the solid backing of about nine hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, stretching across the state from east to west, and which was certain to rise four-fold at least in value by the construction of the railroad through it. the first hundred and thirty miles of the road pass through benton and linn counties, which together produce about one half, and, with the adjoining counties of polk and marion on the north and the county of lane on the south, fully three quarters of the wheat-crop of oregon. it was estimated by a committee formed in these counties, who investigated the subject thoroughly, that not less than one hundred and eighty thousand tons of grain, and other freight to the amount of fifty thousand tons or more, would seek an outlet over this road, from these valley counties, on the basis of the crop of . the subsequent increase in acreage under crops would give not less than three hundred thousand acres instead of two hundred and fifty thousand, at a very moderate estimate. the inward freight may be taken at one half of the outward bound, thus giving four hundred and fourteen thousand tons which the new road would be called on to transport. these figures raised the ire of the oregon railway and navigation company and of some of its portland friends, and their abuse called forth a reinvestigation of the whole subject, which resulted in thorough confirmation of the estimates. [sidenote: _oregon pacific railroad._] the oregon pacific proposed, as soon as open for business, to lower the seven dollars a ton, the previous average charge of the other company on valley freight to san francisco, to three dollars and a half, and the twenty-four dollars for first-class passengers and fourteen dollars for emigrant passengers to one half of those figures. and it showed a very large probable dividend on its capital, on those reduced figures. the reasonableness of this will be seen by reference to the enormous earnings of the other company. the whole question turned, of course, on the practicability of so improving the entrance to yaquina bay that heavy-laden ships of deep draught could enter to deliver and receive cargo. the valley farmers and traders, to the number of thirty-four hundred, petitioned congress to appropriate $ , for these works. strenuous efforts in support of this petition at washington, in the session of , sufficed to overcome the opposition of the oregon railway and navigation company, and the prayer was granted in principle, but only in extent to $ , , after the fashion in such cases. but the careful surveys and investigations of the united states engineers, which were at once undertaken, justified the hopes of the people and of those interested in the railroad, and very early in the works for the improvement were begun. application was made to congress in the winter session of -' to appropriate $ , more for the works; but only $ , were granted, although the legislature of oregon had, in their session of , by formal resolution, unanimously supported the application for $ , . but the farmers of the valley counties were at last roused to vigorous action, and, under the presidency of the linn county grange and its officers, are raising a large fund by subscription, to continue without interruption the harbor-works until additional appropriations are made by congress. the subscription will not only serve to keep the harbor-works in vigorous progress, but demonstrates the subscribers' conviction of the success of the efforts made for the completion of the oregon pacific railroad, and their active and personal interest in such success. [sidenote: _probable effects of competition._] and now the full force of the figures given in the last chapter is seen. so far as the oregon railway and navigation company depends on oregon for its support, it must come from counties the population of which is but , , and the value of their taxable property, in , only $ , , ; the proportion of property for each inhabitant being $ . , or nearly twenty per cent. below the average for the state. the oregon pacific will draw its present support from the valley counties, with a population of , , and taxable property of $ , , , each about four-fold greater. their average property is $ . per head, or about two per cent. above the rate for the whole state. if it be argued that the oregon railway and navigation company bases its hopes for maintaining its high dividends on its enlarged capital; on the development of eastern oregon in population and productions, which is in rapid progress--i reply that the same considerations apply with vastly increased force to the district served by the oregon pacific. the latter relies not only on the fertile lands on the western side of the cascades, unequaled in the whole united states for attractiveness to immigrants of the better class, but it also asserts its undoubted claim to profit from the settlement of the broad stretch of country, also in eastern oregon, through which its line runs in its eastward course. if stress is laid on the advantage of the established position of portland for the headquarters of the one road, the scale kicks the beam when the one hundred and ten miles of towage and pilotage, the probable delays in the rivers, the certain dangers and difficulties of the columbia bar, are weighed against the saving of two hundred and twenty-one miles in actual distance, and the short course of but three miles from the ocean to the wharves at yaquina. [sidenote: _tactics in opposition._] if mr. villard has displayed his cleverness in laying hold of established profits and turning them to the enormous gain of himself and of those friends of his who have followed his lead, i can here do but partial justice to the foresight and energy of colonel t. egenton hogg, whose clear judgment realized the necessity and the many advantages of the yaquina route ten years ago, who has fought through unnumbered difficulties and a bitter and envenomed opposition toward its attainment, and who has secured in so doing the hearty support of the backbone and sinew of oregon life, which trust to the oregon pacific to set free the commerce of the state. let it not be supposed that the oregon railway and navigation company is foredoomed to failure, or to immediately explode and go out like a rocket. according to my ideas, it may have a moderately prosperous future, bringing down to portland a certain quantity of freight and passengers from the upper country, and an increasing quantity as that country develops. but to suppose that on its enlarged capital it will be allowed to go on earning dividends at the same preposterous rate as heretofore its boats have made for it, is to insult the common-sense alike of the oregon farmer and of the capitalist looking now more eagerly than ever for profitable and safe investment. one other point deserves attention. the oregon railway and navigation company owns practically no land (except its building-land speculation in portland); therefore, when these competing lines come into play, and traffic rates are consequently reduced over all the state, its dividend-producing power is gone. the other lines can follow it down and down in any war of rates so far as the oregon railway and navigation lines see fit to venture. such tactics would be absolute madness in california, as by its new constitution rates once lowered can not be raised again. but suppose the war of rates is begun in oregon. the northern pacific, when completed according to law, will save one hundred and fifty-one miles in distance, and deliver freight and passengers at deep water on puget sound. the narrow-gauge roads and boats together can carry more cheaply than the oregon railway and navigation company. the valley standard-gauge railroads and the oregon pacific share with the northern pacific this tremendous advantage, that every dollar they lose on transportation is only invested at enormous profit in the rise and value of their lands. it is the cost of transportation that keeps down value on their lands; lower this, and land rises at once. nor is it to be supposed for an instant that the same tactics by which it has been attempted to prevent, hamper, or delay the building of the oregon pacific railroad will long succeed. shortly after the prospectus of that railroad was issued, there appeared in "the oregonian," of portland, three columns of abuse over the signature of "examiner." the writer described himself as a citizen of oregon, anxious to avoid delusion and disaster to the eastern public. the whole was telegraphed or mailed long in advance back to new york, and appeared in a garbled and still more contemptible form as a circular, professing to be reprinted from "the oregonian," as if from the editor's chair of that paper. new york was flooded with the copies. fortunately, it was easy enough to repel the attack, since the chief points were that the eastern oregon lands were worthless, and the statements of the willamette valley trade exaggerated. and on both points ample, even overwhelming, evidence was at hand. [sidenote: _the cascade mountains road._] then, by what hidden influences it is of course impossible to say, the secretary of the interior, mr. schurz, was set in motion on the allegation that the cascade mountains road had never been made, and that consequently the united states had been imposed upon fourteen years ago when congress granted the lands to the state of oregon, and that state defrauded in turn ten years ago when, on certificates of due completion satisfactory to the then officials of the state, the lands were duly confirmed to the wagon-road company. thereupon, without inquiry as to the facts from the state officials of oregon, or from the road company or their representatives, who had all the evidence in their possession--without one word of notice to any of the parties concerned--a man named prosser, then residing at seattle, and occupied in repressing unwarranted timber-cutting on government lands in that neighborhood, was dispatched to professedly examine into the condition of things. his journey; the narrative of his duplicity; of his inducing the president of the road company, in the innocence of his heart, to fit him out and to lend him all the money for his expenses; of his return and interviews with the citizens of albany; of his subsequent report that no road existed where upward of five thousand wagons and innumerable droves of cattle and of passengers on foot and horseback had passed without accident for ten years; of his allegations of the trivial cost of the works, met by the evidence of the outlay of about $ , on the construction and repairs of the road; of the storm of indignation which swept through linn county, and found expression wherever the facts were known--all these things form an amusing chapter in the history of this transaction. the congressional committee, to whom the matter was referred, reported, as might be expected, that congress had no jurisdiction; that, so far as they could see, the present owners, being innocent purchasers, had good title to the lands; and that, if there were to be any attempt made to disturb them, it must be a judicial and not a legislative matter. meanwhile an action of ejectment had been brought by the purchasers from the road company of the land grant, in the united states district court at portland, against a squatter on the land, whose letters of old date to the commissioner of the land-office had been made the pretext for the course taken by the secretary of the interior. every opportunity was given for raising in court the question of no road; but the defendant dared not accept the challenge, and judge deady rendered judgment for the owners of the land grant, and so settled the question for good and all, so far as i can see. his judgment was masterly and exhaustive, and i should think would convince any candid mind. thus ends this act in the drama, with the position of the oregon pacific confirmed at every point, and the oregon railway and navigation company with a very pretty quarrel on their hands with the northern pacific, and an impending competition, at which the farmers of the state rejoice. and so the transportation question in oregon is in a fair way to be settled in a manner consonant with justice and honesty, so that produce will be charged only what is commensurate in fair measure with the cost and risk of the service rendered, and not in the opposite direction of what the producer can bear. [sidenote: _the yaquina improvements._] before i close this subject, let me describe very shortly the principle and method of the harbor improvement at yaquina. the problem is this: in the harbor is a sheet of tidal water running up more than twenty miles inland, and in the bay or harbor proper expanding into a width of about three miles. to the tidal water has to be added that brought down by the yaquina river and its tributaries in a course of fifty miles or thereabout. the deep-water channel to the ocean through which this inflow and outflow are repeated twice every twenty-four hours is deep and narrow, and the current very swift. thus, this channel of a quarter of a mile wide between the headlands on either side of the mouth does not vary appreciably in width or depth, and requires no attention. just where the mouth opens to the ocean is the reef, of soft sandstone rock, rising in intervals of separate rocks to within ten or eleven feet of low-water mark--that is to say, each of the three channels through the reef, north, middle, and south, gives this depth of water. but here the water, which has kept clear and deep the channel of a quarter of a mile wide or thereabout, expands to a width of about two miles. consequently, the current is not sufficiently strong in any one of the three channels to prevent the piling of the sand against the rock outside and in, in a gentle rise from the forty-feet depth outside to the height of the rocky reef, and similarly from the thirty feet inside the reef. the engineers propose, by a jetty from the south beach to a group of rocks forming the south side of the middle channel, to extend the narrow deep channel inside, and the consequent force of concentrated tidal and river water, up to the rocky reef itself. they judge that the tidal force is ample to scour away clean all the sand deposited both in and outside the reef. they propose, then, to blast away the rock itself from the middle channel, which, as the obstruction is both soft and narrow, will be neither a difficult nor costly operation, and they intend thus to open to the commerce of the world the calm and deep waters of the harbor, which will suffice to receive all the fleet of vessels trading to this coast. the construction of the jetty is proceeding rapidly by means of large mattresses of brushwood sunk in the destined position, loaded with rock and attracting and retaining the sand, and covered in, when the needed breadth and height are gained, with larger rocks brought down from a quarry of hard stone about eight miles up the harbor. no one who, like the present writer, has often tried to stem the tidal current sweeping out to sea, can doubt the force and velocity it will bring to bear; and no one familiar with yaquina doubts the anticipated success of the improvement. once gained, it will be permanent, and then half an hour will suffice to tug the arriving vessel from the deep waters of the pacific to her station alongside her wharf, and the same time will dispatch her, fully loaded, on her voyage. to sum up this matter: at present a very large portion of the profits of farming and of other industries in oregon goes into the pockets of the transportation company. the rates of freight bear no proportion to the benefits obtained, but are fixed simply on the principle of sitting down to pencil out a list to see how much the farmers can possibly pay. if this state of things were to be indefinitely perpetuated, the outlook would be dreary. that a radical change is impending is to me clear. the country is too rich in productive powers, the citizens are too fully awake to the needs of their position, the knowledge of what oregon is and what she wants is too widely spread, and the president of the oregon railway and navigation company has trumpeted forth the enormous profits of his corporation too loudly, for the failure of the efforts now in progress to introduce competition in the carrying-trade. so that i, for one, am at rest as to the result. oregon will take her own part in the general movement, now current throughout the united states, to regulate, if not to curtail, the powers of the corporations. but i have confidence in the steady and peaceful character of her population not to carry this matter here to extremes, which might unduly burden associated capital, and check the flow of its full current to our state. chapter xxiv. emigration to oregon--who should not come--free advice and no fees-- english emigrants--farmers--haste to be rich--quoted experiences--cost and ways of coming--sea-routes--railroads--baggage--what not to bring --what not to forget--heavy property--the custom-house--san francisco hotels--conclusion. the question most often asked and most difficult to answer is, "do you advise me to come out to oregon?" it is easy to say who should not come. we want no waifs and strays of civilization, enervated with excesses, or depressed with failure; men who can find no niche for themselves, who have neither the habit, the disposition, nor the education for work. we want none of those youngsters who have tried this, have failed in that, until their friends say in disgust, "oh, ship them to oregon, and let them take their chances!" we desire no younger sons of english or eastern parents without energy or capital to start them. high birth, aristocratic connections, we value not at all, unless they carry with them the sense of responsibility to honored forefathers--the determination that the stigma of failure shall not stain a proud name. nor do we desire those young men whose first thought is, "how shall we amuse ourselves?" and whose first aim is the cricket, or base-ball, or lawn-tennis ground, and whose chief luggage is bat, fishing-rod, and shot-gun. and, on the other hand, we do not want those who, having qualified themselves, as they suppose, for life in oregon by six months or a year with some scientific farmer, consider that they know everything, despise instruction, neglect advice, are wiser than their elders, and then throw up in disgust as soon as they find that they have sunk their money, that their theories will not work, and that they must here as elsewhere begin at the beginning. nor do we propose (and we are certain it is in no way necessary) to charge new-comers an initiation fee of two hundred and fifty dollars, or any other sum, for the privilege of joining our society in oregon, and profiting by our experience. and, as i began by saying, the english who have come here have established no colony, in the usual sense, set up no separate society, and claim no common corporate life. [sidenote: _who should come._] society we have, association we have, common amusements and pursuits we have, but in all these we invite our american neighbors to take their part, and see no reason to regret our course. true it is that the costume of knickerbockers and gaiters and heather-suit and pot-hat is a very common object in our town, and that we meet in considerable force at the episcopal church on sunday to join in the familiar service. but we adhere to our original plan that the newcomer shall settle where he pleases in these counties, shall have the best advice we can bestow in the choice of land, the purchase of stock and implements, and of the other necessaries for a farmer's start in life; and shall have this free of charge. we offer the right hand of friendship; we will do our part to keep up association and kindly relations of all kinds. but we are more anxious that oregon should be built up by the gradual incoming of men of serious purpose, possessed of moderate capital, who shall disperse over the face of the country as they would at home, and strengthen the state by the force of attraction each will exercise over the friends and acquaintances he has left behind, than we are to create here a bit of interjected foreign life. therefore let the farmer, above all, tried and worried at home by fickle seasons, heavy rent, burdensome tithe and taxes, labor-troubles, low prices, and gradually fading capital--let him bring his wife and children and come. his few hundred pounds will make a good many dollars, and he will be amazed to find himself _owning_ productive land for about the sum he would have paid for two years' rent at home. if his means do not permit him to pay down the whole purchase price, he is one of the very few who can be safely advised to begin to some extent in debt; for, remember, land in oregon is expected to pay for itself from its own productions in five years' time. even if the new-comer has had no previous practical experience, that need not of itself deter him. one of our best farmers told me the other day that when he began he did not know which end of a plow went first! but in such case the wisest thing is either to hire himself out to work for an oregonian farmer for, at any rate, a few months, or, if he takes an opportunity of buying land for himself, let him reverse the operation and hire an oregonian to work for him for a time. i read a short article in the "portland evening telegram," the other day, which seemed to me very much in point; so i shall quote it: "seven years ago two men, dissatisfied with the sluggishness with which their fortunes grew in portland, determined to better their condition. "the wonderful resources of the willamette valley as an agricultural country attracted one of them to washington county, where he purchased a farm, and stocked it with teams and farming implements, and started on his road to independence and wealth. "he told his neighbors, who had been in the farming business for years, that he proposed to show them how to succeed. "he was industrious; he studied the books on farming, and pursued his occupation on scientific principles, joined the grangers, became an active member of farmers' clubs, was bitter in his denunciation of monopolies. "disliking the looks of the old-fashioned worm-fence, he divided his fields by building nice plank partitions, and even asked permission of an old fogy neighbor to build the whole of a partition fence of plank, that the old one might not offend his fastidious taste. here was mistake number one. the rail-fence answered the purpose well enough, and he ought to have avoided the expense of the costlier one at least until a new one was necessary. he was from indiana, and thought corn a good crop to grow; so he prepared ten acres of his best land and planted them to corn: the squirrels came and took it all up; he replanted, and again the squirrels took the seed before it sprouted; he planted it once more, and succeeded in getting a small crop of poor corn which did not mature, and it profited him nothing. [sidenote: _quoted experiences._] "this was another blunder, as any man who had made any inquiry ought to have known that the raising of corn in this valley was never a paying business. a small patch for roasting-ears for family use is all any wise farmer will ever attempt to raise. "again, our progressive farmer had been so impressed with the idea that the climate of oregon was an exceedingly mild one, that he thought his apples and potatoes were in no danger of freezing; so he put his apples upstairs, and left his potatoes uncovered. consequently, they were all frozen and lost. "this was an inexcusable blunder, for any man who would look at a map and see that he was located above the forty-fifth degree of latitude, should have known that any winter was liable to be cold enough to freeze unprotected fruits and vegetables. "our friend became discouraged, and gave more attention to wheat, but found that he could not raise that commodity for less than seventy-five cents a bushel, although other farmers have asserted that the cost did not exceed fifty cents. "with his experience of seven years' farming in oregon, he is perfectly satisfied that it will not pay, and hence he is back in portland, intending to stay. the corn, apple, and potato business fixed him as far as farming is concerned, though he ought to have known that his course in regard to them would have resulted just as it did. "our second young man did not like the slowness of farming as a means of getting rich, so he put his money in sheep, and took up a ranch in wasco county. "for a few years he was encouraged: as the grass grew, his stock increased; the winters were mild, and wool brought a good price. "he raised some feed, and for three years had no use for it, as the sheep made their own living off the range. "he thought when the cold snap set in last winter that he had enough feed to last through any winter that could reasonably be expected. but the cold winds continued to blow, the snow fell and froze, and continued to fall and freeze. "two months passed; his feed was exhausted, and his sheep began to die. out of , head , died, and though a neighbor who started in with about the same number had only six head left, our young friend thought his own condition bad enough, and so concluded to quit the business and come back to portland. he says a man can take a thousand head of sheep, build sheds, provide food, and have a sure thing to clear a few hundred dollars every year, but he did not want that kind of a sure thing. "he made the mistake of him who 'makes haste to be rich,' and hence he retires from the contest on that line no better off than when he started in. "both these men are now in portland, and each is hopelessly disgusted with the attempt he has made. "one thinks that farming in oregon will never pay, though there are hundreds of farmers all over the state who started with less than he did, and are now well situated and independent. "the other thinks the whole of eastern oregon, so called, a failure, though he virtually admits that his lack of providence, and his desire to make a large sum of money in a short time, were the causes of his losses." since we have been in oregon we have seen several cases like these examples. let the intending emigrant weigh this well--that farming in the willamette valley is not the road to large fortune, though it is to comfort and prosperity. [sidenote: _cost and ways of coming._] let no young man, brought up in a comfortable eastern home, come to oregon to farm, unless he can be assured that at the end of a year or two's probation and apprenticeship he can have provided for him some small sum of money, enough for a start on his own land. the life of the agricultural laborer in almost every farmer's family here is a very hard and uncomfortable one; the lodging is rough, the living, though plentiful, is often coarse, the hours of labor very long, and the employments on the farm miscellaneous indeed. the better thing is for two friends or relatives to come together; they may separate for their apprenticeship, but their purchase may easily be made together; and, indeed, out here two are better than one. and now for some hints as to the ways of coming, and what should and should not be brought. for the english emigrant there is a large choice. he may come by any of the new york lines, and thence across the continent to san francisco, and on by steamer to portland. if he comes first class throughout, he will find the expense nearly £ sterling, or about $ . by choosing the cheaper cabin on the steamer, and reconciling himself to doing without the comforts of the pullman car, and economizing in meals on the journey across by providing himself with a provision-basket, to be replenished at intervals, he may save about £ , or $ . the time is short; three weeks will bring him from liverpool to oregon, unless he delays needlessly in new york, chicago, or san francisco. in new york let him beware of cabs or carriages. he is likely to be charged five dollars for a ride he will get in london for one shilling. the proper course is for him, after his baggage has passed the custom-house, to intrust it to a transfer agent, who will have it conveyed to the hotel, and the emigrant can take the elevated railway or get a tram-car ride for a few cents. the same course should be followed on leaving the hotel for the railway terminus to come west. so far as i know, he can make no mistake in following his fancy in choosing his route. the erie or the new york central will carry him to chicago, by way of buffalo and niagara; and, if any pause on the journey at all is made, let the opportunity be seized of seeing the most glorious of waterfalls, the remembrance of which will never die. the baltimore and ohio passes through maryland and west virginia, and the pennsylvania railroad through new jersey and pennsylvania, and each shows him some of the finest scenery on the atlantic slope. from chicago he will have a choice again. there is no difference in cost, time, or comfort between the chicago and northwestern, the chicago, burlington, and quincy, and the chicago and rock island. i have traveled by all three; perhaps the chicago, burlington, and quincy runs through the most interesting scenery. up to omaha the first-class traveler is allowed one hundred and fifty pounds of baggage free, and so far it will be properly handled and cared for by the baggage-men. [sidenote: _baggage-smashing._] at omaha things change for the worse. only one hundred pounds of baggage is allowed by the union pacific and central pacific roads; and on all excess the rate to san francisco is fifteen cents a pound. and, if the traveler has any regard for his possessions, let him see to it that they are closely packed in the very strongest and roughest trunks that he can procure. oh, those baggage-smashers at omaha! when we crossed last i stood by to see a baggage-car brought up alongside the stone platform, piled with trunks and other baggage to the roof, the doors thrown open, and the contents literally tumbled out pell-mell. trunks were smashed open, locks broken, straps burst, contents ruined. and the baggage-men seemed to take a horrid pleasure in tilting heavy trunks on to their corners, and so bundling them across at a rapid rate to the other car; dislocation of the strongest joints was the result. if the passenger be incautious enough to burden himself with needless weight from omaha, he should dispatch it to san francisco by freight-train addressed to his hotel; the rates are thus so moderated that he will not have the chagrin of paying to the railroad companies about as much as most of his baggage is worth. another route from england is by southampton and panama to san francisco. the charge for a first-class passage is £ , and the traveler will not be bothered about his baggage save on the isthmus railway. he _may_ lose no time in catching the pacific mail-steamer on the pacific side, but he is more likely to have three or four days to wait at panama, in a town where there is nothing to see or do, and where he will be charged not less than three dollars a day at the hotel. the lovely scenery and gorgeous vegetation of the tropics will be a pleasant picture in memory, whatever draw-backs the five weeks occupied on this route may discover. san francisco is the city of comfortable and moderately charging hotels. the most expensive are the palace and the baldwin. the lick house and the russ house are comfortable and more moderate; and the international is cheap but comfortable. from san francisco to portland the steamers oregon, columbia, or state of california, sail every five days, and are each safe, speedy, and excellent boats. the cost of the journey is twenty dollars, and the time usually three days or more, including a detention of some hours at astoria. as soon as the yaquina route is opened, it is expected that this time will be reduced by one half. and now, what should the emigrant bring to oregon? so far as household furniture and fittings are concerned, the best and cheapest way is to send them by royal mail from southampton by way of panama. the freight was £ _s._ per ton of forty cubic feet. i do not know if any change has been made. it is wise for any family to bring bedding (but not beds), knives and forks and electro-plate, books, pictures, and the little ornaments and trifles which go so far to transfer the home feeling to whatever room they may at once furnish and adorn. and do not forget the crockery. it is foolish to bring furniture, pianos, or such heavy and cumbersome property. all these used articles will come in duty free. if they are sent to san francisco direct from england, they will have to be examined at the custom-house there. the traveler will find it a great waste of time and temper to pass his goods through the custom-house himself. there are many respectable agents, whose trifling fee is well spent in getting their services for this work. as for clothes. new clothes will be charged with a duty of sixty per cent. of their value, and cause trouble also. worn clothes and boots come in duty free. the strongest and most durable woolen garments are those best adapted for the oregon climate. english ankle-boots are treasures not to be obtained for love or money in oregon. the field-boot, of porpoise-skin, will be infinitely valuable in our muddy winters; but such are too hot for summer wear. english saddlery should all be left at home. if the emigrant is the happy owner of a good breech-loader, let him bring it, with as many of eley's green cases as he can pack. ammunition is expensive here. english rifles are a nuisance. the winchester, sharp, or ballard, i think superior to any sporting rifles we have--as much so as the american shot-guns are inferior to the english makers'. * * * * * [sidenote: _attractions which oregon offers._] let us see, then, in a few words, why we expect that immigrants will continue to arrive. what are the attractions which oregon offers? . a healthy and temperate climate, whether residence in the willamette valley or in southern or eastern oregon is chosen. . a fertile and not exhausted soil, adapted to the continuous raising of all cereals, to the growth of the best kinds of pasture, and to the ripening of all temperate fruits in profusion and excellence. . a climate and range unusually suited to cattle, sheep, and horses of the best breeds. . the ocean boundary on the west, giving free access to shipping for the cheap transport of all productions. . mineral wealth of almost every description, most of which is yet unworked. . industrial openings of many kinds, with special facilities by way of abundant water-power. . beautiful scenery, whatever portion of the state may be selected by the new-comer. . sport and pastime in moderation, with a notable absence of dangerous animals, and reptiles, and noxious insects. . a modern and liberal constitution, affording special advantages and securities to foreigners and aliens. . a quiet and orderly population, ready to welcome strangers. . good facilities for education, remarkable in so young a country. . a railroad and river system of transportation, only now in process of development, and which is certain to effect a great rise in the value of lands. * * * * * and now my work is done. i have endeavored to give, in as concise and short a form as i could contrive, a faithful picture of life as it is in oregon to-day. i have extenuated nothing, nor set down aught in malice. if, in reviewing what i have written, i feel conscious of a special weakness, it is that i have brought too strongly into view the difficulties the immigrant will have to encounter; for i feel sure that no one, on full knowledge, will accuse me of drawing in too fair and flattering colors the attractions of our beautiful state. may oregon flourish by receiving constant additions to her vigorous and industrious people, whose efforts, in scarcely any other place in the wide world so certain of a due return, may make her waste places plain, and cause her wildernesses to rejoice and blossom as the rose! appendix. since the foregoing pages were finished, a period of six months has passed. nothing has transpired which should affect the opinions formed and expressed by the author in favor of the attractions which oregon offers to the energetic and industrious. the past half-year has been one of successful development for the state as a whole. a bountiful harvest, which has been vouchsafed to oregon while many eastern states and many european countries have had to mourn because of drought or excessive rain and consequent scarcity, has again proved how highly favored by position and climate is this western nook. and now, in the early days of october, we have had a week's rain to soften the clods and prepare the ground for tillage, but the sun of the indian summer is shining with soft brilliancy, and we look for crisp nights and mornings, and lovely days, for from six to ten weeks to come. during the six months, eastern capital has been prodigally turned into oregon and washington territory by mr. h. villard and his associates. new lines of railway designed as feeders to the columbia river route are being pushed to completion regardless of cost, while the trunk-line, along the side of the columbia river, is being still urged forward by the united forces of over three thousand chinamen and all the white laborers that can be picked up. time alone will show how far a line, which winds and twists along the banks of the mighty columbia in devious curves, overhung by mountain-sides loaded with loose rocks at the mercy of every winter's storms, can be trusted to carry the enormous traffic predicated for it; and, granted that this slender reed has the necessary strength, at what kind of port is the hoped-for mass of grain for export to be delivered? the following article appeared in the "daily oregonian," of portland, on the th of this last september. the newspaper in question claims to be the leading journal of the state, and is in fact the only one publishing full daily telegraphic dispatches. it is also the organ of the villard interest, and it may be taken that it is not likely to overstate the disadvantages attaching to the city of its publication: "the cost of neglect." "the water in the rivers between portland and the ocean is at about the usual september stage, but, owing to the absence of any means whatever of dredging the bars, the depth at the three or four shoal places is less than in former seasons. steamers drawing seventeen or even seventeen and a half feet come up by plowing through a few inches of mud at certain points, but ships have not the force to go through, nor, in many instances, the iron bottoms to stand the rub. it is not safe to load a vessel which must pass down the river more than sixteen feet. the result is, that grain-ships can only be partly loaded here, and must take a large proportion of their cargoes down the river. the american ship palmyra went down thursday with tons of a total wheat cargo of , . the bulk of her load-- , tons--must be carried down by barges and taken in at baker's bay. the zamora, now taking wheat here, can only be half loaded at her portland dock. lighterage costs $ . per short ton, or six cents per cental. thus the palmyra must pay $ , extra because the river is not properly dredged. the average of lighterage this season will be about three cents per cental on all wheat that goes out of the columbia river." it is not far from the fact that, although from sixty to sixty-five shillings is a well-paying freight for ships from portland to the united kingdom, and although abundance of sailing-ships are available from the substitution of steamers in so many parts of the world, yet the actual freight charged has ranged from eighty to eighty-five shillings, this resulting from a combination of causes, of which the charges for pilotage, towage, and lighterage are among the chief. of course, all these charges come out of the pocket of the producer, and, unless some radical change can be effected, there is no apparent reason why these sums should not be cumulated to such a height as to place the valley farmer on the level of his eastern oregon and eastern washington territory neighbor, who does not realize for his wheat much over thirty-five cents a bushel on an average market price of seventy-five cents. nor would there be much hope of a reduction in the inland transportation charges, were matters to progress as they have been doing during the past six months. everything pointed toward the centralization of the control of every railroad and steamboat line in this state and the adjacent territory in the hands of the oregon railway and navigation company, presided over by mr. villard. the narrow-gauge system of railroads in this valley, owned and operated by the scotch company, with headquarters at dundee, was six months back the sole hope of the valley farmers as an honest competitor with its huge rival. but a few months ago announcement was made that mr. villard had secured the scotch company, by a series of astute operations in scotland; and now, under the ninety-nine years' lease which he obtained, the narrow-gauge company has ceased its independent existence, and its traffic is being assimilated as to rates with that of its former competitor, while it is so conducted as to stifle its growth as a separate organization, and throw all its vitality into the other roads. but the anticipations, expressed in the earlier pages of this book, of an active rivalry to the oregon railway and navigation company, through the oregon pacific railroad and its outlet at yaquina bay, are being realized as rapidly as men and money can do it. early in july last the news came through the wires that the financial battle had been won by colonel hogg, and that construction was to be pushed forward immediately. short as the time is, much has been done, and more is being done. engineering parties were organized and fitted out, and their work is nearly complete in all its parts. a good line of easy grades is located through from corvallis to yaquina bay, presenting no extraordinary difficulties of construction. on this, as i write, a large force of both white and chinese labor is employed, with the full expectation that the line will be surveyed, built, equipped, and running within four or five months from the time the first spadeful of earth was dug. difficulties in starting a great enterprise like the oregon pacific railroad, of course, abound, but so far have been successfully met. meanwhile the goodwill of the valley farmers has been maintained throughout, and the new road will open with abundance of customers. therefore, all interested in the undertaking are well satisfied with the prospect of having to operate a line which shall save the valley farmers two hundred and twenty-one miles in actual distance, and save them half the present charges for transportation between the valley and san francisco, and which gives also an early prospect of ocean-going ships loading direct from an oregon port, with wharves within three miles from the ocean, for the european or eastern market. it does not seem, then, an unreasonable augury that the day of exorbitant freights, excessive pilotage and towage charges, half-cargo lighterage, and also of traffic discrimination, will have passed away for ever, so far as oregon is concerned, when the oregon pacific is opened. and i think every reader of this book will admit that it is a matter of just pride to see projects formed years back, and adhered to through much evil speaking, slander, and belittling, come to their full strength and fulfillment. the last time i visited yaquina bay was during the closing days of september. the afternoon sun shone on the little dancing waves as we rowed across from newport to the south beach, where the harbor-works are going on. a heavy equinoctial storm had raged for two days before, and it would have been no surprise had the incomplete works suffered. but we found the men busily employed in piling large blocks of rock on the mattresses made of large, long bundles of brushwood, secured with cords, and deposited carefully in the line of the breakwater. many of the hands were indians, who were working very intelligently and quickly under the direction of our old friend kit abbey. no damage whatever had been done, but, on the contrary, the storm had piled the sand in even layers, five or six feet deep, on each side of the breakwater, solidifying and strengthening the work. already the channel nearest to the beach, which had robbed the main channel of some of the tidal water, had been permanently closed. and the increase of the tidal in-and-out flow thus caused had proved to the satisfaction of the united states engineer officer in charge the correctness of the theory on which the works were designed. so that all tends in the one direction of opening this harbor, on which so many hopes are fixed, to ocean-going ships of deep draught. fortunately, the facts are being daily ascertained, tabulated, and certified by the independent authority of the united states engineers; they have minute surveys of the channel, and the changes operated by the new breakwater will be observed and recorded. thus, as soon as the time comes to invite the shipping sailing to the northwest coast to enter the port, there will be no further room for question as to depth of water and ease of access; but the facts will be so patent and plain to the world, that no one need be longer blinded by the persistent misrepresentations of interested parties. [illustration: entrance to yaquina bay (looking seaward)] the effect of the opening of the oregon pacific railroad, which in two, or at most three years from now, will meet at or near boisé city, idaho, the lines rapidly pushing westward to that point, will be manifold: first, it will open the new port at yaquina to commerce, and so give the willamette valley its independent outlet, unaffected by terror-dealing bars, winter ice, and exorbitant charges. second, it will in its eastward progress open up to settlement a broad belt of fertile and well-watered country, at present well-nigh untenanted. third, it will operate as a check to the pretensions of the oregon railway and navigation company to entire monopoly of the transportation of the state, and its boasted consequent ability to fix fares and freights at its own sweet will. the end. two years in oregon. by wallis nash, author of "oregon there and back in ." _second edition._ with illustrations. mo, cloth, $ . . the following are a few out of a very large number of press notices: _from the new york sun._ "under the title of 'two years in oregon,' by wallis nash, we have an authentic and exhaustive guide-book, written for the benefit of those persons who intend to settle there. there is nothing in this volume to recall the superficial observations of the ordinary tourist; yet, although the author has confined himself to collecting information of real value to the emigrant, he has set it forth in a distinct, unpretentious, and attractive way." _from the springfield republican._ "for the best picture of oregon as it is to-day, we are indebted to an englishman. 'two years in oregon' is the title of the book, written by wallis nash, and published by d. appleton & co., of new york. mr. nash conducted a colony of his countrymen some time since to the neighborhood of corvallis, a thriving town a hundred or more miles south of portland. he did not attempt to set up a new jerusalem of his own after the example of unlucky tom hughes in the rugby venture, but mingled all his interests with the settlers already on the ground, and good success has evidently attended his efforts. mr. nash has made a thorough study of the state and its resources. he has considerable literary skill, and while his book contains the practical facts and statistics needful to the posting of the would-be immigrant, it has besides enough racy descriptive writing to make it attractive to the general reader. oregon has two distinct climates. the cascade range, cutting the state in halves, is the dividing line. on the pacific side of the mountains, where most of the settlements are located, there are milder winters, cooler summers, and a heavier rain-fall than upon the plains stretching to the eastward of the range. there, too, are the heavy forests for which the state is noted. wheat is the staple crop of the oregon farmers, and last year there was a surplus of over one hundred thousand tons sent to market. sheep husbandry is considerably followed, and the climate appears admirably adapted to the profitable raising of all kinds of livestock, while all the fruits and vegetables of the temperate zone yield remarkably. with better transportation facilities, a mixed agriculture is likely to be pursued in the future. the state has suffered much at the hands of transportation monopolists. the villard combination have so far had almost complete control of the railways and waterways, and the rates charged have been enormous. a portland merchant's freight bill on some goods shipped recently from new york, showed that one third of the whole amount was charged for the water-carriage of seven hundred miles from san francisco. the company's railroad charges are still heavier. according to a new schedule of reduced rates from portland to walla walla, two hundred and seventy miles, twenty-four cents is the rate for a bushel of wheat, against two to four cents a bushel for greater distances on eastern roads. mr. nash devotes a chapter to the iniquities of the villard monopoly which bears so heavily upon the farming community. there is prospect, however, that the burden may be lightened when the railway now building eastward from yaquina bay to a connection through southwestern idaho with the union pacific is completed." _from the portland standard_ (_oregon_). "mr. nash's experiences and observations as set forth in this book are correct representations of oregon life. his opinions are not biased and warped by long residence, so as to give everything a color beyond the truth in favor of the beauties and facilities of the state for persons desiring homes, and which would be found to be untrue by strangers seeking farms and residences, and consequently bring disappointment to them after the trouble and expense of going there. mr. nash represents the state as it is, and his book is calculated to do far more good as an advertising medium for bringing immigration within her boundaries than the many pamphlets issued by immigration bureaus, painting in high colors beyond the truth the many advantages which oregon presents. this book should be widely circulated and read. it will attract immigration and capital to the state with an impetus not heretofore felt." _from the corvallis gazette_ (_oregon_). this journal gives a large number of commendatory extracts, and concludes its notice as follows: "many others are equally complimentary, and we are glad that oregon, and especially the willamette valley, are being so well advertised. we understand the book is having a large sale." _from the albany register_ (_oregon_). "'two years in oregon,' by wallis nash, is the title of a very neat work just issued from the press of the appletons, new york. it is the impressions made and the experience gained by the writer after a two years' residence in oregon, written in a most entertaining and attractive style. it will be read everywhere with pleasure, as it is a most faithful description of things and scenes as the writer beheld them. the picture, to our mind, is nowhere overdrawn. portland is faithfully pictured, and 'the oregonian' so faithfully portrayed that its poor editor will never forgive the writer." _from the philadelphia press._ "mr. nash's book describes the state in the most practical manner. it describes the scenery, the society, the legislative peculiarities, the economical advantages and disadvantages, the state of the industries, the transportation question, and all the various points which a possible emigrant might wish to know before he took the decisive step. it is written in a pleasant, vivacious style, and can be read with much profit by any one who takes an interest in our own great west." _from the sheffield and rotherham independent_ (_england_). "mr. nash's 'two years in oregon' is one of the most charming books we have lately come across. he is a shrewd and careful observer, and writes with grace and ease. the illustrations, also, of the book are more than ordinarily clever. mr. nash evidently feels a warm interest in oregon, and his book will go a long way to attract public interest in that direction. few men can tell a story better, or enable readers to realize more vividly the appearance of a country and people they have never seen. the emigrant, the politician, the student of men and manners, the naturalist and the political economist, will all enjoy this book, which we hope will soon be followed by a fresh work from its author's pen." _from the university press._ "this book has for its author an englishman who visited oregon in , and who then traveled 'its length and breadth.' he moved his family there in . he now sends out this interesting and instructive volume in answer to the many letters received by him asking for information. he is an easy, simple, unostentatious writer. we believe, as he says, that he has endeavored to give 'a faithful picture of life as it is in oregon to-day.' he has good descriptive powers, and has enlivened his book with several amusing incidents." _from the chicago times._ "this book is the work of a man who has lived two years in the state, with an observant eye, an apparently judicial and impartial mind, and a ready and fluent pen. it embraces pretty much everything in the way of information about the region which any emigrant would like to know on pretty much all of its natural, social, and political features. it is, indeed, almost a guide-book to the region, but is one quite out of the usual sort, enlivened with a great fund of personal and local anecdote and incident, which serves to make it very interesting reading. it offers to the public a more complete compendium of information about one of the most interesting, at least, of american localities, than can elsewhere be found in the same space; and as one of the chief final centers around which american civilization promises to reach its ultimate development, everything connected with it is of interest, not only to americans, but to people abroad also." _from the new york evening mail and express._ "it would be impossible in a brief notice to state even the substance of this book, which is packed with information of all sorts, information procured and conned by himself, which neglects nothing that a would-be emigrant ought to inquire into, which is close in observation, terse in deduction, good-tempered, warm-hearted, hard-headed, and, what is more than all this, thoroughly amusing." _from the utica observer._ "a book like this is especially timely. the author, wallis nash, is an english settler in the great willamette valley, and discourses of his adopted home with the tone of an avowed advocate of its soil and climate. he combats with his own observations and the official weather reports the wide-spread belief that oregon is a land of perpetual rains, and presents altogether the most comprehensive sketch of the existing industries and possible development of the state which has yet been published." _from the chicago inter-ocean._ "mr. nash narrates his own experiences, and gives a detailed account of the agricultural, business, and social resources of the state in an obviously impartial manner." _from the chicago journal._ "in the year the author of this volume visited oregon, traveled through its length and breadth, and, on returning to his home in england, published a book giving a short account of his journey, and recommending the country as a desirable one in which to settle. a few months afterward he left england at the head of a party of twenty-six persons, and, upon arriving in oregon, settled at corvallis, a pleasant little village on the banks of the willamette river. after a continuous residence of two years in that far western state, mr. nash again gives the result of his experience, as a guide to the emigrant who may intend to make oregon his future home. he presents in a favorable view the agricultural and business prospects of the country; the social and political life of the people, and while he does not claim that a competence can be secured without persevering industry, he maintains that the inducements offered to the enterprising and energetic are such that in a few years the emigrant of moderate means and some experience will be able to acquire a home and pecuniary independence. the book contains a vast amount of information useful to the emigrant, and it is written in a pleasant, chatty style. the descriptions of the varied scenery, the character sketches of the settlers, and the laughable incidents recounted, give an additional pleasure to the volume, which is enriched by several illustrations of oregon scenery." _from the st. paul pioneer press_ (_minnesota_). "any thorough description of oregon, its resources, and the people who settle in it, must win many eager and interested readers. but, to do full justice to mr. nash, he has taken but little advantage of this fact. his book, which he modestly styles 'a guide-book to oregon for the intending emigrant,' is far more than this. it is a pains-taking description of the natural features of a great pacific state; of its soil, climate, and productive qualities; of its past development and future promise; of its leading industries and its adaptation to others; in short, of all that a man who has lived in oregon with his eyes open might be expected to find out, and all about which one who has not lived there might be expected to wish information. there are in existence very few works which tell in such short compass as much about any state east of the rocky mountains. there are very many points in this hand-book which it would be interesting to present in detail, but nothing less than a careful reading will suffice. the story told by the writer about the outrageous swindling out of their land grant of the men who constructed, at great sacrifice, the greatest wagon highway in oregon, deserves investigation. if mr. nash is correct, the farmers of oregon have no reason to love mr. villard or his transportation company. the greatest drawback to the settling up of the state is the iron grip and remorseless extortions of the railways. this book is from beginning to end thoroughly readable. it furnishes more information than whole folios of statistics, or any number of glowing descriptions by hasty, prejudiced, and uninformed correspondents." _from the chicago evening herald._ "mr. nash's data were gathered during a two years' residence, and are so well digested and so thoroughly re-enforced by the practical and personal experiences of the writer and his friends, that the most captious critic can not reasonably pick many flaws therein. mr. nash is evidently not only a close observer, but an eminently practical man, and in describing the advantages and disadvantages of oregon, keeps constantly in view the information which other practical men, seeking a location, would be likely to need and appreciate. a great many chatty and amusing pages are devoted to anecdotes of early and later life in oregon, and to the fortunes and misfortunes of those who sought first to subdue the virgin soil of that state. some of the concluding chapters of the book are devoted to a very intelligent discussion of the existing transportation problems in oregon. all in all, the work is not only readable, but has an intrinsic value which those who wish to know all about the _terra incognita_ of which it treats will thoroughly appreciate." _from the janesville gazette._ "the book contains a vast amount of information useful to the emigrant, and it is written in a pleasant, chatty style. the descriptions of the varied scenery, the character sketches of the settlers, and the laughable incidents recounted, give an additional pleasure to the volume, which is enriched by several illustrations of oregon scenery." _from the detroit evening news._ "mr. nash has just written for the benefit of his old friends and neighbors in england a little book relating his observations and experiences during his first two years of frontier life. it contains much interesting information about oregon and its people, and coming from a disinterested source will be especially acceptable to those contemplating removal to that state." _from the columbus dispatch_ (_wisconsin_). "it is a compendium of information, and will be an addition to any library." _from the boston journal._ "mr. nash writes especially for the benefit of emigrants and intending settlers, but the book will have an interest for all readers who like to trace the developments of social and political institutions in a swiftly growing state. the author writes with enthusiasm, but frankly and sometimes critically; and he has collected a good deal of valuable information, which, together with the results of his own experience, he presents in an animated and pleasant manner." _from the christian at work._ "it is a capital book." _from the ann arbor chronicle._ "to read the book is like making a trip to oregon without the tediousness and expense of the journey." _from the milwaukee sentinel._ "the reader instinctively feels that here is a careful, temperate guide, who can be absolutely trusted." _from the springfield union_ _(massachusetts_). "a valuable book." _from the new york world._ "it is a description of the country and of life in oregon that is worth reading by anybody who may for any reason be interested in the subject." _from the cincinnati commercial._ "a fascinating book." _from the san josé mercury_ (_california_). "a highly interesting and instructive volume, marked by fairness of statement and honesty of opinion." _from the omaha republican_ (_nebraska_). "mr. nash has written a most interesting volume. his powers of description are simply magnificent, and, with such an expansive theme before him, he has wrought out a book that will no doubt have ready sale, and do a great measure of good in placing the advantages of oregon most entertainingly before a large and choice number of readers." _from the philadelphia north american_. "it is a very good report which mr. nash has to make of the state, and of the people by whom it is inhabited; and as he tells his tale in the plain, straightforward way of a man who is relating facts, and nothing but facts, and who simply desires to make known the truth, it can not fail to make a favorable impression." cordial commendatory notices of the work have appeared also in the following journals: albany (oregon) herald. benton (oregon) leader. state rights democrat (albany, oregon). san francisco argonaut. san francisco chronicle. san francisco bulletin. montreal daily star. new york herald. kansas city times. buffalo courier. kansas city journal. worcester daily spy. philadelphia business advocate. holyoke paper world. albany (new york) evening journal. akron (ohio) gazette. syracuse daily journal. pittsburg gazette. syracuse herald. charleston (south carolina) news and courier. chicago tribune. albany argus. cincinnati gazette. boston post. montreal gazette. boston gazette. philadelphia times. new york observer. philadelphia inquirer. harrisburg (pennsylvania) patriot. boston times. portland (maine) argus. petersburg (virginia) index and appeal. davenport (iowa) gazette. albany country gentleman. cincinnati times. boston commonwealth. boston courier. pittsburg telegram. brooklyn times. indianapolis sentinel. boston journal. providence press. _for sale by all booksellers; or sent by mail, post-paid, on receipt of price_. _d. appleton & co., publishers, , , & bond street, new york._ note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustration. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) the strength of the pines by edison marshall with frontispiece by w. herbert dunton boston little, brown, and company copyright, , by little, brown, and company. all rights reserved published february, the colonial press c. h. simonds co., boston, u. s. a. to lille bartoo marshall dear comrade and guide who gave me life [illustration: he marked the little space of gray squarely between the two reddening eyes.] contents book one the call of the blood book two the blood atonement book three the coming of the strength the strength of the pines book one the call of the blood i bruce was wakened by the sharp ring of his telephone bell. he heard its first note; and its jingle seemed to continue endlessly. there was no period of drowsiness between sleep and wakefulness; instantly he was fully aroused, in complete control of all his faculties. and this is not especially common to men bred in the security of civilization. rather it is a trait of the wild creatures; a little matter that is quite necessary if they care at all about living. a deer, for instance, that cannot leap out of a mid-afternoon nap, soar a fair ten feet in the air, and come down with legs in the right position for running comes to a sad end, rather soon, in a puma's claws. frontiersmen learn the trait too; but as bruce was a dweller of cities it seemed somewhat strange in him. the trim, hard muscles were all cocked and primed for anything they should be told to do. then he grunted rebelliously and glanced at his watch beneath the pillow. he had gone to bed early; it was just before midnight now. "i wish they'd leave me alone at night, anyway," he muttered, as he slipped on his dressing gown. he had no doubts whatever concerning the nature of this call. there had been one hundred like it during the previous month. his foster father had recently died, his estate was being settled up, and bruce had been having a somewhat strenuous time with his creditors. he understood the man's real financial situation at last; at his death the whole business structure collapsed like the eggshell it was. bruce had supposed that most of the debts had been paid by now; he wondered, as he fumbled into his bedroom slippers, whether the thousand or so dollars that were left would cover the claim of the man who was now calling him to the telephone. the fact that he was, at last, the penniless "beggar" that duncan had called him at their first meeting didn't matter one way or another. for some years he had not hoped for help from his foster parent. the collapse of the latter's business had put bruce out of work, but that was just a detail too. all he wanted now was to get things straightened up and go away--where, he did not know or care. "this is mr. duncan," he said coldly into the transmitter. when he heard a voice come scratching over the wires, he felt sure that he had guessed right. quite often his foster father's creditors talked in that same excited, hurried way. it was rather necessary to be hurried and excited if a claim were to be met before the dwindling financial resources were exhausted. but the words themselves, however--as soon as they gave their interpretation in his brain--threw a different light on the matter. "how do you do, mr. duncan," the voice answered. "pardon me if i got you up. i want to talk to your son, bruce." bruce emitted a little gasp of amazement. whoever talked at the end of the line obviously didn't know that the elder duncan was dead. bruce had a moment of grim humor in which he mused that this voice would have done rather well if it could arouse his foster father to answer it. "the elder mr. duncan died last month," he answered simply. there was not the slightest trace of emotion in his tone. no wayfarer on the street could have been, as far as facts went, more of a stranger to him; there was no sense of loss at his death and no cause for pretense now. "this is bruce speaking." he heard the other gasp. "old man, i'm sorry," his contrite voice came. "i didn't know of your loss. this is barney--barney wegan--and i just got in from the west. haven't had a bit of news for months. accept my earnest sympathies--" "barney! of course." the delight grew on bruce's face; for barney wegan, a man whom he had met and learned to know on the gym floor of his club, was quite near to being a real friend. "and what's up, barney?" the man's voice changed at once--went back to its same urgent, but rather embarrassed tone. "you won't believe me if i tell you, so i won't try to tell you over the 'phone. but i must come up--right away. may i?" "of course--" "i'll jump in my car and be there in a minute." bruce hung up, slowly descended to his library, and flashed on the lights. for the first time he was revealed plainly. his was a familiar type; but at the same time the best type too. he had the face and the body of an athlete, a man who keeps himself fit; and there was nothing mawkish or effeminate about him. his dark hair was clipped close about his temples, and even two hours in bed had not disarranged its careful part. it is true that men did look twice at bruce's eyes, set in a brown, clean-cut face, never knowing exactly why they did so. they had startling potentialities. they were quite clear now, wide-awake and cool, yet they had a strange depth of expression and shadow that might mean, somewhere beneath the bland and cool exterior, a capacity for great emotions and passions. he had only a few minutes to wait; then barney wegan tapped at his door. this man was bronzed by the sun, never more fit, never straighter and taller and more lithe. he had just come from the far places. the embarrassment that bruce had detected in his voice was in his face and manner too. "you'll think i'm crazy, for routing you out at this time of night, bruce," he began. "and i'm going to get this matter off my chest as soon as possible and let you go to bed. it's all batty, anyway. but i was cautioned by all the devils of the deep to see you--the moment i came here." "cigarettes on the smoking-stand," bruce said steadily. "and tell away." "but tell me something first. was duncan your real father? if he was, i'll know i'm up a wrong tree. i don't mean to be personal--" "he wasn't. i thought you knew it. my real father is something like you--something of a mystery." "i won't be a mystery long. he's not, eh--that's what the old hag said. excuse me, old man, for saying 'hag.' but she was one, if there is any such. lord knows who she is, or whether or not she's a relation of yours. but i'll begin at the beginning. you know i was way back on the oregon frontier--back in the cascades?" "i didn't know," bruce replied. "i knew you were somewhere in the wilds. you always are. go on." "i was back there fishing for steelhead in a river they call the rogue. my boy, a steelhead is--but you don't want to hear that. you want to get the story. but a steelhead, you ought to know, is a trout--a fish--and the noblest fish that ever was! oh, heavens above! how they can strike! but while way up on the upper waters i heard of a place called trail's end--a place where wise men do not go." "and of course you went." "of course. the name sounds silly now, but it won't if you ever go there. there are only a few families, bruce, miles and miles apart, in the whole region. and it's enormous--no one knows how big. just ridge on ridge. and i went back to kill a bear." "but stop!" bruce commanded. he lighted a cigarette. "i thought you were against killing bears--any except the big boys up north." "that's just it. i am against killing the little black fellows--they are the only folk with any brains in the woods. but this, bruce, was a real bear,--a left-over from fifty years ago. there used to be grizzlies through that country, you see, but everybody supposed that the last of them had been shot. but evidently there was one family that still remained--in the farthest recesses of trail's end--and all at once the biggest, meanest grizzly ever remembered showed up on the cattle ranges of the plateau. with some others, i went to get him. 'the killer', they call him--and he certainly is death on live stock. i didn't get the bear, but one day my guide stopped at a broken-down old cabin on the hillside for a drink of water. i was four miles away in camp. the guide came back and asked me if i was from this very city. "i told him yes, and asked him why he wanted to know. he said that this old woman sent word, secretly, to every stranger that ever came to fish or hunt in the region of trail's end, wanting to know if they came from here. i was the first one that answered 'yes.' and the guide said that she wanted me to come to her cabin and see her. "i went--and i won't describe to you how she looked. i'll let you see for yourself, if you care to follow out her instructions. and now the strange part comes in. the old witch raised her arm, pointed her cane at me, and asked me if i knew newton duncan. "i told her there might be several newton duncans in a city this size. you should have seen the pain grow on her face. 'after so long, after so long!' she cried, in the queerest, sobbing way. she seemed to have waited years to find some one from here, and when i came i didn't know what she wanted. then she took heart and began again. "'this newton duncan had a son--a foster-son--named bruce,' she told me. and then i said i knew you. "you can't imagine the change that came over her. i thought she'd die of heart failure. the whole thing, bruce--if you must know--gave me the creeps. 'tell him to come here,' she begged me. 'don't lose a moment. as soon as you get home, tell him to come here.' "of course i asked other questions, but i couldn't get much out of her. one of 'em was why she hadn't written to duncan. the answer was simple enough--that she didn't know how to write. those in the mountains that could write wouldn't, or couldn't--she was a trifle vague on that point--dispatch a letter. something is up." ii before the gray of dawn came over the land bruce duncan had started westward. he had no self-amazement at the lightning decision. he was only strangely and deeply exultant. the reasons why went too deep within him to be easily seen. in the first place, it was adventure--and bruce's life had not been very adventurous heretofore. it was true that he had known triumphs on the athletic fields, and his first days at a great university had been novel and entertaining. but now he was going to the west, to a land he had dreamed about, the land of wide spaces and great opportunities. it was not his first western journey. often he had gone there as a child--had engaged in furious battles with outlaws and indians; but those had been adventures of imagination only. this was reality at last. the clicking rails beneath the speeding train left no chance for doubt. then there was a sense of immeasurable relief at his sudden and unexpected freedom from the financial problems his father had left. he would have no more consultations with impatient creditors, no more would he strive to gather together the ruins of the business, and attempt to salvage the small remaining fragments of his father's fortune. he was free of it all, at last. he had never known a darker hour--and none of them that this quiet, lonely-spirited man had known had been very bright--than the one he had spent just before going to bed earlier that evening. he had no plans, he didn't know which way to turn. all at once, through the message that barney had brought him, he had seen a clear trail ahead. it was something to do, something at last that mattered. finally there remained the eminent fact that this was an answer to his dream. he was going toward linda, at last. the girl had been the one living creature in his memory that he had cared for and who cared for him--the one person whose interest in him was real. men are a gregarious species. the trails are bewildering and steep to one who travels them alone. linda, the little "spitfire" of his boyhood, had suddenly become the one reality in his world, and as he thought of her, his memory reviewed the few impressions he had retained of his childhood. first was the square house--the orphanage--where the woman had turned him over to the nurse in charge. sometimes, when tobacco smoke was heavy upon him, bruce could catch very dim and fleeting glimpses of the woman's face. he would bend his mind to it, he would probe and probe, with little, reaching filaments of thought, into the dead years--and then, all at once, the filaments would rush together, catch hold of a fragment of her picture, and like a chain-gang of ants carrying a straw, come lugging it up for him to see. it was only a fleeting glimpse, only the faintest blur in half-tone, and then quite gone. yet he never gave up trying. he never quit longing for just one second of vivid remembrance. it was one of the few and really great desires that bruce had in life. the few times that her memory-picture did come to him, it brought a number of things with it. one of them was a great and overwhelming realization of some terrible tragedy and terror the nature of which he could not even guess. there had been terrible and tragic events--where and how he could not guess--lost in those forgotten days of his babyhood. "she's been through fire," the nurse told the doctor when he came in and the door had closed behind the woman. bruce _did_ remember these words, because many years elapsed before he completely puzzled them out. the nurse hadn't meant such fires as swept through the far-spread evergreen forests of the northwest. it was some other, dread fire that seared the spirit and burned the bloom out of the face and all the gentle lights out of the eyes. it did, however, leave certain lights, but they were such that their remembrance brought no pleasure to bruce. they were just a wild glare, a fixed, strange brightness as of great fear or insanity. the woman had kissed him and gone quickly; and he had been too young to remember if she had carried any sort of bundle close to her breast. yet, the man considered, there must have been such a bundle--otherwise he couldn't possibly account for linda. and there were no doubts about her, at all. her picture was always on the first page of the photograph album of his memory; he had only to turn over one little sheet of years to find her. of course he had no memories of her that first day, nor for the first years. but all later memories of the square house always included her. she must have been nearly four years younger than himself; thus when he was taken to the house she was only an infant. but thereafter, the nurses put them together often; and when linda was able to talk, she called him something that sounded like bwovaboo. she called him that so often that for a long time he couldn't be sure that wasn't his real name. now, in manhood, he interpreted. "brother bruce, of course. linda was of course a sister." linda had been homely; even a small boy could notice that. besides, linda was nearly six when bruce had left for good; and he was then at an age in which impressions begin to be lasting. her hair was quite blond then, and her features rather irregular. but there had been a light in her eyes! by his word, there had been! she had been angry at him times in plenty--over some childish game--and he remembered how that light had grown and brightened. she had flung at him too, like a lynx springing from a tree. bruce paused in his reflections to wonder at himself over the simile--for lynx were no especial acquaintances of his. he knew them only through books, as he knew many other things that stirred his imagination. but he laughed at the memory of her sudden, explosive ferocity,--the way her hands had smacked against his cheeks, and her sharp little nails had scratched him. curiously, he had never fought back as is the usual thing between small boys and small girls. and it wasn't exactly chivalry either, rather just an inability to feel resentment. besides, there were always tears and repentance afterward, and certain pettings that he openly scorned and secretly loved. "i must have been a strange kid!" bruce thought. it was true he had; and nothing was stranger than this attitude toward baby sister. he was always so gentle with her, but at the same time he contemplated her with a sort of amused tolerance that is to be expected in strong men rather than solemn little boys. "little spitfire" he sometimes called her; but no one else could call her anything but linda. for bruce had been an able little fighter, even in those days. there was other evidence of strangeness. he was fond of drawing pictures. this was nothing in itself; many little boys are fond of drawing pictures. nor were his unusually good. their strangeness lay in his subjects. he liked to draw animals in particular,--the animals he read about in school and in such books as were brought to him. and sometimes he drew indians and cowboys. and one day--when he wasn't half watching what he was doing--he drew something quite different. perhaps he wouldn't have looked at it twice, if the teacher hadn't stepped up behind him and taken it out of his hands. it was "geography" then, not "drawing", and he should have been "paying attention." and he had every reason to think that the teacher would crumple up his picture and send him to the cloak-room for punishment. but she did no such thing. it was true that she seized the paper, and her fingers were all set to crumple it. but when her eyes glanced down, her fingers slowly straightened. then she looked again--carefully. "what is this, bruce?" she asked. "what have you been drawing?" curiously, she had quite forgotten to scold him for not paying attention. and bruce, who had drawn the picture with his thoughts far away from his pencil, had to look and see himself. then he couldn't be sure. "i--i don't know," the child answered. but the picture was even better than his more conscious drawings, and it did look like something. he looked again, and for an instant let his thoughts go wandering here and there. "those are trees," he said. a word caught at his throat and he blurted it out. "pines! pine trees, growing on a mountain." once translated, the picture could hardly be mistaken. there was a range of mountains in the background, and a distinct sky line plumed with pines,--those tall, dark trees that symbolize, above all other trees, the wilderness. "not bad for a six-year-old boy," the teacher commented. "but where, bruce, have you ever seen or heard of such pines?" but bruce did not know. another puzzling adventure that stuck in bruce's memory had happened only a few months after his arrival at the square house when a man had taken him home on trial with the idea of adoption. adoption, little bruce had gathered, was something like heaven,--a glorious and happy end of all trouble and unpleasantness. such was the idea he got from the talk of the other orphans, and even from the grown-ups who conducted the establishment. all the incidents and details of the excursion with this prospective parent were extremely dim and vague. he did not know to what city he went, nor had he any recollection whatever of the people he met there. but he did remember, with remarkable clearness, the perplexing talk that the man and the superintendent of the square house had together on his return. "he won't do," the stranger had said. "i tried him out and he won't fill in in my family. and i've fetched him back." the superintendent must have looked at the little curly-haired boy with considerable wonder; but he didn't ask questions. there was no particular need of them. the man was quite ready to talk, and the fact that a round-eyed child was listening to him with both ears open, did not deter him a particle. "i believe in being frank," the man said, "and i tell you there's something vicious in that boy's nature. it came out the very first moment he was in the house, when the missus was introducing him to my eight-year-old son. 'this is little turner,' she said--and this boy sprang right at him. i'd never let little turner learn to fight, and this boy was on top of him and was pounding him with his fists before we could pull him off. just like a wildcat--screaming and sobbing and trying to get at him again. i didn't understand it at all." nor did the superintendent understand; nor--in these later years--bruce either. he was quite a big boy, nearly ten, when he finally left the square house. and there was nothing flickering or dim about the memory of this occasion. a tall, exceedingly slender man sat beside the window,--a man well dressed but with hard lines about his mouth and hard eyes. yet the superintendent seemed particularly anxious to please him. "you will like this sturdy fellow," he said, as bruce was ushered in. the man's eyes traveled slowly from the child's curly head to his rapidly growing feet; but no gleam of interest came into the thin face. "i suppose he'll do--as good as any. it was the wife's idea, anyway, you know. what about parentage? anything decent at all?" the superintendent seemed to wait a long time before answering. little bruce, already full of secret conjectures as to his own parentage, thought that some key might be given him at last. "there is nothing that we can tell you, mr. duncan," he said at last. "a woman brought him here--with an infant girl--when he was about four. i suppose she was his mother--and she didn't wait to talk to me. the nurse said that she wore outlandish clothes and had plainly had a hard time." "but she didn't wait--?" "she dropped her children and fled." a cold little smile flickered at the man's lips. "it looks rather damnable," he said significantly. "but i'll take the little beggar--anyway." and thus bruce went to the cold fireside of the duncans--a house in a great and distant city where, in the years that had passed, many things scarcely worth remembering had transpired. it was a gentleman's house--as far as the meaning of the word usually goes--and bruce had been afforded a gentleman's education. there was also, for a while, a certain amount of rather doubtful prosperity, a woman who died after a few months of casual interest in him, and many, many hours of almost overwhelming loneliness. also there were many thoughts such as are not especially good for the spirits of growing boys. there is a certain code in all worlds that most men, sooner or later, find it wisest to adopt. it is simply the code of forgetfulness. the square house from whence bruce had come had been a good place to learn this code; and bruce--child though he was--had carried it with him to the duncans'. but there were two things he had been unable to forget. one was the words his foster father had spoken on accepting him,--words that at last he had come to understand. a normal child, adopted into a good home, would not have likely given a second thought to a dim and problematical disgrace in his unknown and departed family. he would have found his pride in the achievements and standing of his foster parents. but the trouble was that little bruce had not been adopted into any sort of home, good or bad. the place where the duncans lived was a house, but under no liberal interpretation of the word could it be called a home. there was nothing homelike in it to little bruce. it wasn't that there was actual cruelty to contend with. bruce had never known that. but there was utter indifference which perhaps is worse. and as always, the child filled up the empty space with dreams. he gave all the love and worship that was in him to his own family that he had pictured in imagination. thus any disgrace that had come upon them went home to him very straight indeed. the other lasting memory was of linda. she represented the one living creature in all his assemblage of phantoms--the one person with whom he could claim real kinship. never a wind blew, never the sun shone but that he missed her, with a terrible, aching longing for which no one has ever been able to find words. he had done a bold thing, after his first few years with the duncans. he planned it long and carried it out with infinite care as to details. he wrote to linda, in care of the superintendent of the orphanage. the answer only deepened the mystery. linda was missing. whether she had run away, or whether some one had come by in a closed car and carried her off as she played on the lawns, the superintendent could not tell. they had never been able to trace her. he had been fifteen then, a tall boy with rather unusual muscular development, and the girl was eleven. and in the year nineteen hundred and twenty, ten years after the reply to his letter, bruce had heard no word from her. a man grown, and his boyish dreams pushed back into the furthest deep recesses of his mind, where they could no longer turn his eyes away from facts, he had given up all hope of ever hearing from her again. "my little sister," he said softly to a memory. then bitterness--a whole black flood of it--would come upon him. "good lord, i don't even know that she _was_ my sister." but now he was going to find her and his heart was full of joy and eager anticipation. iii there had not been time to make inquiry as to the land bruce was going to. he only knew one thing,--that it was the wilderness. whether it was a wilderness of desert or of great forest, he did not know. nor had he the least idea what manner of adventure would be his after he reached the old woman's cabin; and he didn't care. the fact that he had no business plans for the future and no financial resources except a few hundred dollars that he carried in his pocket did not matter one way or another. he was willing to spend all the money he had; after it was gone, he would take up some work in life anew. he had a moment's wonder at the effect his departure would have upon the financial problem that had been his father's sole legacy to him. he laughed a little as he thought of it. perhaps a stronger man could have taken hold, could have erected some sort of a structure upon the ruins, and remained to conquer after all. but bruce had never been particularly adept at business. his temperament did not seem suited to it. but the idea that others also--having no business relations with his father--might be interested in this western journey of his did not even occur to him. he would not be missed at his athletic club. he had scarcely any real friends, and none of his acquaintances kept particularly close track of him. but the paths men take, seemingly with wholly different aims, crisscross and become intertwined much more than bruce knew. even as he lay in his berth, the first sweet drifting of sleep upon him, he was the subject of a discussion in a far-distant mountain home; and sleep would not have fallen so easily and sweetly if he had heard it. * * * * * it might have been a different world. only a glimpse of it, illumined by the moon, could be seen through the soiled and besmirched window pane; but that was enough to tell the story. there were no tall buildings, lighted by a thousand electric lights, such as bruce could see through the windows of his bedroom at night. the lights that could be discerned in this strange, dark sky were largely unfamiliar to bruce, because of the smoke-clouds that had always hung above the city where he lived. there were just stars, but there were so many of them that the mind was unable to comprehend their number. there is a perplexing variation in the appearance of these twinkling spheres. no man who has traveled widely can escape this fact. likely enough they are the same stars, but they put on different faces. they seem almost insignificant at times,--dull and dim and unreal. it is not this way with the stars that peer down through these high forests. men cannot walk beneath them and be unaware of them. they are incredibly large and bright and near, and the eyes naturally lift to them. there are nights in plenty, in the wild places, where they seem much more real than the dim, moonlit ridge or even the spark of a trapper's campfire, far away. they grow to be companions, too, in time. perhaps after many, many years in the wild a man even attains some understanding of them, learning their infinite beneficence, and finding in them rare comrades in loneliness, and beacons on the dim and intertwining trails. there was also a moon that cast a little square of light, like a fairy tapestry, on the floor. it was not such a moon as leers down red and strange through the smoke of cities. it was vivid and quite white,--the wilderness moon that times the hunting hours of the forest creatures. but the patch that it cast on the floor was obscured in a moment because the man who had been musing in the big chair beside the empty fireplace had risen and lighted a kerosene lamp. the light prevented any further scrutiny of the moon and stars. and what remained to look at was not nearly so pleasing to the spirit. it was a great, white-walled room that would have been beautiful had it not been for certain unfortunate attempts to beautify it. the walls, that should have been sweeping and clean, were adorned with gaudily framed pictures which in themselves were dim and drab from many summers' accumulation of dust. there was a stone fireplace, and certain massive, dust-covered chairs grouped about it. but the eyes never would have got to these. they would have been held and fascinated by the face and the form of the man who had just lighted the lamp. no one could look twice at that massive physique and question its might. he seemed almost gigantic in the yellow lamplight. in reality he stood six feet and almost three inches, and his frame was perfectly in proportion. he moved slowly, lazily, and the thought flashed to some great monster of the forest that could uproot a tree with a blow. the huge muscles rippled and moved under the flannel shirt. the vast hand looked as if it could seize the glass bowl of the lamp and crush it like an eggshell. the face was huge, big and gaunt of bone; and particularly one would notice the mouth. it would be noticed even before the dark, deep-sunken eyes. it was a bloodhound mouth, the mouth of a man of great and terrible passions, and there was an unmistakable measure of cruelty and savagely about it. but there was strength, too. no eye could doubt that. the jaw muscles looked as powerful as those of a beast of prey. but it was not an ugly face, for all the brutality of the features. it was even handsome in the hard, mountain way. one would notice straight, black hair--the man's age was about thirty-nine--long over rather dark ears, and a great, gnarled throat. the words when he spoke seemed to come from deep within it. "come in, dave," he said. in this little remark lay something of the man's power. the visitor had come unannounced. his visit had been unexpected. his host had not yet seen his face. yet the man knew, before the door was opened, who it was that had come. the reason went back to a certain quickening of the senses that is the peculiar right and property of most men who are really residents of the wilderness. and resident, in this case, does not mean merely one who builds his cabin on the slopes and lives there until he dies. it means a true relationship with the wild, an actual understanding. this man was the son of the wild as much as the wolves that ran in the packs. the wilderness is a fecund parent, producing an astounding variety of types. some are beautiful, many stronger than iron, but her parentage was never more evident than in the case of this bronze-skinned giant that called out through the open doorway. among certain other things he had acquired an ability to name and interpret quickly the little sounds of the wilderness night. soft though it was, he had heard the sound of approaching feet in the pine needles. as surely as he would have recognized the dark face of the man in the doorway, he recognized the sound as dave's step. the man came in, and at once an observer would have detected an air of deference in his attitude. very plainly he had come to see his chief. he was a year or two older than his host, less powerful of physique, and his eyes did not hold quite so straight. there was less savagery but more cunning in his sharp features. he blurted out his news at once. "old elmira has got word down to the settlements at last," he said. there was no muscular response in the larger man. dave was plainly disappointed. he wanted his news to cause a stir. it was true, however, that his host slowly raised his eyes. dave glanced away. "what do you mean?" the man demanded. "mean--i mean just what i said. we should have watched closer. bill--young bill, i mean--saw a city chap just in the act of going in to see her. he had come on to the plateaus with his guide--wegan was the man's name--and bill said he stayed a lot longer than he would have if he hadn't taken a message from her. then young bill made some inquiries--innocent as you please--and he found out for sure that this wegan was from--just the place we don't want him to be from. and he'll carry word sure." "how long ago was this?" "week ago tuesday." "and why have you been so long in telling me?" when dave's chief asked questions in this tone, answers always came quickly. they rolled so fast from the mouth that they blurred and ran together. "why, simon--you ain't been where i could see you. anyway, there was nothin' we could have done." "there wasn't, eh? i don't suppose you ever thought that there's yet two months before we can clinch this thing for good, and young folger might--i say might--have kicking about somewhere in his belongings the very document we've all of us been worrying about for twenty years." simon cursed--a single, fiery oath. "i don't suppose you could have arranged for this wegan to have had a hunting accident, could you? who in the devil would have thought that yelping old hen could have ever done it--would have ever kept at it long enough to reach anybody to carry her message! but as usual, we are yelling before we're hurt. it isn't worth a cussword. like as not, this wegan will never take the trouble to hunt him up. and if he does--well, it's nothing to worry about, either. there is one back door that has been opened many times to let his people go through, and it may easily be opened again." dave's eyes filled with admiration. then he turned and gazed out through the window. against the eastern sky, already wan and pale from the encroaching dawn, the long ridge of a mountain stood in vivid and startling silhouette. the edge of it was curiously jagged with many little upright points. there was only one person who would have been greatly amazed by that outline of the ridge; and the years and distance had obscured her long ago. this was a teacher at an orphanage in a distant city, who once had taken a crude drawing from the hands of a child. here was the original at last. it was the same ridge, covered with pines, that little bruce had drawn. iv the train came to a sliding halt at deer creek, paused an infinitesimal fraction of a second, and roared on in its ceaseless journey. that infinitesimal fraction was long enough for bruce, poised on the bottom step of a sleeping car, to swing down on to the gravel right-of-way. his bag, hurled by a sleepy porter, followed him. he turned first to watch the vanishing tail light, speeding so swiftly into the darkness; and curiously all at once it blinked out. but it was not that the switchmen were neglectful of their duties. in this certain portion of the cascades the railroad track is constructed something after the manner of a giant screw, coiling like a great serpent up the ridges, and the train had simply vanished around a curve. duncan's next impression was one of infinite solitude. he hadn't read any guidebooks about deer creek, and he had expected some sort of town. a western mining camp, perhaps, where the windows of a dance hall would gleam through the darkness; or one of those curious little mushroom-growth cities that are to be found all over the west. but at deer creek there was one little wooden structure with only three sides,--the opening facing the track. it was evidently the waiting room used by the mountain men as they waited for their local trains. there were no porters to carry his bag. there were no shouting officials. his only companions were the stars and the moon and, farther up the slope, certain tall trees that tapered to incredible points almost in the region where the stars began. the noise of the train died quickly. it vanished almost as soon as the dot of red that had been its tail light. it was true that he heard a faint pulsing far below him, a sound that was probably the chug of the steam, but it only made an effective background for the silence. it was scarcely more to be heard than the pulse of his own blood; and as he waited even this faded and died away. the moon cast his shadow on the yellow grass beside the crude station, and a curious flood of sensations--scarcely more tangible than its silver light--came over him. the moment had a quality of enchantment; and why he did not know. his throat suddenly filled, a curious weight and pain came to his eyelids, a quiver stole over his nerves. he stood silent with lifted face,--a strange figure in that mystery of moonlight. the whole scene, for causes deeper than any words may ever seek and reveal, moved him past any experience in his life. it was wholly new. when he had gone to sleep in his berth, earlier that same night, the train had been passing through a level, fertile valley that might have been one of the river bottoms beyond the mississippi. when darkness had come down he had been in a great city in the northern part of the state,--a noisy, busy place that was not greatly different from the city whence he had come. but now he seemed in a different world. possibly, in the long journey to the west, he had passed through forest before. but some way their appeal had not got to him. he was behind closed windows, his thoughts had been busy with reading and other occupations of travel. there had been no shading off, no gradations; he had come straight from a great seat of civilization to the heart of the wilderness. he turned about until the wind was in his face. it was full of fragrances,--strange, indescribable smells that seemed to call up a forgotten world. they carried a message to him, but as yet he hadn't made out its meaning. he only knew it was something mysterious and profound: great truths that flickered, like dim lights, in his consciousness, but whose outline he could not quite discern. they went straight home to him, those night smells from the forest. one of them was a balsam: a fragrance that once experienced lingers ever in the memory and calls men back to it in the end. those who die in its fragrance, just as those who go to sleep, feel sure of having pleasant dreams. there were other smells too--delicate perfumes from mountain flowers that were deep-hidden in the grass--and many others, the nature of which he could not even guess. perhaps there were sounds, but they only seemed part of the silence. the faintest rustle in the world reached him from the forests above of many little winds playing a running game between the trunks, and the stir of the little people, moving in their midnight occupations. each of these sounds had its message for bruce. they all seemed to be trying to tell him something, to make clear some great truth that was dawning in his consciousness. he was not in the least afraid. he felt at peace as never before. he picked up his bag, and with stealing steps approached the long slope behind. the moon showed him a fallen log, and he found a comfortable seat on the ground beside it, his back against its bark. then he waited for the dawn to come out. not even bruce knew or understood all the thoughts that came over him in that lonely wait. but he did have a peculiar sense of expectation, a realization that the coming of the dawn would bring him a message clearer than all these messages of fragrance and sound. the moon made wide silver patches between the distant trees; but as yet the forest had not opened its secrets to him. as yet it was but a mystery, a profundity of shadows and enchantment that he did not understand. the night hours passed. the sense of peace seemed to deepen on the man. he sat relaxed, his brown face grave, his eyes lifted. the stars began to dim and draw back farther into the recesses of the sky. the round outline of the moon seemed less pronounced. and a faint ribbon of light began to grow in the east. it widened. the light grew. the night wind played one more little game between the tree trunks and slipped away to the home of winds that lies somewhere above the mountains. the little night sounds were slowly stilled. bruce closed his eyes, not knowing why. his blood was leaping in his veins. an unfamiliar excitement, almost an exultation, had come upon him. he lowered his head nearly to his hands that rested in his lap, then waited a full five minutes more. then he opened his eyes. the light had grown around him. his hands were quite plain. slowly, as a man raises his eyes to a miracle, he lifted his face. the forest was no longer obscured in darkness. the great trees had emerged, and only the dusk as of twilight was left between. he saw them plainly,--their symmetrical forms, their declining limbs, their tall tops piercing the sky. he saw them as they were,--those ancient, eternal symbols and watchmen of the wilderness. and he knew them at last, acquaintances long forgotten but remembered now. "the pines!" he cried. he leaped to his feet with flashing eyes. "i have come back to the pines!" v the dawn revealed a narrow road along the bank of deer creek,--a brown little wanderer which, winding here and there, did not seem to know exactly where it wished to go. it seemed to follow the general direction of the creek bed; it seemed to be a prying, restless little highway, curious about things in general as the wild creatures that sometimes made tracks in its dust, thrusting now into a heavy thicket, now crossing the creek to examine a green and grassy bank on the opposite side, now taking an adventurous tramp about the shoulder of a hill, circling back for a drink in the creek and hurrying on again. it made singular loops; it darted off at a right and left oblique; it made sudden spurts and turns seemingly without reason or sense, and at last it dimmed away into the fading mists of early morning. bruce didn't know which direction to take, whether up or down the creek. he gave the problem a moment's thought. "take the road up the divide," barney wegan had said; and at once bruce knew that the course lay up the creek, rather than down. a divide means simply the high places between one water-shed and another, and of course trail's end lay somewhere beyond the source of the stream. the creek itself was apparently a sub-tributary of the rogue, the great river to the south. there was something pleasing to his spirit in the sight of the little stream, tumbling and rippling down its rocky bed. he had no vivid memories of seeing many waterways. the river that flowed through the city whence he had come had not been like this at all. it had been a great, slow-moving sheet of water, the banks of which were lined with factories and warehouses. the only lining of the banks of this little stream were white-barked trees, lovely groves with leaves of glossy green. it was a cheery, eager little waterway, and more than once--as he went around a curve in the road--it afforded him glimpses of really striking beauty. sometimes it was just a shimmer of its waters beneath low-hanging bushes, sometimes a distant cataract, and once or twice a long, still place on which the shadows were still deep. these sloughs were obviously the result of dams, and at first he could not understand what had been the purpose of dam-building in this lonely region. there seemed to be no factories needing water power, no slow-moving mill wheels. he left the road to investigate. and he chuckled with delight when he knew the truth. these dams had not been the work of men at all. rather they were structures laid down by those curious little civil engineers, the beavers. the cottonwood trees had been felled so that the thick branches had lain across the waters, and in their own secret ways the limbs had been matted and caked until no water could pass through. true, the beavers themselves did not emerge for him to converse with. perhaps they were busy at their under-water occupations, and possibly the trappers who sooner or later penetrate every wilderness had taken them all away. he looked along the bank for further evidence of the beavers' work. wonderful as the dams were, he found plenty of evidence that the beavers had not always used to advantage the crafty little brains that nature has given them. they had made plenty of mistakes. but these very blunders gave bruce enough delight almost to pay for the extra work they had occasioned. after all, he considered, human beings in their works are often just as short-sighted. for instance, he found tall trees lying rotting and out of reach, many feet back from the stream. the beavers had evidently felled them in high water, forgetting that the stream dwindled in summer and the trees would be of no use to them. they had been an industrious colony! he found short poles of cottonwood sharpened at the end, as if the little fur bearers had intended them for braces, but which--through some wilderness tragedy--had never been utilized. but bruce was in a mood to be delighted, these early morning hours. he was on the way to linda; a dream was about to come true. the whole adventure was of the most thrilling and joyous anticipations. he did not feel the load of his heavy suitcase. it was nothing to his magnificent young strength. and all at once he beheld an amazing change in the appearance of the stream. it had abruptly changed to a stream of melted, shimmering silver. the waters broke on the rocks with opalescent spray; the whole coloring was suggestive of the vivid tints of a turner landscape. the waters gleamed; they danced and sparkled as they sped about the boulders of the river bed; the leaves shimmered above them. and it was all because the sun had risen at last above the mountain range and was shining down. at first bruce could hardly believe that just sunlight could effect such a transformation. for no other reason than that he couldn't resist doing so, he left his bag on the road and crept down to the water's edge. he stood very still. it seemed to him that some one had told him, far away and long ago, that if he wished to see miracles he had only to stand very still. not to move a muscle, so that his vivid shadow would not even waver. it is a trait possessed by all men of the wilderness, but it takes time for city men to learn it. he waited a long time. and all at once the shining surface of a deep pool below him broke with a fountain of glittering spray. something that was like light itself flung into the air and down again with a splash. bruce shouted then. he simply couldn't help it. and all the time there was a strange straining and travail in his brain, as if it were trying to give birth to a memory from long ago. he knew now what had made that glittering arc. such a common thing,--it was singular that it should yield him such delight. it was a trout, leaping for an insect that had fallen on the waters. it was strange that he had such a sense of familiarity with trout. true, he had heard barney wegan tell of them. he had listened to many tales of the way they seized a fly, how the reel would spin, and how they would fight to absolute exhaustion before they would yield to the landing net. "the king among fish," barney had called them. yet the tales seemingly had meant little to him then. his interest in them had been superficial only; and they had seemed as distant and remote as the marsupials of australia. but it wasn't this way now. he had a sense of long and close acquaintance, of an interest such as men have in their own townsmen. he went on, and the forest world opened before him. once a flock of grouse--a hen and a dozen half-grown chickens--scurried away through the underbrush at the sound of his step. one instant, and he had a clear view of the entire covey. the next, and they had vanished like so many puffs of smoke. he had a delicious game of hide-and-seek with them through the coverts, but he was out-classed in every particular. he knew that the birds were all within forty feet of him, each of them pressed flat to the brown earth, but in this maze of light and shadow he could not detect their outline. nature has been kind to the grouse family in the way of protective coloration. he had to give up the search and continue up the creek for further adventure. once a pair of mallards winged by on a straight course above his head. their sudden appearance rather surprised him. these beautiful game birds are usually habitants of the lower lakes and marshes, not rippling mountain streams. he didn't know that a certain number of these winged people nested every year along the rogue river, far below, and made rapturous excursions up and down its tributaries. mallards do not have to have aëroplanes to cover distance quickly. they are the very masters of the aërial lanes, and in all probability this pair had come forty miles already that morning. where they would be at dark no man could guess. their wings whistled down to him, and it seemed to him that the drake stretched down his bright green head for a better look. then he spurted ahead, faster than ever. once, at a distance, bruce caught a glimpse of a pair of peculiar, little, sawed-off, plump-breasted ducks that wagged their tails, as if in signals, in a still place above a dam. he made a wide circle, intending to wheel back to the creekside for a closer inspection of the singular flirtation of those bobbing, fan-like tails. he rather thought he could outwit these little people, at least. but when he turned back to the water's edge they were nowhere to be seen. if he had had more experience with the creatures of the wild he could have explained this mysterious disappearance. these little ducks--"ruddies" the sportsmen call them--have advantages other than an extra joint in their tails. one of them seems to be a total and unprincipled indifference to the available supply of oxygen. when they wish to go out of sight they simply duck beneath the water and stay apparently as long as they desire. of course they have to come up some time--but usually it is just the tip of a bill--like the top of a river-bottom weed, thrust above the surface. bruce gaped in amazement, but he chuckled again when he discovered his birds farther up the creek, just as far distant from him as ever. the sun rose higher, and he began to feel its power. but it was a kindly heat. the temperature was much higher than was commonly met in the summers of the city, but there was little moisture in the air to make it oppressive. the sweat came out on his bronze face, but he never felt better in his life. there was but one great need, and that was breakfast. a man of his physique feels hunger quickly. the sensation increased in intensity, and the suitcase grew correspondingly heavy. and all at once he stopped short in the road. the impulse along his nerves to his leg muscles was checked, like an electric current at the closing of a switch, and an instinct of unknown origin struggled for expression within him. in an instant he had it. he didn't know whence it came. it was nothing he had read or that any one had told him. it seemed to be rather the result of some experience in his own immediate life, an occurrence of so long ago that he had forgotten it. he suddenly knew where he could find his breakfast. there was no need of toiling farther on an empty stomach in this verdant season of the year. he set his suitcase down, and with the confidence of a man who hears the dinner call in his own home, he struck off into the thickets beside the creek bed. instinct--and really, after all, instinct is nothing but memory--led his steps true. he glanced here and there, not even wondering at the singular fact that he did not know exactly what manner of food he was seeking. in a moment he came to a growth of thorn-covered bushes, a thicket that only the she-bear knew how to penetrate. but it was enough for bruce just to stand at its edges. the bushes were bent down with a load of delicious berries. he wasn't in the least surprised. he had known that he would find them. always, at this season of the year, the woods were rich with them; one only had to slip quickly through the back door--while the mother's eye was elsewhere--to find enough of them not only to pack the stomach full but to stain and discolor most of the face. it seemed a familiar thing to be plucking the juicy berries and cramming them into his mouth, impervious as the old she-bear to the remonstrance of the thorns. but it seemed to him that he reached them easier than he expected. either the bushes were not so tall as he remembered them, or--since his first knowledge of them--his own stature had increased. when he had eaten the last berry he could possibly hold, he went to the creek to drink. he lay down beside a still pool, and the water was cold to his lips. then he rose at the sound of an approaching motor car behind him. the driver--evidently a cattleman--stopped his car and looked at bruce with some curiosity. he marked the perfectly fitting suit of dark flannel, the trim, expensive shoes that were already dust-stained, the silken shirt on which a juicy berry had been crushed. "howdy," the man said after the western fashion. he was evidently simply feeling companionable and was looking for a moment's chat. it is a desire that often becomes very urgent and most real after enough lonely days in the wilderness. "how do you do," bruce replied. "how far to martin's store?" the man filled his pipe with great care before he answered. "jump in the car," he replied at last, "and i'll show you. i'm going up that way myself." vi martin's was a typical little mountain store, containing a small sample of almost everything under the sun and built at the forks in the road. the ranchman let bruce off at the store; then turned up the right-hand road that led to certain bunch-grass lands to the east. bruce entered slowly, and the little group of loungers gazed at him with frank curiosity. only one of them was of a type sufficiently distinguished so that bruce's own curiosity was aroused. this was a huge, dark man who stood alone almost at the rear of the building,--a veritable giant with savage, bloodhound lips and deep-sunken eyes. there was a quality in his posture that attracted bruce's attention at once. no one could look at him and doubt that he was a power in these mountain realms. he seemed perfectly secure in his great strength and wholly cognizant of the hate and fear, and at the same time, the strange sort of admiration with which the others regarded him. he was dressed much as the other mountain men who had assembled in the store. he wore a flannel shirt over his gorilla chest, and corduroy trousers stuffed into high, many-seamed riding boots. a dark felt hat was crushed on to his huge head. but there was an aloofness about the man; and bruce realized at once he had taken no part in the friendly gossip that had been interrupted by his entrance. the dark eyes were full upon bruce's face. he felt them--just as if they had the power of actual physical impact--the instant that he was inside the door. nor was it the ordinary look of careless speculation or friendly interest. mountain men have not been taught it is not good manners to stare, but no traveler who falls swiftly into the spirit of the forest ordinarily resents their open inspection. but this look was different. it was such that no man, to whom self-respect is dear, could possibly disregard. it spoke clearly as words. bruce flushed, and his blood made a curious little leap. he slowly turned. his gaze moved until it rested full upon the man's eyes. it seemed to bruce that the room grew instantly quiet. the merchant no longer tied up his bundles at the counter. the watching mountain men that he beheld out of the corners of his eyes all seemed to be standing in peculiar fixed attitudes, waiting for some sort of explosion. it took all of bruce's strength to hold that gaze. the moment was charged with a mysterious suspense. the stranger's face changed too. he did not flush, however. his lips curled ever so slightly, revealing an instant's glimpse of strong, rather well-kept teeth. his eyes were narrowing too; and they seemed to come to life with singular sparkles and glowings between the lids. "well?" he suddenly demanded. every man in the room--except one--started. the one exception was bruce himself. he was holding hard on his nerve control, and he only continued to stare coldly. "are you the merchant?" bruce asked. "no, i ain't," the other replied. "you usually look for the merchant behind the counter." there was no smile on the faces of the waiting mountain men, usually to be expected when one of their number achieves repartee on a tenderfoot. nevertheless, the tension was broken. bruce turned to the merchant. "i would like to have you tell me," he said quite clearly, "the way to mrs. ross's cabin." the merchant seemed to wait a long time before replying. his eye stole to the giant's face, found the lips curled in a smile; then he flushed. "take the left-hand road," he said with a trace of defiance in his tone. "it soon becomes a trail, but keep right on going up it. at the fork in the trail you'll find her cabin." "how far is it, please?" "two hours' walk; you can make it easy by four o'clock." "thank you." his eyes glanced over the stock of goods and he selected a few edibles to give him strength for the walk. "i'll leave my suitcase here if i may," he said, "and will call for it later." he turned to go. "wait just a minute," a voice spoke behind him. it was a commanding tone--implying the expectation of obedience. bruce half turned. "simon wants to talk to you," the merchant explained. "i'll walk with you a way and show you the road," simon continued. the room seemed deathly quiet as the two men went out together. they walked side by side until a turn of the road took them out of eye-range of the store. "this is the road," simon said. "all you have to do is follow it. cabins are not so many that you could mistake it. but the main thing is--whether or not you want to go." bruce had no misunderstanding about the man's meaning. it was simply a threat, nothing more nor less. "i've come a long way to go to that cabin," he replied. "i'm not likely to turn off now." "there's nothing worth seeing when you get there. just an old hag--a wrinkled old dame that looks like a witch." bruce felt a deep and little understood resentment at the words. yet since he had as yet established no relations with the woman, he had no grounds for silencing the man. "i'll have to decide that," he replied. "i'm going to see some one else, too." "some one named--linda?" "yes. you seem quite interested." they were standing face to face in the trail. for once bruce was glad of his unusual height. he did not have to raise his eyes greatly to look squarely into simon's. both faces were flushed, both set; and the eyes of the older man brightened slowly. "i am interested," simon replied. "you're a tenderfoot. you're fresh from cities. you're going up there to learn things that won't be any pleasure to you. you're going into the real mountains--a man's land such as never was a place for tenderfeet. a good many things can happen up there. a good many things have happened up there. i warn you--go back!" bruce smiled, just the faint flicker of a smile, but simon's eyes narrowed when he saw it. the dark face lost a little of its insolence. he knew men, this huge son of the wilderness, and he knew that no coward could smile in such a moment as this. he was accustomed to implicit obedience and was not used to seeing men smile when he uttered a threat. "i've come too far to go back," bruce told him. "nothing can turn me." "men have been turned before, on trails like this," simon told him. "don't misunderstand me. i advised you to go back before, and i usually don't take time or trouble to advise any one. now i _tell_ you to go back. this is a man's land, and we don't want any tenderfeet here." "the trail is open," bruce returned. it was not his usual manner to speak in quite this way. he seemed at once to have fallen into the vernacular of the wilderness of which symbolic reference has such a part. strange as the scene was to him, it was in some way familiar too. it was as if this meeting had been ordained long ago; that it was part of an inexorable destiny that the two should be talking together, face to face, on this winding mountain road. memories--all vague, all unrecognized--thronged through him. many times, during the past years, he had wakened from curious dreams that in the light of day he had tried in vain to interpret. he was never able to connect them with any remembered experience. now it was as if one of these dreams were coming true. there was the same silence about him, the dark forests beyond, the ridges stretching ever. there was some great foe that might any instant overwhelm him. "i guess you heard me," simon said; "i told you to go back." "and i hope you heard me too. i'm going on. i haven't any more time to give you." "and i'm not going to take any more, either. but let me make one thing plain. no man, told to go back by me, ever has a chance to be told again. this ain't your cities--up here. there ain't any policeman on every corner. the woods are big, and all kinds of things can happen in them--and be swallowed up--as i swallow these leaves in my hand." his great arm reached out with incredible power and seized a handful of leaves off a near-by shrub. it seemed to bruce that they crushed like fruit and stained the dark skin. "what is done up here isn't put in the newspapers down below. we're mountain men; we've lived up here as long as men have lived in the west. we have our own way of doing things, and our own law. think once more about going back." "i've already decided. i'm going on." once more they stood, eyes meeting eyes on the trail, and simon's face was darkening with passion. bruce knew that his hands were clenching, and his own muscles bunched and made ready to resist any kind of attack. but simon didn't strike. he laughed instead,--a single deep note of utter and depthless scorn. then he drew back and let bruce pass on up the road. vii bruce couldn't mistake the cabin. at the end of the trail he found it,--a little shack of unpainted boards with a single door and a single window. he stood a moment in the sunlight. his shadow was already long behind him, and the mountains had that curious deep blue of late afternoon. the pine needles were soft under his feet; the later-afternoon silence was over the land. he could not guess what was his destiny behind that rude door. it was a moment long waited; for one of the few times in his life he was trembling with excitement. he felt as if a key, long lost, was turning in the doorway of understanding. he walked nearer and tapped with his knuckles on the door. if the forests have one all-pervading quality it is silence. of course the most silent time is at night, but just before sunset, when most of the forest creatures are in their mid-afternoon sleep, any noise is a rare thing. what sound there is carries far and seems rather out of place. bruce could picture the whole of the little drama that followed his knock by just the faint sounds--inaudible in a less silent land--that reached him from behind the door. at first it was just a start; then a short exclamation in the hollow, half-whispering voice of old, old age. a moment more of silence--as if a slow-moving, aged brain were trying to conjecture who stood outside--then the creaking of a chair as some one rose. the last sounds were of a strange hobbling toward him,--a rustle of shoes half dragged on the floor and the intermittent tapping of a cane. the face that showed so dimly in the shadowed room looked just as bruce had expected,--wrinkled past belief, lean and hawk-nosed from age. the hand that rested on the cane was like a bird's claw, the skin blue and hard and dry. there were a few strands of hair drawn back over her lean head, but all its color had faded out long ago. she stood bowed over her cane. yet in that first instant bruce had an inexplicable impression of being in the presence of a power. he did not have the wave of pity with which one usually greets the decrepit. and at first he didn't know why. but soon he grew accustomed to the shadows and he could see the woman's eyes. then he understood. they were set deep behind grizzled brows, but they glowed like coals. there was no other word. they were not the eyes of one whom time is about to conquer. her bodily strength was gone; any personal beauty that she might have had was ashes long and long ago, but some great fire burned in her yet. as far as bodily appearance went the grave should have claimed her long since; but a dauntless spirit had sustained her. for, as all men know, the power of the spirit has never yet been measured. she blinked in the light. "who is it?" she croaked. bruce did not answer. he had not prepared a reply for this question. but it was not needed. the woman leaned forward, and a vivid light began to dawn in her dark, furrowed face. even to bruce, already succumbed to this atmosphere of mystery into which his adventure had led him, that dawning light was the single most startling phenomenon he had ever beheld. it is very easy to imagine a radiance upon the face. but in reality, most all facial expression is simply a change in the contour of lines. but this was not a case of imagination now. the witchlike face seemed to gleam with a white flame. and bruce knew that his coming was the answer to the prayer of a whole lifetime. it was a thought to sober him. no small passion, no weak desire, no prayer that time or despair could silence could effect such a light as this. "bruce," he said simply. it did not even occur to him to use the surname of duncan. it was a name of a time and sphere already forgotten. "i don't know what my real last name is." "bruce--bruce," the woman whispered. she stretched a palsied hand to him as if it would feel his flesh to reassure her of its reality. the wild light in her eyes pierced him, burning like chemical rays, and a great flood of feeling yet unknown and unrecognized swept over him. he saw her snags of teeth as her dry lips half-opened. he saw the exultation in her wrinkled, lifted face. "oh, praises to his everlasting name!" she cried. "oh, glory--glory to on high!" and this was not blasphemy. the words came from the heart. no matter how terrible the passion from which they sprang, whether it was such evil as would cast her to hell, such a cry as this could not go unheard. the strength seemed to go out of her as water flows. she rocked on her cane, and bruce, thinking she was about to fall, seized her shoulders. "at last--at last," she cried. "you've come at last." she gripped herself, as if trying to find renewed strength. "go at once," she said, "to the end of the pine-needle trail. it leads from behind the cabin." he tried to emerge from the dreamlike mists that had enveloped him. "how far is it?" he asked her steadily. "to the end of pine-needle trail," she rocked again, clutched for one of his brown hands, and pressed it between hers. then she raised it to her dry lips. bruce could not keep her from it. and after an instant more he did not attempt to draw it from her embrace. in the darkness of that mountain cabin, in the shadow of the eternal pines, he knew that some great drama of human life and love and hatred was behind the action; and he knew with a knowledge unimpeachable that it would be only insolence for him to try further to resist it. its meaning went too deep for him to see; but it filled him with a great and wondering awe. then he turned away, up the pine-needle trail. clear until the deeper forest closed around him her voice still followed him,--a strange croaking in the afternoon silence. "at last," he heard her crying. "at last, at last." viii in almost a moment, duncan was out of the thickets and into the big timber, for really the first time. in his journey up the mountain road and on the trail that led to the old woman's cabin, he had been many times in the shade of the tall evergreens, but always there had been some little intrusion of civilization, some hint of the works of man that had kept him from the full sense of the majesty of the wild. at first it had been the gleaming railroad tracks, and then a road that had been built with blasting and shovels. to get the full effect of the forest one must be able to behold wide-stretching vistas, and that had been impossible heretofore because of the brush thickets. but this was the virgin forest. as far as he could see there was nothing but the great pines climbing up the long slope of the ridge. he caught glimpses of them in the vales at either side, and their dark tops made a curious background at the very extremity of his vision. they stood straight and aloof, and they were very old. he fell into their spirit at once. the half-understood emotions that had flooded him in the cabin below died within him. the great calm that is, after all, the all-pervading quality of the big pines came over him. it is always this way. a man knows solitude, his thoughts come clear, superficialities are left behind in the lands of men. bruce was rather tremulous and exultant as he crept softly up the trail. it was the last lap of his journey. at the end of the trail he would find--linda! and it seemed quite fitting that she would be waiting there, where the trail began, in the wildest heart of the pine woods. he was quite himself once more,--carefree, delighting in all the little manifestations of the wild life that began to stir about him. no experience of his existence had ever yielded the same pleasure as that long walk up the trail. every curve about the shoulder of a hill, every still glen into which he dipped, every ridge that he surmounted wakened curious memories within him and stirred him in little secret ways under the skin. his delight grew upon him. it was a dream coming true. always, it seemed to him, he had carried in his mind a picture of this very land, a sort of dream place that was a reality at last. he had known just how it would be. the wind made the same noise in the tree tops that he expected. yet it was such a little sound that it could never be heard in a city at all. his senses had already been sharpened by the silence and the calm. he had always known how the pine shadows would fall across the carpet of needles. the trees themselves were the same grave companions that he had expected, but his delight was all the more because of his expectations. he began to catch glimpses of the smaller forest creatures,--the little people that are such a delight to all real lovers of the wilderness. sometimes it was a chipmunk, trusting to his striped skin--blending perfectly with the light and shadow--to keep him out of sight. these are quivering, restless, ever-frightened little folk, and heaven alone knows what damage they may do to the roots of a tree. but bruce wasn't in the mood to think of forest conservation to-day. he had left a number of his notions in the city where he had acquired them,--and this little, bright-eyed rodent in the tree roots had almost the same right to the forests that he had himself. before, he had a measure of the same arrogance with which most men--realizing the dominance of their breed--regard the lesser people of the wild; but something of a disastrous nature had happened to it. he spoke gayly to the chipmunk and passed on. as the trail climbed higher, the sense of wilderness became more pronounced. even the trees seemed larger and more majestic, and the glimpses of the wild people were more frequent. the birds stopped their rattle-brained conversation and stared at him with frank curiosity. the grouse let him get closer before they took to cover. of course the bird life was not nearly so varied as in the pretty groves of the middle west. most birds are gentle people, requiring an easy and pleasant environment, and these stern, stark mountains were no place for them. only the hardier creatures could flourish here. their songs would have been out of place in the great silences and solemnity of the evergreen forest. this was no land for weaklings. bruce knew that as well as he knew that his legs were under him. the few birds he saw were mostly of the hardier varieties,--hale-fellows-well-met and cheerful members of the lower strata in bird society. "good old roughnecks," he said to them, with an intuitive understanding. that was just the name for them,--a word that is just beginning to appear in dictionaries. they were rough in manner and rough in speech, and they pretended to be rougher than they were. yet bruce liked them. he exulted in the easy freedom of their ways. creatures have to be rough to exist in and love such wilderness as this. life gets down to a matter of cold metal,--some brass but mostly iron! he rather imagined that they could be fairly capable thieves if occasion arose, making off with the edibles he had bought without a twitch of a feather. they squawked and scolded at him, after their curiosity was satisfied. they said the most shocking things they could think of and seemed to rejoice in it. he didn't know their breeds, yet he felt that they were old friends. they were rather large birds, mostly of the families of jays and magpies. the hours passed. the trail grew dimmer. now it was just a brown serpent in the pine needles, coiling this way and that,--but he loved every foot of it. it dipped down to a little stream, of which the blasting sun of summer had made only a succession of shallow pools. yet the water was cold to his lips. and he knew that little brook trout--waiting until the fall rains should make a torrent of their tiny stream and thus deliver them--were gazing at him while he drank. the trail followed the creek a distance, and at last he found the spring that was its source. it was only a small spring, lost in a bed of deep, green ferns. he sat down to rest and to eat part of his lunch. the little wind had died, leaving a profound silence. by a queer pounding of his blood bruce knew that he was in the high altitudes. he had already come six miles from the cabin. the hour was about six-thirty; in two hours more it would be too dark to make his way at all. he examined the mud about the spring, and there was plenty of evidence that the forest creatures had passed that way. here was a little triangle where a buck had stepped, and farther away he found two pairs of deer tracks,--evidently those of a doe with fawn. a wolf had stopped to cool his heated tongue in the waters, possibly in the middle of some terrible hunt in the twilight hours. there was a curious round track, as if of a giant cat, a little way distant in the brown earth. it told a story plainly. a cougar--one of those great felines that is perhaps better called puma--had had an ambush there a few nights before. bruce wondered what wilderness tragedy had transpired when the deer came to drink. then he found another huge abrasion in the mud that puzzled him still more. at first he couldn't believe that it was a track. the reason was simply that the size of the thing was incredible,--as if some one had laid a flour sack in the mud and taken it up again. he did not think of any of the modern-day forest creatures as being of such proportions. it was very stale and had been almost obliterated by many days of sun. perhaps he had been mistaken in thinking it an imprint of a living creature. he went to his knees to examine it. but in one instant he knew that he had not been mistaken. it was a track not greatly different from that of an enormous human foot; and the separate toes were entirely distinct. it was a bear track, of course, but one of such size that the general run of little black bears that inhabited the hills could almost use it for a den of hibernation! his thought went back to his talk with barney wegan; and he remembered that the man had spoken of a great, last grizzly that the mountaineers had named "the killer." no other animal but the great grizzly bear himself could have made such a track as this. bruce wondered if the beast had yet been killed. he got up and went on,--farther toward trail's end. he walked more swiftly now, for he hoped to reach the end of pine-needle trail before nightfall, but he had no intention of halting in case night came upon him before he reached it. he had waited too long already to find linda. the land seemed ever more familiar. a high peak thrust a white head above a distant ridge, and it appealed to him almost like the face of an old friend. sometime--long and long ago--he had gazed often at a white peak of a mountain thrust above a pine-covered ridge. another hour ended the day's sunlight. the shadows fell quickly, but it was a long time yet until darkness. he yet might make the trail-end. he gave no thought to fatigue. in the first place, he had stood up remarkably well under the day's tramp for no other reason than that he had always made a point of keeping in the best of physical condition. besides, there was something more potent than mere physical strength to sustain him now. it was the realization of the nearing end of the trail,--a knowledge of tremendous revelations that would come to him in a few hours more. already great truths were taking shape in his brain; he only needed a single sentence of explanation to connect them all together. he began to feel a growing excitement and impatience. for the first time he began to notice a strange breathlessness in the air. he paused, just for an instant, his face lifted to the wind. he did not realize that all his senses were at razor edge, trying to interpret the messages that the wind brought. he felt that the forest was wakening. a new stir and impulse had come in the growing shadows. all at once he understood. it was the hunting hour. yet even this seemed familiar. always, it seemed to him, he had known this same strange thrill at the fall of darkness, the same sense of deepening mystery. the jays no longer gossiped in the shrubs. they had been silenced by the same awe that had come over bruce. and now the man began to discern, here and there through the forest, queer rustlings of the foliage that meant the passing through of some of the great beasts of prey. once two deer flashed by him,--just a streak that vanished quickly. the dusk deepened. the further trees were dimming. the sky turned green, then gray. the distant mountains were enfolded in gloom. bruce headed on--faster, up the trail. the heaviness in his limbs had changed to an actual ache, but he gave no thought to it. he was enthralled by the change that was on the forest,--a whipping-back of a thousand-thousand years to a young and savage world. there was the sense of vast and tragic events all in keeping with the gathering gloom of the forest. he was awed and mystified as never before. it was quite dark now, and he could barely see the trail. for the first time he began to despair, feeling that another night of overpowering impatience must be spent before he could reach trail's end. the stars began to push through the darkening sky. then, fainter than the gleam of a firefly, he saw the faint light of a far distant camp fire. his heart bounded. he knew what was there. it was the end of the trail at last. and it guided him the rest of the way. when he reached the top of a little rise in the trail, the whole scene was laid out in mystery below him. the fire had been built at the door of a mountain house,--a log structure of perhaps four rooms. the firelight played in its open doorway. something beside it caught his attention, and instinctively he followed it with his eyes until it ended in an incredible region of the stars. it was a great pine tree, the largest he had ever seen,--seemingly a great sentinel over all the land. but the sudden awe that came over him at the sight of it was cut short by the sight of a girl's figure in the firelight. he had an instant's sense that he had come to the wilderness's heart at last, that this tall tree was its symbol, that if he could understand the eternal watch that it kept over this mountain world, he would have an understanding of all things,--but all these thoughts were submerged in the realization that he had come back to linda at last. he had known how the mountains would seem. all that he had beheld to-day was just the recurrence of things beheld long ago. nothing had seemed different from what he had expected; rather he had a sense that a lost world had been returned to him, and it was almost as if he had never been away. but the girl in the firelight did not answer in the least degree the picture he had carried of linda. he remembered her as a blond-headed little girl with irregular features and a rather unreasonable allowance of homeliness. all the way he had thought of her as a baby sister,--not as a woman in her flower. for a long second he gazed at her in speechless amazement. her hair was no longer blond. time, it had peculiar red lights when the firelight shone through it; but he knew that by the light of day it would be deep brown. he remembered her as an awkward little thing that was hardly able to keep her feet under her. this tall girl had the wilderness grace,--which is the grace of a deer and only blind eyes cannot see it. he dimly knew that she wore a khaki-colored skirt and a simple blouse of white tied with a blue scarf. her arms were bare in the fire's gleam. and there was a dark beauty about her face that simply could not be denied. she came toward him, and her hands were open before her. and her lips trembled. bruce could see them in the firelight. it was a strange meeting. the firelight gave it a tone of unreality, and the whole forest world seemed to pause in its whispered business as if to watch. it was as if they had been brought face to face by the mandates of an inexorable destiny. "so you've come," the girl said. the words were spoken unusually soft, scarcely above a whisper; but they were inexpressibly vivid to bruce. in his lifetime he had heard many words that were just so many lifeless selections from a dictionary,--flat utterances with no overtones to give them vitality. he had heard voices in plenty that were merely the mechanical result of the vibration of vocal cords. but these words--not for their meaning but because of the quality of the voice that had spoken them--really lived. they told first of a boundless relief and joy at his coming. but more than that, in these deep vibrant tones was the expression of an unquenchable life and spirit. every fiber of her body lived in the fullest sense; he knew this fact the instant that she spoke. she smiled at him, ever so quietly. "bwovaboo," she said, recalling the name by which she called him in her babyhood, "you've come to linda." ix as the fire burned down to coals and the stars wheeled through the sky, linda told her story. the two of them were seated in the soft grass in front of the cabin, and the moonlight was on linda's face as she talked. she talked very low at first. indeed there was no need for loud tones. the whole wilderness world was heavy with silence, and a whisper carried far. besides, bruce was just beside her, watching her with narrowed eyes, forgetful of everything except her story. it was a perfect background for the savage tale that she had to tell. the long shadow of the giant pine tree fell over them. the fire made a little circle of red light, but the darkness ever encroached upon it. just beyond the moonlight showed them silver-white patches between the trees, across which shadows sometimes wavered from the passing of the wild creatures. "i've waited a long time to tell you this," she told him. "of course, when we were babies together in the orphanage, i didn't even know it. it has taken me a long time since to learn all the details; most of them i got from my aunt, old elmira, whom you talked to on the way out. part of it i knew by intuition, and a little of it is still doubtful. "you ought to know first how hard i have tried to reach you. of course, i didn't try openly except at first--the first years after i came here, and before i was old enough to understand." she spoke the last word with a curious depth of feeling and a perceptible hardness about her lips and eyes. "i remembered just two things. that the man who had adopted you was newton duncan; one of the nurses at the asylum told me that. and i remembered the name of the city where he had taken you. "you must understand the difficulties i worked under. there is no rural free delivery up here, you know, bruce. our mail is sent from and delivered to the little post-office at martin's store--over fifteen miles from here. and some one member of a certain family that lives near here goes down every week to get the mail for the entire district. "at first--and that was before i really understood--i wrote you many letters and gave them to one of this family to mail for me. i was just a child then, you must know, and i lived in the same house with these people. and queer letters they must have been." for an instant a smile lingered at her lips, but it seemed to come hard. it was all too plain that she hadn't smiled many times in the past days. but for some unaccountable reason bruce's heart leaped when he saw it. it had potentialities, that smile. it seemed to light her whole face. he was suddenly exultant at the thought that once he understood everything, he might bring about such changes that he could see it often. "they were just baby letters from--from linda-tinda to bwovaboo--letters about the deer and the berries and the squirrels--and all the wild things that lived up here." "berries!" bruce cried. "i had some on the way up." his tone wavered, and he seemed to be speaking far away. "i had some once--long ago." "yes. you will understand, soon. i didn't understand why you didn't answer my letters. i understand now, though. you never got them." "no. i never got them. but there are several duncans in my city. they might have gone astray." "they went astray--but it was before they ever reached the post-office. they were never mailed, bruce. i was to know why, later. even then it was part of the plan that i should never get in communication with you again--that you would be lost to me forever. "when i got older, i tried other tacks. i wrote to the asylum, enclosing a letter to you. but those letters were not mailed, either. "now we can skip a long time. i grew up. i knew everything at last and no longer lived with the family i mentioned before. i came here, to this old house--and made it decent to live in. i cut my own wood for my fuel except when one of the men tried to please me by cutting it for me. i wouldn't use it at first. oh, bruce--i wouldn't touch it!" her face was no longer lovely. it was drawn with terrible passions. but she quieted at once. "at last i saw plainly that i was a little fool--that all they would do for me, the better off i was. at first, i almost starved to death because i wouldn't use the food that they sent me. i tried to grub it out of the hills. but i came to it at last. but, bruce, there were many things i didn't come to. since i learned the truth, i have never given one of them a smile except in scorn, not a word that wasn't a word of hate. "you are a city man, bruce. you are what i read about as a gentleman. you don't know what hate means. it doesn't live in the cities. but it lives up here. believe me if you ever believed anything--that it lives up here. the most bitter and the blackest hate--from birth until death! it burns out the heart, bruce. but i don't know that i can make you understand." she paused, and bruce looked away into the pine forest. he believed the girl. he knew that this grim land was the home of direct and primitive emotions. such things as mercy and remorse were out of place in the game trails where the wolf pack hunted the deer. "when they knew how i hated them," she went on, "they began to watch me. and once they knew that i fully understood the situation, i was no longer allowed to leave this little valley. there are only two trails, bruce. one goes to elmira's cabin on the way to the store. the other encircles the mountain. with all their numbers, it was easy to keep watch of those trails. and they told me what they would do if they found me trying to go past." "you don't mean--they threatened you?" she threw back her head and laughed, but the sound had no joy in it. "threatened! if you think threats are common up here, you are a greener tenderfoot than i ever took you for. bruce, the law up here is the law of force. the strongest wins. the weakest dies. wait till you see simon. you'll understand then--and you'll shake in your shoes." the words grated upon him, yet he didn't resent them. "i've seen simon," he told her. she glanced toward him quickly, and it was entirely plain that the quiet tone in his voice had surprised her. perhaps the faintest flicker of admiration came into her eyes. "he tried to stop you, did he? of course he would. and you came anyway. may heaven bless you for it, bruce!" she leaned toward him, appealing. "and forgive me what i said." bruce stared at her in amazement. he could hardly realize that this was the same voice that had been so torn with passion a moment before. in an instant all her hardness was gone, and the tenderness of a sweet and wholesome nature had taken its place. he felt a curious warmth stealing over him. "they meant what they said, bruce. believe me, if those men can do no other thing, they can keep their word. they didn't just threaten death to me. i could have run the risk of that. badly as i wanted to make them pay before i died, i would have gladly run that risk. "you are amazed at the free way i speak of death. the girls you know, in the city, don't even know the word. they don't know what it means. they don't understand the sudden end of the light--the darkness--the cold--the awful fear that it is! it is no companion of theirs, down in the city. perhaps they see it once in a while--but it isn't in their homes and in the air and on the trails, like it is here. it's a reality here, something to fight against every hour of every day. there are just three things to do in the mountains--to live and love and hate. there's no softness. there's no middle ground." she smiled grimly. "let them live up here with me--those girls you know--and they'd understand what a reality death is. they'd know it was something to think about and fight against. self-preservation is an instinct that can be forgotten when you have a policeman at every corner. but it is ever present here. "i've lived with death, and i've heard of it, and i've seen it all my life. if there hadn't been any other way, i would have seen it in the dramas of the wild creatures that go on around me all the time. you'll get down to cases here, bruce--or else you'll run away. these men said they'd do worse things to me than kill me--and i didn't dare take the risk. "but once or twice i was able to get word to old elmira--the only ally i had left. she was of the true breed, bruce. you'll call her a hag, but she's a woman to be reckoned with. she could hate too--worse than a she-rattlesnake hates the man that killed her mate--and hating is all that's kept her alive. you shrink when i say the word. maybe you won't shrink when i'm done. hating is a thing that gentlefolk don't do--but gentlefolk don't live up here. it isn't a land of gentleness. up here there are just men and women, just male and female. "this old woman tried to get in communication with every stranger that visited the hills. you see, bruce, she couldn't write herself. and the one time i managed to get a written message down to her, telling her to give it to the first stranger to mail--one of my enemies got it away from her. i expected to die that night. i wasn't going to be alive when the clan came. the only reason i didn't was because simon--the greatest of them all and the one i hate the most--kept his clan from coming. he had his own reasons. "from then on she had to depend on word of mouth. some of the men promised to send letters to newton duncan--but there was more than one newton duncan--as you say--and possibly if the letters were sent they went astray. but at last--just a few weeks ago--she found a man that knew you. and it is your story from now on." they were still a little while. bruce arose and threw more wood on the fire. "it's only the beginning," he said. "and you want me to tell you all?" she asked hesitantly. "of course. why did i come here?" "you won't believe me when i say that i'm almost sorry i sent for you." she spoke almost breathlessly. "i didn't know that it would be like this. that you would come with a smile on your face and a light in your eyes, looking for happiness. and instead of happiness--to find _all this_!" she stretched her arms to the forests. bruce understood her perfectly. she did not mean the woods in the literal sense. she meant the primal emotions that were their spirit. she went on with lowered tones. "may heaven forgive me if i have done wrong to bring you here," she told him. "to show you--all that i have to show--you who are a city man and a gentleman. but, bruce, i couldn't fight alone any more. i had to have help. "to know the rest, you've got to go back a whole generation. bruce, have you heard of the terrible blood-feuds that the mountain families sometimes have?" "of course. many times." "these mountains of trail's end have been the scene of as deadly a blood-feud as was ever known in the west. and for once, the wrong was all on one side. "a few miles from here there is a wonderful valley, where a stream flows. there is not much tillable land in these mountains, bruce, but there, along that little stream, there are almost five sections--three thousand acres--of as rich land as was ever plowed. and bruce--the home means something in the mountains. it isn't just a place to live in, a place to leave with relief. i've tried to tell you that emotions are simple and direct up here, and love of home is one of them. that tract of land was acquired long ago by a family named ross, and they got it through some kind of grant. i can't be definite as to the legal aspects of all this story. they don't matter anyway--only the results remain. "these ross men were frontiersmen of the first order. they were virtuous men too--trusting every one, and oh! what strength they had! with their own hands they cleared away the forest and put the land into rich pasture and hay and grain. they built a great house for the owner of the land, and lesser houses for his kinsfolk that helped him work it on shares. then they raised cattle, letting them range on the hills and feeding them in winter. you see, the snow is heavy in winter, and unless the stock are fed many of them die. the rosses raised great herds of cattle and had flocks of sheep too. "it was then that dark days began to come. another family--headed by the father of the man i call simon--migrated here from the mountain districts of oklahoma. but they were not so ignorant as many mountain people, and they were _killers_. perhaps that's a word you don't know. perhaps you didn't know it existed. a killer is a man that has killed other men. it isn't a hard thing to do at all, bruce, after you are used to it. these people were used to it. and because they wanted these great lands--my own father's home--they began to kill the rosses. "at first they made no war on the folgers. the folgers, you must know, were good people too, honest to the last penny. they were connected, by marriage only, to the ross family. they were on our side clear through. at the beginning of the feud the head of the folger family was just a young man, newly married. and he had a son after a while. "the newcomers called it a feud. but it wasn't a feud--it was simply murder. oh, yes, we killed some of them. folger and my father and all his kin united against them, making a great clan--but they were nothing in strength compared to the usurpers. simon himself was just a boy when it began. but he grew to be the greatest power, the leader of the enemy clan before he was twenty-one. "you must know, bruce, that my own father held the land. but he was so generous that his brothers who helped him farm it hardly realized that possession was in his name. and father was a dead shot. it took a long time before they could kill him." the coldness that had come over her words did not in the least hide her depth of feeling. she gazed moodily into the darkness and spoke almost in a monotone. "but simon--just a boy then--and dave, his brother, and the others of them kept after us like so many wolves. there was no escape. the only thing we could do was to fight back--and that was the way we learned to hate. a man can hate, bruce, when he is fighting for his home. he can learn it very well when he sees his brother fall dead, or his father--or a stray bullet hit his wife. a woman can learn it too, as old elmira did, when she finds her son's body in the dead leaves. there was no law here to stop it. the little semblance of law that was in the valleys below regarded it as a blood-feud, and didn't bother itself about it. besides--at first we were too proud to call for help. and after our numbers were few, the trails were watched--and those who tried to go down into the valleys--never got there. "one after another the rosses were killed, and i needn't make it any worse for you than i can help--by telling of each killing. enough to say that at last no one was left except a few old men whose eyes were too dim to shoot straight, and my own father. and i was a baby then--just born. "then one night my father--seeing the fate that was coming down upon him--took the last course to defeat them. matthew folger--a connection by marriage--was still alive. simon's clan hadn't attacked him yet. he had no share in the land, but instead lived in this house i live in now. he had a few cattle and some pasture land farther down the divide. there had been no purpose in killing him. he hadn't been worth the extra bullet. "one night my father left me asleep and stole through the forests to talk to him. they made an agreement. i have pieced it out, a little at a time. my father deeded all his land to folger. "i can understand now. the enemy clan pretended it was a blood-feud only--and that it was fair war to kill the rosses. although my father knew their real aim was to obtain the land, he didn't think they would dare kill matthew folger to get it. he knew that he himself would fall, sooner or later, but he thought that to kill folger would show their cards--and that would be too much, even for simon's people. but he didn't know. he hadn't foreseen to what lengths they would go." bruce leaned forward. "so they killed--matthew folger?" he asked. he didn't know that his face had gone suddenly stark white, and that a curious glitter had come to his eyes. he spoke breathlessly. for the name--matthew folger--called up vague memories that seemed to reveal great truths to him. the girl smiled grimly. "let me go on. my father deeded folger the land. the deed was to go on record so that all the world would know that folger owned it, and if the clan killed him it was plainly for the purposes of greed alone. but there was also a secret agreement--drawn up in black and white and to be kept hidden for twenty-one years. in this agreement, folger promised to return to me--the only living heir of the rosses--the lands acquired by the deed. in reality, he was only holding them in trust for me, and was to return them when i was twenty-one. in case of my father's death, folger was to be my guardian until that time. "folger knew the risk he ran, but he was a brave man and he did not care. besides, he was my father's friend--and friendship goes far in the mountains. and my father was shot down before a week was past. "the clan had acted quick, you see. when folger heard of it, before the dawn, he came to my father's house and carried me away. before another night was done he was killed too." the perspiration leaped out on bruce's forehead. the red glow of the fire was in his eyes. "he fell almost where this fire is built, with a thirty-thirty bullet in his brain. which one of the clan killed him i do not know--but in all probability it was simon himself--at that time only eighteen years of age. and folger's little boy--something past four years old--wandered out in the moonlight to find his father's body." the girl was speaking slowly now, evidently watching the effect of her words on her listener. he was bent forward, and his breath came in queer, whispering gusts. "go on!" he ordered savagely. "tell me the rest. why do you keep me waiting?" the girl smiled again,--like a sorceress. "folger's wife was from the plains' country," she told him slowly. "if she had been of the mountains she might have remained to do some killing on her own account. like old elmira herself remained to do--killing on her own account! but she was from cities, just as you are, but she--unlike you--had no mountain blood in her. she wasn't used to death, and perhaps she didn't know how to hate. she only knew how to be afraid. "they say that she went almost insane at the sight of that strong, brave man of hers lying still in the pine needles. she hadn't even known he was out of the house. he had gone out on some secret business--late at night. she had only one thing left--her baby boy and her little foster-daughter--little linda ross who is before you now. her only thought was to get those children out of that dreadful land of bloodshed and to hide them so that they could never come back. and she didn't even want them to know their true parentage. she seemed to realize that if they had known, both of them would return some time--to collect their debts. sooner or later, that boy with the folger blood in him and that girl with the ross blood would return, to attempt to regain their ancient holdings, and to make the clan pay! "all that was left were a few old women with hate in their hearts and a strange tradition to take the place of hope. they said that sometime, if death spared them, they would see folger's son come back again, and assert his rights. they said that a new champion would arise and right their wrongs. but mostly death didn't spare them. only old elmira is left. "what became of the secret agreement i do not know. i haven't any hope that you do, either. the deed was carried down to the courts by sharp, one of the witnesses who managed to get past the guard, and put on file soon after it was written. the rest is short. simon and his clan took up the land, swearing that matthew folger had deeded it to them the day he had procured it. they had a deed to show for it--a forgery. and the one thing that they feared, the one weak chain, was that this secret agreement between folger and my father would be found. "you see what that would mean. it would show that he had no right to deed away the land, as he was simply holding it in trust for me. old elmira explained the matter to me--if i get mixed up on the legal end of it, excuse it. if that document could be found, their forged deed would be obviously invalid. and it angered them that they could not find it. "of course they never filed their forged deed--afraid that the forgery would be discovered--but they kept it to show to any one that was interested. but they wanted to make themselves still safer. "there had been two witnesses to the agreement. one of them, a man named sharp, died--or was killed--shortly after. the other, an old trapper named hudson, was indifferent to the whole matter--he was just passing through and was at folger's house for dinner the night ross came. he is still living in these mountains, and he might be of value to us yet. "of course the clan did not feel at all secure. they suspected the secret agreement had been mailed to some one to take care of, and they were afraid that it would be brought to light when the time was ripe. they knew perfectly that their forged deed would never stand the test, so one of the things to do was to prevent their claim ever being contested. that meant to keep folger's son in ignorance of the whole matter. "i hope i can make that clear. the deed from my father to folger was on record, folger was dead, and folger's son would have every right and opportunity to contest the clan's claim to the land. if he could get the matter into court, he would surely win. "the second thing to do was to win me over. i was just a child, and it looked the easiest course of all. that's why i was stolen from the orphanage by one of simon's brothers. the idea was simply that when the time came i would marry one of the clan and establish their claim to the land forever. "up to a few weeks ago it seemed to me that sooner or later i would win out. bruce, you can't dream what it meant! i thought that some time i could drive them out and make them pay, a little, for all they have done. but they've tricked me, after all. i thought that i would get word to folger's son, who by inheritance would have a clear title to the land, and he, with the aid of the courts, could drive these usurpers out. but just recently i've found out that even this chance is all but gone. "within a few more weeks, they will have been in possession of the land for a full twenty years. through some legal twist i don't understand, if a man pays taxes and has undisputed possession of land for that length of time, his title is secure. they failed to win me over, but it looks as if they had won, anyway. the only way that they can be defeated now is for that secret agreement--between my father and folger--to reappear. and i've long ago given up all hope of that. "there is no court session between now and october thirtieth--when their twenty years of undisputed possession is culminated. there seems to be no chance to contest them--to make them bring that forged deed into the light before that time. we've lost, after all. and only one thing remains." he looked up to find her eyes full upon him. he had never seen such eyes. they seemed to have sunk so deep into the flesh about them that only lurid slits remained. it was not that her lids were partly down. rather it was because the flesh-sacks beneath them had become charged with her pounding blood. the fire's glow was in them and cast a strange glamour upon her face. it only added to the strangeness of the picture that she sat almost limp, rather than leaning forward in appeal. bruce looked at her in growing awe. but as the second passed he seemed no longer able to see her plainly. his eyes were misted and blurred, but they were empty of tears as linda's own. rather the focal points of his brain had become seared by a mounting flame within himself. the glow of the fire had seemingly spread until it encompassed the whole wilderness world. "what is the one thing that remains?" he asked her, whispering. she answered with a strange, terrible coldness of tone. "the blood atonement," she said between back-drawn lips. x when the minute hand of the watch in his pocket had made one more circuit, both bruce and linda found themselves upon their feet. the tension had broken at last. her emotion had been curbed too long. it broke from her in a flood. she seized his hands, and he started at their touch. "don't you understand?" she cried. "you--you--you are folger's son. you are the boy that crept out--under this very tree--to find him dead. all my life elmira and i have prayed for you to come. and what are you going to do?" her face was drawn in the white light of the moon. for an instant he seemed dazed. "do?" he repeated. "i don't know what i'm going to do." "you don't!" she cried, in infinite scorn. "are you just clay? aren't you a man? haven't you got arms to strike with and eyes to see along a rifle barrel? are you a coward--and a weakling; one of your mother's blood to run away? haven't you anything to avenge? i thought you were a mountain man--that all your years in cities couldn't take that quality away from you! haven't you any answer?" he looked up, a strange light growing on his face. "you mean--killing?" "what else? to kill--never to stop killing--one after another until they are gone! till simon turner and the whole turner clan have paid the debts they owe." bruce recoiled as if from a blow. "turner? did you say turner?" he asked hoarsely. "yes. that's the clan's name. i thought you knew." there was an instant of strange truce. both stood motionless. the scene no longer seemed part of the world that men have come to know in these latter years,--a land of cities and homes and peaceful twilights over quiet countrysides. the moon was still strange and white in the sky; the pines stood tall and dark and sad,--eternal emblems of the wilderness. the fire had burned down to a few lurid coals glowing in the gray ashes. no longer were these two children of civilization. their passion had swept them back into the immeasurable past; they were simply human beings deep in the simplest of human passions. they trembled all over with it. bruce understood now his unprovoked attack on the little boy when he had been taken from the orphanage on trial. the boy had been named turner, and the name had been enough to recall a great and terrible hatred that he had learned in earliest babyhood. the name now recalled it again; the truth stood clear at last. it was the key to all the mystery of his life; it stirred him more than all of linda's words. in an instant all the tragedy of his babyhood was recalled,--the hushed talk between his parents, the oaths, the flames in their eyes, and finally the body he had found lying so still beneath the pines. it was always the turners, the dread name that had filled his baby days with horror. he hadn't understood then. it had been blind hatred,--hatred without understanding or self-analysis. as she watched, his mountain blood mounted to the ascendancy. a strange transformation came over him. the gentleness that he had acquired in his years of city life began to fall away from him. the mountains were claiming him again. it was not a mental change alone. it was a thing to be seen with the unaided eyes. his hand had swept through his hair, disturbing the part, and now the black locks dropped down on his forehead, almost to his eyes. the whole expression of his face seemed to change. his look of culture dropped from him; his eyes narrowed; he looked grotesquely out of place in his soft, well-tailored clothes. but he was quite cold now. his passion was submerged under a steel exterior. his voice was cold and hard when he spoke. "then you and i are no relation whatever?" "none." "but we fight the same fight now." "yes. until we both win--or both die." before he could speak again, a strange answer came out of the darkness. "not two of you," a croaking old voice told them. it rose, shrill and cracked, from the shadows beyond the fire. they turned, and the moonlight showed a bent old figure hobbling toward them. it was old elmira, her cane tapping along in front of her; and something that caught the moonlight lay in the hollow of her left arm. her eyes still glowed under the grizzled brows. "not two, but three," she corrected, in the hollow voice of uncounted years. in the magic of the moonlight it seemed quite fitting to both of them that she should have come. she was one of the triumvirate; they wondered why they had not missed her before. it was farther than she had walked in years, but her spirit had kept her up. she put the glittering object that she carried into bruce's hands. it was a rifle--a repeating breechloader of a famous make and a model of thirty years before. it was such a rifle as lives in legend, with sights as fine as a razor edge and an accuracy as great as light itself. loving hands had polished it and kept it in perfect condition. "matthew folger's rifle," the old woman explained, "for matthew folger's son." and that is how bruce folger returned to the land of his birth--as most men do, unless death cheats them first--and how he made a pact to pay old debts of death. book two the blood atonement xi "men own the day, but the night is ours," is an old saying among the wild folk that inhabit the forests of trail's end. and the saying has really deep significances that can't be discerned at one hearing. perhaps human beings--their thoughts busy with other things--can never really get them at all. but the mountain lion--purring a sort of queer, singsong lullaby to her wicked-eyed little cubs in the lair--and the gray wolf, running along the ridges in the mystery of the moon--and those lesser hunters, starting with tuft-ear the lynx and going all the way down to that terrible, white-toothed cutthroat, little death the mink--_they_ know exactly what the saying means, and they know that it is true. the only one of the larger forest creatures that doesn't know is old ashur, the black bear (_ashur_ means black in an ancient tongue, just as _brunn_ means brown, and the common oregon bear is usually decidedly black) and the fact that he doesn't is curious in itself. in most ways ashur has more intelligence than all the others put together; but he is also the most indifferent. he is not a hunter; and he doesn't care who owns anything as long as there are plenty of bee trees to mop out with his clumsy paw, and plenty of grubs under the rotten logs. the saying originated long and long ago when the world was quite young. before that time, likely enough, the beasts owned both the day and the night, and you can imagine them denying man's superiority just as long as possible. but they came to it in the end, and perhaps now they are beginning to be doubtful whether they still hold dominion over the night hours. you can fancy the forest people whispering the saying back and forth, using it as a password when they meet on the trails, and trying their best to believe it. "man owns the day but the night is ours," the coyotes whisper between sobs. in a world where men have slowly, steadily conquered all the wild creatures, killed them and driven them away, their one consolation lies in the fact that when the dark comes down their old preëminence returns to them. of course the saying is ridiculous if applied to cities or perhaps even to the level, cleared lands of the middle west. the reason is simply that the wild life is practically gone from these places. perhaps a lowly skunk steals along a hedge on the way to a chicken pen, but he quivers and skulks with fear, and all the arrogance of hunting is as dead in him as his last year's perfume. and perhaps even the little bobwhites, nestling tail to tail, know that it is wholly possible that the farmer's son has marked their roost and will come and pot them while they sleep. but a few places remain in america where the reign of the wild creatures, during the night hours at least, is still supreme. and trail's end is one of them. it doesn't lie in the middle west. it is just about as far west as one can conveniently go, unless he cares to trace the rivers down to their mouths. neither was it cleared land, nor had its soil ever been turned by a plow. the few clearings that there were--such as the great five sections of the rosses--were so far apart that a wolf could run all night (and the night-running of a wolf is something not to speak of lightly) without passing one. there is nothing but forest,--forest that stretches without boundaries, forest to which a great mountain is but a single flower in a meadow, forest to make the brain of a timber cruiser reel and stagger from sheer higher mathematics. perhaps man owns these timber stretches in the daytime. he can go out and cut down the trees, and when they don't choose to fall over on top of him, return safely to his cabin at night. he can venture forth with his rifle and kill ashur the black bear and blacktail the deer, and even old brother bill, the grand and exalted ruler of the elk lodge. the sound of his feet disturbs the cathedral silence of the tree aisles, and his oaths--when the treacherous trail gives way beneath his feet--carry far through the coverts. but he behaves somewhat differently at night. he doesn't feel nearly so sure of himself. the sound of a puma screaming a few dozen feet away in the shadows is likely enough to cause an unpleasant twitching of the skin of his back. and he feels considerably better if there are four stout walls about him. at nighttime, the wild creatures come into their own. bruce sensed these things as he waited for the day to break. for all the hard exertion of the previous day, he wakened early on the first morning of his return to his father's home. through the open window he watched the dawn come out. and he fancied how a puma, still hungry, turned to snarl at the spreading light as he crept to his lair. all over the forest the hunting creatures left their trails and crept into the coverts. their reign was done until darkness fell again. the night life of the forest was slowly stilled. the daylight creatures--such as the birds--began to waken. probably they welcomed the sight of day as much as bruce himself. the man dressed slowly. he wouldn't waken the two women that slept in the next room, he thought. he crept slowly out into the gray dawn. he made straight for the great pine that stood a short distance from the house. for reasons unknown to him, the pine had come often into his dreams. he had thought that its limbs rubbed together and made words,--but of the words themselves he had hardly caught the meaning. there was some high message in them, however; and the dream had left him with a vague curiosity, an unexplainable desire to see the forest monarch in the daylight. as he waited, the mist blew off of the land; the gray of twilight was whisked away to a twilightland that is hidden in the heart of the forest. he found to his delight that the tree was even more impressive in the vivid morning light than it had been at night. it was not that the light actually got into it. its branches were too thick and heavy for that. it still retained its air of eternal secrecy, an impression that it knew great mysteries that a thousand philosophers would give their lives to learn. he was constantly awed by the size of it. he guessed its circumference as about twenty-five feet. the great lower limbs were themselves like massive tree trunks. its top surpassed by fifty feet any pine in the vicinity. as he watched, the sun came up, gleaming first on its tall spire. it slowly overtook it. the dusk of its green lightened. bruce was not a particularly imaginative man; but the impression grew that this towering tree had an answer for some great question in his own heart,--a question that he had never been able to shape into words. he felt that it knew the wholly profound secret of life. after all, it could not but have such knowledge. it was so incredibly old; it had seen so much. his mind flew back to some of the dramas of human life that had been enacted in its shade, and his imagination could picture many more. his own father had lain here dead, shot down by a murderer concealed in the distant thicket. it had beheld his own wonder when he had found the still form lying in the moonlight; it had seen his mother's grief and terror. wilderness dramas uncounted had been enacted beneath it. many times the mountain lion had crept into its dark branches. many times the bear had grunted beneath it and reached up to write a challenge with his claws in its bark. the eyes of tuft-ear the lynx had gleamed from its very top, and the old bull-elk had filed off his velvet on the sharp edges of the bark. it had seen savage battles between the denizens of the wood; the deer racing by with the wolf pack in pursuit. for uncounted years it had stood aloft, above all the madness and bloodshed and passion that are the eternal qualities of the wilderness, somber, stately, unutterably aloof. it had known the snows. when the leaves fell and the wind came out of the north, it would know them again. for the snow falls for a depth of ten feet or more over most of trail's end. for innumerable winters its limbs had been heaped with the white load, the great branches bending beneath it. the wind made faint sounds through its branches now, but would be wholly silent when the winter snows weighted the limbs. he could picture the great, white giant, silent as death, still keeping its vigil over the snow-swept wilderness. bruce felt a growing awe. the great tree seemed so wise, it gave him such a sense of power. the winds had buffeted it in vain. it had endured the terrible cold of winter. generation after generation of the creatures who moved on the face of the earth had lived their lives beneath it; they had struggled and mated and fought their battles and felt their passions, and finally they had died; and still it endured,--silent, passionless, full of thoughts. here was real greatness. not stirring, not struggling, not striving; only standing firm and straight and impassive; not taking part, but only watching, knowing no passion but only strength,--ineffably patient and calm. but it was sad too. such knowledge always brings sadness. it had seen too much to be otherwise. the pines are never cheerful trees, like the apple that blossoms in spring, or the elm whose leaves shimmer in the sunlight; and this great monarch of all the pines was sad as great music. in this quality, as well as in its strength, it was the symbol of the wilderness itself. but it was more than that. it was the great sentinel, and in its unutterable impassiveness it was the emblem and symbol of even mightier powers. bruce's full wisdom had not yet come to him, so he couldn't name these powers. he only knew that they lived far and far above the world and, like the tree itself, held aloof from all the passion of eve and the blood-lust of cain. like the pine itself, they were patient, impassive, and infinitely wise. he felt stilled and calmed himself. such was its influence. and he turned with a start when he saw linda in the doorway. her face was calm too in the morning light. her dark eyes were lighted. he felt a curious little glow of delight at the sight of her. "i've been talking to the pine--all the morning," he told her. "but it won't talk to you," she answered. "it talks only to the stars." xii bruce and linda had a long talk while the sun climbed up over the great ridges to the east and old elmira cooked their breakfast. there was no passion in their words this morning. they had got down to a basis of cold planning. "let me refresh my memory about a few of those little things you told me," bruce requested. "first--on what date does the twenty-year period--of turners' possession of the land--expire?" "on the thirtieth of october, of this year." "not very long, is it? now you understand that on that date they will have had twenty years of undisputed possession of the land; they will have paid taxes on it that long; and unless their title is proven false between now and that date, we can't ever drive them out." "that's just right." "and the fall term of court doesn't begin until the fifth of the following month." "yes, we're beaten. that's all there is to it. simon told me so the last time he talked to me." "it would be to his interest to have you think so. but linda--we mustn't give up yet. we must try as long as one day remains. the law is full of twists; we might find a way to checkmate them, especially if that secret agreement should show up. it isn't just enough--to have vengeance. that wouldn't put the estate back in your hands; they would have won, after all. it seems to me that the first thing to do is to find the trapper, hudson--the one witness that is still alive. you say he witnessed that secret agreement between your father and mine." "yes." "his testimony would be invaluable to us. he might be able to prove to the court that as my father never owned the land in reality, he couldn't possibly have deeded it to the turners. do you know where this hudson is?" "i asked old elmira last night. she thinks she knows. a man told her he had his trap line on the upper umpqua, and his main headquarters--you know that trappers have a string of camps--was at the mouth of little river, that flows into the umpqua. but it is a long way from here." bruce was still a moment. "how far?" he asked. "two full days' tramp at the least--barring out accidents. but if you think it is best--you can start out to-day." bruce was a man who made decisions quickly. he had learned the wisdom of it,--that after all the evidence is gathered on each side, a single second is all the time that is needed for any kind of decision. beyond that point there is only vacillation. "then i'll start--right away. can you tell me how to find the trail?" "i can only tell you to go straight north. use your watch as a compass in the daytime and the north star at night." "i didn't suppose that it was wisdom to travel at night." she looked at him in sudden astonishment. "and where did you learn that fact, bruce?" the man tried hard to remember. "i don't know. i suppose it was something i heard when i was a baby--in these mountains." "it is one of the first things a mountaineer has to know--to make camp at nightfall. you would want to, anyway, bruce. you've got enough real knowledge of the wilderness in you--born in you--to want a camp and a fire at night. besides, the trails are treacherous." "then the thing to do is to get ready at once. and then try to bring hudson back with me--down to the valley. after we get there we can see what can be done." linda smiled rather sadly. "i'm not very hopeful. but he's our last chance--and we might as well make a try. there is no hope that the secret agreement will show up in these few weeks that remain. we'll get your things together at once." they breakfasted, and after the simple meal was finished, bruce began to pack for the journey. he was very thankful for the months he had spent in an army camp. he took a few simple supplies of food: a piece of bacon, a little sack of dried venison--that delicious fare that has held so many men up on long journeys--and a compact little sack of prepared flour. there was no space for delicacies in the little pack. besides, a man forgets about such things on the high trails. butter, sugar, even that ancient friend coffee had to be left behind. he took one little utensil for cooking--a small skillet--and linda furnished him with a camp ax and a long-bladed hunting knife. these things (with the exception of the knife and ax) he tied up in one heavy, all-wool blanket, making a compact pack for carrying on his back. in his pocket he carried cartridges for the rifle, pipe, tobacco, and matches. linda took the hob-nails out of her own shoes and pounded them into his. for there are certain trails in trail's end that to the unnailed shoe are quite like the treadmills of ancient days; the foot slips back after every step. one thing more was needed: tough leggings. the soft flannel trousers had not been tailored for wear in the brush coverts. and there is still another reason why the mountain men want their ankles covered. in portions of trail's end there are certain rock ledges--gray, strange stone heaps blasted by the summer sun--and some of the paths that bruce would take crossed over them. these ledges are the home of a certain breed of forest creatures that bruce did not in the least desire to meet. unlike many of the wild folk, they are not at all particular about getting out of the way, and they are more than likely to lash up at a traveler's instep. it isn't wise to try to jump out of the way. if a man were practiced at dodging lightning bolts he might do it, but not an ordinary mortal. for that lunging head is one of the swiftest things in the whole swift-moving animal world. and it isn't entirely safe to rely on a warning rattle. sometimes the old king-snake forgets to give it. these are the poison people--the gray rattlesnakes that gather in mysterious, grim companies on the rocks--and the only safety from them is thick covering to the knees that the fangs cannot penetrate. but the old woman solved this problem with a deer hide that had been curing for some seasons on the wall behind the house. her eyes were dimmed with age, her fingers were stiff, but in an astonishingly short period of time she improvised a pair of leathern puttees, fastening with a strap, that answered the purpose beautifully. the two women walked with him, out under the pine. bruce shook old elmira's scrawny hand; then she turned back at once into the house. the man felt singularly grateful. he began to credit the old woman with a great deal of intuition, or else memories from her own girlhood of long and long ago. he _did_ want a word alone with this strange girl of the pines. but when elmira had gone in and the coast was clear, it wouldn't come to his lips. he felt curious conjecturings and wonderment arising within him. he couldn't have shaped them into words. it was just that the girl's face intrigued him, mystified him, and perhaps moved him a little too. it was a frank, clear, girlish face, wonderfully tender of feature, and at first her eyes held him most of all. they gave an impression of astounding depth. they were quite serious now; and they had a luster such as can be seen on cold spring water over dark moss,--and few other places on earth. "it seems strange," he said, "to come here only last night--and then to be leaving again." it seemed to his astonished gaze that her lips trembled ever so slightly. "we have been waiting for each other a long time, bwovaboo," she replied. she spoke rather low, not looking straight at him. "and i hate to have you go again so soon." "but i'll be back--in a few days." "you don't know. no one ever knows when they start out in these mountains. promise me, bruce--to keep watch every minute. remember there's nothing--_nothing_--that simon won't stoop to do. he's like a wolf. he has no rules of fighting. he'd just as soon strike from ambush. how do i know that you'll ever come back again?" "but i will." he smiled at her, and his eyes dropped from hers to her lips. his heart seemed to miss a beat. he hadn't noticed these lips in particular before. the mouth was tender and girlish, its sensitiveness scarcely seeming fitting in a child of these wild places. he reached out and took her hand. "good-by, linda," he said, smiling. she smiled in reply, and her old cheer seemed to return to her. "good-by, bwovaboo. be careful." "i'll be careful. and this reminds me of something." "what?" "that for all the time i've been away--and for all the time i'm going to be away now--i haven't done anything more--well, more intimate--than shake your hand." her answer was to pout out her lips in the most natural way in the world. bruce was usually deliberate in his motions; but all at once his deliberation fell away from him. there seemed to be no interlude of time between one position and another. his arms went about her, and he kissed her gently on the lips. but it was not at all as they expected. both had gone into it lightly,--a boy-and-girl caress such as is usually not worth thinking about twice. he had supposed it would be just like the other kisses he had known in his growing-up days: a moment's soft pressure of the lips, a moment's delight, and nothing either to regret or rejoice in. but it was far more than this, after all. perhaps because they had been too long in one another's thoughts; perhaps--living in a land of hated foes--because linda had not known many kisses, this little caress beneath the pine went very straight home indeed to them both. they fell apart, both of them suddenly sobered. the girl's eyes were tender and lustrous, but startled too. "good-by, linda," he told her. "good-by--bwovaboo," she answered. he turned up the trail past the pine. he did not know that she stood watching him a long time, her hands clasped over her breast. xiii miles farther than linda's cabin, clear beyond the end of the trail that duncan took, past even the highest ridge of trail's end and in the region where the little rivers that run into the umpqua have their starting place, is a certain land of used to be. such a name as that doesn't make very good sense to a tenderfoot on the first hearing. perhaps he can never see the real intelligence of it as long as he remains a tenderfoot. such creatures cannot exist for long in the silences and the endless ridges and the unbeaten trails of this land; they either become woodsmen or have communication with the buzzards. it isn't a land of the present time at all. it is a place that has never grown old. when a man passes the last outpost of civilization, and the shadows of the unbroken woods drop over him, he is likely to forget that the year is nineteen hundred and twenty, and that the day before yesterday he had seen an aeroplane passing over his house. it is true that in this place he sees winged creatures in the air, seeming masters of the aërial tracts, but they are not aëroplanes. instead they are the buzzards, and they are keeping even a closer watch on him than he is on them. they know that many things may happen whereby they can get acquainted before the morning breaks. the world seems to have kicked off its thousand-thousand years as a warm man at night kicks off covers; and all things are just as they used to be. it is the young world,--a world of beasts rather than men, a world where the hand of man has not yet been felt. of course it won't be that way forever. sometime the forests will fall. what will become of the beasts that live in them there is no telling; there are not many places left for them to go. but at present it is just as savage, just as primitive and untamed as those ancient forests of the young world that a man recalls sometimes in dreams. on this particular early-september day, the age-old drama of the wilderness was in progress. it was the same play that had been enacted day after day, year upon year, until the centuries had become too many to count, and as usual, there were no human observers. there were no hunters armed with rifles waiting on the deer trails to kill some of the players. there were no naturalists taking notes that no one will believe in the coverts. it was the usual matinée performance; the long, hot day was almost at a close. the play would get better later in the evening, and really would not be at its best until the moon rose; but it was not a comedy-drama even now. rather it was a drama of untamed passions and bloodshed, strife and carnage and lust and rapine; and it didn't, unfortunately, have a particularly happy ending. mother nature herself, sometimes kind but usually cruel, was the producer; she furnished the theater, even the spotted costume by which the fawn remained invisible in the patches of light and shadow; and she had certain great purposes of her own that no man understands. as the play was usually complicated with many fatalities, the buzzards were about the only ones to benefit. they were the real heroes of the play after all. everything always turned out all right for them. they always triumphed in the end. the greatest difference between this wilderness drama and the dramas that human beings see upon a stage is that one was reality and the other is pretense. the players were beasts, not men. the only human being anywhere in the near vicinity was the old trapper, hudson, following down his trap line on the creek margin on the way to his camp. it is true that two other men, with a rather astounding similarity of purpose, were at present coming down two of the long trails that led to the region; but as yet the drama was hidden from their eyes. one of these two was bruce, coming from linda's cabin. one was dave turner, approaching from the direction of the ross estates. turner was much the nearer. curiously, both had business with the trapper hudson. the action of the play was calm at first. mostly the forest creatures were still in their afternoon sleep. brother bill, the great stag elk, had a bed in the very center of a thick wall of buckbush, and human observers at first could not have explained how his great body, with his vast spread of antlers, had been able to push through. but in reality his antlers aided rather than hindered. streaming almost straight back they act something like a snow-plow, parting the heavy coverts. the bull elk is in some ways the master of the forest, and one would wonder why he had gone to such an out-of-the-way place to sleep. unless he is attacked from ambush, he has little to fear even from the tawny one, the great cougar, and ordinarily the cougar waits until night to do his hunting. the lynx is just a source of scorn to the great bull, and even the timber wolf--except when he is combined with his relatives in winter--is scarcely to be feared. yet he had been careful to surround himself with burglar alarms,--in other words, to go into the deep thicket that no beast of prey could penetrate without warning him--by the sound of breaking brush--of its approach. it would indicate that there was at least one living creature in this region--a place where men ordinarily did not come--that the bull elk feared. the does and their little spotted fawns were sleeping too; the blacktail deer had not yet sought the feeding grounds on the ridges. the cougar yawned in his lair, the wolf dozed in his covert, even the poison-people lay like long shadows on the hot rocks. but these latter couldn't be relied upon to sleep soundly. one of the many things they can do is to jump straight out of a dream like a flicking whiplash, coil and hit a mark that many a good pistol shot would miss. yet there was no chance of the buzzards, at present spectators in the clouds and waiting for the final act, to become bored. particularly the lesser animals of the forest--the little people--were busy at their occupations. a little brown-coated pine marten--who is really nothing but an overgrown weasel famous for his particularly handsome coat--went stealing through the branches of a pine as if he had rather questionable business. some one had told him, and he couldn't remember who, that a magpie had her nest in that same tree, and red eye was going to look and see. of course he merely wanted to satisfy his curiosity. perhaps he would try to arrange to get a little sip of the mother's blood, just as it passed through the big vein of the throat,--but of course that was only incidental. he felt some curiosity about the magpie's eggs too, the last brood of the year. it might be that there were some little magpies all coiled up inside of them, that would be worth investigation by one of his scientific turn of mind. perhaps even the male bird, coming frantically to look for his wife, might fly straight into the nest without noticing his brown body curled about the limb. it offered all kinds of pleasing prospects, this hunt through the branches. of course it is doubtful if the buzzards could detect his serpent-like form; yet it is a brave man who will say what a buzzard can and cannot see. anything that can remain in the air as they do, seemingly without the flutter of a wing, has powers not to speak of lightly. but if they could have seen him they would have been particularly interested. a marten isn't a glutton in his feeding, and often is content with just a sip of blood from the throat. that leaves something warm and still for the buzzard's beak. a long, spotted gopher snake slipped through the dead grass on the ground beneath. he didn't seem to be going anywhere in particular. he was just moseying--if there is such a word--along. not a blade of grass rustled. of course there was a chipmunk, sitting at the door of his house in the uplifted roots of a tree; but the snake--although he was approaching in his general direction--didn't seem at all interested in him. were it not for two things, the serpent would have seemed to be utterly bored and indifferent to life in general. one of these things was its cold, glittering, reptile eyes. the other was its darting, forked tongue. it may be, after all, that this little tongue was of really great importance in the serpent's hunting. many naturalists think that quite often the little, rattle-brained birds and rodents that it hunts are so interested in this darting tongue that they quite fail to see the slow approach of the mottled body of the snake behind it. at least it was perfectly evident that the chipmunk did not see limber-spine at present. otherwise he wouldn't have been enjoying the scenery with quite the same complacency. if all went well, there might be a considerable lump in the snake's throat yet this afternoon. but it would be a quite different kind of lump from the one the chipmunk's little mate, waiting in vain for her lord to come to supper, would have in _her_ throat. an old raccoon wakened from his place on a high limb, stretched himself, scratched at his fur, then began to steal down the limb. he had a long way to go before dark. hunting was getting poor in this part of the woods. he believed he would wander down toward hudson's camp and look for crayfish in the water. a coyote is usually listed among the larger forest creatures, but early though the hour was--early, that is, for hunters to be out--he was stalking a fawn in a covert. the coyote has not an especially high place among the forest creatures, and he has to do his hunting early and late and any time that offers. most of the larger creatures pick on him, all the time detesting him for his cunning. the timber wolf, a rather close relation whom he cordially hates, is apt to take bites out of him if he meets him on the trail. the old bull elk would like nothing better than to cut his hide into rag patches with the sharp-edged front hoofs. even the magpies in the tree tops made up ribald verses about him. but nevertheless the spotted fawn had cause to fear him. the coyote is an infamous coward; but even the little cotton tail rabbit does not have to fear a fawn. all these hunts were progressing famously when there came a curious interruption. it was just a sound at first. and strangely, not one of the forest creatures that heard it had ears sharp enough to tell exactly from what direction it had come. and that made it all the more unpleasant to listen to. it was a peculiar growl, quite low at first. it lasted a long time, then died away. there was no opposition to it. the forest creatures had paused in their tracks at its first note, and now they stood as if the winter had come down upon them suddenly and frozen them solid. all the other sounds of the forest--the little whispering noises of gliding bodies and fluttering feet, and perhaps a bird's call in a shrub--were suddenly stilled. there was a moment of breathless suspense. then the sound commenced again. it was louder this time. it rose and gathered volume until it was almost a roar. it carried through the silences in great waves of sound. and in it was a sense of resistless power; no creature in the forest but what knew this fact. "the gray king," one could imagine them saying among themselves. the effect was instantaneous. the little raccoon halted in his descent, then crept out to the end of a limb. perhaps he knew that the gray monarch could not climb trees, but nevertheless he felt that he would be more secure clear at the swaying limb-tip. the marten forgot his curiosity in regard to the nest of the magpie. the gopher snake coiled, then slipped away silently through the grass. the coyote, an instant before crawling with body close to the earth, whipped about as if he had some strange kind of circular spring inside of him. his nerves were always rather ragged, and the sound had frightened out of him the rigid control of his muscles that was so necessary if he were to make a successful stalk upon the fawn. the spotted creature bleated in terror, then darted away; and the coyote snarled once in the general direction of the gray king. then he lowered his head and skulked off deeper into the coverts. the blacktail deer, the gray wolf, even the stately tawny one, stretched in grace in his lair, wakened from sleep. the languor died quickly in the latter's eyes, leaving only fear. these were braver than the little people. they waited until the thick brush, not far distant from where the bull elk slept, began to break down and part before an enormous, gray body. no longer would an observer think of the elk as the forest monarch. he was but a pretender, after all. the real king had just wakened from his afternoon nap and was starting forth to hunt. even his little cousins, the black bears (who, after all is said and done, furnish most of the comedy of the deadly forest drama) did not wait to make conversation. they tumbled awkwardly down the hill to get out of his way. for the massive gray form--weighing over half a ton--was none other than that of the last of the grizzly bears, that terrible forest hunter and monarch, the killer himself. xiv long ago, when oregon was a new land to white men, in the days of the clipper ships and the old oregon trail, the breed to which the killer belonged were really numerous through the little corner north of the siskiyous and west of the cascades. the land was far different then. the transcontinental lines had not yet been built; the only settlements were small trading posts and mining camps, and people did not travel over paved highways in automobiles. if they went at all it was in a prairie-schooner or on horseback. and the old grizzly bears must have found the region a veritable heaven. they were a worthy breed! it is doubtful if any other section of the united states offered an environment so favorable to them. game was in abundance, they could venture down into the valleys at the approach of winter and thus miss the rigors of the snow, and at first there were no human enemies. unfortunately, stories are likely to grow and become sadly addled after many tellings; but if the words of certain old men could be believed, the southern oregon grizzly occasionally, in the bountiful fall days, attained a weight of two thousand pounds. no doubt whatever remains that thousand-pound bears were fairly numerous. they trailed up and down the brown hillsides; they hunted and honey-grubbed and mated in the fall; they had their young and fought their battles and died, and once in a long while the skeleton of a frontiersman would be found with his skull battered perfectly flat where one of the great beasts had taken a short-arm pat at him. but unlike the little black bears, the grizzlies developed displeasing habits. they were much more carnivorous in character than the blacks, and their great bodily strength and power enabled them to master all of the myriad forms of game in the oregon woods. by the same token, they could take a full-grown steer and carry it off as a woman carries her baby. it couldn't be endured. the cattlemen had begun to settle the valleys, and it was either a case of killing the grizzlies or yielding the valleys to them. in the relentless war that followed, the breed had been practically wiped out. a few of them, perhaps, fled farther and farther up the cascades, finding refuges in the canadian mountains. others traveled east, locating at last in the rocky mountains, and countless numbers of them died. at last, as far as the frontiersmen knew, only one great specimen remained. this was a famous bear that men called slewfoot,--a magnificent animal that ranged far and hunted relentlessly, and no one ever knew just when they were going to run across him. it made traveling in the mountains a rather ticklish business. he was apt suddenly to loom up, like a gray cliff, at any turn in the trail, and his disposition grew querulous with age. in fact, instead of fleeing as most wild creatures have learned to do, he was rather likely to make sudden and unexpected charges. he was killed at last; and seemingly the southern oregon grizzlies were wiped out. but it is rather easy to believe that in some of his wanderings he encountered--lost and far in the deepest heart of the land called trail's end--a female of his own breed. there must have been cubs who, in their turn, mated and fought and died, and perhaps two generations after them. and out of the last brood had emerged a single great male, a worthy descendant of his famous ancestor. this was the killer, who in a few months since he had left his fastnesses, was beginning to ruin the cattle business in trail's end. as he came growling from his bed this september evening he was not a creature to speak of lightly. he was down on all fours, his vast head was lowered, his huge fangs gleamed in the dark red mouth. the eyes were small, and curious little red lights glowed in each of them. the killer was cross; and he didn't care who knew it. he was hungry too; but hunger is an emotion for the beasts of prey to keep carefully to themselves. he walked slowly across the little glen, carelessly at first, for he was too cross and out of temper to have the patience to stalk. he stopped, turning his head this way and that, marking the flight of the wild creatures. he saw a pair of blacktail bucks spring up from a covert and dash away; but he only made one short, angry lunge toward them. he knew that it would only cost him his dignity to try to chase them. a grizzly bear can move astonishingly fast considering his weight--for a short distance he can keep pace with a running horse--but a deer is light itself. he uttered one short, low growl, then headed over toward a great wall of buckbush at the base of the hill. but now his hunting cunning had begun to return to him. the sun was setting, the pines were growing dusky, and he began to feel the first excitement and fever that the fall of night always brings to the beasts of prey. it is a feeling that his insignificant cousins, the black bears, could not possibly have,--for the sole reason that they are berry-eaters, not hunters. but the cougar, stealing down a deer trail on the ridge above, and a lean old male wolf--stalking a herd of deer on the other side of the thicket--understood it very well. his blood began to roll faster through his great veins. the sullen glare grew in his eyes. it was the beginning of the hunting hour of the larger creatures. all the forest world knew it. the air seemed to throb and tingle, the shadowing thickets began to pulse and stir with life. the fear--the age-old heritage of all the hunted creatures--returned to the deer. the killer moved quite softly now. one would have marveled how silently his great feet fell upon the dry earth and with what slight sound his heavy form moved through the thickets. once he halted, gazing with reddening eyes. but the coyote--the gray figure that had broken a twig on the trail beside him--slipped quickly away. he skirted the thicket, knowing that no successful stalk could be made where he had to force his way through dry brush. he moved slowly, cautiously--all the time mounting farther up the little hill that rose from the banks of the stream. he came to an opening in the thicket, a little brown pathway that vanished quickly into the shadows of the coverts. the killer slipped softly into the heavy brush just at its mouth. it was his ambush. soon, he knew, some of the creatures that had bowers in the heart of the thicket would be coming along that trail toward the feeding grounds on the ridge. he only had to wait. as the shadows grew and the twilight deepened, the undercurrent of savagery that is the eternal quality of the wilderness grew ever more pronounced. a thrill and fever came in the air, mystery in the deepening shadows, and brighter lights into the eyes of the hunting folk. the dusk deepened between the trees; the distant trunks dimmed and faded quite away. the stars emerged. the nightwind, rising somewhere in the region of the snow banks on the highest mountains, blew down into the killer's face and brought messages that no human being may ever receive. then his sharp ears heard the sound of brush cracked softly as some one of the larger forest creatures came up the trail toward him. the steps drew nearer and the killer recognized them. they were plainly the soft footfall of some member of the deer tribe, yet they were too pronounced to be the step of any of the lesser deer. the bull elk had left his bed. the red eyes of the grizzly seemed to glow as he waited. great though the stag was, only one little blow of the massive forearm would be needed. the huge fangs would have to close down but once. the long, many-tined antlers, the sharp front hoofs would not avail him in a surprise attack such as this would be. best of all, he was not suspecting danger. he was walking down wind, so that the pungent odor of the bear was blown away from him. the bear did not move a single telltale muscle. he scarcely breathed. and the one movement that there was was such that not even the keen ears of an elk could discern, just a curious erection of the gray hairs on his vast neck. the bull was almost within striking range now. the wicked red eyes could already discern the dimmest shadow of his outline through the thickets. but all at once he stopped, head lifting. perhaps a grizzly bear does not have mental processes as human beings know them. perhaps all impulse is the result of instinct alone,--instinct tuned and trained to a degree that human beings find hard to imagine. but if the bear couldn't understand the sudden halt just at the eve of his triumph, at least he felt growing anger. he knew perfectly that the elk had neither detected his odor nor heard him, and he had made no movements that the sharp eyes could detect. just a glimpse of gray in the heavy brush would not have been enough in itself to arouse the stag's suspicions. for the lower creatures are rarely able to interpret outline alone; there must be movement too. yet the bull was evidently alarmed. he stood immobile, one foot lifted, nostrils open, head raised. then, the wind blowing true, the grizzly understood. a pungent smell reached him from below,--evidently the smell of a living creature that followed the trail along the stream that flowed through the glen. he recognized it in an instant. he had detected it many times, particularly when he went into the cleared lands to kill cattle. it was man, an odor almost unknown in this lonely glen. dave turner, brother of simon, was walking down the stream toward hudson's camp. the elk was widely traveled too, and he also realized the proximity of man. but his reaction was entirely different. to the grizzly it was an annoying interruption to his hunt; and a great flood of rage swept over him. it seemed to him that these tall creatures were always crossing his path, spoiling his hunting, even questioning his rule of the forests. they did not seem to realize that he was the wilderness king, and that he could break their slight forms in two with one blow of his paw. it was true that their eyes had strange powers to disquiet him; but his isolation in the fastnesses of trail's end had kept him from any full recognition of their real strength, and he was unfortunately lacking in the awe with which most of the forest creatures regard them. but to the elk this smell was fear itself. he knew the ways of men only too well. too many times he had seen members of his herd fall stricken at a word from the glittering sticks they carried in their hands. he uttered a far-ringing snort. it was a distinctive sound, beginning rather high on the scale as a loud whistle and descending into a deep bass bawl. and the killer knew perfectly what that sound meant. it was a simple way of saying that the elk would progress no further down _that_ trail. the bear leaped in wild fury. a growl that was more near a puma-like snarl came from between the bared teeth, and the great body lunged out with incredible speed. although the distance was far, the charge was almost a success. if one second had intervened before the elk saw the movement, if his muscles had not been fitted out with invisible wings, he would have fought no more battles with his herd brethren in the fall. the bull seemed to leap straight up. his muscles had been set at his first alarm from turner's smell on the wind, and they drove forth the powerful limbs as if by a powder explosion. he was full in the air when the forepaws battered down where he had been. then he darted away into the coverts. the grizzly knew better than to try to overtake him. almost rabid with wrath he turned back to his ambush. xv simon turner had given dave very definite instructions concerning his embassy to hudson. they were given in the great house that simon occupied, in the same room, lighted by the fire's glow, from which instructions had gone out to the clan so many times before. "the first thing this bruce will do," simon had said, "is to hunt up hudson--the one living man that witnessed that agreement between ross and old folger. one reason is that he'll want to verify linda's story. the next is to persuade the old man to go down to the courts with him as his witness. and what you have to do is line him up on our side first." dave had felt simon's eyes upon him, so he didn't look straight up. "and that's what the hundred is for?" he asked. "of course. get the old man's word that he'll tell bruce he never witnessed any such agreement. maybe fifty dollars will do it; the old trapper is pretty hard up, i reckon. he'd make us a lot of trouble if bruce got him as a witness." "you think--" dave's eyes wandered about the room, "you think that's the best way?" "i wouldn't be tellin' you to do it if i didn't think so." simon laughed,--a sudden, grim syllable. "dave, you're a blood-thirsty devil. i see what you're thinking of--of a safer way to keep him from telling. but you know the word i sent out. 'go easy!' that's the wisest course to follow at present. the valley people pay more attention to such things than they used to; the fewer the killings, the wiser we will be. if he'll keep quiet for the hundred let him have it in peace." dave hadn't forgotten. but his features were sharper and more ratlike than ever when he came in sight of hudson's camp, just after the fall of darkness of the second day out. the trapper was cooking his simple meal,--a blue grouse frying in his skillet, coffee boiling, and flapjack batter ready for the moment the grouse was done. he was kneeling close to the coals; the firelight cast a red glow over him, and the picture started a train of rather pleasing conjectures in dave's mind. he halted in the shadows and stood a moment watching. after all he wasn't greatly different from the wolf that watched by the deer trail or the killer in his ambush, less than a mile distant in the glen. the same strange, dark passion that was over them both was over him also. one could see it in the almost imperceptible drawing back of his dark lips over his teeth. there was just a hint of it in the lurid eyes. dave's thought returned to the hundred dollars in his pocket,--a good sum in the hills. a brass rifle cartridge, such as he could fire in the thirty-thirty that he carried in the hollow of his arm, cost only about six cents. the net gain would be--the figures flew quickly through his mind--ninety-nine dollars and ninety-four cents; quite a good piece of business for dave. but the trouble was that simon might find out. it was not, he remembered, that simon was adverse to this sort of operation when necessary. perhaps the straight-out sport of the thing meant more to him than to dave; he was a braver man and more primitive in impulse. there were certain memory pictures in dave's mind of this younger, more powerful brother of his; and he smiled grimly when he recalled them. they had been wild, strange scenes of long ago, usually in the pale light of the moon, and he could recall simon's face with singular clearness. there had always been the same drawing back of the lips, the same gusty breathing, the same strange little flakes of fire in the savage eyes. he had always trembled all over too, but not from fear; and dave remembered especially well the little drama outside matthew folger's cabin in the darkness. he was no stranger to the blood madness, this brother of his, and the clan had high hopes for him even in his growing days. and he had fulfilled those hopes. never could the fact be doubted! he could still make a fresh notch in his rifle stock with the same rapture. but the word had gone out, for the present at least, to "go easy." such little games as occurred to dave now--as he watched the trapper in the firelight with one hundred dollars of the clan's money in his own pocket--had been prohibited until further notice. the thing looked so simple that dave squirmed all over with annoyance. it hurt him to think that the hundred dollars that he carried was to be passed over, without a wink of an eye, to this bearded trapper; and the only return for it was to be a promise that hudson would not testify in bruce's behalf. and a hundred dollars was real money! it was to be thought of twice. on the other hand, it would be wholly impossible for one that lies face half-buried in the pine needles beside a dead fire to make any kind of testimony whatsoever. it would come to the same thing, and the hundred dollars would still be in his pocket. just a little matter of a single glance down his rifle barrel at the figure in the silhouette of the fire glow--and a half-ounce of pressure on the hair trigger. half jesting with himself, he dropped on one knee and raised the weapon. the trapper did not guess his presence. the blood leaped in dave's veins. it would be so easy; the drawing back of the hammer would be only the work of a second; and an instant's peering through the sights was all that would be needed further. his body trembled as if with passion, as he started to draw back the hammer. but he caught himself with a wrench. he had a single second of vivid introspection; and what he saw filled his cunning eyes with wonder. there would have been no holding back, once the rifle was cocked and he saw the man through the sights. the blood madness would have been too strong to resist. he felt as might one who, taking a few injections of morphine on prescription, finds himself inadvertently with a loaded needle in his hands. he knew a moment of remorse--so overwhelming that it was almost terror--that the shedding of blood had become so easy to him. he hadn't known how easy it had been to learn. he didn't know that a vice is nothing but a lust that has been given free play so many times that the will can no longer restrain it. but the sight of hudson's form, sitting down now to his meal, dispelled his remorse quickly. after all, his own course would have been the simplest way to handle the matter. there would be no danger that hudson would double-cross them then. but he realized that simon had spoken true when he said that the old days were gone, that the arm of the law reached farther than formerly, and it might even stretch to this far place. he remembered simon's instructions. "the quieter we can do these things, the better," the clan leader had said. "if we can get through to october thirtieth with no killings, the safer it is for us. we don't know how the tenderfeet in the valley are going to act--there isn't the same feeling about blood-feuds that there used to be. go easy, dave. sound this hudson out. if he'll keep still for a hundred, let him have it in peace." dave slipped his rifle into the hollow of his arm and continued on down the trail. he didn't try to stalk. in a moment hudson heard his step and looked up. they met in a circle of firelight. it is not the mountain way to fraternize quickly, nor are the mountain men quick to show astonishment. hudson had not seen another human being since his last visit to the settlements. yet his voice indicated no surprise at this visitation. "howdy," he grunted. "howdy," dave replied. "how about grub?" "help yourself. supper just ready." dave helped himself to the food of the man that, a moment before, he would have slain; and in the light of the high fire that followed the meal, he got down to the real business of the visit. dave knew that a fairly straight course was best. it was general knowledge through the hills that the turners had gouged the rosses of their lands and it was absurd to think that hudson did not realize the true state of affairs. "i suppose you've forgotten that little deed you witnessed between old mat folger and ross--twenty years ago," dave began easily, his pipe between his teeth. hudson turned with a cunning glitter in his eyes. dave saw it and grew bolder. "who wants me to forget it?" hudson demanded. "i ain't said that anybody wants you to," dave responded. "i asked if you had." hudson was still a moment, stroking absently his beard. "if you want to know," he said, "i ain't forgotten. but there wasn't just a deed. there was an agreement too." dave nodded. hudson's eyes traveled to his rifle,--for the simple reason that he wanted to know just how many jumps he would be obliged to make to reach it in case of emergencies. such things are good to know in meetings like this. "i know all about that agreement," dave confessed. "you do, eh? so do i. i ain't likely to forget." dave studied him closely. "what good is it going to do you to remember?" he demanded. "i ain't saying that it's going to do me any good. at present i ain't got nothing against the turners. they've always been all right to me. what's between them and the rosses is past and done--although i know just in what way folger held that land and no transfer from him to you was legal. but that's all part of the past. as long as the turners continue to be my friends i don't see why anything should be said about it." dave did not misunderstand him. he didn't in the least assume that these friendly words meant that he could go back to the ranches with the hundred dollars still in his pocket. it meant merely that hudson was open to reason and it wouldn't have to be a shooting affair. dave speculated. it was wholly plain that the old man had not yet heard of bruce's return. there was no need to mention him. "we're glad you are our friend," dave went on. "but we don't expect no one to stay friends with us unless they benefit to some small extent by it. how many furs do you hope to take this year?" "not enough to pay to pack out. maybe two hundred dollars in bounties before new year--coyotes and wolves. maybe a little better in the three months following in furs." "then maybe fifty or seventy-five dollars, without bothering to set the traps, wouldn't come in so bad." "it wouldn't come in bad, but it doesn't buy much these days. a hundred would do better." "a hundred it is," dave told him with finality. the eyes above the dark beard shone in the firelight. "i'd forget i had a mother for a hundred dollars," he said. he watched, greedily, as dave's gaunt hand went into his pocket. "i'm gettin' old, dave. every dollar is harder for me to get. the wolves are gettin' wiser, the mink are fewer. there ain't much that i wouldn't do for a hundred dollars now. you know how it is." yes, dave knew. the money changed hands. the fire burned down. they sat a long time, deep in their own thoughts. "all we ask," dave said, "is that you don't take sides against us." "i'll remember. of course you want me, in case i'm ever subpoenaed, to recall signing the deed itself." "yes, we'd want you to testify to that." "of course. if there hadn't been any kind of a deed, folger couldn't have deeded the property to you. but how would it be, if any one asks me about it, to swear that there _never was_ no secret agreement, but a clear transfer; and to make it sound reasonable for me to say--to say that ross was forced to deed the land to folger because he'd had goings-on with folger's wife, and folger was about to kill him?" the only response, at first, was the slightest, almost imperceptible narrowing of dave's eyes. he had considerable native cunning, but such an idea as this had never occurred to him. but he was crafty enough to see its tremendous possibilities at once. all that either simon or himself had hoped for was that the old man would not testify in bruce's behalf. but he saw that such a story, coming from the apparently honest old trapper, might have a profound effect upon bruce. dave understood human nature well enough to know that he would probably lose faith in the entire enterprise. to bruce it had been nothing but an old woman's story, after all; it was wholly possible that he would relinquish all effort to return the lands to linda ross. men always can believe stranger things of sex than any other thing; bruce would in all probability find hudson's story much more logical than the one linda had told him under the pine. it was worth one hundred dollars, after all. "i'll bet you could make him swallow it, hook, bait, and sinker," dave responded at last, flattering. they chuckled together in the darkness. then they turned to the blankets. "i'll show you another trail out to-morrow," hudson told him. "it comes into the glen that you passed to-night--the canyon that the killer has been using lately for a hunting ground." xvi the killer had had an unsuccessful night. he had waited the long hours through at the mouth of the trail, but only the little people--such as the rabbits and similar folk that hardly constituted a single bite in his great jaws--had come his way. now it was morning and it looked as if he would have to go hungry. the thought didn't improve his already doubtful mood. he wanted to growl. the only thing that kept him from it was the realization that it would frighten away any living creature that might be approaching toward him up the trail. he started to stretch his great muscles, intending to leave his ambush. but all at once he froze again into a lifeless gray patch in the thickets. there were light steps on the trail. again they were the steps of deer,--but not of the great, wary elk this time. instead it was just a fawn, or a yearling doe at least, such a creature as had not yet learned to suspect every turn in the trail. the morning light was steadily growing, the stars were all dimmed or else entirely faded in the sky, and it would have been highly improbable that a full-grown buck in his wisdom would draw within leaping range without detecting him. but he hadn't the slightest doubt about the fawn. they were innocent people,--and their flesh was very tender. the forest gods had been good to him, after all. he peered through the thickets, and in a moment more he had a glimpse of the spotted skin. it was almost too easy. the fawn was stealing toward him with mincing steps--as graceful a creature as dwelt in all this wilderness world of grace--and its eyes were soft and tender as a girl's. it was evidently giving no thought to danger, only rejoicing that the fearful hours of night were done. the mountain lion had already sought its lair. the fawn didn't know that a worse terror still lingered at the mouth of the trail. but even as the killer watched, the prize was simply taken out of his mouth. a gray wolf--a savage old male that also had just finished an unsuccessful hunt--had been stealing through the thickets in search of a lair, and he came out on the trail not fifty feet distant, halfway between the bear and the fawn. the one was almost as surprised as the other. the fawn turned with a frightened bleat and darted away; the wolf swung into pursuit. the bear lunged forward with a howl of rage. he leaped into the trail mouth, then ran as fast as he could in pursuit of the running wolf. he was too enraged to stop to think that a grizzly bear has never yet been able to overtake a wolf, once the trim legs got well into action. at first he couldn't think about anything; he had been cheated too many times. his first impulse was one of tremendous and overpowering wrath,--a fury that meant death to the first living creature that he met. but in a single second he realized that this wild chase was fairly good tactics, after all. the chances for a meal were still rather good. the fawn and the wolf were in the open now, and it was wholly evident that the gray hunter would overtake the quarry in another moment. it was true that the killer would miss the pleasure of slaying his own game,--the ecstatic blow to the shoulder and the bite to the throat that followed it. in this case, the wolf would do that part of the work for him. it was just a simple matter of driving the creature away from his dead. the fawn reached the stream bank, then went bounding down the margin. the distance shortened between them. it was leaping wildly, already almost exhausted; the wolf raced easily, body close to the ground, in long, tireless strides. the grizzly bear sped behind him. but at that instant fate took a hand in this merry little chase. to the fawn, it was nothing but a sharp clang of metal behind him and an answering shriek of pain,--sounds that in its terror it heard but dimly. but it was an unlooked-for and tragic reality to the wolf. his leap was suddenly arrested in mid-air, and he was hurled to the ground with stunning force. cruel metal teeth had seized his leg, and a strong chain held him when he tried to escape. he fought it with desperate savagery. the fawn leaped on to safety. but there was no need of the grizzly continuing its pursuit. everything had turned out quite well for him, after all. a wolf is ever so much more filling than any kind of seasonal fawn; and the old gray pack leader was imprisoned and helpless in one of hudson's traps. * * * * * in the first gray of morning, dave turner started back toward his home. "i'll go with you to the forks in the trail," hudson told him. "i want to take a look at some of my traps, anyhow." turner had completed his business none too soon. at the same hour--as soon as it was light enough to see--bruce was finishing his breakfast in preparation for the last lap of his journey. he had passed the night by a spring on a long ridge, almost in eye range of hudson's camp. now he was preparing to dip down into the killer's glen. turner and hudson followed up the little creek, walking almost in silence. it is a habit all mountain men fall into, sooner or later,--not to waste words. the great silences of the wild places seem to forbid it. hudson walked ahead, turner possibly a dozen feet behind him. and because of the carpet of pine needles, the forest creatures could hardly hear them come. occasionally they caught glimpses of the wild life that teemed about them, but they experienced none of the delight that had made the two-day tramp such a pleasure to bruce. hudson thought in terms of pelts only; no creature that did not wear a marketable hide was worth a glance. turner did not feel even this interest. the first of hudson's sets proved empty. the second was about a turn in the creek, and a wall of brush made it impossible for him to tell at a distance whether or not he had made a catch. but when still a quarter of a mile distant, hudson heard a sound that he thought he recognized. it was a high, sharp, agonized bark that dimmed into a low whine. "i believe i've got a coyote or a wolf up there," he said. they hastened their steps. "and you use that little pea-gun for wolves?" dave turner asked. he pointed to the short-barreled, twenty-two caliber rifle that was slung on the trapper's back. "it doesn't look like it would kill a mosquito." "a killer gun," hudson explained. "for polishin' 'em off when they are alive in the traps. of course, it wouldn't be no good more'n ten feet away, and then you have to aim at a vital spot. but i've heard tell of animals i wouldn't want to meet with that thirty-thirty of yours." this was true enough. dave had heard of them also. a thirty-thirty is a powerful weapon, but it isn't an elephant gun. they hurried on, dave very anxious to watch the execution that would shortly ensue if whatever animal had cried from the trap was still alive. such things were only the day's work to hudson, but dave felt a little tingle of anticipation. and the thought damned him beyond redemption. but instead of the joy of killing a cowering, terror-stricken animal, helpless in the trap, the wilderness had made other plans for hudson and dave. they hastened about the impenetrable wall of brush, and in one glance they knew that more urgent business awaited them. the whole picture loomed suddenly before their eyes. there was no wolf in the trap. the steel had sprung, certainly, but only a hideous fragment of a foot remained between the jaws. the bone had been broken sharply off, as a man might break a match in his fingers. there was no living wolf for hudson to execute with his killer gun. life had gone out of the gray body many minutes before. the two men saw all these things as a background only,--dim details about the central figure. but the thing that froze them in their tracks with terror was the great, gray form of the killer, not twenty feet distant, beside the mangled body of the wolf. the events that followed thereafter came in such quick succession as to seem simultaneous. for one fraction of an instant all three figures stood motionless, the two men staring, the grizzly half-leaning over his prey, his head turned, his little red eyes full of hatred. too many times this night he had missed his game. it was the same intrusion that had angered him before,--slight figures to break to pieces with one blow. perhaps--for no man may trace fully the mental processes of animals--his fury fully transcended the fear that he must have instinctively felt; at least, he did not even attempt to flee. he uttered one hoarse, savage note, a sound in which all his hatred and his fury and his savage power were made manifest, whirled with incredible speed, and charged. the lunge seemed only a swift passing of gray light. no eye could believe that the vast form could move with such swiftness. there was little impression of an actual leap. rather it was just a blow; the great form, huddled over the dead wolf, had simply reached the full distance to hudson. the man did not even have time to turn. there was no defense; his killer-gun was strapped on his back, and even if it had been in his hands, its little bullet would not have mattered the sting of a bee in honey-robbing. the only possible chance of breaking that deadly charge lay in the thirty-thirty deer rifle in dave's arms; but the craven who held it did not even fire. he was standing just below the outstretched limb of a tree, and the weapon fell from his hands as he swung up into the limb. the fact that hudson stood weaponless, ten feet away in the clearing, did not deter him in the least. no human flesh could stand against that charge. the vast paw fell with resistless force; and no need arose for a second blow. the trapper's body was struck down as if felled by a meteor, and the power of the impact forced it deep into the carpet of pine needles. the savage creature turned, the white fangs caught the light in the open mouth. the head lunged toward the man's shoulder. no man may say what agony hudson would have endured in the last few seconds of his life if the killer had been given time and opportunity. his usual way was to linger long, sharp fangs closing again and again, until all living likeness was destroyed. the blood-lust was upon him; there would have been no mercy to the dying creature in the pine needles. yet it transpired that hudson's flesh was not to know those rending fangs a second time. although it is an unfamiliar thing in the wilderness, the end of hudson's trail was peaceful, after all. on the hillside above, a stranger to this land had dropped to his knee in the shrubbery, his rifle lifted to the level of his eyes. it was bruce, who had come in time to see the charge through a rift in the trees. xvii there were deep significances in the fact that bruce kept his head in this moment of crisis. it meant nothing less than an iron self-control such as only the strongest men possess, and it meant nerves steady as steel bars. the bear was on hudson, and the man had gone down, before bruce even interpreted him. then it was just a gray patch, a full three hundred yards away. his instinct was to throw the gun to his shoulder and fire without aiming; yet he conquered it with an iron will. but he did move quickly. he dropped to his knee the single second that the gun leaped to his shoulder. he seemed to know that from a lower position the target would be more clearly revealed. the finger pressed back against the trigger. the distance was far; bruce was not a practiced rifle shot, and it bordered on the miraculous that his lead went anywhere near the bear's body. and it was true that the bullet did not reach a vital place. it stung like a wasp at the killer's flank, however, cutting a shallow flesh wound. but it was enough to take his dreadful attention from the mortally wounded trapper in the pine needles. he whirled about, growling furiously and biting at the wound. then he stood still, turning his gaze first to the pale face of dave turner thirty feet above him in the pine. the eyes glowed in fury and hatred. he had found men out at last; they died even more easily than the fawn. he started to turn back to the fallen, and the rifle spoke again. it was a complete miss, this time; yet the bear leaped in fear when the bullet thwacked into the dust beside him. he did not wait for a third. his caution suddenly returning to him, and perhaps his anger somewhat satiated by the blow he had dealt hudson, he crashed into the security of the thicket. bruce waited a single instant, hoping for another glimpse of the creature; then ran down to aid hudson. but in driving the bear from the trapper's helpless body he had already given all the aid that he could. understanding came quickly. he had arrived only in time for the departure,--just a glimpse of a light as it faded. the blow had been more than any human being could survive; even now hudson was entering upon that strange calm which often, so mercifully, immediately precedes death. he opened his eyes and looked with some wonder into bruce's face. the light in them was dimming, fading like a twilight, yet there was indication of neither confusion nor delirium. hudson, in that last moment of his life, was quite himself. there was, however, some indication of perplexity at the peculiar turn affairs had taken. "you're not dave turner," he said wonderingly. dim though the voice was, there was considerable emphasis in the tone. hudson seemed quite sure of this point, whether or not he knew anything concerning the dark gates he was about to enter. he wouldn't have spoken greatly different if he had been sitting in perfect health before his own camp fire and the shadow was now already so deep his eyes could scarcely penetrate it. "no," bruce answered. "dave turner is up a tree. he didn't even wait to shoot." "of course he wouldn't." hudson spoke with assurance. the words dimmed at the end, and he half-closed his eyes as if he were too sleepy to stay awake longer. then bruce saw a strange thing. he saw, unmistakable as the sun in the sky, the signs of a curious struggle in the man's face. there was a singular deepening of the lines, a twitching of the muscles, a queer set to the lips and jaws. they were as much signs of battle as the sound of firing a general hears from far away. the trapper--a moment before sinking into the calm of death--was fighting desperately for a few moments of respite. there could be no other explanation. and he won it at last,--an interlude of half a dozen breaths. "who are you?" he whispered. bruce bowed his head until his ear was close to the lips. "bruce folger," he answered,--for the first time in his knowledge speaking his full name. "son of matthew folger who lived at trail's end long ago." the man still struggled. "i knew it," he said. "i saw it--in your face. i see--everything now. listen--can you hear me?" "yes." "i just did a wrong--there's a hundred dollars in my pocket that i just got for doing it. i made a promise--to lie to you. take the money--it ought to be yours, anyway--and hers; and use it toward fighting the wrong. it will go a little way." "yes," bruce looked him full in the eyes. "no matter about the money. what did you promise turner?" "that i'd lie to you. grip my arms with your hands--till it hurts. i've only got one breath more. your father held those lands only in trust--the turners' deed is forged. and the secret agreement that i witnessed is hidden--" the breath seemed to go out of the man. bruce shook him by the shoulders. dave, still in the tree, strained to hear the rest. "yes--where?" "it's hidden--just--out--" the words were no longer audible to dave, and what followed bruce also strained to hear in vain. the lips ceased moving. the shadow grew in the eyes, and the lids flickered down over them. a traveler had gone. bruce got up, a strange, cold light in his eyes. he glanced up. dave turner was climbing slowly down the tree. bruce made six strides and seized his rifle. the effect on dave was ludicrous. he clung fast to the tree limbs, as if he thought a bullet--like a grizzly's claws--could not reach him there. bruce laid the gun behind him, then stood waiting with his own weapon resting in his arms. "come down, dave," he commanded. "the bear is gone." dave crept down the trunk and halted at its base. he studied the cold face before him. "better not try nothing," he advised hoarsely. "why not?" bruce asked. "do you think i'm afraid of a coward?" the man started at the words; his head bobbed backward as if bruce had struck him beneath the jaw with his fist. "people don't call the turners cowards and walk off with it," the man told him. "oh, the lowest coward!" bruce said between set teeth. "the yellowest, mongrel coward! your own confederate--and you had to drop your gun and run up a tree. you might have stopped the bear's charge." dave's face twisted in a scowl. "you're brave enough now. wait to see what happens later. give me my gun. i'm going to go." "you can go, but you don't get your gun. i'll fill you full of lead if you try to touch it." dave looked up with some care. he wanted to know for certain if this tenderfoot meant what he said. the man was blind in some things, his vision was twisted and dark, but he made no mistake about the look on the cold, set face before him. bruce's finger was curled about the trigger, and it looked to dave as if it itched to exert further pressure. "i don't see why i spare you, anyway," bruce went on. his tone was self-reproachful. "god knows i hadn't ought to--remembering who and what you are. if you'd only give me one little bit of provocation--" dave saw lurid lights growing in the man's eyes; and all at once a conclusion came to him. he decided he'd make no further effort to regain the gun. his life was rather precious to him, strangely, and it was wholly plain that a dread and terrible passion was slowly creeping over his enemy. he could see it in the darkening face, the tight grip of the hands on the rifle stock. his own sharp features grew more cunning. "you ought to be glad i didn't stop the bear with my rifle," he said hurriedly. "i had hudson bribed--you wouldn't have found out something that you did find out if he hadn't lain here dying. you wouldn't have learned--" but the sentence died in the middle. bruce made answer to it. for once in his life dave's cunning had not availed him; he had said the last thing in the world that he should have said, the one thing that was needed to cause an explosion. he hadn't known that some men have standards other than self gain. and some small measure of realization came to him when he felt the dust his full length under him. bruce's answer had been a straight-out blow with his fist, with all his strength behind it, in the very center of his enemy's face. xviii in his years of residence at trail's end, dave turner had acquired a thorough knowledge of all its paths. that knowledge stood him in good stead now. he wished to cross the ridges to simon's house at least an hour before bruce could return to linda. he traveled hard and late, and he reached simon's door just before sundown of the second day. bruce was still a full two hours distant. but dave did not stay to knock. it was chore-time, and he thought he would find simon in his barn, supervising the feeding and care of the livestock. he had guessed right, and the two men had a moment's talk in the dusky passage behind the stalls. "i've brought news," dave said. simon made no answer at first. the saddle pony in the stall immediately in front of them, frightened at dave's unfamiliar figure, had crowded, trembling, against his manger. simon's red eyes watched him; then he uttered a short oath. he took two strides into the stall and seized the halter rope in his huge, muscular hand. three times he jerked it with a peculiar, quartering pull, a curbing that might have been ineffective by a man of ordinary strength, but with the incomprehensible might of the great forearm behind it was really terrible punishment. dave thought for a moment his brother would break the animal's neck; the whites began to show about the soft, dark pupils of its eyes. the strap over the head broke with the fourth pull; then the horse recoiled, plunging and terrified, into the opposite corner of the stall. simon leaped with shattering power at the creature's shoulders, his huge arms encircled its neck, his shoulders heaved, and he half-threw it to the floor. then, as it staggered to rise, his heavy fist flailed against its neck. again and again he struck, and in the half-darkness of the stable it was a dreadful thing to behold. the man's fury, always quickly aroused, was upon him; his brawny form moved with the agility of a panther. even dave, whose shallow eyes were usually wont to feast on cruelty, viewed the scene with some alarm. it wasn't that he was moved by the agony of the horse. but he did remember that horses cost money, and simon seemed determined to kill the animal before his passion was spent. the horse cowered, and in a moment more it was hard to remember he was a member of a noble, high-spirited breed,--a swift runner, brainy as a dog, a servant faithful and worthy. it was no longer easy to think of him as a creature of beauty,--and there is no other word than beauty for these long-maned, long-tailed, trim-lined animals. he stood quiet at last, his head hanging low, knees bent, eyes curiously sorrowful and dark. simon fastened the broken strap about his neck, gave it one more jerk that almost knocked the animal off his feet, then turned back to dave. except for a higher color in his cheeks, darker lights in his eyes, and an almost imperceptible quickening of his breathing, it did not seem as if he had moved. "you're always bringing news," he said. dave opened his eyes. he had forgotten his own words in the tumult of the fight he had just watched, but plainly simon hadn't forgotten. he opened his mouth to speak. "well, what is it? out with it," his brother urged. "if it's as important as some of the other news you've brought don't take my time." "all right," the other replied sullenly. "you don't have to hear it. but i'm telling you it's of real importance this time--and sometime you'll find out." he scowled into the dark face. "but suit yourself." he turned as if to go. he rather thought that simon would call him back. it would be, in a measure, a victory. but simon went back to his inspection of the stalls. dave walked clear to the door, then turned. "don't be a fool, simon," he urged. "listen to what i have to tell you. bruce folger knows where that secret agreement is." for once in his life dave got a response of sufficient emphasis to satisfy him. his brother whirled, his whole expression undergoing an immediate and startling change. if there was one emotion that dave had never seen on simon's face it was fear,--and he didn't know for certain that he saw it now. but there was alarm--unmistakable--and surprise too. "what do you mean?" he demanded. dave exulted inwardly. his brother's response had almost made up for the evil news that he brought. for dave's fortunes, as well as simon's, depended on the vast fertile tract being kept in the clan's possession. his eyes narrowed ever so slightly. for the first time in his life, as far as dave could remember, simon had encountered a situation that he had not immediately mastered. perhaps it was the beginning of simon's downfall, which meant--by no great stretch of the imagination--the advancement of dave. but in another second of clear thinking dave knew that in his brother's strength lay his own; if this mighty force at the head of the clan was weakening, no hope remained for any of them. his own face grew anxious. "out with it," simon stormed. his tone was really urgent now, not insolent as usual. "good lord, man, don't you know that if bruce gets that down to the settlements before the thirtieth of next month we're lost--and nothing in this world can save us? we can't drive _him_ off, like we drove the rosses. there's too much law down in the valleys. if he's got that paper, there's only one thing to do. help me saddle a horse." "wait a minute. i didn't say he had it. i only said he knew where it was. he's still an hour or two walk from here, toward little river, and if we have to wait for him on the trail, we've got plenty of time. and of course i ain't quite sure he _does_ know where it is." simon smiled mirthlessly. "the news is beginning to sound like the rest of yours." "old hudson is dead," dave went on. "and don't look at me--i didn't do it. i wish i had, though, first off. for once my judgment was better than yours. the killer got him." "yes. go on." "i was with him when it happened. my gun got jammed so i couldn't shoot." "where is it now?" dave scrambled in vain for a story to explain the loss of his weapon to bruce, and the one that came out at last didn't do him particular credit. "i--i threw the damn thing away. wish i hadn't now, but it made me so mad by jamming--it was a fool trick. maybe i can go back after it and find it." simon smiled again. "very good so far," he commented. dave flushed. "bruce was there too--fact is, creased the bear--and the last minute before he died hudson told him where the agreement was hidden. i couldn't hear all he said--i was too far away--but i heard enough to think that he told bruce the hiding, place. it was natural hudson would know it, and we were fools for not asking him about it long ago." "and why didn't you get that information away from bruce with your gun?" "didn't i tell you the thing was jammed? if it hadn't of been for that, i'd done something more than find out where it is. i'd stopped this nonsense once and for all, and let a hole through that tenderfoot big enough to see through. _then_ there'd never be any more trouble. it's the thing to do now." simon looked at his brother's face with some wonder. more crafty and cunning, dave was like the coyote in that he didn't yield so quickly to fury as that gray wolf, his brother. but when it did come, it seared him. it had come now. simon couldn't mistake the fact; he saw it plain in the glowing eyes, the clenched hands, the drawn lips. dave was remembering the pain of the blow bruce had given him, and the smart of the words that had preceded it. "you and he must have had a little session down there by the creek," simon suggested slowly, "when your gun was jammed. of course, he took the gun. what's the use of trying to lie to me?" "he did. what could i do?" "and now you want him potted--from ambush." "what's the use of waiting? who'd know?" the two men stood face to face in the quiet and deepening dusk of the barn; and there was growing determination on each face. "every day our chance is less and less," dave went on. "we've been thinking we're safe, but if he knows where that agreement is, we're not safe at all. how would you like to get booted off these three thousand acres now, just after we've all got attached to them? to start making our living as day laborers--and maybe face a hangin' for some things of long ago? with this land behind him, he'd be in a position to pay old debts, i'm telling you. we're not secure, and you know it. the law doesn't forget, and it doesn't forgive. we've been fooling away our time ever since we knew he was coming. we should have met him on the trail and let the buzzards talk to him." "yes," simon echoed in a strange half-whisper. "let the buzzards talk to him." dave took fresh heart at the sound of that voice. "no one would have ever knowed it," he went on. "no one would ever know it now. they'd find his bones, some time maybe, but there'd be no one to point to. they'd never get any thing against us. everybody except the mountain people have forgotten about this affair. those in the mountains are too scattered and few to take any part in it. i tell you--it's all the way, or no way at all. tell me to wait for him on the trail." "wait. wait a minute. how long before he will come?" "any time now. and don't postpone this matter any more. we're men, not babies. he's not a fool or not a coward, either. he's got his old man's blood in him--not his mother's to run away. as long as he ain't croaked, all we've done so far is apt to come to nothing. and there's one thing more. he's going to take the blood-feud up again." "lots of good it would do him. one against a dozen." "but he's a shot--i saw that plain enough--and how'd you like to have him shoot through _your_ windows some time? old elmira and linda have set him on, and he's hot for it." "i wish you'd got that old heifer when you got her son," simon said. he still spoke calmly; but it was plain enough that dave's words were having the desired effect. dave could discern this fact by certain lights and expressions about the pupils of his brother's eyes, signs learned and remembered long ago. "so he's taken up the blood-feud, has he? i thought i gave his father some lessons in that a long time since. well, i suppose we must let him have his way!" "and remember too," dave urged, "what you told him when you met him in the store. you said you wouldn't warn him twice." "i remember." the two men were silent, but dave stood no longer motionless. the motions that he made, however, were not discernible in the growing gloom of the barn. he was shivering all over with malice and fury. "then you've given the word?" he asked. "i've given the word, but i'll do it my own way. listen, dave." simon stood, head bent, deep in thought. "could you arrange to have linda and the old hag out of the house when bruce gets back?" "yes--" "we've got to work this thing right. we can't operate in the open like we used to. this man has taken up the blood-feud--but the thing to do--is to let him come to us." "but he won't do it. he'll go to the courts first." simon's face grew stern. "i don't want any more interruptions, dave. i mean we will want to give the impression that he attacked us first--on his own free will. what if he comes into our house-a man unknown in these parts--and something happens to him there--in the dead of night? it wouldn't look so bad then, would it? besides--if we got him here--before the clan, we might be able to find out where that document is. at least we'll have him here where everything will be in our favor. first, how can you tell when he's going to come?" "he ought to be here very soon. the moon's bright and i can get up on the ridge and see his shadow through your field glasses when he crosses the big south pasture. that will give me a full half-hour before he comes." "it's enough. i'm ready to give you your orders now. they are--just to use your head, and on some pretext get those two women out of the house so that bruce can't find them when he returns. don't let them come back for an hour, if you can help it. if it works--all right. if it doesn't, we'll use more direct measures. i'll tend to the rest." he strode to the wall and took down a saddle from the hook. quickly he threw it over the back of one of the cow ponies, the animal that he had punished. he put the bridle in dave's hand. "stop at the house for the glasses, then ride to the ridge at once," he ordered. "then keep watch." without words dave led the horse through the door and swung on to its back. in an instant the wild folk, in the fringe of forest beyond, paused in their night occupations to listen to the sound of hoof beats on the turf. then simon slowly saddled his own horse. xix the day was quite dead when dave turner reached his post on top of the ridge. the gray of twilight had passed, the forest was lost in darkness, the stars were all out. the only vestige of daylight that remained was a pale, red glow over the western mountains,--and this was more like red flowers that had been placed on its grave in remembrance. fortunately, the moon rose early. otherwise dave's watch would have been in vain. the soft light wrought strange miracles in the forest: bathing the tree tops in silver, laying wonderful cobweb tapestries between the trunks, upsetting the whole perspective as to distance and contour. dave didn't have long to wait. at the end of a half-hour he saw, through the field glasses, the wavering of a strange black shadow on the distant meadow. only the vivid quality of the full moon enabled him to see it at all. he tried to get a better focus. it might be just the shadow of deer, come to browse on the parched grass. dave felt a little tremor of excitement at the thought that if it were not bruce, it was more likely the last of the grizzlies, the killer. the previous night the gray forest king had made an excursion into simon's pastures and had killed a yearling calf; in all probability he would return to-night to finish his feast. in fact, this night would in all probability see the end of the killer. some one of the turners would wait for him, with a loaded rifle, in a safe ambush. but it wasn't the killer, after all. it was before his time; besides, the shadow was too slender to be that of the huge bear. dave turner watched a moment longer, so that there could be no possibility of a mistake. bruce was returning; he was little more than a half-hour's walk from linda's home. turner swung on his horse, then lashed the animal into a gallop. less than five minutes later he drew up to a halt beneath the sentinel pine, almost a mile distant. for the first time, dave began to move cautiously. it would complicate matters if the two women had already gone to bed. the hour was early--not yet nine--but the fall of darkness is often the going-to-bed time of the mountain people. it is warmer there and safer; and the expense of candles is lessened. incidentally, it is the natural course for the human breed,--to bed at nightfall and up at dawn; and only distortion of nature can change the habit. it is doubtful if even the earliest men--those curious, long-armed, stiff-thumbed, heavy-jowled forefathers far remote--were ever night hunters. like the hawks and most of the other birds of prey they were content to leave the game trails to the beasts at night. as life in the mountains gets down to a primitive basis, most of the hill people soon fall into this natural course. but to-night linda and old elmira were sitting up, waiting for bruce's return. a candle flame flickered at the window. dave went up to the door and knocked. "who's there?" elmira called. it was a habit learned in the dreadful days of twenty years ago, not to open a door without at least some knowledge of who stood without. a lighted doorway sets off a target almost as well as a field of white sets off a black bull's-eye. dave knew that truth was the proper course. "dave turner," he replied. a long second of heavy, strange silence ensued. then the woman spoke again. there was a new note in her voice, a curious hoarseness, but at the same time a sense of exultation and excitement. but dave didn't notice it. perhaps the oaken door that the voice came through stripped away all the overtones; possibly his own perceptions were too blunt to receive it. he might, however, have been interested in the singular look of wonder that flashed over linda's face as she stared at her aged aunt. linda was not thinking of dave. she had forgotten that he stood outside. his visit was the last thing that either of them expected--except, perhaps, on some such deadly business as the clan had come years before--yet she found no space in her thought for him. her whole attention was seized and held by the unfamiliar note in her aunt's voice, and a strange drawing of the woman's features that the closed door prevented dave from seeing. it was a look almost of rapture, hardly to be expected in the presence of an enemy. the dim eyes seemed to glow in the shadows. it was the look of one who had wandered steep and unknown trails for uncounted years and sees the distant lights of his home at last. she got up from her chair and moved over to the little pack she had carried on her back when she had walked up from her cabin. linda still gazed at her in growing wonder. the long years seemed to have fallen away from her; she slipped across the uncarpeted floor with the agility and silence of a tiger. she always had given the impression of latent power, but never so much as now. she took some little object from the bag and slipped it next to her withered and scrawny breast. "what do you want?" she called out into the gloom. dave had been getting a little restless in the silence; but the voice reassured him. "i'll tell you when you open the door. it's something about bruce." linda remembered him then. she leaped to the door and flung it wide. she saw the stars without, the dark fringe of pines against the sky line behind. she felt the wind and the cool breath of the darkness. but most of all she saw the cunning, sharp-featured face of dave turner, with the candlelight upon him. the yellow beams were in his eyes too. they seemed full of guttering lights. the few times that linda had talked to dave she had always felt uneasy beneath his speculative gaze. the same sensation swept over her now. she knew perfectly what she would have had to expect, long since, from this man, were it not that he had lived in fear of his brother simon. the mighty leader of the clan had set a barrier around her as far as personal attentions went,--and his reasons were obvious. the mountain girls do not usually attain her perfection of form and face; his desire for her was as jealous as it was intense and real. this dark-hearted man of great and terrible emotions did not only know how to hate. in his own savage way he could love too. linda hated and feared him, but the emotion was wholly different from the dread and abhorrence with which she regarded dave. "what about bruce?" she demanded. dave leered. "do you want to see him? he's lying--up here on the hill." the tone was knowing, edged with cruelty; and it had the desired effect. the color swept from the girl's face. in a single fraction of an instant it showed stark white in the candlelight. there was an instant's sensation of terrible cold. but her voice was hard and lifeless when she spoke. "you mean you've killed him?" she asked simply. "we ain't killed him. we've just been teaching him a lesson," dave explained. "simon warned him not to come up--and we've had to talk to him a little--with fists and heels." linda cried out then, one agonized syllable. she knew what fists and heels could do in the fights between the mountain men. they are as much weapons of torture as the claws and fangs of the killer. she had an instant's dread picture of this strong man of hers lying maimed and broken, a battered, whimpering, ineffective thing in the moonlight of some distant hillside. the vision brought knowledge to her. even more clearly than in the second of their kiss, before he had gone to see hudson, she realized what an immutable part of her he was. she gazed with growing horror at dave's leering face. "where is he?" she asked. she remembered, with singular steadfastness, the pistol she had concealed in her own room. "i'll show you. if you want to get him in you'd better bring the old hag with you. it'll take two of you to carry him." "i'll come," the old woman said from across the shadowed room. she spoke with a curious breathlessness. "i'll go at once." the door closed behind the three of them, and they went out into the moonlit forest. dave walked first. there was an unlooked-for eagerness in his motions, but linda thought that she understood it. it was wholly characteristic of him that he should find a degenerate rapture in showing these two women the terrible handiwork of the turners. he rejoiced in just this sort of cruelty. she had no suspicion that this excursion was only a pretext to get the two women away from the house, and that his eagerness arose from deeper causes. it was true that dave exulted in the work, and strangely the fact that it was part of the plot against bruce had been almost forgotten in the face of a greater emotion. he was alone in the darkness with linda--except of course for a helpless old woman--and the command of simon in regard to his attitude toward her seemed suddenly dim and far away. he led them over a hill, into the deeper forest. he walked swiftly, eagerly; the two women could hardly keep pace with him. he left the dim trail and skirted about the thickets. no cry for help could carry from this lonely place. no watchman on a hill could see what transpired in the heavy coverts. so intent was he that he quite failed to observe a singular little signal between old elmira and linda. the woman half turned about, giving the girl an instant's glimpse of something that she transferred from her breast to her sleeve. it was slender and of steel, and it caught the moonlight on its shining surface. the girl's eyes glittered when she beheld it. she nodded, scarcely perceptibly, and the strange file plunged deeper into the shadows. fifteen minutes later dave drew up to a halt in a little patch of moonlight, surrounded by a wall of low trees and brush. "there's more than one way to make a date for a walk with a pretty girl," he said. the girl stared coldly into his eyes. "what do you mean?" she asked. the man laughed harshly. "i mean that bruce ain't got back yet--he's still on the other side of little river, for all i know--" "then why did you bring us here?" "just to be sociable," dave returned. "i'll tell you, linda. i wanted to talk to you. i ain't been in favor of a lot of things simon's been doing--to you and your people. i thought maybe you and i would like to be--friends." no one could mistake the emotion behind the strained tone, the peculiar languor in the furtive eyes. the girl drew back, shuddering. "i'm going back," she told him. "wait. i'll take you back soon. let's have a kiss and make friends. the old lady won't look--" he laughed again, a hoarse sound that rang far through the silences. he moved toward her, hands reaching. she backed away. then she half-tripped over an outstretched root. the next instant she was in his arms, struggling against their steel. she didn't waste words in pleading. a sob caught at her throat, and she fought with all her strength against the drawn, nearing face. she had forgotten elmira; in this dreadful moment of terror and danger the old woman's broken strength seemed too little to be of aid. and dave thought her as helpless to oppose him as the tall pines that watched from above them. his wild laughter obscured the single sound that she made, a strange cry that seemed lacking in all human quality. rather it was such a sound as a puma utters as it leaps upon its prey. it was the articulation of a whole life of hatred that had come to a crisis at last,--of deadly and terrible triumph after a whole decade of waiting. if dave had discerned that cry in time he would have hurled linda from his arms to leap into a position of defense. the desire for women in men goes down to the roots of the world, but self-preservation is a deeper instinct still. but he didn't hear it in time. elmira had not struck with her knife. the distance was too far for that. but she swung her cane with all her force. the blow caught the man at the temple, his arms fell away from the girl's body, he staggered grotesquely in the carpet of pine needles. then he fell face downward. "his belt, quick!" the woman cried. no longer was her voice that of decrepit age. the girl struggled with herself, wrenched back her self-control, and leaped to obey her aunt. they snatched the man's belt from about his waist, and the women locked it swiftly about his ankles. with strong, hard hands they drew his wrists back of him and tied them tight with the long bandana handkerchief he wore about his neck. they worked almost in silence, with incredible rapidity and deftness. the man was waking now, stirring in his unconsciousness, and swiftly the old woman cut the buckskin thongs from his tall logging boots. these also she twisted about the wrists, knotting them again and again, and pulling them so tight they were almost buried in the lean flesh. then they turned him face upward to the moon. the two women stood an instant, breathing hard. "what now?" linda asked. and a shiver of awe went over her at the sight of the woman's face. "nothing more, linda," she answered, in a distant voice. "leave dave turner to me." it was a strange picture. womanhood--the softness and tenderness which men have learned to associate with the name--seemed fallen away from linda and elmira. they were only avengers,--like the she-bear that fights for her cubs or the she-wolf that guards the lair. there was no more mercy in them than in the females of the lower species. the moon flooded the place with silver, the pines were dark and impassive as ever above them. dave wakened. they saw him stir. they watched him try to draw his arms from behind him. it was just a faint, little-understanding pull at first. then he wrenched and tugged with all his strength, flopping strangely in the dirt. the effort increased until it was some way suggestive of an animal in the death struggle,--a fur bearer dying in the trap. terror was upon him. it was in his wild eyes and his moonlit face; it was in the desperation and frenzy of his struggles. and the two women saw it and smiled into each other's eyes. slowly his efforts ceased. he lay still in the pine needles. he turned his head, first toward linda, then to the inscrutable, dark face of the old woman. as understanding came to him, the cold drops emerged upon his swarthy skin. "good god!" he asked. "what are you going to do?" "i'm going back," linda answered. "you had some other purpose in bringing me out here--or you wouldn't have brought elmira, too. i'm going back to wait for bruce." "and you and i will linger here," elmira told him. "we have many things to say to each other. we have many things to do. about my abner--there are many things you'll want to hear of him." the last vestige of the man's spirit broke beneath the words. abner had been old elmira's son,--a youth who had laughed often, and the one hope of the old woman's declining years. and he had fallen before dave's ambush in a half-forgotten fight of long years before. the man shivered in his bonds. linda turned to go. the silence of the wilderness deepened about them. "oh, linda, linda," the man called. "don't leave me. don't leave me here with her!" he pleaded. "please--please don't leave me in this devil's power. make her let me go." but linda didn't seem to hear. the brush crackled and rustled; and the two--this dark-hearted man and the avenger--were left together. xx the homeward journey over the ridges had meant only pleasure to bruce. every hour of it had brought a deeper and more intimate knowledge of the wilderness. the days had been full of little, nerve-tingling adventures, and the nights full of peace. and beyond all these, there was the hope of seeing linda again at the end of the trail. thoughts of her hardly ever left him throughout the long tramp. she had more than fulfilled every expectation. it was true that he had found no one of his own kin, as he had hoped; but the fact opened up new possibilities that would have been otherwise forbidden. it was strange how he remembered her kiss. he had known other kisses in his days--being a purely rational and healthy young man--but there had been nothing of immortality about them. their warmth had died quickly, and they had been forgotten. they were just delights of moonlight nights and nothing more. but he would wake up from his dreams at night to feel linda's kiss still upon his lips. to recall it brought a strange tenderness,--a softening of all the hard outlines of his picture of life. it changed his viewpoint; it brought him a knowledge of a joy and a gentleness that could exist even in this stern world of wilderness and pines. with her face lingering before his eyes, the ridges themselves seemed less stern and forbidding; there were softer messages in the wind's breath; the drama of the wild that went on about him seemed less remorseless and cruel. he remembered the touch of her hands. they had been so cool, so gentle. he remembered the changing lights in her dark eyes. life had opened up new vistas to him. instead of a stern battleground, he began to realize that it had a softer, gentler, kinder side,--a place where there could be love as well as hatred, peace as well as battle, cheery homes and firesides and pleasant ways and laughter instead of cold ways and lonely trails and empty hearts and grim thoughts. perhaps, if all went well, tranquillity might come to him after all. perhaps he might even know the tranquil spirit of the pines. these were mating days. it was true that the rutting season had not, in reality, commenced. the wolf pack had not yet gathered, and would not until after the heavy frosts. but the bucks had begun to rub the velvet from their horns so that they would be hard and sharp for the fights to come. and these would be savage battles--with death at the end of many of them. but perhaps the joys that would follow--the roving, mating days with the does--would more than make up for their pain. the trim females were seen less often with their fawns; and they seemed strangely restless and tremulous, perhaps wondering what fortune the fall would have for them in the way of a mate. the thought gave bruce pleasure. he could picture the deer herd in the fall,--the proud buck in the lead, ready to fight all contenders, his harem of does, and what fawns and young bucks he permitted to follow him. they would make stealing journeys down to the foothills to avoid the snow, and all manner of pleasures would be theirs in the gentler temperatures of the lowlands. they would know crisp dawns and breathless nights, long runnings into the valleys, and to the does the realization of motherhood when the spring broke. but aside from his contemplations of linda, the long tramp had many delights for him. he rejoiced in every manifestation of the wild life about him, whether it was a bushy-tailed old gray squirrel, watching him from a tree limb, a magpie trying its best to insult him, or the fleeting glimpse of a deer in the coverts. once he saw the black form of ashur the bear, mumbling and grunting as he searched under rotten logs for grubs. but he didn't see the killer again. he didn't particularly care to do so. he kept his rifle ready during the day for game, but he shot only what he needed. he did not attempt to kill the deer. he knew that he would have no opportunity to care for the meat. but he did, occasionally, shoot the head off a cock-grouse at close range, and no chef of paris could offer a more tempting dish than its flesh, rolled in flour and served up, fried brown, in bacon grease. it was mostly white meat, exceedingly tender, yet with the zest of wild game. but he dined on bacon exclusively one night because, after many misses at grouse, he declined to take the life of a gray squirrel that had perched in an oak tree above the trail. someway, it seemed to be getting too much pleasure out of life for him to blast it with a rifle shot. a squirrel has only a few ounces of flesh, and the woods without them would be dull and inane indeed. besides, they were bright-eyed, companionable people--dwellers of the wilderness even as bruce--and their personality had already endeared itself to him. once he startled a fawn almost out of its wits when he came upon it suddenly in a bend in the trail, and he shouted with delight as it bounded awkwardly away. once a porcupine rattled its quills at him and tried to seem very ferocious. but it was all the most palpable of bluffs, for urson, while particularly adept at defense, has no powers of offense whatever. he cannot move quickly. he can't shoot his spines, as the story-books say. he can only sit on the ground and erect them into a sort of suit of armor to repel attack. but bruce knew enough not to attempt to stroke the creature. if he had done so, he would have spent the remainder of the season pulling out spines from the soft flesh of his hand. urson was a patient, stupid, guileless creature, and he and bruce had a strange communion together as they stood face to face on the trail. "you've got the right idea," bruce told him. "to erect a wall around you and let 'em yell outside without giving them a thought. to stand firm, not to take part. you're a true son of the pines, urson. now let me past." but the idea was furthest from urson's mind. he sat firm on the trail, hunched into a spiny ball. instead of killing him with his rifle butt, as dave would have done, bruce laughed good-naturedly and went around him. both days of the journey home he wakened sharply at dawn. the cool, morning hours were the best for travel. he would follow down the narrow, brown trail,--now through a heavy covert that rustled as the wild creatures sped from his path, now up a long ridge, now down into a still, dark glen, and sometimes into a strange, bleak place where the forest fire had swept. every foot was a delight to him. he was of naturally strong physique, and although the days fatigued him unmercifully, he always wakened refreshed in the dawn. at noon he would stop to lunch, eating a few pieces of jerkey and frying a single flapjack in his skillet. he learned how to effect it quickly, first letting his fire burn down to coals. and usually, during the noon rest, he would practice with his rifle. he knew that if he were to fight the turners, skill with a rifle was an absolute necessity; such skill as would have felled the grizzly with one shot instead of administering merely a flesh wound, accuracy to take off the head of a grouse at fifty yards; and at the same time, an ability to swing and aim the weapon in the shortest possible space of time. the only thing that retarded him was the realization that he must not waste too many cartridges. elmira had brought him only a small supply. he would walk all afternoon--going somewhat easier and resting more often than in the morning; and these were the times that he appreciated a fragment of jerked venison. he would halt just before nightfall and make his camp. the first work was usually to strip a young fir tree of its young, slender branches. these, according to linda's instructions, were laid on the ground, their stalks overlapping, and in a remarkably few minutes he could construct a bed as comfortable as a hair mattress. it was true that the work always came at an hour when most of all he wanted food and rest, but he knew that a restless night means quick fatigue the next day. then he would clean his game and build his fire and cook his evening meal. simple food had never tasted so good to him before. bacon grease was his only flavor, but it had a zest that all the sauces and dressings of france could not approach. the jerkey was crisp and nutty; his flapjacks went directly to the spot where he desired them to go. but the best hour of all was after his meal, as he sat in the growing shadows with his pipe. it was always an hour of calm. the little, breathless noises of the wild people in the thickets; the gophers, to whose half blind eyes--used to the darkness of their underground passages--the firelight was almost blinding; the chipmunks, and even the larger creatures came clearest to him then and told him more. but they didn't frighten him. ordinarily, he knew, the forest creatures of the southern oregon mountains mean and do no harm to lonely campers. nevertheless, he kept fairly accurate track of his rifle. he had enough memory of the charge of the killer to wish to do that. and he thought with some pleasure that he had a reserve arsenal,--dave's thirty-thirty with five shells in its magazine. at this hour he felt the spirit of the pines as never before. he knew their great, brooding sorrow, their infinite wisdom, their inexpressible aloofness with which they kept watch over the wilderness. the smoke would drift about him in soothing clouds; the glow of the coals was red and warm over him. he could think then. life revealed some of its lesser mysteries to him. and he began to glimpse the distant gleam of even greater truths, and sometimes it seemed to him that he could almost catch and hold them. always it was some message that the pines were trying to tell him,--partly in words they made when their limbs rubbed together, partly in the nature of a great allegory of which their dark, impassive forms were the symbols. if he could only see clearly! but it seemed to him that passion blinded his eyes. "they talk only to the stars," linda had said once of the pines. but he had no illusions about this talk of theirs. it was greater, more fraught with wisdom, than anything men might say together below them. he could imagine them telling high secrets that he himself could discern but dimly and could hardly understand. more and more he realized that the pines, like the stars, were living symbols of great powers who lived above the world, powers that would speak to men if they would but listen long and patiently enough, and in whose creed lay happiness. when the pipe was out he would go to his fragrant bed. the night hours would pass in a breath. and he would rise and go on in the crisp dawns. the last afternoon he traveled hard. he wanted to reach linda's house before nightfall. but the trail was too long for that. the twilight fell, to find him still a weary two miles distant. and the way was quite dark when he plunged into the south pasture of the ross estates. half an hour later he was beneath the sentinel pine. he wondered why linda was not waiting beneath it; in his fancy, he thought of it as being the ordained place for her. but perhaps she had merely failed to hear his footsteps. he called into the open door. "linda," he said. "i've come back." no answer reached him. the words rang through the silent rooms and echoed back to him. he walked over the threshold. a chair in the front room was turned over. his heart leaped at the sight of it. "linda," he called in alarm, "where are you? it's bruce." he stood an instant listening, a great fear creeping over him. he called once more, first to linda and then to the old woman. then he leaped through the doorway. the kitchen was similarly deserted. from there he went to linda's room. her coat and hat lay on the bed, but there was no linda to stretch her arms to him. he started to go out the way he had come, but went instead to his own room. a sheet of note-paper lay on the bed. it had been scrawled hurriedly; but although he had never received a written word from linda he did not doubt but that it was her hand: the turners are coming--i caught a glimpse of them on the ridge. there is no use of my trying to resist, so i'll wait for them in the front room and maybe they won't find this note. they will take me to simon's house, and i know from its structure that they will lock me in an interior room in the east wing. use the window on that side nearest the north corner. my one hope is that you will come at once to save me. bruce's eyes leaped over the page; then thrust it into his pocket. he slipped through the rear door of the house, into the shadows. xxi as bruce hurried up the hill toward the ross estates, he made a swift calculation of the rifle shells in his pocket. the gun held six. he had perhaps fifteen others in his pockets, and he hadn't stopped to replenish them from the supply elmira had brought. he hadn't brought dave's rifle with him, but had left it with the remainder of his pack. he knew that the lighter he traveled the greater would be his chance of success. the note had explained the situation perfectly. obviously the girl had written when the clan was closing about the house, and finding her in the front room, there had been no occasion to search the other rooms and thus discover it. the girl had kept her head even in that moment of crisis. a wave of admiration for her passed over him. and the little action had set an example for him. he knew that only rigid self-control and cool-headed strategy could achieve the thing he had set out to do. there must be no false motions, no missteps. he must put out of his mind all thought of what dreadful fate might have already come upon the girl; such fancies would cost him his grip upon his own faculties and lose him the power of clear thinking. his impulse was to storm the door, to pour his lead through the lighted windows; but such things could never take linda out of simon's hands. only stealth and caution, not blind courage and frenzy, could serve her now. such blind killing as his heart prompted had to wait for another time. nevertheless, the stock of his rifle felt good in his hands. perhaps there would be a running fight after he got the girl out of the house, and then his cartridges would be needed. there might even be a moment of close work with what guards the turners had set over her. but the heavy stock, used like a club, would be most use to him then. he knew only the general direction of the ross house where simon lived. linda had told him it rested upon the crest of a small hill, beyond a ridge of timber. the moonlight showed him a well-beaten trail, and he strode swiftly along it. for once, he gave no heed to the stirring forest life about him. when a dead log had fallen across his path, he swung over it and hastened on. he had a vague sense of familiarity with this winding trail. perhaps he had toddled down it as a baby, perhaps his mother had carried him along it on a neighborly visit to the rosses. he went over the hill and pushed his way to the edge of the timber. all at once the moon showed him the house. he couldn't mistake it, even at this distance. and to bruce it had a singular effect of unreality. the mountain men did not ordinarily build homes of such dimensions. they were usually merely log cabins of two or three lower rooms and a garret to be reached with a ladder; or else, on the rough mountain highways, crude dwellings of unpainted frame. the ancestral home of the rosses, however, had fully a dozen rooms, and it loomed to an incredible size in the mystery of the moonlight. he saw quaint gabled roofs and far-spreading wings. and it seemed more like a house of enchantment, a structure raised by the rubbing of a magic lamp, than the work of carpenters and masons. probably its wild surroundings had a great deal to do with this effect. there were no roads leading to trail's end. material could not be carried over its winding trails except on pack animals. he had a realization of tremendous difficulties that had been conquered by tireless effort, of long months of unending toil, of exhaustless patience, and at the end,--a dream come true. all of its lumber had to be hewed from the forests about. its stone had been quarried from the rock cliffs and hauled with infinite labor over the steep trails. he understood now why the turners had coveted it. it seemed the acme of luxury to them. and more clearly than ever he understood why the rosses had died, sooner than relinquish it, and why its usurpation by the turners had left such a debt of hatred to linda. it was such a house as men dream about, a place to bequeath to their children and to perpetuate their names. built like a rock, it would stand through the decades, to pass from one generation to another,--an enduring monument to the strong thews of the men who had builded it. all men know that the love of home is one of the few great impulses that has made toward civilization, but by the same token it has been the cause of many wars. it was never an instinct of a nomadic people, and possibly in these latter days--days of apartments and flats and hotels--its hold is less. perhaps the day is coming when this love will die in the land, but with it will die the strength to repel the heathen from our walls, and the land will not be worth living in, anyway. but it was not dead to the mountain people. no really primitive emotion ever is. perhaps, after all, it is a question of the age-old longing for immortality, and therefore it must have its seat in a place higher than this world of death. men know that when they walk no longer under the sun and the moon it is good to have certain monuments to keep their name alive, whether it be blocks of granite at the grave-head, or sons living in an ancestral home. the rosses had known this instinct very well. as all men who are strong-thewed and of real natural virtue, they had known pride of race and name, and it had been a task worth while to build this stately house on their far-lying acres. they had given their fiber to it freely; no man who beheld the structure could doubt that fact. they had simply consecrated their lives to it; their one work by which they could show to all who came after that by their own hands they had earned their right to live. they had been workers, these men; and there is no higher degree. but their achievements had been stolen from their hands. bruce felt the real significance of his undertaking as never before. he saw the broad lands lying under the moon. there were hundreds of acres in alfalfa and clover to furnish hay for the winter feeding. there were wide, green pastures, ensilvered by the moon; and fields of corn laid out in even rows. the old appeal of the soil, an instinct that no person of anglo-saxon descent can ever completely escape, swept through him. they were worth fighting for, these fertile acres. the wind brought up the sweet breath of ripening hay. not for nothing have a hundred generations of anglo-saxon people been tillers of the soil. they had left a love of it to bruce. in a single flash of thought, even as he hastened toward the house where he supposed linda was held prisoner, the ancient joy returned to him. he knew what it would be like to feel the earth's pulse through the handles of a plow, to behold the first start of green things in the spring and the golden ripening in fall; to watch the flocks through the breathless nights and the herds feeding on the distant hills. bruce looked over the ground. he knew enough not to continue the trail farther. the space in front was bathed in moonlight, and he would make the best kind of target to any rifle-man watching from the windows of the house. he turned through the coverts, seeking the shadow of the forests at one side. by going in a quartering direction he was able to approach within two hundred yards of the house without emerging into the moonlight. at that point the real difficulty of the stalk began. he hovered in the shadows, then slipped one hundred feet farther to the trunk of a great oak tree. he could see the house much more plainly now. true, it had suffered neglect in the past twenty years; it needed painting and many of its windows were broken, but it was a magnificent old mansion even yet. it stood lost in its dreams in the moonlight; and if, as old stories say, houses have memories, this old structure was remembering certain tragic dramas that had waged within and about it in a long-ago day. bruce rejoiced to see that there were no lights in the east wing of the house; the window that linda had indicated in the note was just a black square on the moonlit wall. there was a neglected garden close to this wing of the house. bruce could make out rose bushes, grown to brambles, tall, rank weeds, and heavy clumps of vines. if he could reach this spot in safety he could approach within a few feet of the house and still remain in cover. he went flat; then slowly crawled toward it. once a light sprang up in a window near the front, and he pressed close to the earth. but in a moment it went away. he crept on. he didn't know when a watchman in one of the dark windows would discern his creeping figure. but he did know perfectly just what manner of greeting he might expect in this event. there would be a single little spurt of fire in the darkness, so small that probably his eyes would quite fail to catch it. if they did discern it, there would be no time for a message to be recorded in his brain. it would mean a swift and certain end of all messages. the turners would lose no time in emptying their rifles at him, and there wouldn't be the slightest doubt about their hitting the mark. all the clan were expert shots and the range was close. the house was deeply silent. he felt a growing sense of awe. in a moment more, he slipped into the shadows of the neglected rose gardens. he lay quiet an instant, resting. he didn't wish to risk the success of his expedition by fatiguing himself now. he wanted his full strength and breath for any crisis that he should meet in the room where linda was confined. many times, he knew, skulking figures had been concealed in this garden. probably the turners, in the days of the blood-feud, had often waited in its shadows for a sight of some one of their enemies in a lighted window. old ghosts dwelt in it; he could see their shadows waver out of the corner of his eyes. or perhaps it was only the shadow of the brambles, blown by the wind. once his heart leaped into his throat at a sharp crack of brush beside him; and he could scarcely restrain a muscular jerk that might have revealed his position. but when he turned his head he could see nothing but the coverts and the moon above them. a garden snake, or perhaps a blind mole, had made the sound. four minutes later he was within one dozen feet of the designated window. there was a stretch of moonlight between, but he passed it quickly. and now he stood in bold relief against the moonlit house-wall. he was in perfectly plain sight of any one on the hill behind. possibly his distant form might have been discerned from the window of one of the lesser houses occupied by simon's kin. but he was too close to the wall to be visible from the windows of simon's house, except by a deliberate scrutiny. and the window slipped up noiselessly in his hands. he was considerably surprised. he had expected this window to be locked. some way, he felt less hopeful of success. he recalled in his mind the directions that linda had left, wondering if he had come to the wrong window. but there was no chance of a mistake in this regard; it was the northernmost window in the east wing. however, she had said that she would be confined in an interior room, and possibly the turners had seen no need of barriers other than its locked door. probably they had not even anticipated that bruce would attempt a rescue. he leaped lightly upward and slipped silently into the room. except for the moonlit square on the floor it was quite in darkness. it seemed to him that even in the night hours over a camp fire he had never known such silence as this that pressed about him now. he stood a moment, hardly breathing. but he decided it was not best to strike a match. there were no enemies here, or they certainly would have accosted him when he raised the window; and a match might reveal his presence to some one in an adjoining room. he rested his hand against the wall, then moved slowly around the room. he knew that by this course he would soon encounter the door that led into the interior rooms. in a moment he found it. he stood waiting. he turned the knob gently; then softly pulled. but the door was locked. there was no sound now but the loud beating of his own heart. he could no longer hear the voices of the wind outside the open window. he wondered whether, should he hurl all his magnificent strength against the panels, he could break the lock; and if he did so, whether he could escape with the girl before he was shot down. but his hand, wandering over the lock, encountered the key. it was easy, after all. he turned the key. the door opened beneath his hand. if there had been a single ray of light under the door or through the keyhole, his course would have been quite different. he would have opened the door suddenly in that case, hoping to take by surprise whosoever of the clan were guarding linda. to open a door slowly into a room full of enemies is only to give them plenty of time to cock their rifles. but in this case the room was in darkness, and all that he need fear was making a sudden sound. the opening slowly widened. then he slipped through and stood ten breathless seconds in silence. "linda," he whispered. he waited a long time for an answer. then he stole farther into the room. "linda," he said again. "it's bruce. are you here?" and in that unfathomable silence he heard a sound--a sound so dim and small that it only reached the frontier of hearing. it was a strange, whispering, eerie sound, and it filled the room like the faintest, almost imperceptible gust of wind. but there was no doubting its reality. and after one more instant in which his heart stood still, he knew what it was: the sound of suppressed breathing. a living creature occupied this place of darkness with him, and was either half-gagged by a handkerchief over the face or was trying to conceal its presence by muffling its breathing. "linda," he said again. there was a strange response to the calling of that name. he heard no whispered answer. instead, the door he had just passed through shut softly behind him. for a fleeting instant he hoped that the wind had blown it shut. for it is always the way of youth to hope,--as long as any hope is left. his heart leaped and he whirled to face it. then he heard the unmistakable sound of a bolt being slid into place. some little space of time followed in silence. he struggled with growing horror, and time seemed limitless. then a strong man laughed grimly in the darkness. xxii as bruce waited, his eyes slowly became accustomed to the darkness. he began to see the dim outlines of his fellow occupants of the room,--fully seven brawny men seated in chairs about the walls. "let's hear you drop your rifle," one of them said. bruce recognized the grim voice as simon's,--heard on one occasion before. he let his rifle fall from his hands. he knew that only death would be the answer to any resistance to these men. then simon scratched a match, and without looking at him, bent to touch it to the wick of the lamp. the tiny flame sputtered and flickered, filling the room with dancing shadows. bruce looked about him. it was the same long, white-walled room that dave and simon had conversed in, after elmira had first dispatched her message by barney wegan. bruce knew that he faced the turner clan at last. simon sat beside the fireplace, the lamp at his elbow. as the wick caught, the light brightened and steadied, and bruce could see plainly. on each side of him, in chairs about the walls, sat simon's brothers and his blood relations that shared the estate with him. they were huge, gaunt men, most of them dark-bearded and sallow-skinned, and all of them regarded him with the same gaze of speculative interest. bruce did not flinch before their gaze. he stood erect as he could, instinctively defiant. "our guest is rather early," simon began. "dave hasn't come yet, and dave is the principal witness." a bearded man across the room answered him. "but i guess we ain't goin' to let the prisoner go for lack of evidence." the circle laughed then,--a harsh sound that was not greatly different from the laughter of the coyotes on the sagebrush hills. but they sobered when they saw that simon hadn't laughed. his dark eyes were glowing. "you, by no chance, met him on the way home, did you?" he asked. "i wish i had," bruce replied. "but i didn't." "i don't understand your eagerness. you didn't seem overly eager to meet us." bruce smiled wanly. these wilderness men regarded him with fresh interest. somehow, they hadn't counted on his smiling. it was almost as if he were of the wilderness breed himself, instead of the son of cities. "i'm here, am i not?" he said. "it isn't as if you came to my house first." he regarded the clansmen again. he _had_ missed dave's crafty face in the circle. "yes, you're here," simon confirmed. "and i'm wondering if you remember what i told you just as you left martin's store that day--that i gave no man two warnings." "i remember that," bruce replied. "i saw no reason for listening to you. i don't see any reason now, and i wouldn't if it wasn't for that row of guns." simon studied his pale face. "perhaps you'll be sorry you didn't listen, before this night is over. and there are many hours yet in it. bruce--you came up here to these mountains to open old wounds." "simon, i came up here to right wrongs--and you know it. if old wounds are opened, i can't help it." "and to-night," simon went on as if he had not been answered, "you have come unbidden into our house. it would be all the evidence the courts would need, bruce--that you crept into our house in the dead of night. if anything happened to you here, no word could be raised against us. you were a brave man, bruce." "so i can suppose you left the note?" the circle laughed again, but simon silenced them with a gesture. "you're very keen," he said. "then where is linda?" bruce's eyes hardened. "i am more interested in her whereabouts than in this talk with you." "the last seen of her, she was going up a hill with dave. when dave returns you can ask him." the bearded man opposite from simon uttered a short syllable of a laugh. "and it don't look like he's going to return," he said. the knowing look on his face was deeply abhorrent to bruce. curiously, simon's face flushed, and he whirled in his chair. "do you mean anything in particular, old bill?" he demanded. "it looks to me like maybe dave's forgot a lot of things you told him, and he and linda are havin' a little sparkin' time together out in the brush." the idea seemed to please the clan. but simon's eyes glowed, and bruce himself felt the beginnings of a blind rage that might, unless he held hard upon it, hurl him against their remorseless weapons. "i don't want any more such talk out of you, old bill," simon reproved him, "and we've talked enough, anyway." his keen eyes studied bruce's flushed face. "one of you give our guest a chair and fix him up in it with a thong. we don't want him flying off the coop and getting shot until we're done talking to him." one of the clansmen pushed a chair forward with sudden force, striking bruce in the knees and almost knocking him over. the circle leered, and he sat down in it with as much ease as possible. then one of the men looped his arms to the arms of the chair with thongs of buckskin. another thong was tied about his ankles. then the clansmen went back to their chairs. "i really don't see the use of all these dramatics," bruce said coldly. "and i don't particularly like veiled threats. at present i seem to be in your hands." "you don't seem to be," simon answered with reddening eyes. "you are." "i have no intention of saying i'm sorry i didn't heed the threats you gave me before--and as to those i've heard to-night--they're not going to do you any good, either. it is true that you found me in the house you occupy in the dead of night--but it isn't your house to start with. what a man seizes by murder isn't his." "what a man holds with a hard fist and his rifle--in these mountains--_is_ his," simon contradicted him. "besides, you got me here with a trick," bruce went on without heeding him. "so don't pretend that any wickedness you do to-night was justified by my coming. you'll have to answer for it just the same." simon leaned forward in his chair. his dark eyes glowed in the lamplight. "i've heard such talk as that before," he said. "i expect your own father talked like that a few times himself." the words seemed to strike straight home to the gathered turners. the moment was breathless, weighted with suspense. all of them seemed straining in their chairs. bruce's head bowed, but the veins stood out beneath the short hair on his temples, and his lips trembled when he answered. "that was a greater wickedness than anything--_anything_ you can do to-night. and you'll have to answer for it all the more." he spoke the last sentence with a calm assurance. though spoken softly, the words rang clear. but the answer of the evil-hearted man before him was only a laugh. "and there's one thing more i want to make clear," bruce went on in the strong voice of a man who had conquered his terror. and it was not because he did not realize his danger. he was in the hands of the turners, and he knew that simon had spoken certain words that, if for no other reason than his reputation with his followers, he would have to make good. bruce knew that no moment of his life was ever fraught with greater peril. but the fact itself that there were no doors of escape open to him, and he was face to face with his destiny, steadied him all the more. the boy that had been wakened in his bed at home by the ring of the 'phone bell had wholly vanished now. a man of the wild places had come instead, stern and courageous and unflinching. "everything is tolerable clear to us already," simon said, "except your sentence." "i want you to know that i refuse to be impressed with this judicial attitude of you and your blackguard followers," bruce went on. "this gathering of the group of you doesn't make any evil that you do any less wrong, or the payment you'll have to make any less sure. it lies wholly in your power to kill me while i'm sitting here, and i haven't much hope but that you'll do it. but let me tell you this. a reign of bloodshed and crime can go on only so long. you've been kings up here, and you think the law can't reach you. but it will--believe me, it will." "and this was the man who was going to begin the blood-feud--already hollering about the law," simon said to his followers. he turned to bruce. "it's plain that dave isn't going to come. i'll have to be the chief witness myself, after all. however, dave told me all that i needed to know. the first question i have to ask of you, folger, is the whereabouts of that agreement between your late lamented father and the late lamented matthew ross, according to what the trapper hudson told you a few days ago." bruce was strong enough to laugh in his bonds. "up to this time i have given you and your murderous crowd credit for at least natural intelligence," he replied, "but i see i was mistaken--or you wouldn't expect an answer to that question." "do you mean you don't know its whereabouts?" "i won't give you the satisfaction of knowing whether i know or not. i just refuse to answer." "i trust the ropes are tight enough about your wrists." "plenty tight, thank you. they are cutting the flesh so it bleeds." "how would you like them some tighter?" "pull them till they cut my arms off, and you won't get a civil answer out of me. in fact--" and the man's eyes blazed--"i'm tired of talking to this outlaw crowd. and the sooner you do what you're going to do, the better it will suit me." "we'll come to that shortly enough. disregarding that for a moment--we understand that you want to open up the blood-feud again. is that true?" bruce made no answer, only gazed without flinching into his questioner's face. "that was what my brother dave led me to understand," simon went on, "so we've decided to let you have your way. it's open--it's been open since you came here. you disregarded the warning i gave--and men don't disregard my warnings twice. you threatened dave with your rifle. this is a different land than you're used to, bruce, and we do things our own way. you've hunted for trouble and now you've found it. your father before you thought he could stand against us--but he's been lying still a long time. the rosses thought so too. and it is part of our code never to take back a threat--but always to make it good." bruce still sat with lowered head, seemingly not listening. the clansmen gazed at him, and a new, more deadly spirit was in the room. none of them smiled now; the whole circle of faces was dark and intent, their eyes glittered through narrowed lids, their lips set. the air was charged with suspense. the moment of crisis was near. sometimes the men glanced at their leader's face, and what they saw there filled them with a grim and terrible eagerness. simon was beginning to run true to form. his dark passions were slowly mastering him. for a moment they all sat as if entranced in a communion of cruelty, and to bruce they seemed like a colony of spotted rattlesnakes such as sometimes hold their communions of hatred on the sun-blasted cliffs. all at once simon laughed,--a sharp, hoarse sound that had, in its overtones, a note of madness. every man in the room started. they seemed to have forgotten bruce. they looked at their leader with a curious expectancy. they seemed to know that that wild laugh betokened but one thing--the impact of some terrible sort of inspiration. as they watched, they saw the idea take hold of him. the huge face darkened. his eyes seemed to smolder as he studied his huge hands. they understood, these wilderness men. they had seen their leader in such sessions before. a strange and grim idea had come to him; already he was feasting on its possibilities. it seemed to heat his blood and blur his vision. "we've decided to be merciful, after all," he said slowly. but neither bruce nor the clansmen misunderstood him or were deceived. they only knew that these words were simply part of a deadly jest that in a moment all would understand. "instead of filling you full of thirty-thirty bullets, as better men than you have been filled and what we _ought_ to do--we're just going to let you lay out all night--in the pasture--with your feet tied and your hands behind your back." no one relaxed. they listened, staring, for what would follow. "you may get a bit cold before morning," simon went on, "but you're warmly dressed, and a little frost won't hurt you. and i've got the place all picked out for you. and we're even going to move something that's laying there so it will be more pleasant." again he paused. bruce looked up. "the thing that's lying there is a dead yearling calf, half ate up. it was killed last night by the killer--the old grizzly that maybe you've heard of before. some of the boys were going to wait in trees to-night by the carcass and shoot the killer when he comes back after another meal--something that likely won't happen until about midnight if he runs true to form. but it won't be necessary now. we're going to haul the carcass away--down wind where he won't smell it. and we're going to leave you there in its place to explain to him what became of it." bruce felt their glowing eyes upon him. exultation was creeping over the clan; once more their leader had done himself proud. it was such suggestions as this that kept them in awe of him. and they thought they understood. they supposed that the night would be of the utter depths of terror to the tenderfoot from the cities, that the bear would sniff and wander about him, and perchance the man's hair would be turned quite white by morning. but being mountain men, they thought that the actual danger of attack was not great. they supposed that the inborn fear of men that all animals possess would keep him at a distance. and, if by any unlikely chance the theft of the beef-carcass should throw him into such a rage that he would charge bruce, no harm in particular would be done. the man was a folger, an enemy of the clan, and after once the telltale ropes were removed, no one would ask questions about the mutilated, broken thing that would be found next morning in the pasture. the story would carry down to the settlements merely as a fresh atrocity of the killer, the last and greatest of the grizzlies. but they had no realization of the full dreadfulness of the plan. they hadn't heard the more recent history of the killer,--the facts that simon had just learned from dave. strange and dark conjecturing occupied simon's mind, and he knew--in a moment's thought--that something more than terror and indignity might be bruce's fate. but his passion was ripe for what might come. the few significant facts that they did not know were merely that the killer had already found men out, that he had learned in an instant's meeting with hudson beside little river that men were no longer to be feared, and worse, that he was raving and deadly from the pain of the wound that bruce's bullet had inflicted. the circle of faces faded out for both of them as the eyes of bruce and simon met and clashed and battled in the silent room. xxiii "if simon turner isn't a coward," bruce said slowly to the clan, "he will give me a chance to fight him now." the room was wholly silent, and the clan turned expectant eyes to their leader. simon scowled, but he knew he had to make answer. his eyes crept over bruce's powerful body. "there is no obligation on my part to answer any challenges by you," he said. "you are a prisoner. but if you think you can sleep better in the pasture because of it, i'll let you have your chance. take off his ropes." a knife slashed at his bonds. simon stood up, and bruce sprang from his chair like a wild cat, aiming his hardened knuckles straight for the leering lips. he made the attack with astonishing swiftness and power, and his intention was to deliver at least one terrific blow before simon could get his arms up to defend himself. he had given the huge clan leader credit for tremendous physical strength, but he didn't think that the heavy body could move with real agility. but the great muscles seemed to snap into tension, the head ducked to one side, and his own huge fists struck out. if bruce's blow had gone straight home where it had been aimed, simon would have had nothing more to say for a few moments at least. when man was built of clay, nature saw fit to leave him with certain imperfections lest he should think himself a god, and a weak spot in the region of the chin is one of them. the jaw bones carry the impact of a hard blow to certain nerve centers near the temples, and restful sleep comes quickly. there are never any ill effects, unless further damage is inflicted while unconsciousness is upon him. in spite of the fact that simon got quickly into a position of defense, that first blow still had a fair chance of bringing the fight to an abrupt end. but still another consideration remained. bruce's muscles had refused to respond. the leap had been powerful and swift yet wholly inaccurate. and the reason was just that his wrists and ankles had been numbed by the tight thongs by which they had been confined. simon met the leap with a short, powerful blow into bruce's face; and he reeled backward. the arms of the clansmen alone kept him from falling. the blow seemed to daze bruce; and at first his only realization was that the room suddenly rang with harsh and grating laughter. then simon's words broke through it. "put back the thongs," he ordered, "and go get your horses." bruce was dimly aware of the falling of a silence, and then the arms of strong men half carrying him to the door. but he couldn't see plainly at first. the group stood in the shadow of the building; the moon was behind. he knew that the clan had brought their horses and were waiting for simon's command. they loosened the ropes from about his ankles, and two of the clansmen swung him on to the back of a horse. then they passed a rope under the horse's belly and tied his ankles anew. simon gave a command, and the strange file started. the night air dispelled the mists in bruce's brain, and full realization of all things came to him again. one of the men--he recognized him as young bill--led the horse on which he rode. two of the clansmen rode in front, grim, silent, incredibly tall figures in the moonlight. the remainder rode immediately behind. simon himself, bowed in his saddle, kept a little to one side. their shadows were long and grotesque on the soft grass of the meadows, and the only sound was the soft footfall of their mounts. a full mile distant across the lush fields the cavalcade halted about a grotesque shadow in the grass. bruce didn't have to look at it twice to know what it was: the half-devoured body of the yearling calf that had been the killer's prey the night before. from thence on, their operations became as outlandish occurrences in a dream. they seemed to know just what to do. they took him from the saddle and bound his feet again; then laid him in the fragrant grass. they searched his pockets, taking the forged note that had led to his downfall. "it saves me a trip," simon commented. he saw two of them lift the torn body of the animal on to the back of one of the horses, and he watched dully as the horse plunged and wheeled under the unfamiliar weight. he thought for an instant that it would step upon his own prone body, but he didn't flinch. simon spoke in the silence, but his words seemed to come from far away. "quiet that horse or kill him," he said softly. "you can't drag the carcass with your rope--the killer would trace it if you did and maybe spoil the evening for bruce." strong arms sawed at the bits, and the horse quieted, trembling. for a moment bruce saw their white moonlit faces as they stared down at him. "what about a gag?" one of them asked. "no. let him shout if he likes. there is no one to hear him here." then the tall men swung on their horses and headed back across the fields. bruce watched them dully. their forms grew constantly more dim, the sense of utter isolation increased. then he saw the file pause, and it seemed to him that words, too faint for him to understand, reached him across the moonlit spaces. then one of the party turned off toward the ridge. he guessed that it was simon. he thought the man was riding toward linda's home. he watched until the shadows had hidden them all. then, straining upward, he tested his bonds. he tugged with the full strength of his arms, but there was not the play of an inch between his wrists. the turners had done their work well. not the slightest chance of escape lay in this quarter. he wrenched himself to one side, then looked about him. the fields stretched even and distant on one side, but he saw that the dark forest was but fifty yards away on the other. he listened; and the little night sounds reached him clearly. they had been sounds to rejoice in before,--impulses to delightful fancies of a fawn stealing through the thickets, or some of the little people in their scurried, tremulous business of the night hours. but lying helpless at the edge of the forest, they were nothing to rejoice in now. he tried to shut his ears to them. he rolled again to his back and tried to find peace for his spirit in the stars. there were millions of them. they were larger and more bright than any time he had ever seen them. they stood in their high places, wholly indifferent and impassive to all the strife and confusion of the world below them; and bruce wished that he could partake of their spirit enough so that he could rise above the fear and bitterness that had begun to oppress him. but only the pines could talk to them. only the tall trees, stretching upward toward them, could reach into their mysterious calm. his eyes discerned a thin filament of cloud that had swept up from behind the ridges, and the sight recalled him to his own position with added force. the moonlight, soft as it was, had been a tremendous relief to him. at least, it would have enabled him to keep watch, and now he dreaded the fall of utter darkness more than he had ever dreaded anything in his life. it was an ancient instinct, coming straight from the young days of the world when nightfall brought the hunting creatures to the mouth of the cave, but he had never really experienced it before. if the clouds spread, the moon that was his last remaining solace would be obscured. he watched with growing horror the slow extension of the clouds. one by one the stars slipped beneath them. they drew slowly up to the moon and for a long minute seemed to hover. they were not heavy clouds, however, and in their thinner patches the stars looked dimly through. finally the moon swept under them. the shadow fell around bruce. for the first time he knew the age-old terror of the darkness. dreadful memories arose within him,--vague things that had their font in the labyrinthal depths of the germ-plasm. it is a knowledge that no man, with the weapons of the twentieth century in his hands and in the glow of that great symbol of domain, the camp fire, can really possess; but here, bound hand and foot in the darkness, full understanding came to bruce. he no longer knew himself as one of a dominant breed, master of all the wild things in the world. he was simply a living creature in a grim and unconquered world, alone and helpless in the terror of the darkness. the moonlight alternately grew and died as the moon passed in and out of the heavier cloud patches. winds must have been blowing in the high lanes of the air, but there was no breath of them where bruce lay. the forests were silent, and the little rustlings and stirrings that reached him from time to time only seemed to accentuate the quiet. he speculated on how many hours had passed. he wondered if he could dare to hope that midnight had already gone by and, through some divergence from wilderness customs, the grizzly had failed to return to his feast. it seemed endless hours since he had reëntered the empty rooms of linda's home. a wave of hope crept through the whole hydraulic system of his veins. and then, as a sudden sound reached him from the forests at one side, that bright wave of hope turned black, receded, and left only despair. he heard the sound but dimly. in fact, except for his straining with every nerve alert, he might not have heard it at all. nevertheless, distance alone had dimmed it; it had been a large sound to start with. so far had it come that only a scratch on the eardrums was left of it; but there was no chance to misunderstand it. it cracked out to him through the unfathomable silence, and all the elements by which he might recognize it were distinct. it was the noise of a heavy thicket being broken down and parted before an enormous body. he waited, scarcely breathing, trying to tell himself he had been mistaken. but a wiser, calmer self deep within him would not accept the lie. he listened, straining. then he heard the sound again. whoever came toward him had passed the heavy brush by now. the sounds that reached him were just faint and intermittent whispers,--first of a twig cracking beneath a heavy foot, then the rattle of two pebbles knocked together. long moments of utter silence would ensue between, in which he could hear the steady drum of his heart in his breast and the long roll of his blood in his veins. the shadows grew and deepened and faded and grew again, as the moon passed from cloud to cloud. the limbs of a young fir tree rustled and whispered as something brushed against them. leaves flicked together, and once a heavy limb popped like a distant small-calibered rifle as a great weight broke it in two. then, as if the gods of the wilderness were using all their ingenuity to torture him, the silence closed down deeper than ever before. it lasted so long that he began to hope again. perhaps the sounds had been made by a deer stealing on its way to feed in the pastures. yet he knew the step had been too heavy for anything but the largest deer, and their way was to encircle a thicket rather than crash through it. the deer make it their business always to go with silence in these hours when the beasts of prey are abroad, and usually a beetle in the leaves makes more noise than they. it might have been the step of one of the small, black bears--a harmless and friendly wilderness dweller. yet the impression lingered and strengthened that only some great hunter, a beast who feared neither other beasts nor men, had been steadily coming toward him through the forest. in the long silence that ensued bruce began to hope that the animal had turned off. at that instant the moon slipped under a particularly heavy fragment of cloud, and deep darkness settled over him. even his white face was no longer discernible in the dusk. he lay scarcely breathing, trying to fight down his growing terror. this silence could mean but one of two things. one of them was that the creature who had made the sounds had turned off on one of the many intersecting game trails that wind through the forest. this was his hope. the alternative was one of despair. it was simply that the creature had detected his presence and was stalking him in silence through the shadows. he thought that the light would never come. he strained again at his ropes. the dark cloud swept on; and the moonlight, silver and bright, broke over the scene. the forest stood once more in sharp silhouette against the sky. the moon stood high above the tapering tops of the pines. he studied with straining eyes the dark fringe of shadows one hundred feet distant. and at first he could see only the irregularities cast by the young trees, the firs between which lay the brush coverts. then he detected a strange variation in the dark border of shadows. it held his gaze, and its outlines slowly strengthened. so still it stood, so seemingly a natural shadow that some irregularly shaped tree had cast, that his eyes refused to recognize it. but in an instant more he knew the truth. the shadow was that of a great beast that had stalked him clear to the border of the moonlight. the killer had come for his dead. xxiv when linda returned home the events of the night partook even of a greater mystery. the front door was open, and she found plenty of evidence that bruce had returned from his journey. in the center of the room lay his pack, a rifle slanting across it. at first she did not notice the gun in particular. she supposed it was bruce's weapon and that he had come in, dropped his luggage, and was at present somewhere in the house. it was true that one chair was upset, but except for an instant's start she gave no thought to it. she thought that he would probably go to the kitchen first for a bite to eat. he was not in this room, however, nor had the lamp been lighted. her next idea was that bruce, tired out, had gone to bed. she went back softly to the front room, intending not to disturb him. once more she noticed the upset chair. the longer she regarded it, the more of a puzzle it became. she moved over toward the pack and looked casually at the rifle. in an instant more it was in her hands. she saw at once that it was not bruce's gun. the action, make, and caliber were different. she was not a rifle-woman, and the little shooting she had done had been with a pistol; but even a layman could tell this much. besides, it had certain peculiar notches on the stock that the gun elmira had furnished bruce did not have. she stood a moment in thought. the problem offered no ray of light. she considered what bruce's first action would have been, on returning to the house to find her absent. possibly he had gone in search of her. she turned and went to the door of his bedroom. she knocked on it softly. "are you there, bruce?" she called. no answer returned to her. the rooms, in fact, were deeply silent. she tried the door and found it unlocked. the room had not been occupied. thoroughly alarmed, she went back into the front room and tried to decipher the mystery of the strange weapon. she couldn't conceive of any possibility whereby bruce would exchange his father's trusted gun for this. possibly it was an extra weapon that he had procured on his journey. and since no possible gain would come of her going out into the forests to seek him, she sat down to wait for his return. she knew that if she did start out he might easily return in her absence and be further alarmed. the moments dragged by and her apprehension grew. she took the rifle in her hands and, slipping the lever part way back, looked to see if there were a cartridge in the barrel. she saw a glitter of brass, and it gave her a measure of assurance. she had a pistol in her own room--a weapon that elmira had procured, years before, from a passing sportsman--and for a moment she considered getting it also. she understood its action better and would probably be more efficient with it if the need arose, but for certain never-to-be-forgotten reasons she wished to keep this weapon until the moment of utmost need. her whole stock of pistol cartridges consisted of six--completely filling the magazine of the pistol. closely watched by the turners, she had been unable to procure more. many a dreadful night these six little cylinders of brass had been a tremendous consolation to her. they had been her sole defense, and she knew that in the final emergency she could use them to deadly effect. linda was a girl who had always looked her situations in the face. she was not one to flinch from the truth and with false optimism disbelieve it. she had the courage of many generations of frontiersmen and woodsmen, and she had their vision too. she knew these mountain realms; better still she understood the dark passions of simon and his followers, and this little half-pound of steel and wood with its brass shells might mean, in the dreadful last moment of despair, deliverance from them. it might mean escape for herself when all other ways were cut off. in this wild land, far from the reaches of law and without allies except for a decrepit old woman, the pistol and its deadly loads had been her greatest solace. but she relied on the rifle now. and sitting in the shadow, she kept watch over the moonlit ridge. the hours passed, and the clouds were starting up from the horizon when she thought she saw bruce returning. a tall form came swinging toward her, over the little trail that led between the tree trunks. she peered intently. and in one instant more she knew that the approaching figure was not bruce, but the man she most feared of anyone on earth, simon turner. she knew him by his great form, his swinging stride. her thoughts came clear and true. it was obvious that his was no mission of stealth. he was coming boldly, freely, not furtively; and he must have known that he presented a perfect rifle target from the windows. nevertheless, it is well to be prepared for emergencies. if life in the mountains teaches anything, it teaches that. she took the rifle and laid it behind a little desk, out of sight. then she went to the door. "i want to come in, linda," simon told her. "i told you long ago you couldn't come to this house," linda answered through the panels. "i want you to go away." simon laughed softly. "you'd better let me in. i've brought word of the child you took to raise. you know who i mean." yes, linda knew. "do you mean bruce?" she asked. "i let dave in to-night on the same pretext. don't expect me to be caught twice by the same lie." "dave? where is dave?" the fact was that the whereabouts of his brother had suddenly become considerable of a mystery to simon. all the way from the pasture where he had left his clan he had been having black pictures of dave. he had thought about him and linda out in the darkness together, and his heart had seemed to smolder and burn with jealousy in his breast. it had been a great relief to him to find her in the house. "i wonder--where he is by now," linda answered in a strange voice. "no one in this world can answer that question, simon. tell me what you want." she opened the door. she couldn't bear to show fear of this man. and she knew that an appearance of courage, at least, was the wisest course. "no matter about him now. i want to talk to you on business. if i had meant rough measures, i wouldn't have come alone." "no," linda scorned. "you would have brought your whole murdering band with you. the turners believe in overwhelming numbers." the words stung him but he smiled grimly into her face. "i've come in peace, linda," he said, more gently. "i've come to give you a last chance to make friends." he walked past her into the room. he straightened the chair that had been upset, smiling strangely the while, and sat down in it. "then tell me what you have to tell me," she said. "i'm in a hurry to go to bed--and this really isn't the hour for calls." he looked a long time into her face. she found it hard to hold her own gaze. many things could be doubted about this man, but his power and his courage were not among them. the smile died from his lips, the lines deepened on his face. she realized as never before the tempestuous passions and unfathomable intensity of his nature. "we've never been good friends," simon went on slowly. "we never could be," the girl answered. "we've stood for different things." "at first my efforts to make friends were just--to win you over to our side. it didn't work--all it did was to waken other desires in me--desires that perhaps have come to mean more than the possession of the lands. you know what they are. you've always known--that any time you wished--you could come and rule my house." she nodded. she knew that she had won, against her will, the strange, somber love of this mighty man. she had known it for months. "as my wife--don't make any mistake about that. linda, i'm a stern, hard man. i've never known how to woo. i don't know that i want to know how, the way it is done by weaker men. it has never been my way to ask for what i wanted. but sometimes it seems to me that if i'd been a little more gentle--not so masterful and so relentless--that i'd won you long ago." linda looked up bravely into his face. "no, simon. you could have never--never won me! oh, can't you see--even in this awful place a woman wants something more than just brute strength and determination. every woman prays to find strength in the man she loves--but it isn't the kind that you have, the kind that makes your men grovel before you, and makes me tremble when i'm talking to you. it's a big, calm strength--and i can't tell you what it is. it's something the pines have, maybe--strength not to yield to the passions, but to restrain, not to be afraid of, but to cling to--to stand upright and honorable and manly, and make a woman strong just to see it in the man she loves." he listened gravely. her cheeks blazed. it was a strange scene--the silent room, the implacable foes, the breathless suspense, the prophecy and inspiration in her tones. "perhaps i should have been more gentle," he admitted. "i might have forgotten--for a little while--this surging, irresistible impulse in my muscles--and tried just to woo you, gently and humbly. but it's too late now. i'm not a fool. i can't expect you to begin at the beginning. i can only go on in my own way--my hard, remorseless, ruthless way. "it isn't every man who is brave enough to see what he wants and knock away all obstacles to get it," he went on. "put that bravery to my credit. to pay no attention to methods, only to look forward to the result. that has been my creed. it is my creed now. many less brave men would fear your hatred--but i don't fear it as long as i possess what i go after and a hope that i can get you over it. many of my own brothers hate me, but yet i don't care as long as they do my will. no matter how much you scorn it, this bravery has always got me what i wanted, and it will get me what i want now." the high color died in her face. she wondered if the final emergency had come at last. "i've come to make a bargain. you can take it or you can refuse. on one side is the end of all this conflict, to be my wife, to have what you want--bought by the rich return from my thousands of acres. and i love you, linda. you know that." the man spoke the truth. his terrible, dark love was all over him--in his glowing eyes, in his drawn, deeply-lined face. "in time, when you come around to my way of thinking, you'll love me. if you refuse--this last time--i've got to take other ways. on that side is defeat for you--as sure as day. the time is almost up when the title to those lands is secure. bruce is in our hands--" she got up, white-faced. "bruce--?" he arose too. "yes! did you think he could stand against us? i'll show him to you in the morning. to-night he's paying the price for ever daring to oppose my will." she turned imploring eyes. he saw them, and perhaps--far distant--he saw the light of triumph too. a grim smile came to his lips. "simon," she cried. "have mercy." the word surprised him. it was the first time she had ever asked this man for mercy. "then you surrender--?" "simon, listen to me," she begged. "let him go--and i won't even try to fight you any more. i'll let you keep those lands and never try any more to make you give them up. you and your brothers can keep them forever, and we won't try to get revenge on you either. he and i will go away." he gazed at her in deepening wonderment. for the moment, his mind refused to accept the truth. he only knew that since he had faced her before, some new, great strength had come to her,--that a power was in her life that would make her forego all the long dream of her days. he had known perfectly the call of the blood in her. he had understood her hatred of the turners, he could hate in the same way himself. he realized her love for her father's home and how she had dreamed of expelling its usurpers. yet she was willing to renounce it all. the power that had come to her was one that he, a man whose code of life was no less cruel and remorseless than that of the killer himself, could not understand. "but why?" he demanded. "why are you willing to do all this for him?" "why?" she echoed. once more the luster was in her dark eyes. "i suppose it is because--i love him." he looked at her with slowly darkening face. passion welled within him. an oath dropped from his lips, blasphemous, more savage than any wilderness voice. then he raised his arm and struck her tender flesh. he struck her breast. the brutality of the man stood forth at last. no picture that all the dreadful dramas of the wild could portray was more terrible than this. the girl cried out, reeled and fell fainting from the pain, and with smoldering eyes he gazed at her unmoved. then he turned out of the door. but the curtain of this drama in the mountain home had not yet rung down. half-unconscious, she listened to his steps. he was out in the moonlight, vanishing among the trees. strange fancies swept her, all in the smallest fraction of an instant, and a voice spoke clearly. with all the strength of her will she dispelled the mists of dawning unconsciousness that the pain had wrought and crept swiftly to the little desk placed against the wall. her hand fumbled in the shadow behind it and brought out a glittering rifle. then she crept to the open doorway. lying on the floor, she raised the weapon to her shoulder. her thumb pressed back, strong and unfaltering, against the hammer; and she heard it click as it sprung into place. then she looked along the barrel until she saw the swinging form of simon through the sights. there was no remorse in that cold gaze of hers. the wings of death hovered over the man, ready to swoop down. her fingers curled tighter about the trigger. one ounce more pressure, and simon's trail of wickedness and bloodshed would have come to an end at last. but at that instant her eyes widened with the dawn of an idea. she knew this man. she knew the hatred that was upon him. and she realized, as if by an inspiration from on high, that before he went to his house and to sleep he would go once more into the presence of bruce, confined somewhere among these ridges and suffering the punishment of having opposed his will. simon would want one look to see how his plan was getting on; perhaps he would want to utter one taunting word. and linda saw her chance. she started to creep out of the door. then she turned back, crawled until she was no longer revealed in the silhouette of the lighted doorway, and got swiftly to her feet. she dropped the rifle and darted into her own room. there she procured a weapon that she trusted more, her little pistol, loaded with six cartridges. if she had understood the real nature of the danger that bruce faced she would have retained the rifle. it shot with many times the smashing power of the little gun, and at long range was many times as accurate, but even it would have seemed an ineffective defense against such an enemy as was even now creeping toward bruce's body. but she knew that in a crisis, against such of the turners as she thought she might have to face, it would serve her much better than the more awkward, heavier weapon. besides, she knew how to wield it, and all her life she had kept it for just such an emergency. the pain of the blow was quite gone now, except for a strange sickness that had encompassed her. but she was never colder of nerve and surer of muscle. cunningly she lay down again before she crept through the door, so that if simon chanced to look about he would fail to see that she followed him. she crept to the thickets, then stood up. three hundred yards down the slope she could see simon's dimming figure in the moonlight, and swiftly she sped after him. xxv the shadow that bruce saw at the edge of the forest could not be mistaken as to identity. the hopes that he had held before--that this stalking figure might be that of a deer or an elk--could no longer be entertained. men as a rule do not love the wild and wailing sobs of a coyote, as he looks down upon a camp fire from the ridge above. sleep does not come easily when a gaunt wolf walks in a slow, inquisitive circle about the pallet, scarcely a leaf rustling beneath his feet. and a few times, in the history of the frontier, men have had queer tinglings and creepings in the scalp when they have happened to glance over their shoulders and see the eyes of a great, tawny puma, glowing an odd blue in the firelight. yet bruce would have had any one of these, or all three together, in preference to the killer. the reason was extremely simple. no words have ever been capable of expressing the depths of cowardice of which a coyote is capable. he will whine and weep about a camp, like a soul lost between two worlds, but if he is in his right mind he would have each one of his gray hairs plucked out, one by one, rather than attack a man. the cunning breed to which he belongs has found out that it doesn't pay. the wolf is sometimes disquietingly brave when he is fortified by his pack brethren in the winter, but in such a season as this he is particularly careful to keep out of the sight of man. and the tawny one himself, white-fanged and long-clawed and powerful as he is, never gets farther than certain dreadful, speculative dreams. but none of these things was true of the killer. he had already shown his scorn of men. his very stride showed that he feared no living creature that shared the forest with him. in fact, he considered himself the forest master. the bear is never a particularly timid animal, and whatever timidity the killer possessed was as utterly gone as yesterday's daylight. bruce watched him with unwinking eyes. the shadow wavered ever so slightly, as the killer turned his head this way and that. but except to follow it with his eyes, bruce made no motion. the inner guardians of a man's life--voices that are more to be relied upon than the promptings of any conscious knowledge--had already told him what to do. these monitors had the wisdom of the pines themselves, and they had revealed to him his one hope. it was just to lie still, without a twitch of a muscle. it might be that the killer would fail to discern his outline. bruce had no conscious knowledge, as yet, that it is movement rather than form to which the eyes of the wild creatures are most receptive. but he acted upon that fact now as if by instinct. he was not lying in quite the exact spot where the killer had left his dead the preceding night, and possibly his outline was not enough like it to attract the grizzly's attention. besides, in the intermittent light, it was wholly possible that the grizzly would try to find the remains of his feast by smell alone; and if this were lacking, and bruce made no movements to attract his attention, he might wander away in search of other game. for the first time in his life, bruce knew fear as it really was. it is a knowledge that few dwellers in cities can possibly have; and so few times has it really been experienced in these days of civilization that men have mostly forgotten what it is like. if they experience it at all, it is usually only in a dream that arises from the germ-plasm,--a nightmare to paralyze the muscles and chill the heart and freeze a man in his bed. the moon was strange and white as it slipped in and out of the clouds, and the forest, mysterious as death itself, lightened and darkened alternately with a strange effect of unreality; but for all that, bruce could not make himself believe that this was just a dream. the dreadful reality remained that the killer, whose name and works he knew, was even now investigating him from the shadows one hundred feet away. the fear that came to him was that of the young world,--fear without recompense, direct and primitive fear that grew on him like a sickness. it was the fear that the deer knew as they crept down their dusky trails at night; it was the fear of darkness and silence and pain and heaven knows what cruelty that would be visited upon him by those terrible, rending fangs and claws. it was the fear that can be heard in the pack song in the dreadful winter season, and that can be felt in strange overtones, in the sobbing wail of despair that the coyote utters in the half-darkness. he had been afraid for his life every moment he was in the hands of the turners. he knew that if he survived this night, he would have to face death again. he had no hopes of deliverance altogether. but the turners were men, and they worked with knife blade and bullet, not rending fang and claw. he could face men bravely; but it was hard to keep a strong heart in the face of this ancient fear of beasts. the killer seemed disturbed and moved slowly along the edge of the moonlight. bruce could trace his movements by the irregularity in the line of shadows. he seemed to be moving more cautiously than ever, now. bruce could not hear the slightest sound. for an instant bruce had an exultant hope that the bear would continue on down the edge of the forest and leave him; and his heart stood still as the great beast paused, sniffing. but some smell in the air seemed to reach him, and he came stealing back. in reality, the killer was puzzled. he had come to this place straight through the forest with the expectation that food--flesh to tear with his fangs--would be waiting for him. perhaps he had no actual memory of killing the calf the night before. possibly it was only instinct, not conscious intelligence, that brought him back to what was left of his feast the preceding night. and now, as he waited at the border of the darkness, he knew that a strange change had taken place. and the killer did not like strangeness. the smell that he had expected had dimmed to such an extent that it promoted no muscular impulse. perhaps it was only obliterated by a stranger smell,--one that was vaguely familiar and wakened a slow, brooding anger in his great beast's heart. he was not timid; yet he retained some of his natural caution and remained in the gloom while he made his investigations. probably it was a hunting instinct alone. he crept slowly up and down the border of moonlight, and his anger seemed to grow and deepen within him. he felt dimly that he had been cheated out of his meal. and once before he had been similarly cheated; but there had been singular triumph at the end of that experience. all at once a movement, far across the pasture, caught his attention. remote as it was, he identified the tall form at once; it was just such a creature as he had blasted with one blow a day or two before. but it dimmed quickly in the darkness. it seemed only that some one had come, taken one glance at the drama at the edge of the forest, and had departed. bruce himself had not seen the figure; and perhaps it was the mercy of fate--not usually merciful--that he did not. he might have been caused to hope again, only to know a deeper despair when the man left him without giving aid. for the tall form had been that of simon coming, as linda had anticipated, for a moment's inspection of his handiwork. and seeing that it was good, he had departed again. the grizzly watched him go, then turned back to his questioning regard of the strange, dark figure that lay so prone in the grass in front. the darkness dropped over him as the moon went behind a heavy patch of cloud. and in that moment of darkness, the killer understood. he remembered now. possibly the upright form of simon had suggested it to him; possibly the wind had only blown straighter and thus permitted him to identify the troubling smells. all at once a memory flashed over him,--of a scene in a distant glen, and similar tall figures that tried to drive him from his food. he had charged then, struck once, and one of the forms had lain very still. he remembered the pungent, maddening odor that had reached him after his blow had gone home. most clearly of all, he remembered how his fangs had struck and sunk. he knew this strange shadow now. it was just another of that tall breed he had learned to hate, and it was simply lying prone as his foe had done after the charge beside little river. in fact, the still-lying form recalled the other occasion with particular vividness. the excitement that he had felt before returned to him now; he remembered his disappointment when the whistling bullets from the hillside above had driven him from his dead. but there were no whistling bullets now. except for them, there would have been further rapture beside that stream; but he might have it now. his fangs had sunk home just once, before, and his blood leaped as he recalled the passion he had felt. the old hunting madness came back to him. it was the fair game, this that lay so still in the grass, just as the body of the calf had been and just as the warm body of hudson in the distant glen. the wound at his side gave him a twinge of pain. it served to make his memories all the clearer. the lurid lights grew in his eyes. rage swept over him. but he didn't charge blindly. he retained enough of his hunting caution to know that to stalk was the proper course. it was true that there was no shrubbery to hide him, yet in his time he had made successful stalks in the open, even upon deer. he moved farther out from the edge of the forest. at that instant the moon came out and revealed him, all too vividly, to bruce. the killer's great gray figure in the silver light was creeping toward him across the silvered grass. * * * * * when linda left her house, her first realization was the need of caution. it would not do to let simon see her. and she knew that only her long training in the hills, her practice in climbing the winding trails, would enable her to keep pace with the fast-walking man without being seen. in her concern for bruce, she had completely forgotten the events of the earlier part of the evening. wild and stirring though they were, they now seemed to her as incidents of remote years, nothing to be remembered in this hour of crisis. but she remembered them vividly when, two hundred yards from the house, she saw two strange figures coming toward her between the moonlit tree trunks. there was very little of reality about either. the foremost figure was bent and strange, but she knew that it could be no one but elmira. the second, however--half-obscured behind her--offered no interpretation of outline at all at first. but at the turn of the trail she saw both figures in vivid profile. elmira was coming homeward, bent over her cane, and she led a saddled horse by its bridle rein. still keeping simon in sight, linda ran swiftly toward her. she didn't understand the deep awe that stole over her,--an emotion that even her fear for bruce could not transcend. there was a quality in elmira's face and posture that she had never seen before. it was as if she were walking in her sleep, she came with such a strange heaviness and languor, her cane creeping through the pine needles of the trail in front. she did not seem to be aware of linda's approach until the girl was only ten feet distant. then she looked up, and linda saw the moonlight on her face. she saw something else too, but she didn't know what it was. her own eyes widened. the thin lips were drooping, the eyes looked as if she were asleep. the face was a strange net of wrinkles in the soft light. terrible emotions had but recently died and left their ashes upon it. but linda knew that this was no time to stop and wonder and ask questions. "give me the horse," she commanded. "i'm going to help bruce." "you can have it," elmira answered in an unfamiliar voice. "it's the horse that--that dave turner rode here--and he won't want him any more." linda took the rein, passed it over the horse's head, and started to swing into the saddle. then she turned with a gasp as the woman slipped something into her hand. linda looked down and saw it was the hilt of the knife that elmira had carried with her when the two women had gone with dave into the woods. the blade glittered; but linda was afraid to look at it closely. "you might need that, too," the old woman said. "it may be wet--i can't remember. but take it, anyway." linda hardly heard. she thrust the blade into the leather of the saddle, then swung on her horse. once more she sought simon's figure. far away she saw it, just as it vanished into the heavy timber on top of the hill. she rode swiftly until she began to fear that he might hear the hoof beat of her mount; then she drew up to a walk. and when she had crested the hill and had followed down its long slope into the glen, the moon went under the clouds for the first time. she lost sight of simon at once. seemingly her effort to save bruce had come to nothing, after all. but she didn't turn back. there were light patches in the sky, and the moon might shine forth again. she followed down the trail toward the cleared lands that the turners cultivated. she went to their very edge. it was a rather high point, so she waited here for the moon to emerge again. never, it seemed to her, had it moved so slowly. but all at once its light flowed forth over the land. her eyes searched the distant spaces, but she could catch no glimpse of simon between the trees. evidently he no longer walked in the direction of the house. then she looked out over the tilled lands. almost a quarter of a mile away she saw the flicker of a miniature shadow. only the vivid quality of the moonlight, against which any shadow was clear-cut and sharp, enabled her to discern it at all. it was simon, and evidently his business had taken him into the meadows. feeling that she was on the right track at last, she urged her horse forward again, keeping to the shadow of the timber at first. simon walked almost parallel to the dark fringe for nearly a mile; then turned off into the tilled lands. she rode opposite him and reined in the horse to watch. when the distance had almost obscured him, she saw him stop. he waited a long time, then turned back. the moon went in and out of the clouds. then, trusting to the distance to conceal her, linda rode slowly out into the clearing. simon reëntered the timber, his inspection seemingly done, and linda still rode in the general direction he had gone. the darkness fell again, and for the space of perhaps five minutes all the surroundings were obscured. a curious sense of impending events came over her as she headed on toward the distant wall of forest beyond. then, the clouds slowly dimming under the moon, the light grew with almost imperceptible encroachments. at first it was only bright enough to show her own dim shadow on the grass. the utter gloom that was over the fields lessened and drew away like receding curtains; her vision reached ever farther, the shadows grew more clearly outlined and distinct. then the moon rolled forth into a wholly open patch of sky--a white sphere with a sprinkling of vivid stars around it--and the silver radiance poured down. it was like the breaking of dawn. the fields stretched to incredible distances about her. the forest beyond emerged in distinct outline; she could see every irregularity in the plain. and in one instant's glance she knew that she had found bruce. his situation went home to her in one sweep of the eyes. bruce was not alone. even now a great, towering figure was creeping toward him from the forest. linda cried out, and with the long strap of her rein lashed her horse into the fastest pace it knew. * * * * * bruce did not hear her come. he lay in the soft grass, waiting for death. a great calm had come upon him; a strange, quiet strength that the pines themselves might have lent to him; and he made no cry. in this dreadful last moment of despair the worst of his terror had gone and left his thoughts singularly clear. and but one desire was left to him: that the killer might be merciful and end his frail existence with one blow. it was not a great deal to ask for; but he knew perfectly that only by the mercy of the forest gods could it come to pass. they are usually not so kind to the dying; and it is not the wild-animal way to take pains to kill at the first blow. yet his eyes held straight. the killer crept slowly toward him; more and more of his vast body was revealed above the tall heads of the grass. and now all that bruce knew was a great wonder,--a strange expectancy and awe of what the opening gates of darkness would reveal. the killer moved with dreadful slowness and deliberation. he was no longer afraid. it was just as it had been before,--a warm figure lying still and helpless for his own terrible pleasure. a few more steps and he would be near enough to see plainly; then--after the grizzly habit--to fling into the charge. it was his own way of hunting,--to stalk within a few score of feet, then to make a furious, resistless rush. he paused, his muscles setting. and then the meadows suddenly rang with the undulations of his snarl. almost unconscious, bruce did not understand what had caused this utterance. but strangely, the bear had lifted his head and was staring straight over him. for the first time bruce heard the wild beat of hoofs on the turf behind him. he didn't have time to turn and look. there was no opportunity even for a flood of renewed hope. events followed upon one another with startling rapidity. the sharp, unmistakable crack of a pistol leaped through the dusk, and a bullet sung over his body. and then a wild-riding figure swept up to him. it was linda, firing as she came. how she had been able to control her horse and ride him into that scene of peril no words may reveal. perhaps, running wildly beneath the lash, his starting eyes did not discern or interpret the gray figure scarcely a score of yards distant from bruce; and it is true the grizzly's pungent smell--a thing to terrify much more and to be interpreted more clearly than any kind of dim form in the moonlight--was blown in the opposite direction. perhaps the lashing strap recalled the terrible punishment the horse had undergone earlier that evening at the hands of simon and no room was left for any lesser terror. but most likely of all, just as in the case of brave soldiers riding their horses into battle, the girl's own strength and courage went into him. always it has been the same; the steed partook of its rider's own spirit. the bear reared up, snarling with wrath, but for a moment it dared not charge. the sudden appearance of the girl and the horse held him momentarily at bay. the girl swung to the ground in one leap, fired again, thrust her arm through the loop of the bridle rein, then knelt at bruce's side. the white blade that she carried in her left hand slashed at his bonds. the horse, plunging, seemed to jerk her body back and forth, and endless seconds seemed to go by before the last of the thongs was severed. in reality the whole rescue was unbelievably swift. the man helped her all he could. "up--up into the saddle," she commanded. the grizzly growled again, advancing remorselessly toward them, and twice more she fired. two of the bullets went home in his great body, but their weight and shocking power were too slight to affect him. he went down once more on all fours, preparing to charge. bruce, in spite of the fact that his limbs had been nearly paralyzed by the tight bonds, managed to grasp the saddlehorn. in the strength of new-born hope he pulled himself half up on it, and he felt linda's strong arms behind him pushing up. the horse plunged in deadly fear; and the killer leaped toward them. once more the pistol cracked. then the horse broke and ran in a frenzy of terror. bruce was full in the saddle by then, and even at the first leap his arm swept out to the girl on the ground beside him. he swung her towards him, and at the same time her hands caught at the arching back of the saddle. never had her fine young strength been put to a greater test than when she tried to pull herself up on the speeding animal's back. for the first fifty feet she was half-dragged, but slowly--with bruce's help--she pulled herself up to a position of security. the killer's charge had come a few seconds too late. for a moment he raced behind them in insane fury, but only his savage growl leaped through the darkness fast enough to catch up with them. and the distance slowly widened. the killer had been cheated again; and by the same token simon's oath had been proved untrue. for once the remorseless strength of which he boasted had been worsted by a greater strength; and love, not hate, was the power that gave it. for once a girl's courage--a courage greater than that with which he obeyed the dictates of his cruel will--had cost him his victory. the war that he and his outlaw band had begun so long ago had not yet been won. indeed, if simon could have seen what the moon saw as it peered out from behind the clouds, he would have known that one of the debts of blood incurred so many years ago had even now been paid. far away on a distant hillside there was one who gave no heed to the fast hoof beats of the speeding horse. it was dave turner, and his trail of lust and wickedness was ended at last. he lay with lifted face, and there were curious dark stains on the pine needles. it was the first blood since the reopening of the feud. and the pines, those tall, dark sentinels of the wilderness, seemed to look down upon him in passionless contemplation, as if they wondered at the stumbling ways of men. their branches rubbed together and made words as the wind swept through them, but no man may say what those words were. book three the coming of the strength xxvi fall was at hand at trail's end. one night, and the summer was still a joyous spirit in the land, birds nested, skies were blue, soft winds wandered here and there through the forest. one morning, and a startling change had come upon the wilderness world. the spirit of autumn had come with golden wings. the wild creatures, up and about at their pursuits long before dawn, were the first to see the change. a buck deer--a noble creature with six points on his spreading horns--got the first inkling of it when he stopped at a spring to drink. it was true that an hour before he had noticed a curious crispness and a new stir in the air, but he had been so busy keeping out of the ambushes of the tawny one that he had not noticed it. the air had been chill in his nostrils, but thanks to a heavy growth of hair that--with mysterious foresight--had begun to come upon his body, it gave him no discomfort. but it was a puzzling and significant thing that the water he bent to drink had been transformed to something hard and white and burning cold to the tip of his nose. it was the first real freeze. true, for the past few nights there had been a measure of tinkling, cobweb frost on the ground in wet places, but even the tender-skinned birds--always most watchful of signs of this kind--had disregarded it. but there was no disregarding this half-inch of blue ice that had covered the spring. the buck deer struck it angrily with his front hoofs, broke through and drank; then went snorting up the hill. his anger was in itself a significant thing. in the long, easy-going summer days, blacktail had almost forgotten what anger was like. he had been content to roam over the ridges, cropping the leaves and grass, avoiding danger and growing fat. but all at once this kind of existence had palled on him. he felt that he wanted only one thing--not food or drink or safety--but a good, slashing, hooking, hoof-carving battle with another buck of his own species. an unwonted crossness had come upon him, and his soft eyes burned with a blue fire. he remembered the does, too--with a sudden leap of his blood--and wondered where they were keeping themselves. being only a beast he did not know that this new belligerent spirit was just as much a sign of fall as the soft blush that was coming on the leaves. the simple fact was that fall means the beginning of the rut--the wild mating days when the bucks battle among themselves and choose their harems of does. he had rather liked his appearance as he saw himself in the water of the spring. the last of the velvet had been rubbed from his horns, and the twelve tines (six on each horn) were as hard and almost as sharp as so many bayonet points. as the morning dawned, the change in the face of nature became ever more manifest. the leaves of the shrubbery began to change in color. the wind out of the north had a keener, more biting quality, and the birds were having some sort of exciting debate in the tree tops. the birds are always a scurried, nervous, rather rattle-brained outfit, and seem wholly incapable of making a decision about anything without hours of argument and discussion. their days are simply filled with one excitement after another, and they tell more scandal in an hour than the old ladies in a resort manage in the entire summer. this slow transformation in the color of the leaves, not to mention the chill of the frost through their scanty feathers, had created a sensation from one end of birdland to another. and there was only one thing to do about it. that was to wait until the darkness closed down again, then start away toward the path of the sun in search of their winter resorts in the south. the little people in the forest of ferns beneath were not such gay birds, and they did not have such high-flown ideas as these feathered folk in the branches. they didn't talk such foolishness and small talk from dawn to dark. they didn't wear gay clothes that weren't a particle of good to them in cold weather. you can imagine them as being good, substantial, middle-class people, much more sober-minded, tending strictly to business and working hard, and among other things they saw no need of flitting down to southern resorts for the cold season. these people--being mostly ground squirrels and gophers and chipmunks and rabbits--had not been fitted by nature for wide travel and had made all arrangements for a pleasant winter at home. you could almost see a smile on the fat face of a plump old gopher when he came out and found the frost upon the ground; for he knew that for months past he had been putting away stores for just this season. in the snows that would follow he would simply retire into the farthest recesses of his burrow and let the winds whistle vainly above him. the larger creatures, however, were less complacent. the wolves--if animals have any powers of foresight whatever--knew that only hard days, not luscious nuts and roots, were in store for them. there would be many days of hunger once the snow came over the land. the black bear saw the signs and began a desperate effort to lay up as many extra pounds of fat as possible before the snows broke. ashur's appetite was always as much with him as his bobbed-off excuse for a tail, and as he was more or less indifferent to a fair supply of dirt, he always managed to put away considerable food in a rather astonishingly short period of time; and now he tried to eat all the faster in view of the hungry days to come. he would have need of the extra flesh. the time was coming when all sources of food would be cut off by the snows, and he would have to seek the security of hibernation. he had already chosen an underground abode for himself and there he could doze away in the cold-trance through the winter months, subsisting on the supplies of fat that he had stored next to his furry hide. the greatest of all the bears, the killer, knew that some such fate awaited him also. but he looked forward to it with wretched spirit. he was master of the forest, and perhaps he did not like to yield even to the spirit of winter. his savagery grew upon him every day, and his dislike for men had turned to a veritable hatred. but he had found them out. when he crossed their trails again, he would not wait to stalk. they were apt to slip away from him in this case and sting him unmercifully with bullets. the thing to do was charge quickly and strike with all his power. the three minor wounds he had received--two from pistol bullets and one from bruce's rifle--had not lessened his strength at all. they did, however, serve to keep his blood-heat at the explosive stage most of the day and night. the flowers and the grasses were dying; the moths that paid calls on the flowers had laid their eggs and had perished, and winter lurked--ready to pounce forth--just beyond the distant mountains. there is nothing so thoroughly unreliable as the mountain autumn. it may linger in entrancing golds and browns month after month, until it is almost time for spring to come again; and again it may make one short bow and usher in the winter. to bruce and linda, in the old folger home in trail's end, these fall days offered the last hope of success in their war against the turners. the adventure in the pasture with the killer had handicapped them to an unlooked-for degree. bruce's muscles had been severely strained by the bonds; several days had elapsed before he regained their full use. linda was a mountain girl, hardy as a deer, yet her nerves had suffered a greater shock by the experience than either of them had guessed. the wild ride, the fear and the stress, and most of all the base blow that simon had dealt her had been too much even for her strong constitution; and she had been obliged to go to bed for a few days of rest. old elmira worked about the house the same as ever, but strange, new lights were in her eyes. for reasons that went down to the roots of things, neither bruce nor linda questioned her as to her scene with dave turner in the coverts; and what thoughts dwelt in her aged mind neither of them could guess. the truth was that in these short weeks of trial and danger whatever dreadful events had come to pass in that meeting were worth neither thought nor words. both bruce and linda were down to essentials. it is a descent that most human beings--some time in their lives--find they are able to make; and there was no room for sentimentality or hysteria in this grim household. the ideas, the softnesses, the laws of the valleys were far away from them; they were face to face with realities. their code had become the basic code of life: to kill for self-protection without mercy or remorse. they did not know when the turners would attack. it was the dark of the moon, and the men would be able to approach the house without presenting themselves as targets for bruce's rifle. the danger was not a thing on which to conjecture and forget; it was an ever-present reality. never they stepped out of the door, never they crossed a lighted window, never a pane rattled in the wind but that the wings of death might have been hovering over them. the days were passing, the date when the chance for victory would utterly vanish was almost at hand, and they were haunted by the ghastly fact that their whole defense lay in a single thirty-thirty rifle and five cartridges. bruce's own gun had been taken from him in simon's house; linda had emptied her pistol at the killer. "we've got to get more shells," bruce told linda. "the turners won't be such fools as to wait until we have the moon again to attack. i can't understand why they haven't already come. of course, they don't know the condition of our ammunition supply, but it doesn't seem to me that that alone would have held them off. they are sure to come soon, and you know what we could do with five cartridges, don't you?" "i know." she looked up into his earnest face. "we could die--that's all." "yes--like rabbits. without hurting them at all. i wouldn't mind dying so much, if i did plenty of damage first. it's death for me, anyway, i suppose--and no one but a fool can see it otherwise. there are simply too many against us. but i do want to make some payment first." her hand fumbled and groped for his. her eyes pled to him,--more than any words. "and you mean you've given up hope?" she asked. he smiled down at her,--a grave, strange little smile that moved her in secret ways. "not given up hope, linda," he said gently. they were standing at the door and the sunlight--coming low from the south--was on his face. "i've never had any hope to give up--just realization of what lay ahead of us. i'm looking it all in the face now, just as i did at first." "and what you see--makes you afraid?" yet she need not have asked that question. his face gave an unmistakable answer: that this man had conquered fear in the terrible night with the killer. "not afraid, linda," he explained, "only seeing things as they really are. there are too many against us. if we had that great estate behind us, with all its wealth, we might have a chance; if we had an arsenal of rifles with thousands of cartridges, we might make a stand against them. but we are three--two women and one man--and one rifle between us all. five little shells to be expended in five seconds. they are seven or eight, each man armed, each man a rifle-shot. they are certain to attack within a day or two--before we have the moon again. in less than two weeks we can no longer contest their title to the estate. a little month or two more and we will be snowed in--with no chance to get out at all." "perhaps before that," she told him. "yes. perhaps before that." they found a confirmation of this prophecy in the signs of fall without--the coloring leaves, the dying flowers, the new, cold breath of the wind. only the pines remained unchanged; they were the same grave sentinels they always were. "and you can forgive me?" linda asked humbly. "forgive you?" the man turned to her in surprise. "what have you done that needs to be forgiven?" "oh, don't you see? to bring you here--out of your cities--to throw your life away. to enlist you in a fight that you can't hope to win. i've killed you, that's all i've done. perhaps to-night--perhaps a few days later." he nodded gravely. "and i've already killed your smile," she went on, looking down. "you don't smile any more the way you used to. you're not the boy you were when you came. oh, to think of it--that it's all been my work. to kill your youth, to lead you into this slaughter pen where nothing--nothing lives but death--and hatred--and unhappiness." the tears leaped to her eyes. he caught her hands and pressed them between his until pain came into her fingers. "listen, linda," he commanded. she looked straight up at him. "are you sorry i came?" "more than i can tell you--for your sake." "but when people look for the truth in this world, linda, they don't take any one's sake into consideration. they balance all things and give them their true worth. would you rather that you and i had never met--that i had never received elmira's message--that you should live your life up here without ever hearing of me?" she dropped her eyes. "it isn't fair--to ask me that--" "tell me the truth. hasn't it been worth while? even if we lose and die before this night is done, hasn't it all been worth while? are you sorry you have seen me change? isn't the change for the better--a man grown instead of a boy? one who looks straight and sees clear?" he studied her face; and after a while he found his answer. it was not in the form of words at first. as a man might watch a miracle he watched a new light come into her dark eyes. all the gloom and sorrow of the wilderness without could not affect its quality. it was a light of joy, of exultation, of new-found strength. "you hadn't ought to ask me that, bruce," she said with a rather strained distinctness. "it has been like being born again. there aren't any words to tell you what it has meant to me. and don't think i haven't seen the change in you, too--the birth of a new strength that every day is greater, higher--until it is--almost more than i can understand. the old smiles are gone, but something else has taken their place--something much more dear to me--but what it is i can hardly tell you. maybe it's something that the pines have." but he hadn't wholly forgotten how to smile. his face lighted as remembrance came to him. "they are a different kind of smiles--that's all," he explained. "perhaps there will be many of them in the days to come. linda, i have no regrets. i've played the game. whether it was destiny that brought me here, or only chance, or perhaps--if we take just life and death into consideration--just misfortune, whatever it is i feel no resentment toward it. it has been the worthwhile adventure. in the first place, i love the woods. there's something else in them besides death and hatred and unhappiness. besides, it seems to me that i can understand the whole world better than i used to. maybe i can begin to see a big purpose and theme running through it all--but it's not yet clear enough to put into words. certain things in this world are essentials, certain other ones are froth. and i see which things belong to one class and which to another so much more clearly than i did before. one of the things that matters is throwing one's whole life into whatever task he has set out to do--whether he fails or succeeds doesn't seem greatly to matter. the main thing, it appears to me, is that he has tried. to stand strong and kind of calm, and not be afraid--if i can always do it, linda, it is all i ask for myself. not to flinch now. not to give up as long as i have the strength for another step. and to have you with me--all the way." "then you and i--take fresh heart?" "we've never lost heart, linda." "not to give up, but only be glad we've tried?" "yes. and keep on trying." "with no regrets?" "none--and maybe to borrow a little strength from the pines!" this was their new pact. to stand firm and strong and unflinching, and never to yield as long as an ounce of strength remained. as if to seal it, her arms crept about his neck and her soft lips pressed his. xxvii toward the end of the afternoon linda saddled the horse and rode down the trail toward martin's store. she had considerable business to attend to. among other things, she was going to buy thirty-thirty cartridges,--all that martin had in stock. she had some hope of securing an extra gun or two with shells to match. the additional space in her pack was to be filled with provisions. for she was faced with the unpleasant fact that her larder was nearly empty. the jerked venison was almost gone; only a little flour and a few canned things remained. she had space for only small supplies on the horse's back, and there would be no luxuries among them.--their fare had been plain up to this time; but from now on it was to consist of only such things as were absolutely necessary to sustain life. she rode unarmed. without informing him of the fact, the rifle had been left for bruce. she did not expect for herself a rifle shot from ambush--for the simple reason that simon had bidden otherwise--and bruce might be attacked at any moment. she was dreaming dreams, that day. the talk with bruce had given her fresh heart, and as she rode down the sunlit trail the future opened up entrancing vistas to her. perhaps they yet could conquer, and that would mean reëstablishment on the far-flung lands of her father. matthew folger had possessed a fertile farm also, and its green pastures might still be utilized. it suddenly occurred to her that it would be of interest to turn off the main trail, take a little dim path up the ridge that she had discovered years before, and look over these lands. the hour was early; besides, bruce would find her report of the greatest interest. she jogged slowly along in the western fashion,--which means something quite different from army fashion or sportsman fashion. western riders do not post. riding is not exercise to them; it is rest. they hang limp in the saddle, and all jar is taken up, as if by a spring, somewhere in the region of the floating ribs that only a physician can correctly designate. they never sit firm, these western riders, and as a rule their riding is not a particularly graceful thing to watch. but they do not care greatly about grace as long as they may encompass their fifty miles a day and still be fresh enough for a country dance at night. there are many other differences in western and eastern riding, one of them being the way in which the horse is mounted. another difference is the riding habit. linda had no trim riding trousers, with tall glossy boots, red coat, and stock. it was rather doubtful whether she knew such things existed. she did, however, wear a trim riding skirt of khaki and a middie blouse washed spotlessly clean by her own hands; and no one would have missed the other things. it is an indisputable fact that she made a rather alluring picture--eyes bright and hair dark and strong arms bare to the elbow--as she came riding down the pine-needle trail. she came to the opening of the dimmer trail and turned down it. she did not jog so easily now. the descent was more steep. she entered a still glen, and the color in her cheeks and the soft brown of her arms blended well with the new tints of the autumn leaves. then she turned up a long ridge. the 'trail led through an old burn--a bleak, eerie place where the fire had swept down the forest, leaving only strange, black palings here and there--and she stopped in the middle of it to look down. the mountain world was laid out below her as clearly as in a relief map. her eyes lighted as its beauty and its fearsomeness went home to her, and her keen eyes slowly swept over the surrounding hill tops. then for a long moment she sat very still in the saddle. a thousand feet distant, on the same ridge on which she rode, she caught sight of another horse. it held her gaze, and in an instant she discerned the rather startling fact that it was saddled, bridled, and apparently tied to a tree. momentarily she thought that its rider was probably one of the turners who was at present at work on the old folger farm; yet she knew at once the tilled lands were still too far distant for that. she studied closely the maze of light and shadow of the underbrush and in a moment more distinguished the figure of the horseman. it was one of the turners,--but he was not working in the fields. he was standing near the animal's head, back to her, and his rifle lay in his arms. and then linda understood. he was simply guarding the trail down to martin's store. except for the fact that she had turned off the main trail by no possibility could she have seen him and escaped whatever fate he had for her. she held hard on her faculties and tried to puzzle it out. she understood now why the turners had not as yet made an attack upon them at their home. it wasn't the turner way to wage open warfare. they were the wolves that struck from ambush, the rattlesnakes that lunged with poisoned fangs from beneath the rocks. there was some security for her in the folger home, but none whatever here. there she had a strong man to fight for her, a loaded rifle, and under ordinary conditions the turners could not hope to batter down the oaken door and overwhelm them without at least some loss of life. for all they knew, bruce had a large stock of rifles and ammunition,--and the turners did not look forward with pleasure to casualties in their ranks. the much simpler way was to watch the trail. they had known that sooner or later one of them would attempt to ride down after either supplies or aid. linda was a mountain girl and she knew the mountain methods of procedure; and she knew quite well what she would have had to expect if she had not discovered the ambush in time. she didn't think that the sentry would actually fire on her; he would merely shoot the horse from beneath her. it would be a simple feat by the least of the turners,--for these gaunt men were marksmen if nothing else. it wouldn't be in accord with simon's plan or desire to leave her body lying still on the trail. but the horse killed, flight would be impossible, and what would transpire thereafter she did not dare to think. she had not forgotten simon's threat in regard to any attempt to go down into the settlements. she knew that it still held good. of course, if bruce made the excursion, the sentry's target would be somewhat different. he would shoot him down as remorselessly as he would shatter a lynx from a tree top. the truth was that linda had guessed just right. "it's the easiest way," simon had said. "they'll be trying to get out in a very few days. if the man--shoot straight and to kill! if linda, plug the horse and bring her here behind the saddle." linda turned softly, then started back. she did not even give a second's thought to the folly of trying to break through. she watched the sentinel over her shoulder and saw him turn about. far distant though he was, she could tell by the movement he made that he had discovered her. she was almost four hundred yards away by then, and she lashed her horse into a gallop. the man cried to her to halt, a sound that came dim and strange through the burn, and then a bullet sent up a cloud of ashes a few feet to one side. but the range was too far even for the turners, and she only urged her horse to a faster pace. she flew down the narrow trail, turned into the main trail, and galloped wildly toward home. but the sentry did not follow her. he valued his precious life too much for that. he had no intention of offering himself as a target to bruce's rifle as he neared the house. he headed back to report to simon. young bill--for such had been the identity of the sentry--found his chief in the large field not far distant from where bruce had been confined. the man was supervising the harvest of the fall growth of alfalfa. the two men walked slowly away from the workers, toward the fringe of woods. "it looks as if we'll have to adopt rough measures, after all," young bill began. simon turned with flushing face. "do you mean you let him get past you--and missed him? young bill, if you've done that--" "won't you wait till i've told you how it happened? it wasn't bruce; it was linda. for some reason i can't dope out, she went up in the big burn back of me and saw me--when i was too far off to shoot her horse. then she rode back like a witch. they'll not take that trail again." "it means one of two things," simon said after a pause. "one of them is to starve 'em out. it won't take long. their supplies won't last forever. the other is to call the clan and attack--to-night." "and that means loss of life." "not necessarily. i don't know how many guns they've got. if any of you were worth your salt, you'd find out those things. i wish dave was here." and simon spoke the truth for once in his life: he did miss dave. and it was not that there had been any love lost between them. but the truth was--although simon never would have admitted it--the weaker man's cunning had been of the greatest aid to his chief. simon needed it sorely now. "and we can't wait till to-morrow night--because we've got the moon then," young bill added. "just a new moon, but it will prevent a surprise attack. i suppose you still have hopes of dave coming back?" "i don't see why not. i'll venture to say now he's off on some good piece of business--doing something none of the rest of you have thought of. he'll come riding back one of these days with something actually accomplished. i see no reason for thinking that he's dead. bruce hasn't had any chance at him that i know of. but if i thought he was--there'd be no more waiting. we'd tear down that nest to-night." simon spoke in his usual voice--with the same emphasis, the same undertones of passion. but the last words ended with a queer inflection. the truth was that he had slowly become aware that young bill was not giving him his full attention, but rather was gazing off--unfamiliar speculation in his eyes--toward the forests beyond. simon's impulse was to follow the gaze; yet he would not yield to it. "well?" he demanded. "i'm not talking to amuse myself." the younger man seemed to start. his eyes were half-closed; and there was a strange look of intentness about his facial lines when he turned back to simon. "you haven't missed any stock?" he asked abruptly. simon's eyes widened. "no. why?" "look there--over the forest." young bill pointed. simon shielded his eyes from the sunset glare and studied the blue-green skyline above the fringe of pines. there were many grotesque, black birds wheeling on slow wings above the spot. now and then they dropped down, out of sight behind the trees. "buzzards!" simon exclaimed. "yes," young bill answered quietly. "you see, it isn't much over a mile from folger's house--in the deep woods. there's something dead there, simon. and i think we'd better look to see what it is." "you think--" then simon hesitated and looked again with reddening eyes toward the gliding buzzards. "i think--that maybe we're going to find dave," young bill replied. xxviii the darkness of this october night fell before its time. the twilight at trail's end is never long in duration, due to the simple fact that the mountains cut off the flood of light from the west after the setting of the sun, but to-night there seemed none at all. the reason was merely that heavy banks of clouds swept up from the southeast just after sunset. they came with rather startling rapidity and almost immediately completely filled the sky. young bill had many things on his mind as he rode beneath them, yet he found time to gaze at them with some curiosity. they were of singular greenish hue, and they hung so low that the tops of near-by mountains were obscured. the fact that there would be no moon to-night was no longer important. the clouds would have cut off any telltale light that might illumine the activities of the turners. there would not be even the dim mist of starlight. young bill rode from house to house through the estate,--the homes occupied by simon's brothers and cousins and their respective families. he knocked on each door and he only gave one little message. "simon wants you at the house," he said, "and come heeled." he would turn to go, but always a singular quiet and breathlessness remained in the homes after his departure. there would be a curious exchange of glances and certain significant sounds. one of them was the metallic click of cartridges being slipped into the magazine of a rifle. another was the buckling on of spurs, and perhaps the rattle of a pistol in its holster. before the night fell in reality, the clan came riding--strange, tall figures in the half-darkness--straight for simon's house. his horse was saddled too, and he met them in front of his door. and in a very few words he made all things plain to them. "we've found dave," he told them simply. "most of you already know it. we've decided there isn't any use of waiting any more. we're going to the folger house to-night." the men stood silent, breathing hard. the clouds seemed to lower, menacingly, toward them. simon spoke very quietly, yet his voice carried far. in their growing excitement they did not observe the reason, that a puzzling, deep calm had come over the whole wilderness world. even in the quietest night there is usually a faint background of winds in the mountain realms--troubled breaths that whisper in the thickets and rustle the dead leaves--but to-night the heavy air had no breath of life. "to-night bruce folger is going to pay the price, just as i said." he spoke rather boastingly; perhaps more to impress his followers than from impulse. indeed, the passion that he felt left no room for his usual arrogance. "fire on sight. bill and i will come from the rear, and we will be ready to push through the back door the minute you break through the front. the rest of you surround the house on three sides. and remember--no man is to touch linda." they nodded grimly; then the file of horsemen started toward the ridge. far distant they heard a sound such as had reached them often in summer but was unfamiliar in fall. it was the faint rumble of distant thunder. * * * * * bruce and linda sat in the front room of the folger house, quiet and watchful and unafraid. it was not that they did not realize their danger. they had simply taken all possible measures of defense; and they were waiting for what the night would bring forth. "i know they'll come to-night," linda had said. "to-morrow night there will be a moon, and though it won't give much light, it will hurt their chances of success. besides--they've found that their other plot--to kill you from ambush--isn't going to work." bruce nodded and got up to examine the shutters. he wanted no ray of light to steal out into the growing darkness and make a target. it was a significant fact that the rifle did not occupy its usual place behind the desk. bruce kept it in his hands as he made the inspection. linda had her empty pistol, knowing that it might--in the mayhap of circumstance--be of aid in frightening an assailant. old elmira sat beside the fire, her stiff fingers busy at a piece of sewing. "you know--" bruce said to her, "that we are expecting an attack to-night?" the woman nodded, but didn't miss a stitch. no gleam of interest came into her eyes. bruce's gaze fell to her work basket, and something glittered from its depth. evidently elmira had regained her knife. he went back to his chair beside linda, and the two sat listening. they had never known a more quiet night. they listened in vain for the little night sounds that usually come stealing, so hushed and tremulous, from the forest. the noises that always, like feeble ghosts, dwell in a house at night--the little explosions of a scraping board or a banging shutter or perhaps a mouse, scratching in the walls--were all lacking too. and they both started, ever so slightly, when they heard a distant rumble of thunder. "it's going to storm," linda told him. "yes. a thunderstorm--rather unusual in the fall, isn't it?" "almost unknown. it's growing cold too." they waited a breathless minute, then the thunder spoke again. it was immeasurably nearer. it was as if it had leaped toward them, through the darkness, with incredible speed in the minute that had intervened. the last echo of the sound was not dead when they heard it a third time. the storm swept toward them and increased in fury. on a distant hillside the strange file that was the turners halted, then gathered around simon. already the lightning made vivid, white gashes in the sky and illumined--for a breathless instant--the long sweep of the ridge above them. "we'll make good targets in the lightning," old bill said. "ride on," simon ordered. "you know a man can't find a target in the hundredth of a second of a lightning flash. we're not going to turn back now." they rode on. far away they heard the whine and roar of wind, and in a moment it was upon them. the forest was no longer silent. the peal of the thunder was almost continuous. the breaking of the storm seemed to rock the folger house on its foundation. both linda and bruce leaped to their feet; but they felt a little tingle of awe when they saw that old elmira still sat sewing. it was as if the calm that dwelt in the sentinel pine outside had come down to abide in her. no force that the world possessed could ever take it from her. they heard the rumble and creak of the trees as the wind smote them, and the flame of the lamp danced wildly, filling the room with flickering shadows. bruce straightened, the lines of his face setting deep. he glanced once more at the rifle in his hands. "linda," he said, "put out that fire. if there's going to be an attack, we'd have a better chance if the room were in darkness. we can shoot through the door then." she obeyed at once, knocking the burning sticks apart and drenching them with water. they hissed, and steamed, but the noise of the storm almost effaced the sound. "now the light?" linda asked. "yes. see where you are and have everything ready." she took off the glass shade of the lamp, and the little gusts of wind that crept in the cracks of the windows immediately extinguished the flame. the darkness dropped down. then bruce opened the door. the whole wilderness world struggled in the grasp of the storm. the scene was such that no mortal memory could possibly forget. they saw it in great, vivid glimpses in the intermittent flashes of the lightning, and the world seemed no longer that which they had come to know. chaos was upon it. they saw young trees whipping in the wind, their slender branches flailing the air. they saw the distant ridges in black and startling contrast against the lighted sky. the tall tops of the trees wagged back and forth in frenzied signals; their branches smote and rubbed together. and just without their door the sentinel pine stood with top lifted to the fury of the storm. a strange awe swept over bruce. a moment later he was to behold a sight that for the moment would make him completely forget the existence of the great tree; but for an instant he poised at the brink of a profound and far-reaching discovery. there was a great lesson for him in that dark, towering figure that the lightning revealed. even in the fury of the storm it still stood infinitely calm, watchful, strong as the mountains themselves. its great limbs moved and spoke; its top swayed back and forth, yet still it held its high place as sentinel of the forest, passionless, patient, talking through the murk of clouds to the stars that burned beyond. "see," linda said. "the turners are coming." it was true. bruce dropped his eyes. even now the clan had spread out in a great wing and was bearing down upon the house. the lightning showed them in strange, vivid flashes. bruce nodded slowly. "i see," he answered. "i'm ready." "then shoot them, quick--when the lightning shows them," she whispered in his ear. "they're in range now." her hand seized his arm. "what are you waiting for?" he turned to her sternly. "have you forgotten we only have five shells?" he asked. "go back to elmira." her eyes met his, and she tried to smile into them. "forgive me, bruce--it's hard--to be calm." but at once she understood why he was waiting. the flashes of lightning offered no opportunity for an accurate shot. bruce meant to conserve his little supply of shells until the moment of utmost need. the clan drew nearer. they were riding slowly, with ready rifles. and ever the storm increased in fury. the thunder was so close that it no longer gave the impression of being merely sound. it was a veritable explosion just above their heads. the flashes came so near together that for an instant bruce began to hope they would reveal the attackers clearly enough to give him a chance for a well-aimed shot. the first drops of rain fell one by one on the roof. his eyes sought for simon's figure. to simon he owed the greatest debt, and to lay simon low might mean to dishearten the whole clan. but although the attackers were in fair range now, scarcely two hundred yards away, he could not identify him. they drew closer. he raised his gun, waiting for a chance to fire. and at that instant a resistless force hurled him to the floor. there was the sense of vast catastrophe, a great rocking and shuddering that was lost in billowing waves of sound; and then a frantic effort to recall his wandering faculties. a blinding light cut the darkness in twain; it smote his eyeballs as if with a physical blow; and summoning all his powers of will he sprang to his feet. there was only darkness at first; and he did not understand. but it was of scarcely less duration than the flash of lightning. a red flame suddenly leaped into the air, roared and grew and spread as if scattered by the wind itself. and bruce's breath caught in a sob of wonder. the sentinel pine, that ancient friend and counselor that stood not over one hundred feet from the house, had been struck by a lightning bolt, its trunk had been cleft open as if by a giant's ax, and the flame was already springing through its balsam-laden branches. xxix bruce stood as if entranced, gazing with awed face at the flaming tree. there was little danger of the house itself catching fire. the wind blew the flame in the opposite direction; besides, the rains were beating on the roof. the fire in the great tree itself, however, was too well started to be extinguished at once by any kind of rainfall; but it did burn with less fierceness. dimly he felt the girl's hand grasping at his arm. her fingers pressed until he felt pain. his eyes lowered to hers. the sight of that passion-drawn face--recalling in an instant the scene beside the camp fire his first night at trail's end--called him to himself. "shoot, you fool!" she stormed at him. "the tree's lighted up the whole countryside, and you can't miss. shoot them before they run away." he glanced quickly out. the clan that had drawn within sixty yards of the house at the time the lightning struck had been thrown into confusion. their horses had been knocked down by the force of the bolt and were fleeing, riderless, away. the men followed them, shouting, plainly revealed in the light from the burning tree. the great torch beside the house had completely turned the tables. and linda spoke true; they offered the best of targets. again the girl's eyes were lurid slits between the lids. her lips were drawn, and her breathing was strange. he looked at her calmly. "no, linda. i can't--" "you can't," she cried. "you coward--you traitor! kill--kill--kill them while there's time." she saw the resolve in his face, and she snatched the rifle from his hands. she hurled it to her shoulder and three times fired blindly toward the retreating turners. at that instant bruce seemed to come to life. his thoughts had been clear ever since the tree had been struck; his vision was straighter and more far-reaching than ever in his life before, but now his muscles wakened too. he sprang toward the girl and snatched the rifle from her hand. she fought for it, and he held her with a strong arm. "wait--wait, linda," he said gently. "you've wasted three cartridges now. there are only two left. and we may need them some other time." he held her from him with his arm; and it was as if his strength flowed into her. her blazing eyes sought his, and for a long second their wills battled. and then a deep wonder seemed to come over her. "what is it?" she breathed. "what have you found out?" she spoke in a strange and distant voice. slowly the fire died in her eyes, the drawn features relaxed, her hands fell at her side. he drew her away from he lighted doorway, out of the range of any of the turners that should turn to answer the rifle fire. the wind roared over the house and swept by in clamoring fury, the electric storm dimmed and lessened as it journeyed on. these two knew that if death spared them in all the long passage of their years, they could never forget that moment. the girl watched him breathlessly, oblivious to all things else. he seemed wholly unaware of her now. there was something aloof, impassive, infinitely calm about him, and a great, far-reaching understanding was in his eyes. her own eyes suddenly filled with tears. "linda, there's something come to me--and i don't know that i can make you understand. i can only call it strength--a new strength and a greater strength than i ever had before. it's something that the pine--that great tree that we just saw split open--has been trying to tell me for a long time. oh, can't you see, linda? there it stood, hundreds of years--so great, so tall, so wise--in a moment broken like a reed. it takes away my arrogance, linda. it makes me see myself as i really am. and that means--_power_." his eyes blazed, and he caught her hands in his. "it was a symbol, linda, not only of the wilderness, but of powers higher and greater than the wilderness. powers that can look down, and not be swept away by passion, and not try to tear to pieces those who in their folly harm them. there's no room for such things as vengeance in this new strength. there's no room for murder, and malice, and hatred, and bloodshed." linda understood. she knew that this new-found strength did not mean renunciation of her cause. it did not mean that he would give over his attempt to reinstate her as the owner of her father's estates. it only meant that the impulse of personal vengeance was dead within him. he knew now--the same as ever--that the duty of the men that dwell upon the earth is to do their allotted tasks, and without hatred and without passion to overcome the difficulties that stand in the way. she realized that if one of the turners should leap through the door and attack her, bruce would kill him without mercy or regret. she knew that he would make every effort to bring the offenders to the law. but the ability to shoot a fleeing enemy in the back, because of wrongs done long ago, was past. bruce's vision had come to him. he knew that if vengeance had been the creed of the powers that ruled the world, the sphere would have been destroyed with fire long since. to stand firm and straight and unflinching; not to judge, not to condemn, not to resent; this was true strength. he began to see the whole race of men as so many leaves, buffeted by the winds of chance and circumstance; and was it for the oak leaf that the wind carried swift and high to hold in scorn the shrub leaf that the storm had already hurled to the dust? "i know," the girl said, her thoughts wandering afar. "perhaps the name for it all is--tolerance." "perhaps," he nodded. "and possibly it is only--worship!" * * * * * the turners had gone. the dimming lightning revealed the entire attacking party half a mile distant and out of rifle range on the ridge; and bruce and linda stole together out into the storm. the green foliage of the tree had already burned away, but some of the upper branches still glowed against the dark sky. a fallen branch smoldered on the ground, hissing in the rain, and it lighted their way. awed and mystified, bruce halted before the ruin of the great tree. he had almost forgotten the stress of the moment just passed. it did not even occur to him that some of his enemies, unseen before, might still be lurking in the shadow, watching for a chance to harm. they stood a moment in silence. then bruce uttered one little gasp and stretched his arm into the hollow that the cleft in the trunk had revealed. the light from the burning branch behind him had shown him a small, dark object that had evidently been inserted in the hollow tree trunk through some little aperture that had either since been closed up or they had never observed. it was a leathern wallet, and bruce opened it under linda's startled gaze. he drew out a single white paper. he held it in the light, and his glance swept down its lines of faded ink. then he looked up with brightening eyes. "what is it?" she asked. "the secret agreement between your father and mine," he told her simply. "and we've won." he watched her eyes brighten. it seemed to him that nothing life had ever offered had given him the same pleasure. it was a moment of triumph. but before half of its long seconds were gone, it became a moment of despair. a rifle spoke from the coverts beyond,--one sharp, angry note that rose distinct and penetrating above the noise of the distant thunder. a little tongue of fire darted, like a snake's head, in the darkness. and the triumph on bruce's face changed to a singular look of wonder. xxx to simon, the night had seemingly ended in triumph after all. it had looked dark for a while. the bolt of lightning, setting fire to the pine, had deranged all of his plans. his men had been thrown from their horses, the blazing pine tree had left them exposed to fire from the house, and they had not yet caught their mounts and rallied. young bill and himself, however, had tied their horses before the lightning had struck and had lingered in the thickets in front of the house for just such a chance as had been given them. he hadn't understood why bruce had not opened fire on the fleeing turners. he wondered if his enemy were out of ammunition. the tragedy of the sentinel pine had had no meaning for him; and he had held his rifle cocked and ready for the instant that bruce had shown himself. young bill had heard his little exultant gasp when linda and bruce had come out into the firelight. plainly they had kept track of all the attacking party that had been visible, and supposed that all their enemies had gone. he felt the movement of simon's strong arms as he raised the rifle. those arms were never steadier. in the darkness the younger man could not see his face, but his own fancy pictured it with entire clearness. the eyes were narrowed and red, the lines cut deep about the bloodhound lips, and mercy was as far from him as from the killer who hunted on the distant ridge. but simon didn't fire at once. the two were coming steadily toward him, and the nearer they were the better his chance of success in the unsteady light. he sat as breathless, as wholly free from telltale motion as a puma who waits in ambush for an approaching deer. he meant to take careful aim. it was his big chance, and he intended to make the most of it. the two had halted beside the ruined pine, but for a moment he held his fire. they stood rather close together; he wanted to wait until bruce offered a clear target. and at that instant bruce had drawn the leather wallet from the tree. curiosity alone stayed simon's finger as bruce had opened it. he saw the gleam of the white paper in the dim light; and then he understood. simon was a man of rigid, unwavering self-control; and his usual way was to look a long time between the sights before he fired. yet the sight of that document--the missing folger-ross agreement on which had hung victory or defeat--sent a violent impulse through all his nervous system. for the first time in his memory his reflexes got away from him. it had meant too much; and his finger pressed back involuntarily against the trigger. he hadn't taken his usual deliberate aim, although he had seen brace's figure clearly between the sights the instant before he had fired. simon was a rifle-man, bred in the bone, and he had no reason to think that the hasty aim meant a complete miss. he did realize, however, the difficulties of night shooting--a realization that all men who have lingered after dusk in the duck blind experience sooner or later--and he looked up over his sights to see the result of his shot. his self-control had completely returned to him; and he was perfectly cold about the whole matter. from the first second he knew he hadn't completely missed. he raised his rifle to shoot again. but bruce's body was no longer revealed. linda stood in the way. it looked as if she had deliberately thrown her own body as a shield between. simon spoke then,--a single, terrible oath of hatred and jealousy. but in a second more he saw his triumph. bruce swayed, reeled, and fell in linda's arms, and he saw her half-drag him into the house. he stood shivering, but not from the cold that the storm had brought. "come on," he ordered young bill. "i think we've downed him for good, but we've got to get that paper." * * * * * but simon did not see all things clearly. he had little real knowledge of the little drama that had followed his shot from ambush. human nature is full of odd quirks and twists, and among other things, symptoms are misleading. there is an accepted way for men to act when they are struck with a rifle bullet. they are expected to reel, to throw their arms wide, and usually to cry out. the only trouble with these actions, as most men who have been in french battle-fields know very well, is that they do not usually happen in real life. bruce, with linda's eyes upon him, took one rather long, troubled breath. and he did look somewhat puzzled. then he looked down at his shoulder. "i'm hit, linda," he said in a quiet way. "i think just a scratch." the tremendous shock of any kind of wound from a thirty-forty caliber bullet had not seemingly affected him outwardly at all. linda's response was rather curious. some hours were to pass before he completely understood. the truth was that the shock of that rifle bullet, ordinarily striking a blow of a half-ton, had cost him for the moment an ability to make any logical interpretation of events. the girl moved swiftly, yet without giving an impression of leaping, and stood very close and in front of him. in one lightning movement she had made of her own body a shield for his, in case the assassin in the covert should shoot again. she was trained to mountain ways, and instantly she regained a perfect mastery of herself. her arms went about and seized his shoulders. "stagger," she whispered quickly. "pretend to fall. it's the one chance to save you." he dispelled the mists in his own brain and obeyed her. he swayed, and her arms went about him. then he fell forward. her strong arms encircled his waist and with all her magnificent young strength she dragged him to the door. it was noticeable, however--to all eyes except bruce's--that she kept her own body as much as she could between him and the ambush. in an instant they were in the darkened room. bruce stood up, once more wholly master of himself. "you're not hurt bad?" she asked quickly. "no. just a deep scratch in the arm muscle near the shoulder. bullet just must have grazed me. but it's bleeding pretty bad." "then there's no time to be lost." her hands in her eagerness went again to his shoulder. "don't you see--he'll be here in a minute. we'll steal out the back door and try to ride down to the courts before they can overtake us--" in one instant he had grasped the idea; and he laughed softly in the gloom. "i know. i'll snatch two blankets and the food. you get the horse." she sprang out the kitchen door and he hurried into the bedrooms. he snatched two of the warmest blankets from the beds and hurled them over his shoulder. he hooked the camp ax on his belt, then hastened into the little kitchen. he took up the little sack containing a few pounds of jerked venison, spilled out a few pieces for elmira, and carried it--with a few pounds of flour--out to meet linda. the horse still stood saddled, and with deft hands they tied on their supplies and fastened the blankets in a long roll in front of the saddle. "get on," she whispered. "i'll get up behind you." she spoke in the utter darkness; he felt her breath against his cheek. then the lightning came dimly and showed him her face. "no, linda," he replied quietly. "you are going alone--" she cut him off with a despairing cry. "oh, please, bruce--i won't. i'll stay here then--" "don't you see?" he demanded. "you can make it out without me. i'm wounded and bleeding, and can't tell how long i can keep up. we've only got one horse, and without me to weigh him down you can get down to the courts--" "and leave you here to be murdered? oh, don't waste the precious seconds any more. i won't go without you. i mean it. if you stay here, i do too. believe me if you ever believed anything." once more the lightning revealed her face, and on it was the determination of a zealot. he knew that she spoke the truth. he climbed with some difficulty into the saddle. a moment more and she swung up behind him. the entire operation had taken an astonishingly short period of time. bruce had worked like mad, wholly disregarding his injured arm. the rain had already changed to snow, and the wet flakes beat in his face, but he did not heed them. just beyond, simon with ready rifle was creeping toward the house. "which way?" bruce asked. "the out-trail--around the mountain," she whispered. "simon will overtake us on the other--he's got a magnificent horse. on the mountain trail we'll have a better chance to keep out of his sight." she spoke hurriedly, yet conveyed her message with entire clearness. they knew what they had to face, these two. simon and whoever of the clan was with him would lose no time in springing in pursuit. they each had a strong horse, they knew the trails, they carried long-range rifles and would open fire at the first glimpse of the fugitives. bruce was wounded; slight as the injury was it would seriously handicap them in such a test as this. their one chance was to keep to the remote trails, to lurk unseen in the thickets, and try to break through to safety. and they knew that only by the doubtful mercy of the forest gods could they ever succeed. she took the reins and pulled out of the trail, then encircled a heavy wall of brush. she didn't wish to take the risk of simon seeing their forms in the dimming lightning and opening fire so soon. then she turned back into the trail and headed into the storm. * * * * * simon had clear enough memory of the rifle fire that linda had opened upon the clan to wish to approach the house with care. it would be wholly typical of the girl to lay her lover on his bed, then go back to the window to wait for a sight of his assassin. she could look straight along a rifle barrel! a few moments were lost as young bill and himself encircled the thickets, keeping out of the gleam of the smoldering tree. its light was almost gone; it hissed and glowed in the wet snow. they crept up from the shadow, and holding their rifles ready, opened the door. they were somewhat surprised to find it unlocked. the truth was it had been left thus by design; linda did not wish them to encircle the house to the rear door and discover bruce and herself in the act of departure. the room was in darkness, and the two intruders rather expected to find bruce's body on the threshold. these were mountain men; and they had been in rifle duels before. they had the sure instincts of the beasts of prey in the hills without, and among other things they knew it wasn't wise to stand long in an open doorway with the firelight of the ruined pine behind them. they slipped quickly into the darkness. then they stopped and listened. the room was deeply silent. they couldn't hear the sound that both of them had so confidently expected,--the faint breathing of a dying man. simon struck a match. the room was quite deserted. "what's up?" bill demanded. simon turned toward him with a scowl, and the match flickered and burned out in his fingers. "keep your rifle ready. he may be hiding somewhere--still able to shoot." they stole to the door of linda's room and listened. then they threw it wide. one of their foes was in this room--an implacable foe whose eyes were glittering and strange in the matchlight. but it was neither bruce nor linda. it was old elmira, cold and sinister as a rattler in its lair. simon cursed her and hurried on. at that instant both men began to move swiftly. holding his rifle like a club, simon swung through into, bruce's room, lighted another match, then darted into the kitchen. in the dim matchlight the truth went home to him. he turned, eyes glittering. "they've gone--on dave's horse," he said. "thank god they've only got one horse between 'em and can't go fast. you ride like hell up the trail toward the store--they might have gone that way. keep close watch and shoot when you can make 'em out." "you mean--" bill's eyes widened. "mean! i mean do as i say. shoot by sound, if you can't see them, and don't lose another second or i'll shoot you too. aim for the man if a chance offers--but shoot, anyway. don't stop hunting till you find them--they'll duck off in the brush sure. if they get through, everything is lost. i'll take the trail around the mountain." they raced to their horses, untied them, and mounted swiftly. the darkness swallowed them at once. xxxi in the depth of gloom even the wild folk--usually keeping so close a watch on those that move on the shadowed trails--did not see linda and bruce ride past. the darkness is usually their time of dominance, but to-night most of them had yielded to the storm and the snow. they hovered in their coverts. what movement there was among them was mostly toward the foothills; for the message had gone forth over the wilderness that the cold had come to stay. the little gnawing folk, emerging for another night's work at filling their larders with food, crept down into the scarcely less impenetrable darkness of their underground burrows. even the bears, whose furry coats were impervious to any ordinary cold, felt the beginnings of the cold-trance creeping over them. they were remembering the security and warmth of their last winter's dens, and they began to long for them again. the horse walked slowly, head close to the ground. the girl made no effort to guide him. the lightning had all but ceased; and in an instant it had become apparent that only by trusting to the animal's instinct could the trail be kept at all; almost at once all sense of direction was lost to them. the snow and the darkness obscured the outline of the ridges against the sky; the trail was wholly invisible beneath them. after the first hundred yards, they had no way of knowing that the horse was actually on the trail. while animals in the light of day cannot see nearly so far or interpret nearly so clearly as human beings, they usually seem to make their way much better at night. many a frontiersman has been saved from death by realization of this fact; and, bewildered by the ridges, has permitted his dog to lead him into camp. but nature has never devised a creature that can see in the utter darkness, and the gloom that enfolded them now seemed simply unfathomable. bruce found it increasingly hard to believe that the horse's eyes could make out any kind of dim pathway in the pine needles. the feeling grew on him and on linda as well that they were lost and aimlessly wandering in the storm. of all the sensations that the wilderness can afford, there are few more dreadful to the spirit than this. it is never pleasant to lose one's bearings,--and in the night and the cold and miles from any friendly habitation it is particularly hard to bear. bruce felt the age-old menace of the wilderness as never before. it always seemed to be crouching, waiting to take a man at a disadvantage; and like the gods that first make mad those whom they would destroy, it doesn't quite play fair. he understood now certain wilderness tragedies of which he had heard: how tenderfeet--lost among the ridges--had broken into a wild run that had ended nowhere except in exhaustion and death. bruce himself felt a wild desire to lash his horse into a gallop, but he forced it back with all his powers of will. his calmer, saner self explained that folly with entire clearness. it would mean panic for the horse, and then a quick and certain death either at the foot of a precipice or from a blow from a low-hanging limb. the horse seemed to be feeling its way, rather than seeing. they were strange, lonely figures in the darkness; and for a long time they rode almost in silence. then bruce felt the girl's breath as she whispered. "bruce," she said. "let's be brave and look this matter in the face. do you think we've got a chance?" he rode a long time before he answered. he groped desperately for a word that might bring her cheer, but it was hard to find. the cold seemed to deepen about them, the remorseless snow beat into his face. "linda," he replied, "it is one of the mercies of this world for men always to think that they've got a chance. maybe it's only a cruelty in our case." "i think i ought to tell you something else. i haven't the least way of knowing whether we are on the right trail." "i knew that long ago. whether we are on any trail at all." "i've just been thinking. i don't know how many forks it has. we might have already got on a wrong one. perhaps the horse is turned about and is heading back home--toward simon's stables." she spoke dully, and he thrust his arm back to her. "linda, try to be brave," he urged. "we can only take a chance." the horse plodded a few more steps. "brave! to think that it is _you_ that has to encourage _me_--instead of my trying to keep up your spirits. i will try to be brave, bruce. and if we don't live through the night, my last remembrance will be of your bravery--how you, injured and weak from loss of blood, still remembered to give a cheery word to me." "i'm not badly injured," he told her gently. "and there are certain things that have come clear to me lately. one of them is that except for you--throwing your own precious body between--i wouldn't be here at all." the feeling that they had lost the trail grew upon them. more than once the stirrup struck the bark of a tree and often the thickets gave way beneath them. once they halted to adjust the blankets on the saddle, and they listened for any sounds that might indicate that simon was overtaking them. but all they heard was the soft rustle of the leaves under the wind-blown snow. "linda," he asked suddenly. "does it seem to you to be awfully cold?" she waited a long time before she spoke. this was not the hour to make quick answers. on any decision might rest their success or failure. "i believe i can stand it--awhile longer," she answered at last. "but i don't think we'd better try to. it's getting cold. every hour it's colder, and i seem to be getting weaker. it isn't a real wound, linda--but it seems to have knocked some of my vitality out of me, and i'm dreadfully in need of rest. i think we'd better try to make a camp." "and go on by morning light?" "yes." "but simon might overtake us then." "we must stay out of sight of the trail. but somehow--i can't help but hope he won't try to follow us on such a night as this." he drew up the horse, and they sat in the beat of the snow. "don't make any mistake about that, bruce," she told him. "remember, that unless he overtakes us before we come into the protection of the courts, his whole fight is lost. it doesn't alone mean loss of the estate--for which he would risk his life just as he has a dozen times. it means defeat--a thing that would come hard to simon. besides, he's got a fire within him that will keep him warm." "you mean--hatred?" "hatred. nothing else." "but in spite of it we must make camp. we'll get off the trail--if we're still on it--and try to slip through to-morrow. you see what's going to happen if we keep on going this way?" "i know that i feel a queer dread--and hopelessness--" "and that dread and hopelessness are just as much danger signals as the sound of simon's horse behind us. it means that the cold and the snow and the fear are getting the better of us. linda, it's a race with death. don't misunderstand me or disbelieve me. it isn't simon alone now. it's the cold and the snow and the fear. the thing to do is to make camp, keep as warm as we can in our blankets, and push on in the morning. it's two full days' ride, going fast, the best we can go--and god knows what will happen before the end." "then turn off the trail, bruce," the girl told him. "i don't know that we're even on the trail." "turn off, anyway. as long as we stay together--it doesn't matter." she spoke very quietly. then he felt a strange thing. a warmth which even that growing, terrible cold could not transcend swept over him. for her arms had crept out under his arms and encircled his great breast, then pressed with all her gentle strength. no word of encouragement, no cheery expression of hope could have meant so much. not defeat, not even the long darkness of death itself could appall him now. all that he had given and suffered and endured, all the mighty effort that he had made had in an instant been shown in its true light, a thing worth while, a sacrifice atoned for and redeemed. they headed off into the thickets, blindly, letting the horse choose the way. they felt him turn to avoid some object in his path--evidently a fallen tree--and they mounted a slight ridge or rise. then they felt the wet touch of fir branches against their cheeks. bruce stopped the horse and both dismounted. both of them knew that under the drooping limbs of the tree they would find, at least until the snows deepened, comparative shelter from the storm. here, rolled in their blankets, they might pass the remainder of the night hours. bruce tied the horse, and the girl unrolled the blankets. but she did not lay them together to make a rude bed,--and the dictates of conventionality had nothing whatever to do with it. if one jot more warmth could have been achieved by it, these two would have lain side by side through the night hours between the same blankets. she knew, however, that more warmth could be achieved if each of them took a blanket and rolled up in it; thus they would get two thicknesses instead of one and no openings to admit the freezing air. when this was done they lay side by side, economizing the last atom of warmth. the night hours were dreary and long. the rain beat into the limbs above them, and sometimes it sifted through. at the first gray of dawn bruce opened his eyes. his dreams had been troubled and strange, but the reality to which he wakened gave him no sense of relief. the first knowledge that he had was that the snow had continued to sift down throughout the night, that it had already laid a white mantle over the wilderness, and the whirling flakes still cut off all view of the familiar landmarks by which he might get his bearings. he had this knowledge before he was actually cognizant of the cold. and then its first realization came to him in a strange heaviness and dullness in his body, and an almost irresistible desire to sleep. he fought a little battle, lying there under the snow-covered limbs of the fir tree. because it was one in which no blows were exchanged, no shots fired, and no muscles called into action, it was no less a battle, trying and stern. it was a fight waged in his own spirit, and it seemed to rend him in twain. the whole issue was clear in his mind at once. the cold had deepened in these hours of dawn, and he was slowly, steadily freezing to death. even now the blood flowed less swiftly in his veins. death itself, in the moment, had lost all horror for him; rather it was a thing of peace, of ease. all he had to do was to lie still. just close his eyes,--and soft shadows would drop over him. they would drop over linda too. she lay still beside him; perhaps they had already fallen. the war he had waged so long and so relentlessly would end in blissful calm. outside there was only snow and cold and wracking limbs and pain, only further conflict with tireless enemies, only struggle to tear his agonized body to pieces; and the bitterness of defeat in the end. he saw his chances plain as he lay beneath that gray sky. even now, perhaps, simon was upon them. only two little rifle shells remained with which to combat him, and he doubted that his wounded arm would hold the rifle steady. there were weary, innumerable miles between them and any shelter, and only the terrible, trackless forest lay between. why not lie still and let the curtains fall? this was an easy, tranquil passing, and heaven alone knew what dreadful mode of egress would be his if he rose to battle further. all the argument seemed on one side. but high and bright above all this burned the indomitable flame of his spirit. even as the thoughts came to him it mounted higher, it propelled its essence of strength through his veins, it brought new steel to his muscles. to rise, to fight, to struggle on! never to yield until the power above decreed! to stand firm, even as the pines themselves. the dominant greatness that linda had found in this man rose in him, and he set his muscles like iron. he struggled to rise. he shook off the mists of the frost in his brain. he seemed to come to life. quickly he knelt by linda and shook her shoulders in his hands. she opened her eyes. "get up, linda," he said gently. "we have to go on." she started to object, but a message in his eyes kept her from it. his own spirit went into her. he helped her to her feet. "help me roll the blankets," he commanded, "and take out enough food for breakfast. we can't stop to eat it here. i think we're in sight of the main trail; whether we can find it--in the snow--i don't know." she understood; usually the absence of vegetation on a well-worn trail makes a shallow covering of snow appear more level and smooth and thus possible to follow. "i'm afraid the snow's already too deep," he continued, "but we can go on in a general direction for a while at least--unless the snow gets worse so i can't even guess the position of the sun. we must get farther into the thickets before we stop to eat." they were strange figures in the snow flurries as they went to work to roll the blankets into a compact bundle. the food she had taken from their stores for breakfast he thrust into the pocket of his coat; the rest, with the blankets, she tied swiftly on the horse. they unfastened the animal and for a moment she stood holding the reins while bruce crept back on the hillside to look for the trail. the snow swept round them, and they felt the lowering menace of the cold. and at that instant those dread spirits that rule the wilderness, jealous then and jealous still of the intrusion of man, dealt them a final, deadly blow. its weapon was just a sound--a loud crash in a distant thicket--and a pungent message on the wind that their human senses were too blunt to receive. bruce saw the full dreadfulness of the blow and was powerless to save. the horse suddenly snorted loudly, then reared up. he saw as in a tragic, dream the girl struggle to hold him; he saw her pulled down into the snow and the rein jerked from her hand. then the animal plunged, wheeled, and raced at top speed away into the snow flurries. some terror that as yet they could not name had broken their control of him and in an instant taken from them this one last hope of safety. xxxii bruce walked over to linda, waiting in the snow on her knees. it was not an intentional posture. she had been jerked down by the plunging horse, and she had not yet completely risen. but the sight of her slight figure, her raised white face, her clasped hands, and the remorseless snow of the wilderness about her moved bruce to his depths. he saw her but dimly in the snow flurries, and she looked as if she were in an attitude of prayer. he came rather slowly, and he even smiled a little. and she gave him a wan, strange, little smile in return. "we're down to cases at last," he said, with a rather startling quietness of tone. "you see what it means?" she nodded, then got to her feet. "we can walk out, if we are let alone and given time; it isn't that we are obliged to have the horse. but our blankets are on its back, and this storm is steadily becoming a blizzard. and you see--_time_ is one thing that we don't have. no human being can stand this cold for long unprotected." "and we can't keep going--keep warm by walking?" his answer was to take out his knife and put the point of the steel to his thumb nail. his eyes strained, then looked up. "a little way," he answered, "but we can't keep our main directions. the sun doesn't even cast a shadow on my nail to show us which is west. we could keep up a while, perhaps, but there is no end to this wilderness and at noon or to-night--the result would be the same." "and it means--the end?" "if i can't catch the horse. i'm going now. if we can regain the blankets--by getting in rifle range of the horse--we might make some sort of shelter in the snow and last out until we can see our way and get our bearings. you don't know of any shelter--any cave or cabin where we might build a fire?" "no. there are some in the hills, but we can't see our way to find them." "i know. i should have thought of that. and you see, we can't build a fire here--everything is wet, and the snow is beginning to whirl so we couldn't keep it going. if we should stagger on all day in this storm and this snow, we couldn't endure the night." he smiled again. "and i want you to climb a tree--and stay there--until i come back." she looked at him dully. "what's the use, bruce? you won't come back. you'll chase the thing until you die--i know you. you don't know when to give up. and if you want to come back--you couldn't find the way. i'm going with you." "no." once more she started to disobey, but the grave displeasure in his eyes restrained her. "it's going to take all my strength to fight through that snow--i must go fast--and maybe life and death will have to depend on your strength at the end of the trail. you must save it--the little you have left. i can find my way back to you by following my own tracks--the snow won't fill them up so soon. and since i must take the rifle--to shoot the horse if i can't catch him--you must climb a tree. you know why." "partly to hide from simon if he comes this way. and partly--" "because there's some danger in that thicket beyond!" he interrupted her. "the horse's terror was real--besides, you heard the sound. it might be only a puma. but it might be--the killer. swing your arms and struggle all you can to keep the blood flowing. i won't be gone long." he started to go, and she ran after him with outstretched arms. "oh, bruce," she cried, "come back soon--soon. don't leave me to die alone. i'm not strong enough for that--" he whirled, took two paces back, and his arms went about her. he had forgotten his injury long since. he kissed her cool lips and smiled into her eyes. then at once the flurries hid him. the girl climbed up into the branches of a fir tree. in the thicket beyond a great gray form tacked back and forth, trying to locate a scent that a second before he had caught but dimly and had lost. it was the killer, and his temper was lost long ago in the whirling snow. his anger was upon him, partly from the discomfort of the storm, partly from the constant, gnawing pain of three bullet wounds in his powerful body. besides, he realized the presence of his old and greatest enemy,--those tall, slight forms that had crossed him so many times, that had stung him with their bullets, and whose weakness he had learned. the wind was variable, and all at once he caught the scent plain. he lurched forward, crashed again through the brush, and walked out into the snow-swept open. linda saw his vague outline, and at first she hung perfectly motionless, hoping to escape his gaze. she had been told many times that grizzlies cannot climb, yet she had no desire to see him raging below her, reaching, possibly trying to shake her from the limbs. her muscles were stiff and inactive from the cold, and she doubted her ability to hold on. besides, in that dread moment she found it hard to believe that the killer would not be able to swing into the lower limbs, high enough to strike her down. he didn't seem to see her. his eyes were lowered; besides, it was never the grizzly way to search the branches of a tree. the wind blew the message that he might have read clearly in the opposite direction. she saw him walk slowly across the snow, head lowered, a huge gray ghost in the snow flurries not one hundred feet distant. then she saw him pause, with lowered head. in the little second before the truth came to her, the bear had already turned. bruce's tracks were somewhat dimmed by the snow, but the killer interpreted them truly. she saw too late that he had crossed them, read their message, and now had turned into the clouds of snow to trace them down. for an instant she gazed at him in speechless horror; and already the flurries had almost obscured his gray figure. desperately she tried to call his attention from the tracks. she called, then she rustled the branches as loudly as she could. but the noise of the wind obscured what sound she made, and the bear was already too absorbed in the hunt to turn and see her. as always, in the nearing presence of a foe, his rage grew upon him. sobbing, linda swung down from the tree. she had no conscious plan of aid to her lover. she only had a blind instinct to seek him, to try to warn him of his danger, and at least to be with him at the death. the great tracks of the killer, seemingly almost as long as her own arm, made a plain trail for her to follow. she too struck off into the storm-swept canyon. and the forest gods who dwell somewhere in the region where the pine tops taper into the sky, and who pull the strings that drop and raise the curtain and work the puppets that are the players of the wilderness dramas, saw a chance for a great and tragic jest in this strange chase over the snow. the destinies of bruce, linda, and the killer were already converging on this trail that all three followed,--the path that the runaway horse made in the snow. only one of the great forces of the war that had been waged at trail's end was lacking, and now he came also. simon turner had ridden late into the night and from before dawn; with remorseless fury he had goaded on his exhausted horse, he had driven him with unpitying strength through coverts, over great rocks, down into rocky canyons in search of bruce and linda, and now, as the dawn broke, he thought that he had found them. he had suddenly come upon the tracks of bruce's horse in the snow. if he had encountered them farther back, when the animal had been running wildly, he might have guessed the truth and rejoiced. no man would attempt to ride a horse at a gallop through that trailless stretch. but at the point he found the tracks most of the horse's terror had been spent, and it was walking leisurely, sometimes lowering its head to crop the shrubbery. the trail was comparatively fresh too; or else the fast-falling snow would have already obscured it. he thought that his hour of triumph was near. but it had come none too soon. and simon--out of passion-filled eyes--looked and saw that it would likely bring death with it. he realized his position fully. the storm was steadily developing into one of those terrible mountain blizzards in which, without shelter, no human being might live. he was far from his home, he had no blankets, and he could not find his way. yet he would not have turned back if he could. in all the manifold mysteries of the wilderness there was no stranger thing than this: that in the face of his passion simon had forgotten and ignored even that deepest instinct, self-preservation. nothing mattered any more except his hatred. no desire was left except its expression. the securing of the document by which bruce could take the great estates from him was only a trifle now. he believed wholly within his own soul that the wilderness--without his aid--would do his work of hatred for him; and that by no conceivable circumstances could bruce and linda find shelter from the blizzard and live through the day. he could find their bodies in the spring if he by any chance escaped himself, and take the ross-folger agreement from them. but it was not enough. he wanted also to do the work of destruction. even his own death--if it were only delayed until his vengeance was wreaked--could not matter now. in all the ancient strife and fury and ceaseless war of the wild through which he had come, there was no passion to equal this. the killer was content to let the wolf kill the fawn for him. the cougar will turn from its warm, newly slain prey, in which its white fangs have already dipped, at the sight of some great danger in the thickets. but simon could not turn. death lowered its wings upon him as well as upon his enemy, yet the fire in his heart and the fury in his brain shut out all thought of it. he sprang off his horse better to examine the tracks, and then stood, half bent over, in the snow. * * * * * bruce folger headed swiftly up the trail that his runaway horse had made. it was, he thought, his last effort, and he gave his full strength to it. weakened as he was by the cold and the wound, he could not have made headway at all except for the fact that the wind was behind him. the snow ever fell faster, in larger flakes, and the track dimmed before his eyes. it was a losing game. terrified not only by the beast that had stirred in the thicket but by the ever-increasing wind as well, the animal would not linger to be overtaken. bruce had not ridden it enough to have tamed it, and his plan was to attempt to shoot the creature on sight, rather than try to catch it. they could not go forward, anyway, as long as the blizzard lasted. which way was east and which was west he could no longer guess. and with the blankets they might make some sort of shelter and keep life in their bodies until the snow ceased and they could find their way. the cold was deepening, the storm was increasing in fury. bruce's bones ached, his wounded arm felt numb and strange, the frost was getting into his lungs. the wind's breath was ever keener, its whistle was louder in the pines. there was no hope of the storm decreasing, rather it was steadily growing worse. and bruce had some pre-knowledge--an inheritance, perhaps, from frontier ancestors--of the real nature of the mountain blizzard such as was descending on him now. it was a losing fight. all the optimism of youth and the spirit of the angels could not deny this fact. the tracks grew more dim, and he began to be afraid that the falling flakes would obscure his own footprints so that he could not find his way back to linda. and he knew, beyond all other knowledge, that he wanted her with him when the shadows dropped down for good and all. he couldn't face them bravely alone. he wanted her arms about him; the flight would be easier then. "oh, what's the use?" he suddenly said to the wind. "why not give up and go back?" he halted in the trail and started to turn. but at that instant a banner of wind swept down into his face, and the eddy of snow in front of him was brushed from his gaze. just for the space of a breath the canyon for a hundred feet distant was partially cleared of the blinding streamers of snow. and he uttered a long gasp when he saw, thirty yards distant and at the farthest reaches of his sight, the figure of a saddled horse. his gun leaped to his shoulder, yet his eagerness did not cost him his self-control. he gazed quietly along the sights until he saw the animal's shoulder between them. his finger pressed back against the trigger. the horse rocked down, seemingly instantly killed, and the snow swept in between. bruce cried out in triumph. then he broke into a run and sped through the flurries toward his dead. but it came about that there was other business for bruce than the recovery of his blankets that he had supposed would be tied to the saddle. the snow was thick between, and he was within twenty feet of the animal's body before he glimpsed it clearly again. and he felt the first wave of wonder, the first promptings of the thought that the horse he had shot down was not his, but one that he had never seen before. but there was no time for the thought to go fully home. some one cried out--a strange, half-snarl of hatred and triumph that was almost lacking in all human quality--and a man's body leaped toward him from the thicket before which the horse had fallen. it was simon, and bruce had mistaken his horse for the one he had ridden. xxxiii even in that instant crisis bruce did not forget that he had as yet neglected to expel the empty cartridge from the barrel of his rifle and to throw in the other from the magazine. he tried to get the gun to his shoulder, working the lever at the same time. but simon's leap was too fast for him. his strong hand seized the barrel of the gun and snatched it from his hands. then the assailant threw it back, over his shoulder, and it fell softly in the snow. he waited, crouched. the two men stood face to face at last. all things else were forgotten. the world they had known before--a world of sorrow and pleasures, of mountains and woods and homes--faded out and left no realities except each other's presence. all about them were the snow flurries that their eyes could not penetrate, and it was as if they were two lone contestants on an otherwise uninhabited sphere who had come to grips at last. the falling snow gave the whole picture a curious tone of unreality and dimness. bruce straightened, and his face was of iron. "well, simon," he said. "you've come." the man's eyes burned red through the snow. "of course i would. did you think you could escape me?" "it didn't much matter whether i escaped you or not," bruce answered rather quietly. "neither one of us is going to escape the storm and the cold. i suppose you know that." "i know that _one_ of us is. because one of us is going out--a more direct way--first. which one that is doesn't much matter." his great hands clasped. "bruce, when i snatched your gun right now i could have done more. i could have sprung a few feet farther and had you around the waist--taken by surprise. the fight would have been already over. i think i could have done more than that even--with my own rifle as you came up. it's laying there, just beside the horse." but bruce didn't turn his eyes to look at it. he was waiting for the attack. "i could have snatched your life just as well, but i wanted to wait," simon went on. "i wanted to say a few words first, and wanted to master you--not by surprise--but by superior strength alone." it came into brace's mind that he could tell simon of the wound near his shoulder, how because of it no fight between them would be a fair test of superiority, yet the words didn't come to his lips. he could not ask mercy of this man, either directly or indirectly, any more than the pines asked mercy of the snows that covered them. "you were right when you said there is no escaping from this storm," simon went on. "but it doesn't much matter. it's the end of a long war, and what happens to the victor is neither here nor there. it seems all the more fitting that we should meet just as we have--at the very brink of death--and death should be waiting at the end for the one of us who survives. it's so like this damned, terrible wilderness in which we live." bruce gazed in amazement. the dark and dreadful poetry of this man's nature was coming to the fore. the wind made a strange echo to his words,--a long, wild shriek as it swept over the heads of the pines. "then why are you waiting?" bruce asked. "so you can understand everything. but i guess that time is here. there is to be no mercy at the end of this fight, bruce; i ask none and will give none. you have waged a war against me, you have escaped me many times, you have won the love of the woman i love--and this is to be my answer." his voice dropped a note and he spoke more quietly. "i'm going to kill you, bruce." "then try it," bruce answered steadily. "i'm in a hurry to go back to linda." simon's smoldering wrath blazed up at the words. both men seemed to spring at the same time. their arms flailed, then interlocked; and they rocked a long time--back and forth in the snow. they fought in silence. the flurries dropped over them, and the wind swept by in its frantic wandering. bruce called upon his last ounce of reserve strength,--that mysterious force that always sweeps to a man's aid in a moment of crisis. for the first time he had full realization of simon's mighty strength. with all the power of his body he tried to wrench him off his feet, but it was like trying to tear a tree from the ground. but surprise at the other's power was not confined to bruce alone. simon knew that he had an opponent worthy of the iron of his own muscles, and he put all his terrible might into the battle. he tried to reach bruce's throat, but the man's strong shoulder held the arm against his side. simon's great hand reached to pin bruce's arm, and for the first time he discovered the location of his weakness. he saw the color sweep from bruce's face and water drops that were not melted snow come upon it. it was all the advantage needed between such evenly matched contestants. and simon forgot his spoken word that he wished this fight to be a test of superiority alone. his fury swept over him like a flood and effaced all things else; and he centered his whole attack upon bruce's wound. in a moment he had him down, and he struck once into bruce's white face with his terrible knuckles. the blow sent a strange sickness through the younger man's frame; and he tried vainly to struggle to his feet. "fight! fight on!" was the message his mind dispatched along his nerves to his tortured muscles, but for an instant they wholly refused to respond. they had endured too much. total unconsciousness hovered above him, ready to descend. strangely, he seemed to know that simon had crept from his body and was even now reaching some dreadful weapon that lay beside the dead form of the horse. in an instant he had it, and bruce's eyes opened in time to see him swinging it aloft. it was his rifle, and simon was aiming a murderous blow at him with its stock. there was no chance to ward it off. no human skull could withstand its shattering impact. bruce saw the man's dark face with the murder madness upon it, the blazing eyes, the lips drawn back. the muscles contracted to deal the blow. but that war of life and death in the far reaches of trail's end was not to end so soon. at that instant there was an amazing intervention. a great gray form came lunging out of the snow flurries. their vision was limited to a few feet, and so fast the creature came, with such incredible, smashing power, that he was upon them in a breath. it was the killer in the full glory of the charge; and he had caught up with them at last. bruce saw only his great figure looming just over him. simon, with amazing agility, leaped to one side just in time, then battered down the rifle stock with all his strength. but the blow was not meant for bruce. it struck where aimed,--the great gray shoulder of the grizzly. then, dimmed and half-obscured by the snow flurries, there began as strange a battle as the great pines above them had ever beheld. the killer's rage was upon him, and the blow at the shoulder had arrested his charge for a moment only. then he wheeled, a snarling, fighting monster with death for any living creature in the blow of his forearm, and lunged toward simon again. it was the killer at his grandest. the little eyes blazed, the neck hair bristled, he struck with forearms and jaws--lashing, lunging, recoiling--all the terrible might and fury of the wilderness centered and personified in his mighty form. simon had no chance to shoot his rifle. in the instant that he would raise it those great claws and fangs would be upon him. he swung it as a club, striking again and again, dodging the sledge-hammer blows and springing aside in the second of the killer's lunges. he was fighting for his life, and no eye could bemean that effort. simon himself seemed exalted, and for once it appeared that the grizzly had found an opponent worthy of his might. it was all so fitting: that these two mighty powers, typifying all that is remorseless and terrible in the wild, should clash at last in the gathering fury of the storm. they were of one kind, and they seemed to understand each other. the lust and passion and fury of battle were upon them both. the scene harked back to the young days of the world, when man and beast battled for dominance. nothing had changed. the forest stood grave and silent, just the same. the elements warred against them from the clouds,--that ancient persecution of which the wolf pack sings on the ridge at night, that endless strife that has made of existence a travail and a scourge. man and beast and storm--those three great foes were arrayed the same as ever. time swung backward a thousand-thousand years. the storm gathered in force. the full strength of the blizzard was upon them. the snow seemed to come from all directions in great clouds and flurries and streamers, and time after time it wholly hid the contestants from bruce's eyes. at such times he could tell how the fight was going by sound alone,--the snarls of the killer, the wild oaths of simon, the impact of the descending rifle-butt. bruce gave no thought to taking part. both were enemies; his own strength seemed gone. the cold deepened; bruce could feel it creeping into his blood, halting its flow, threatening the spark of life within him. the full light of day had come out upon the land. bruce knew the wilderness now. all its primitive passions were in play, all its mighty forces at grips. the storm seemed to be trying to extinguish these mortal lives; jealous of their intrusion, longing for the world it knew before living things came to dwell upon it, when its winds swept endlessly over an uninhabited earth, and its winter snows lay trackless and its rule was supreme. and beneath it, blind to the knowledge that in union alone lay strength to oppose its might--to oppose all those cruel forces that make a battleground of life--man and beast fought their battle to the death. it seemed to go on forever. linda came stealing out of the snow--following the grizzly's trail--and crept beside bruce. she crouched beside him, and his arm went about her as if to shield her. she had heard the sounds of the battle from afar; she had thought that bruce was the contestant, and her terror had left a deep pallor upon her face; yet now she gazed upon that frightful conflict with a strange and enduring calm. both she and bruce knew that there was but one sure conqueror, and that was death. if the killer survived the fight and through the mercy of the forest gods spared their lives, there remained the blizzard. they could conceive of no circumstances whereby further effort would be of the least avail. the horse on which was tied their scanty blankets was miles away by now; its tracks were obscured in the snow, and they could not find their way to any shelter that might be concealed among the ridges. the scene grew in fury. the last burst of strength was upon simon; in another moment he would be exhausted. the bear had suffered terrible punishment from the blows of the rifle stock. he recoiled once more, then lunged with unbelievable speed. his huge paw, with all his might behind it, struck the weapon from simon's hand. it shot through the air seemingly almost as fast as the bullets it had often propelled from its muzzle and struck the trunk of a tree. so hard it came that the lock was shattered; they heard the ring of metal. the bear rocked forward once more and struck again. and then all the sound that was left was the eerie complaint of the wind. simon lay still. the brave fight was over. his trial had ended fittingly,--in the grip of such powers as were typical of himself. but the bear did not leap upon him to tear his flesh. for an instant he stood like a statue in gray stone, head lowered, as if in a strange attitude of thought. the snow swept over him. linda and bruce gazed at him in silent awe. some way, they felt no fear. no room in their hearts was left for it after the tumult of that battle. the great grizzly uttered one deep note and half-turned about. his eyes rested upon the twain, but he did not seem to see them. the fury was dead within him; this much was plain. the hair began to lie down at his shoulders. the terrible eyes lost their fire. then he turned again and headed off slowly, deliberately, directly into the face of the storm. xxxiv the flurries almost immediately obscured the killer's form, and bruce turned his attention back to linda. "it's the end," he said quietly. "why not here--as well as anywhere else?" but before the question was finished, a strange note had come into his voice. it was as if his attention had been called from his words by something much more momentous. the truth was that it had been caught and held by a curious expression on the girl's face. some great idea, partaking of the nature of inspiration, had come to her. he saw it in the growing light in her eyes, the deepening of the soft lines of her face. all at once she sprang to her feet. "bruce!" she cried. "perhaps there's a way yet. a long, long chance, but maybe a way yet. get your rifle--simon's is broken--and come with me." without waiting for him to rise she struck off into the storm, following the huge footprints of the bear. the man struggled with himself, summoned all that was left of his reserve supply of strength, and leaped up. he snatched his rifle from the ground where simon had thrown it, and in an instant was beside her. her cheeks were blazing. "maybe it just means further torture," she confessed to him, "but don't you want to make every effort we can to save ourselves? don't you want to fight till the last breath?" she glanced up and saw her answer in the growing strength of his face. then his words spoke too. "as long as the slightest chance remains," he replied. "and you'll forgive me if it comes to nothing?" he smiled, dimly. she took fresh heart when she saw he still had strength enough to smile. "you don't have to ask me that." "a moment ago an idea came to me--it came so straight and sure it was as if a voice told me," she explained hurriedly. she didn't look at him again. she kept her eyes intent upon the great footprints in the snow. to miss them for a second meant, in that world of whirling snow, to lose them forever. "it was after the bear had killed simon and had gone away. he acted exactly as if he thought of something and went out to do it--exactly as if he had a destination in view. didn't you see--his anger seemed to die in him and he started off in the _face of the storm_. i've watched the ways of animals too long not to know that he had something in view. it wasn't food; he would have attacked the body of the horse, or even simon's body. if he had just been running away or wandering, he would have gone with the wind, not against it. he was weakened from the fight, perhaps dying--and i think--" he finished the sentence for her, breathlessly. "that he's going toward shelter." "yes. you know, bruce--the bears hibernate every year. they always seem to have places all chosen--usually caverns in the hillsides or under uprooted trees--and when the winter cuts off their supplies of food they go straight toward them. that's my one hope now--that the killer has gone to some cave he knows about to hibernate until this storm is over. i think from the way he started off, so sure and so straight, that it's near. it would be dry and out of the storm, and if we could take it away from him we could make a fire that the snow wouldn't put out. it would mean life--and we could go on when the storm is over." "you remember--we have only one cartridge." "yes, i know--i heard you fire. and it's only a thirty-thirty at that. it's a risk--as terrible a risk as we've yet run. but it's a chance." they talked no more. instead, they walked as fast as they could into the face of the storm. it was a moment of respite. this new hope returned some measure of their strength to them. they walked much more swiftly than the bear, and they could tell by the appearance of the tracks that they were but a few yards behind him. "he won't smell us, the wind blowing as it does," linda encouraged. "and he won't hear us either." now the tracks were practically unspotted with the flakes. they strained into the flurries. now they walked almost in silence, their footfall muffled in the snow. they soon became aware that they were mounting a low ridge. they left the underbrush and emerged into the open timber. and all at once bruce, who now walked in front, paused with lifted hand, and pointed. dim through the flurries they made out the outline of the bear. and linda's inspiration had come true. there was a ledge of rocks just in front--a place such as the rattlesnakes had loved in the blasting sun of summer--and a black hole yawned in its side. the aperture had been almost covered with the snow, and they saw that the great creature was scooping away the remainder of the white drift with his paw. as they waited, the opening grew steadily wider, revealing the mouth of a little cavern in the face of the rock. "shoot!" linda whispered. "if he gets inside we won't be able to get him out." but bruce shook his head, then stole nearer. she understood; he had only one cartridge, and he must not take the risk of wounding the animal. the fire had to be centered on a vital place. he walked steadily nearer until it seemed to linda he would advance straight into reach of the terrible claws. he held the rifle firmly; his jaw was set, his face white, his eyes straight and strong with the strength of the pines themselves. he went as softly as he could--nearer, ever nearer--the rifle cocked and ready in his hands. the killer turned his head and saw bruce. rage flamed again in his eyes. he half-turned about; then poised to charge. the gun moved swiftly, easily, to the man's shoulder, his chin dropped down, his straight eyes gazed along the barrel. in spite of his wound never had human arms held more steady than his did then. and he marked the little space of gray squarely between the two reddening eyes. the finger pressed back steadily against the trigger. the rifle cracked in the silence. and then there was a curious effect of tableau, a long second in which all three figures seemed to stand deathly still. the bear leaped forward, and it seemed wholly impossible to linda that bruce could swerve aside in time to avoid the blow. she cried out in horror as the great paws whipped down in the place where bruce had stood. but the man had been prepared for this very recoil, and he had sprung aside just as the claws raked past. and the killer would hunt no more in trail's end. at the end of that leap he fell, his great body quivering strangely in the snow. the lead had gone straight home where it had been aimed, and the charge itself had been mostly muscular reflex. he lay still at last, a gray, mammoth figure that was majestic even in death. no more would the deer shudder with terror at the sound of his heavy step in the thicket. no more would the herds fly into stampede at the sight of his great shadow on the moonlit grass. the last of the oregon grizzlies had gone the way of all his breed. * * * * * to bruce and linda, standing breathless and awed in the snow-flurries, his death imaged the passing of an old order--the last stand that the forces of the wild had made against conquering man. but there was pathos in it too. there was the symbol of mighty breeds humbled and destroyed. but the pines were left. those eternal symbols of the wilderness--and of powers beyond the wilderness--still stood straight and grand and impassive above them. while these two lived, at least, they would still keep their watch over the wilderness, they would still stand erect and brave to the buffeting of the storm and snow, and in their shade dwelt strength and peace. the cavern that was revealed to them had a rock floor and had been hollowed out by running water in ages past. bruce built a fire at its mouth of some of the long tree roots that extended down into it, and the life-giving warmth was a benediction. already the drifting snow had begun to cover the aperture. "we can wait here until the blizzard is done," bruce told linda, as she sat beside him in the soft glow of the fire. "we have a little food, and we can cut more from the body of the grizzly when we need it. there's dead wood under the snow. and when the storm is over, we can get our bearings and walk out." she sat a long time without answering. "and after that?" she asked. he smiled. "no one knows. it's ten days before the thirtieth--the blizzards up here never last over three or four days. we've got plenty of time to get the document down to the courts. the law will deal with the rest of the turners. we've won, linda." his hands groped for hers, and he laid it against his lips. with her other hand she stroked his snow-wet hair. her eyes were lustrous in the firelight. "and after that--after all that is settled? you will come back to the mountains?" "could i ever leave them!" he exclaimed. "of course, linda. but i don't know what i can do up here--except maybe to establish my claim to my father's old farm. there's a hundred or so acres. i believe i'd like to feel the handles of a plow in my palms." "it was what you were made for, bruce," she told him. "it's born in you. there's a hundred acres there--and three thousand--somewhere else. you've got new strength, bruce. you could take hold and make them yield up their hay--and their crops--and fill all these hills with the herds." she stretched out her arms. then all at once she dropped them almost as if in supplication. but her voice had regained the old merry tone he had learned to love when she spoke again. "bruce, have i got to do all the asking?" his answer was to stretch his great arms and draw her into them. his laugh rang in the cavern. "oh, my dearest!" he cried. the eyes lighted in his bronzed face. "i ask for everything--everything--bold that i am! and what i want worst--this minute--" "yes?" "--is just--a kiss." she gave it to him with all the tenderness of her soft lips. the snow sifted down outside. again the pines spoke to one another, but the sadness seemed mostly gone from their soft voices. the end by edison marshall the voice of the pack with frontispiece by w. herbert dunton _love story, adventure story, nature story--all three qualities combine in this tale of modern man and woman arrayed against the forces of age-old savagery._ "'the voice of the pack' is clean, fine, raw, bold, primitive; and has a wonderfully haunting quality in the repeated wolf-note"--_zane grey._ "taken all around 'the voice of the pack' is the best of the stories about wild life that has come out in many, many moons."--_the chicago daily news._ "as a story that mingles adventure, nature study and romance, 'the voice of the pack' is undeniably of the front rank. mr. marshall knows the wild places and the ways of the wild creatures that range them--and he knows how to write. the study of dan failing's development against a background of the wild life of the mountains, is an exceedingly clever piece of literary work."--_the boston herald._ "an unusually good tale of the west, evidently written by a man who knows about the habits of the wolf-packs and cougars."--_the new york times._ transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. on page , [)a] represents "a" with breve. * * * * * early western travels - volume xxi early western travels - a series of annotated reprints of some of the best and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the aborigines and social and economic conditions in the middle and far west, during the period of early american settlement edited with notes, introductions, index, etc., by reuben gold thwaites, ll.d. editor of "the jesuit relations and allied documents," "original journals of the lewis and clark expedition," "hennepin's new discovery," etc. volume xxi wyeth's oregon, or a short history of a long journey, ; and townsend's narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, [illustration: logo] cleveland, ohio the arthur h. clark company copyright , by the arthur h. clark company all rights reserved the lakeside press r. r. donnelley & sons company chicago contents of volume xxi preface. _the editor_ i oregon; or a short history of a long journey from the atlantic ocean to the region of the pacific, by land; drawn up from the notes and oral information of ... one of the party who left mr. nathaniel j. wyeth, july th, , four days' march beyond the ridge of the rocky mountains, and the only one who has returned to new england. _john b. wyeth._ author's motto text ii narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, to the columbia river. _john k. townsend._ copyright clause publisher's advertisement author's table of contents text illustrations to volume xxi facsimile of title-page to wyeth's _oregon_ "hunting the buffalo." from the london edition ( ) of townsend's _narrative_ facsimile of title-page to townsend's _narrative_ "spearing the salmon." from the london edition ( ) of townsend's _narrative_ preface to volume xxi with the present volume our series reverts to the far northwest, and takes up the story of the oregon country during the fourth decade of the nineteenth century. after the failure of the astorian enterprise ( - ), recounted with so much detail in the narratives of franchère and ross (reprinted in our volumes vi and vii), the northwest coast fell into the hands of the british fur-trade companies, who ruled the forest regions with a sway as absolute as that of a czar. the "nor'westers" first occupied the field, sent out their daring "bourgeois" in all directions, and reaped a rich harvest of pelts. but upon the consolidation of the rival corporations ( ), the hudson's bay company's men succeeded them, and for the first time law and order were enforced by the chief factors, and the denizens of the northwest, white and red, soon learned to obey and revere their new masters. prominent among the factors was dr. john mcloughlin, the benevolent despot of fort vancouver, whose will was law not only for savages and fur-trade employés, but for all overland emigrants, british and american, who now began swarming to the banks of the columbia. for twenty years he governed a province larger than france, and friend and foe alike testify to his probity and kindness, from which americans profited quite as fully as those from his own land. to the world at large, during this long period, the land beyond the mountains remained unknown and almost unknowable. occasionally a new england skipper ventured to the mouth of the columbia, exchanging goods from hawaii and the south seas for the salmon and furs of the northwest coast; but the inhabitants of the interior of our country long found the rockies and their outlying deserts insurmountable barriers to western passage. fur-traders finally led the way into the heart of the mountains. the rocky mountain fur company, under general william ashley, began in that series of explorations and excursions that opened the highland fastnesses to the men of the west, and paved the way for the tracing of the oregon trail. but it was bona-fide settlers, not fur-traders or trappers, that captured oregon for the united states. among the earliest of these were members of the company escorted by captain nathaniel jarvis wyeth, whose home was in the shades of academic learning at cambridge, massachusetts. wyeth, however, owed the inception of the enterprise to another new englander, his quondam fellow-townsman, hall j. kelley. an enterprising schoolmaster, the narratives of lewis and clark and of the astorian participants fired his imagination with a desire to behold the far west, while the joint-occupancy treaty with great britain ( ) aroused in him a patriotic desire that the region watered by the columbia might be possessed by his native land. throughout more than a decade he published pamphlets and articles for the local press, glowing with praise of oregon, and succeeded in organizing the oregon colonization society, from among whose members he hoped to lead an expedition to the far-away land of promise. among those who hearkened to him was the young cambridgian, wyeth, whose mind, more practical than kelley's, but as yet uninformed as to the real difficulties of the enterprise, conceived the project of a great commercial enterprise to the northwest. in the winter of - , wyeth formed his party of pioneers and formulated his plans. with the opening of the spring a vessel laden with supplies was to start around cape horn, to meet the overland adventurers at the mouth of the columbia. wyeth, meanwhile, was to lead a company of hale young men across the continent, who should hunt and trap on the way, and be ready on arrival to provide a cargo of furs for the vessel, and later to develop the products of the oregon country. wyeth's original plan for the land party included forty companions, but he finally set forth from baltimore with an enrollment of but twenty-four. arrived in st. louis, he learned for the first time of the vast operations that western fur-traders were already carrying on among the mountains--men to whom the experience of a life-time had taught the conditions and the methods of trade beyond the frontier. nothing daunted, however, young wyeth joined the yearly caravan of the rocky mountain fur company, and under its protection proceeded to that company's rendezvous at pierre's hole. there the majority of his men, finding the hazard greater than they had anticipated, turned back; but the leader, with a handful of followers, pressed on, only to learn in the oregon country that his vessel had been wrecked on a pacific reef, and his cargo of supplies lost. received at fort vancouver with hospitable courtesy on the part of the hudson's bay people, wyeth passed the winter in exploring the region and learning its resources. he became more than ever eager to exploit the great possibilities lying before him, and returned across the continent to boston, making en route the famous journey--commemorated by washington irving in his _scenes in the rocky mountains_--down the bighorn and yellowstone in a bull-boat. while still among the mountain men, wyeth confidently entered into a contract with milton sublette and the latter's partner, thomas fitzpatrick, to carry out to them their yearly supplies the following season. intent on this and other projects, our adventurer hastened on to boston, organized the columbia river fishing and trading company, and secured another vessel to proceed to oregon by sea. this time wyeth's party was trebled, and with a following of over seventy he started from st. louis on march , . among his companions were the naturalists nuttall and townsend, and the missionaries jason and daniel lee, all of whom were seeking the oregon country on errands of their own. the fate of wyeth's second expedition need not here be recounted, further than to state that the contract being repudiated by the rocky mountain men, wyeth established a trading post in eastern idaho, which he later ( ) sold to the hudson's bay company and proceeded on to oregon. after indefatigable efforts, and fatigues seldom paralleled, wyeth finally ( ) abandoned the country and his ambitious project, and settled down to the humdrum role of ice-merchant in cambridge, amassing a moderate fortune in shipping that useful commodity to the west indies. in recent years the journals and correspondence of nathaniel j. wyeth, recounting the experience of his two expeditions, have come to light and been published by the oregon historical society. these documents, however, furnish but terse and bald statements of events, whereas detailed narratives appeared in works published many years before. the historian of the first expedition was a kinsman of its leader--john b. wyeth, a young man of eighteen summers, who had previously been to sea and acquired a taste for adventure. after the long journey into the mountains, young wyeth became dissatisfied with the hardships and ill prospects of the venture, and joined those malcontents at pierre's hole who voted for return, thus abandoning his leader before the journey was more than two-thirds completed. upon arrival at cambridge, the narrative of the younger wyeth's adventures sped around the circle of his acquaintances, and reached the ear of dr. benjamin waterhouse, a well-known local physician and scientist. waterhouse desired to discourage the prevalent wild schemes of western emigration, and published wyeth's experiences as a useful warning against such projects. the little book as issued from the press bore the title: _oregon; or a short history of a long journey from the atlantic ocean to the region of the pacific by land, drawn up from the notes and oral information of john b. wyeth_ (cambridge, ). it is not difficult for the reader to distinguish the work of the young traveller from that of the older scientist--the literary finish, the allusions, the moralizing and animadversions, of this composite book, are certainly the elder's; the racy adventures, the off-hand descriptions, surely those of the younger collaborator.[ ] [ ] in harvard university library, the book is catalogued under waterhouse as author. john b. wyeth's publication was distinctly annoying and hurtful to the plans of his cousin, and caused the latter to characterize it as "full of white lies." it is in the animus rather than the words themselves that the deceit is to be found; but disregarding its injudicious criticisms and comments, wyeth's book is a readable work of travel, written in the full flush of health and spirits experienced by a vigorous youngster on a journey taken more as an escapade than with serious purpose. how far this motive carried him, is witnessed by the recitation of practical jokes in cincinnati, and by the disasters of the home journey, when, abandoned by his companions, he was turned adrift in plague-stricken new orleans to shift for himself. as a picture of early life on the plains and in the mountains, the account is graphic and attractive, as exampled by the descriptions of the scene at the rendezvous--also that at the conference between the blackfoot chiefs and the envoys of the whites, previous to the battle of pierre's hole. vivid pictures of the fur-trade leaders, and swift glimpses of friendly and hostile tribesmen, jostle the description of what was in effect a new england town-meeting in pierre's hole, and the report of an indian battle famous in the annals of the west. the wyeth narrative was printed privately, for circulation among friends, and therefore in a small edition. examples are consequently now extremely rare, and it is believed that its reprint in the present series will be welcomed by students of early western exploration. nathaniel j. wyeth's second expedition was even more fortunate in its historian. john k. townsend, a well-known philadelphia physician and naturalist, had long been desirous of exploring the far western country in the interests of science. hearing from his friend, thomas nuttall, then botanist at harvard college, that he was preparing to join an expedition across the continent, townsend made arrangements to accompany him, and obtained from the american philosophical society and the academy of natural sciences at philadelphia a commission to search for birds on their behalf. the two scientists joined wyeth at boonville, missouri, after a pedestrian journey from st. louis to that point. the adventurers left independence on april , , in company with the annual fur-trading caravan for the far west, and late in june arrived at the famous green river rendezvous. thence the wyeth party proceeded to the columbia, where a hearty welcome from hudson's bay officials awaited them both at walla walla and vancouver. townsend remained in the oregon district for nearly two years. in the winter of - he spent several months in the sandwich islands, returning in wyeth's vessel, the "may dacre," in march, . the next year he was employed by the hudson's bay company as physician at fort vancouver, of which duties he was relieved by the coming of one of their own surgeons from the north (march, ). still the ornithologist lingered in the country, anxious to complete his collection of native birds. he journeyed up the columbia to walla walla, made a short excursion into the blue mountains, explored the river's mouth, visited the ruins of lewis and clark's fort clatsop, and finally embarked for home, by way of cape horn, on november , . three months were passed in hawaii, en route; his stay in chili was prolonged by illness; but at last, after a tedious voyage, he arrived off cape henlopen november , , having been absent three years and eight months. townsend's account of his travels appeared at philadelphia in , entitled: _narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains to the columbia river, and a visit to the sandwich islands, chili, &c., with a scientific appendix._ a london edition followed in , bearing the title, _sporting excursions to the rocky mountains including a journey to the columbia river and a visit to the sandwich islands, chili, etc._ this contains a few insignificant changes. our reprint is from the original philadelphia version, omitting both the now unessential appendix, and that portion of the narrative which deals with hawaii and south america, these being outside the field of our present interest. townsend wrote in an easy, flowing style, and a large share of his pages bear evidence of closely following his daily journals. unlike wyeth's kinsman, townsend had much admiration for the ability and resource of his leader--for his "most indefatigable perseverance and industry"--and could only attribute his failure to the mysterious dealings of providence. from the commercial and economic standpoint, wyeth's enterprise was a failure; from the historian's point of view, it was eminently successful. not only did he conduct considerable parties of americans across the continent, but some of these became permanent settlers in the oregon country; and his enterprise awakened the country to the dangers of joint political occupancy. lewis and clark's journals, as paraphrased by nicholas biddle in , had first called popular attention to the region. john b. wyeth's book, in , was the first american publication on the subject, after the records of the initial exploration, and aroused a fresh interest in at least a limited group of influential readers; the spark was further kindled by the appearance, in , of washington irving's classic _astoria_; and then appeared, three years later, townsend's admirable narrative, giving to the world some detailed knowledge of the resources of the far northwest. in the same year with townsend's publication, wyeth himself presented to congress his "memoir on oregon,"[ ] which was freighted with information concerning the worth of the new region. these several works were important influences in forcing the oregon question upon the attention of congress, and thus paving the way for the final acquisition of that country by the united states under the oregon treaty of .[ ] [ ] _house ex. reports_, cong., sess., , app. . [ ] see caleb b. cushing "discovery beyond the rocky mountains" in _north american review_, ( ), pp. - . in the preparation of the present volume for the press, the editor has had, throughout, the active assistance of louise phelps kellogg, ph.d. r. g. t. madison, wis., october, . [illustration: title page oregon] wyeth's oregon, or a short history of a long journey reprint of original edition: cambridge, oregon; or a short history of a long journey from the atlantic ocean to the region of the pacific. by land. drawn up from the notes and oral information of john b wyeth one of the party who left mr nathaniel j wyeth, july th, , four days march beyond the ridge of the rocky mountains, and the only one who has returned to new england. cambridge printed for john b. wyeth. . a contented mind is a continual feast; but _entire satisfaction_ has never been procured by wealth however enormous, or ambition however successful. true happiness is to no place confin'd, but still is found in a _contented_ mind. oregon expedition in order to understand this oregon expedition, it is necessary to say, that thirty years ago ( ), president jefferson recommended to congress to authorize competent officers to explore the river _missouri_ from its mouth to its source, and by crossing the mountains to seek the best water communication thence to the _pacific_ ocean. this arduous task was undertaken by captain m. lewis and lieutenant w. clarke of the first regiment of infantry. they were accompanied by a select party of soldiers, and arrived at the missouri in may, , and persisted in their novel and difficult task into the year , and with such success as to draw from president jefferson the following testimonial of their heroic services, viz. "the expedition of messrs. lewis & clarke, for exploring the river missouri, and the best communication from that to the _pacific ocean_, has had all the success which could be expected; and for which arduous service they deserve well of their country."[ ] [ ] quoted from jefferson's annual message, december , . see james d. richardson (ed.), _messages and papers of the presidents_ (washington, ), i, p. .--ed. the object of this enterprise was to confer in a friendly manner with the indian nations throughout their whole journey, with a view to establish a friendly and equitable commerce with them, on { } principles emulating those that marked and dignified the settlement of pennsylvania by _william penn_. it was beyond doubt that the president and congress sincerely desired to treat the indians with kindness and justice, and to establish peace, order, and good neighbourhood with all the savage tribes with whom they came in contact, and not to carry war or violence among any of them who appeared peaceably disposed. a few years before the period of which we have spoken, our government had acquired by purchase the vast and valuable territory of louisiana from the renowned napoleon bonaparte, at that time the chief of the french nation. considering his previous intentions, and actual preparations under his famous general _bernadotte_,[ ] nothing could be more fortunate for these united states than this purchase. our possession of louisiana was so grievous a sore to the very jealous spaniards, that they have, till lately, done all in their power to debar and mislead us from pursuing discoveries in that quarter, or in the arkansas, missouri, or _oregon_. yet few or none of them probably believed that we should, during the present generation, or the next, attempt the exploration of the distant _oregon_ territory, which extends from the _rocky mountains_ to the shores of the pacific ocean, or in other words, from the missouri and yellow stone rivers to that of the river columbia or oregon which pours into the ocean by a wide mouth at the immense distance from us of about four thousand miles; yet one and twenty men, chiefly farmers and a few mechanics, had the hardihood to undertake it, and that too with deliberation and sober calculation. but what will not a new-england { } man undertake when honor and interest are the objects before him? have not the people of that sand-bank, nantucket, redeemed it from the ocean, and sailed round cape horn in pursuit of whales for their oil, and seals for their skins? a score of our farmers seeing that nantucket and new bedford had acquired riches and independence by traversing the sea to the distant shores of the pacific, determined to do something like it _by land_. their ardor seemed to have hidden from their eyes the mighty difference between the facility of passing in a ship with the aid of sails, progressing day and night, by skilfully managing the winds and the helm, and that of a complicated wagon upon wheels, their journey to be over mountains and rivers, and through hostile tribes of savages who dreaded and hated the sight of a white man. [ ] referring probably to the fact that bernadotte had in january, , been chosen minister to the united states, and tarried in france during the negotiations for the purchase of louisiana. after these were concluded, bernadotte's services being required in the impending war with england, his projected mission to america was abandoned. wyeth has probably confused bernadotte's mission with the preparation in holland of the armament which was, under command of general victor, intended to take possession of louisiana.--ed. this novel expedition was not however the original or spontaneous notion of mr. nathaniel j. wyeth,[ ] nor was it entirely owing to the publications of lewis & clarke or mackenzie.[ ] nor was it entirely owing to the enterprise of messrs. barrell, hatch, and bulfinch, who fitted out two vessels that sailed from boston in , commanded by captains kendrick and gray, which vessels arrived at nootka in september, .[ ] they were roused to it by the writings of mr. hall j. kelly, who had read all the books he could get on the voyages and travels in asia, africa, europe, and america, until he had heated his mind to a degree little short of the valorous knight of la mancha, that is to say, he believed all he read, and was firm in the opinion that an englishman and an american, or either, by himself, could endure and achieve any thing { } that any man could do with the same help, and farther, that a new-england man or "yankee," could with less.[ ] that vast region, which stretches from between the east of the mississippi, and south of the lakes _superior_, _huron_, _michigan_, _erie_, and _ontario_, was too narrow a space for the enterprise of men born and bred within a mile or two of the oldest university in the united states.[ ] whatever be the true character of the natives of new england, one thing must be allowed them, that of great and expansive ideas,--beyond, far beyond the generality of the inhabitants of the small island of britain. i say small, for if that island should be placed in the midst of these united states, it would hardly form more than a single member of our extended republic. that vast rivers, enormous mountains, tremendous cataracts, with an extent corresponding to the hugeness of the features of america, naturally inspire men with boundless ideas, few will doubt. this adventurous disposition, at the same time, will as naturally banish from the mind what the _new-light_ doctrine of phrenology calls the disposition bump of _inhabitiveness_, or an inclination to stay at home, and in its place give rise to a roaming, wandering inclination, which, some how or other, may so affect the organs of vision, and of hearing, as to debar a person from perceiving what others may see, the innumerable difficulties in the way. mr. hall j. kelly's writings operated like a match applied to the combustible matter accumulated in the mind of the energetic nathaniel j. wyeth, which reflected and multiplied the flattering glass held up to view by the ingenious and well-disposed schoolmaster. [ ] nathaniel jarvis wyeth belonged to one of the oldest families of cambridge, massachusetts, his ancestor settling there in , on a place held by his descendants for over two centuries. nathaniel's grandfather, ebenezer, in , purchased an estate embracing part of the present mount auburn, and extending to fresh pond. there nathaniel's father, jacob ( - ), built a summer resort known as fresh pond hotel. nathaniel, the fourth son, was born january , , and was intended for harvard college, of which his father and eldest brother were graduates; his ambitious spirit, however, made him impatient to begin commercial life, and to his subsequent regret the college course was abandoned. he first aided his father in the management of the hotel, but soon entered the ice trade, in which he remained until his expedition of - . in marrying his cousin elizabeth jarvis stone, he shortly before the first expedition moved into a new house on the family estate, in which he resided until his death in . for the oregon expeditions, see the preface of the present volume. returning to cambridge in , he re-entered the ice traffic, and after was the head of the concern. his highly accentuated qualities of activity and enterprise, added to his strong personality, caused him to be esteemed by his contemporaries.--ed. [ ] in the centennial years of the lewis and clark expedition, their original journals were for the first time printed as written--thwaites (ed.), _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_ (new york, - ). for an account of the earlier edition of their journals, edited by nicholas biddle, see introduction to the work just cited. on mackenzie, consult franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] on the expedition of captains kendrick and gray, consult franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] hall j. kelley may properly be called the father of the oregon emigration movement. born in new hampshire in , he left home at the age of sixteen and engaged in teaching at hallowell, maine. in he was graduated from middlebury college, and the following year removed to boston, where he was occupied as teacher and philanthropist, assisting in founding the boston young men's education society, the penitent female refuge society, and the first sunday school in new england. he was also a surveyor and engineer, and in invested his entire patrimony in a canal project at three rivers (later, palmer), massachusetts, whither he removed in . this enterprise proved a failure, and his investment a total loss. for many years he had been interested in the oregon country, and soon after the publication of biddle's version of the journals of the lewis and clark expedition ( ), kelley began an agitation for the american occupation of the district. he tried to interest congress, and the first oregon bills ( ) bear the impress of his thought--see f. f. victor, "hall j. kelley," in _oregon historical quarterly_, ii, pp. - . finding his frequent petitions of no avail, he formed a company in (incorporated in ) known as the "american society for encouraging the settlement of oregon territory." the winter of - was spent in preparation for an emigration movement. wyeth was a member of this organization, and at first proposed to accompany kelley; but finding the latter's plans impracticable, organized his own party. kelley set out in the spring of with a small company, who all abandoned him at new orleans. proceeding alone to vera cruz, his goods were confiscated by the mexican government; but although now penniless, he worked his way through to california. there, in the spring of , he met ewing young (see our volume xx, p. , note ), whom he persuaded to accompany him overland to oregon. kelley was ill, but was treated with slight respect by the british authorities at fort vancouver, and lived without the fort during the winter, exploring the country in the intervals of his fever. in the following spring ( ) he shipped for hawaii, and returned to boston, determined, notwithstanding his misfortunes, to further oregon emigration--see report to congress, _house reports_, cong., sess., i, . kelley's health became undermined by the hardships which he had endured, his eyesight was impaired, and he passed his latter years in palmer, massachusetts, in poverty and obscurity, dying there in .--ed. [ ] harvard college was established by act of the general court of massachusetts in .--ed. mr. nathaniel j. wyeth had listened with peculiar { } delight to all the flattering accounts from the western regions, and that at a time when he was surrounded with apparent advantages, and even enviable circumstances. he was born and bred near the borders of a beautiful small lake, as it would be called in great britain; but what we in this country call a large pond; because we generally give the name of lakes only to our vast inland seas, some of which almost rival in size the caspian and euxine in the old world. it seems that he gave entire credit to the stories of the wonderful fertility of the soil on the borders of the ohio, missouri, the river platte, and the oregon, with the equally wonderful healthfulness of the climate. we need not wonder that a mind naturally ardent and enterprising should become too enthusiastic to pursue the laborious routine of breaking up and harrowing the hard and stubborn soil of massachusetts within four miles of the sea, where the shores are bounded and fortified by stones and rocks, which extend inland, lying just below the surface of the ground, while the regions of the west were represented as standing in need of very little laborious culture, such was the native vigor of its black soil. the spot where our adventurer was born and grew up, had many peculiar and desirable advantages over most others in the county of middlesex. besides rich pasturage, numerous dairies, and profitable orchards, and other fruit trees, it possessed the luxuries of well cultivated gardens of all sorts of culinary vegetables, and all within three miles of the boston market-house, and two miles of the largest live-cattle market in new england. all this, and more too, had not sufficient attractions to retain mr. wyeth in his native town and county. { } besides these blessings, i shall add another. the lake i spoke of, commonly called _fresh pond_, is a body of delightful water, which seems to be the natural head or source of all the numerous underground rivers running between it and the national navy yard at charlestown, which is so near to the city of boston as to be connected to it by a bridge; for wherever you sink a well, between the body of water just mentioned, you strike a pelucid vein of it at from nineteen to twenty-two feet depth from the surface. with the aforesaid lake or pond is connected another not quite so large, but equally beautiful. around these bodies of inosculating waters, are well cultivated farms and a number of gentlemen's country-seats, forming a picture of rural beauty and plenty not easily surpassed in spring, summer, and autumn; and when winter has frozen the lakes and all the rivers, this spot has another and singular advantage; for our adventurer sold the _water_ of this pond; which was sent to the west-indian islands, philadelphia, new orleans, and other places south of this; which is so much of a singularity as to require explanation. in our very coldest weather, january and february, the body of water we spoke of is almost every year frozen to the thickness of from eighteen inches to two feet,--sometimes less, and very rarely more. it is then sawed into cubes of the size just mentioned, and deposited in large store-houses, and carted thence every month in the year, even through the dog-days, in heavy teams drawn by oxen and horses to the wharves in boston, and put on board large and properly constructed vessels, and carried into the hot climates already { } mentioned. the heavy teams five, or six, or more, close following each other, day and night, and even through the hottest months, would appear incredible to a stranger. here was a traffic without any drawback, attended with no other charge than the labor of cutting and transporting the article; for the pond belonged to no man, any more than the air which hung above it. both belonged to mankind. no one claimed any personal property in it, or control over it from border to border. a clearer profit can hardly be imagined. while the farmer was ploughing his ground, manuring and planting it, securing his well-tended crop by fencing, and yet after all his labor, the hessian-fly, the canker or slug worm, or some other destructive insect, or some untimely frost, as was the case last winter, might lay waste all his pains and cut off all his expectations. the only risk to which the ice-merchant was liable was a blessing to most of the community; i mean the mildness of a winter that should prevent his native lake from freezing a foot or two thick. our fishermen have a great advantage over the farmer in being exempt from fencing, walling, manuring, taxation, and dry seasons; and only need the expence of a boat, line, and hook, and the risk of life and health; but from all these the ice-man is in a manner entirely exempted; and yet the captain of this oregon expedition seemed to say, all this availeth me nothing, so long as i read books in which i find, that by only going about _four thousand miles_, over land, from the shore of our _atlantic_ to the shore of the _pacific_, after we have there entrapped and killed the beavers and otters, we shall be able, after building vessels for { } the purpose, to carry our most valuable peltry to china and cochin china, our seal-skins to japan, and our superfluous grain to various asiatic ports, and lumber to the spanish settlements on the pacific; and to become rich by underworking and underselling the people of hindostan; and, to crown all, to extend far and wide the traffic in oil by killing tame whales on the spot, instead of sailing round the stormy region of cape horn. all these advantages and more too were suggested to divers discontented and impatient young men. talk to them of the great labor, toil, and risk, and they would turn a deaf ear to you: argue with them, and you might as well reason with a snow-storm. enterprising young men run away with the idea that _the farther they go from home, the surer they will be of making a fortune_. the original projector of this golden vision first talked himself into the visionary scheme, and then talked twenty others into the same notion.[ ] some of their neighbours and well-wishers thought differently from them; and some of the oldest, and most thoughtful, and prudent endeavoured to dissuade them from so very ardous and hazardous an expedition. but young and single men are for tempting the untried scene; and when either sex has got a notion of that sort, the more you try to dissuade them, the more intent they are on their object. nor is this bent of mind always to be censured, or wondered at. were every man to be contented to remain in the town in which he was born, and to follow the trade of his father, there would be an end to improvement, and a serious impediment to spreading population. it is difficult to draw the exact line between contentment, and that inactivity { } which approaches laziness. the disposition either way seems stamped upon us by _nature_, and therefore innate. this is certainly the case with birds and beasts;--the wild geese emigrate late in the autumn to a southern climate, and return again in the spring to a northern one, while the owl and several other birds remain all their lives near where they were hatched; whereas man is not so much confined by a natural bias to his native home. he can live in all climates from the equator to very near the dreary poles, which is not the case with other animals; and it would seem that nature intended he should live anywhere;--for whereas other animals are restricted in their articles of food, some living wholly on flesh, and others wholly on vegetables, man is capable of feeding upon every thing that is eatable by any creature, and of mixing every article together, and varying them by his knowledge and art of cookery,--a knowledge and skill belonging to man alone. hence it appears that _providence_, who directs everything for the best, intended that man should wander over the globe, inhabit every region, and dwell wherever the sun could shine upon him, and where water could be obtained for his use. [ ] for partial lists of members of this party, consult h. s. lyman, _history of oregon_ (new york, ), iii, pp. , , ; see also _post_.--ed. so far from deriding the disposition to explore unknown regions, we should consider judicious travellers as so many benefactors of mankind. it is most commonly a propensity that marks a vigorous intellect, and a benevolent heart. the conduct of the spaniards, when they conquered mexico and peru with the sole view of robbing them of their gold and silver, and of forcing them to abandon their native religion, has cast an odium on those first adventurers upon this continent and their first { } enterprises in india have stigmatized the dutch and the english; nor were our own forefathers, who left england to enjoy religious freedom, entirely free from the stain of injustice and cruelty towards the native indians.--let us therefore in charity, nay, in justice, speak cautiously of what may seem to us censurable in the first explorers of uncivilized countries; and if we should err in judgment, let it be on the side of commendation. mr. wyeth, or as we shall hereafter call him, _captain_ wyeth, as being leader of the band of the oregon adventurers, after having inspired twenty-one persons with his own high hopes and expectations (among whom was his own brother, dr. jacob wyeth,[ ] and a gun-smith, a blacksmith, two carpenters, and two fishermen, the rest being farmers and laborers, brought up to no particular trade) was ready, with his companions, to start off to the pacific ocean, the first of march, , to go from boston to the mouth of columbia river by land. [ ] dr. jacob wyeth, eldest brother of nathaniel, was born february , , at cambridge, massachusetts. after being graduated from harvard ( ), he studied medicine both in boston and baltimore, and settled in new jersey, whence he set out to join his brother's expedition. after returning from pierre's hole--as narrated _post_--dr. wyeth settled in the lead-mine region of northwest illinois, and married into a prominent family. he died in his adopted state.--ed. i was the youngest of the company, not having attained my twentieth year; but, in the plentitude of health and spirits, i hoped every thing, believed every thing my kinsman, the captain, believed and said, and all doubts and fears were banished. the captain used to convene us every saturday night at his house for many months previous to our departure, to arrange and settle the plan of our future movements, and to make every needful preparation; and such were his thoughtfulness and vigilance, that it seemed to us nothing was forgotten and every thing necessary provided. our three vehicles, or wagons, if we may call by that name a _unique_ contrivance, half boat, and half carriage, may be mentioned as an instance of our captain's { } talents for snug contrivance. it was a boat of about thirteen feet long, and four feet wide, of a shape partly of a canoe, and partly of a gondola. it was not calked with tarred oakum, and payed with pitch, lest the rays of the sun should injure it while upon wheels; but it was nicely jointed, and dovetailed. the boat part was firmly connected with the lower, or axletree, or wheel part;--the whole was so constructed that the four wheels of it were to be taken off when we came to a river, and placed in the wagon, while the tongue or shaft was to be towed across by a rope. every thing was as light as could be consistent with safety. some of the cambridge wags said it was a boat begot upon a wagon,--a sort of mule, neither horse nor ass,--a mongrel, or as one of the collegians said it was a thing _amphibious_, anatomically constructed like some equivocal animals, allowing it to crawl upon the land, or to swim on the water; and he therefore thought it ought to be denominated an _amphibium_. this would have gone off very well, and to the credit of the learned collegian, had not one of the gang, who could hardly write his own name, demurred at it; because he said that it reflected not back the honor due to the ingenious contriver of the commodious and truly original vehicle; and for his part, he thought that if they meant to give it a particular name, that should redound to the glory of the inventor, it ought to be called a _nat-wye-thium_; and this was instantaneously agreed to by acclamation! be that as it may, the vehicle did not disgrace the inventive genius of new england. this good-humored raillery, shows the opinion of indifferent people, merely lookers-on. the fact was, the generality { } of the people in cambridge considered it a hazardous enterprise, and considerably notional. about this time there appeared some well written essays in the boston newspapers, to show the difficulty and impracticability of the scheme, purporting to doubt the assertions of mr. hall j. kelly respecting the value and pleasantness of the oregon territory. the three vehicles contained a gross of axes, a variety of articles, or "_goods_" so called, calculated for the indian market, among which vermilion and other paints were not forgotten, glass beads, small looking-glasses, and a number of tawdry trinkets, cheap knives, buttons, nails, hammers, and a deal of those articles, on which young indians of both sexes set a high value, and white men little or none. such is the spirit of trade and traffic, from the london and amsterdam merchant, down to an indian trader and a yankee tin-ware man in his jingling go-cart; in which he travels through virginia and the carolinas to vend his wares, and cheat the southerners, and bring home laughable anecdotes of their simplicity and ignorance, to the temporary disgrace of the common people of the northern and eastern part of the union, where a travelling tin-man dare hardly show himself,--and yet is held up in the south as the real new-england character, and this by certain white people who know the use of letters! the company were uniform in their dress. each one wore a coarse woollen jacket and pantaloons, a striped cotton shirt, and cowhide boots: every man had a musket, most of them rifles, all of them bayonets in a broad belt, together with a large clasped knife for eating and common purposes. the captain and one or two more added pistols; but { } every one had in his belt a small axe. this uniformity had a pleasing effect, which, together with their curious wagons, was noticed with commendation in the baltimore newspapers, as a striking contrast with the family emigrants of husband, wife, and children, who have for thirty years and more passed on to the ohio, kentucky, and other territories. the whole bore an aspect of energy, good contrivance, and competent means. i forgot to mention that we carried tents, camp-kettles, and the common utensils for cooking victuals, as our plan was to live like soldiers, and to avoid, as much as possible, inns and taverns. the real and avowed object of this hardy-looking enterprise was to go to the river columbia, otherwise called the river _oregon_, or river of the _west_,[ ] which empties by a very wide mouth into the pacific ocean, and there and thereabouts commence a fur trade by trafficking with the indians, as well as beaver and other hunting by ourselves. we went upon shares, and each one paid down so much; and our association was to last during five years. each man paid our leader forty dollars. captain wyeth was our treasurer, as well as commander; and all the expenses of our travelling on wheels, and by water in steam-boats, were defrayed by our leader, to whom we all promised fidelity and obedience. for twenty free-born new-england men, brought up in a sort of indian freedom, to be bound together to obey a leader in all things reasonable, without something like _articles of war_, was, to say the least of it, a hazardous experiment. the captain and crew of a nantucket whaling ship came nearest to such an association; for in this case each man runs that great risk of his life, { } in voluntarily attacking and killing a whale, which could not be expected from men hired by the day, like soldiers; so much stronger does association for gain operate, than ordinary wages. as fighting indians from behind trees and rocks is next, in point of courage, to attacking a whale, the monarch of the main, in his own element, a common partnership is the only scheme for achieving and securing such dangerous purposes. [ ] for the origin of the word oregon, see ross's _oregon settlers_, in our volume vii, p. , note .--ed. we left the city of boston, st of march, , and encamped on one of the numerous islands in its picturesque harbour, where we remained ten days, by way of inuring ourselves to the tented field; and on the th of the same month we hoisted sail for baltimore, where we arrived after a passage of fifteen days,[ ] not without experiencing a snow-storm, severe cold, and what the landsmen considered a hard gale, at which i, who had been one voyage to sea, did not wonder. it made every man on board look serious; and glad were we to be set on shore at the fair city of baltimore, in which are to be found a great number of merchants, traders, and mechanics from different parts of new england, and where of course there are none, or very few, of those ridiculous prejudices against what they call yankees, that are observable in virginia and the carolinas. [ ] for further accounts of the preparation and voyage to baltimore on the brig "ida," consult f. g. young, "correspondence and journals of captain nathaniel j. wyeth, - ," in _sources of the history of oregon_ (eugene, oregon, ), pp. - . _niles' register_ xlii, p. (march , ), notes their arrival and departure with twenty-two men and all necessary equipment.--ed. at baltimore our amphibious carriages excited great attention, and i may add, our whole company was an object of no small curiosity and respect. this, said they, is "_yankee all over!_"--bold enterprise, neatness, and good contrivance. as we carefully avoided the expense of inns and taverns, we marched two miles out of baltimore, and there encamped during four days; and then we put { } our wagons into the _cars_ on the rail-road; which extends from thence sixty miles, which brought us to the foot of the alleghany mountains.[ ] quitting the rail-road at the foot of the alleghany, we encountered that mountain. here we experienced a degree of inhospitality not met with among the savages. the innkeepers, when they found that we came from new england, betrayed an unwillingness to accommodate yankees, from a ridiculous idea, that the common people, so nicknamed, were too shrewd at a bargain and trading, for a slow and straight-forward dutchman; for the inhabitants of this mountainous region, were generally sons and grandsons of the dutch and german first settlers; and it cannot be denied and concealed, that the new england land-jobbers were in their bargains too hard for the torpid dutchman, who, it is true, loved money as much as any people, yet when they, or their fathers had been the sufferers from a set of roving sharpers, it is no wonder that an hereditary prejudice should descend with exaggeration and aggravation from father to son, and that their resentment should visit their innocent sons to the third and fourth generation. no one pretends to mention any fact or deed, in which those dutch foreigners were defrauded of their rights and dues; and all that can be, with truth, said, was, that the land-speculators from connecticut and massachusetts were to new-england what yorkshire men are thought to be to the rest of the people of england, a race more sharp and quick-sighted than their neighbours,--and with a sort of constitutional good humor, called _fun_, they could twist that uneducated progeny of a german stock around their fingers;--hence their reluctance { } to have any thing to do with men, whose grand-fathers were too knowing for them. you never hear the french or the english complaining of the over-shrewdness of the new-england people. they accord very well together, and very frequently intermarry. no, it is the dutch, and the descendants of transported convicts, who sneer at those they call yankees, whom their fathers feared, and of course hated. [ ] the line of the baltimore and ohio railway was first opened for traffic december , , when the road extended as far as frederick, sixty-one miles from baltimore. on april , , it was extended to point of rocks, some forty miles beyond; but by that time the expedition had passed farther west.--ed. at one public house on the mountains near which we halted, the master of it, learning that we came from boston, refused us any refreshment and lodging. he locked up his bar-room, put the key in his pocket, went out, and came back with four or five of his neighbours, when the disagreement ran so high, that the tavern-keeper and the yankee captain each seized his rifle. the latter pointing to the other's _sign_ before his door, demanded both lodging and refreshment, as the legal condition of his tavern-license;[ ] and the dispute ended in our captain's sleeping in the house with three of his party, well armed, determined to defend their persons, and to insist on their rights as peaceable and unoffending travellers, while the rest of the company bivouacked near their wagons, and reposed themselves, like veteran soldiers, in their tents and wagons. [ ] taverners are by law to be provided with suitable bedding for travellers, and stables and provisions for horses and cattle. brownsville is a flourishing town situated on the point, where the great cumberland road strikes the head of navigation of the monongahela, and has long been a place of embarkation for emigrants for the west.--wyeth. we gladly departed from the inhospitable alleghany or apalachian mountains, which extend from the river st. lawrence to the confines of georgia, { } and which run nearly parallel to the sea-shore from sixty to one hundred and thirty miles from it, and dividing the rivers, which flow into the atlantic on the east, from those that run into the lakes and into the mississippi on the west. the part we passed was in the state of pennsylvania. our next stretch was for the river monongahela, where we took the steamboat for _pittsburg_.[ ] this town has grown in size and wealth, in a few years, surprisingly. it is two hundred and thirty miles from baltimore; three hundred from philadelphia. it is built on a point of land jutting out towards the river ohio, and washed on each side by the alleghany and monongahela, which rivers uniting are lost in the noble ohio. it was originally a fortress built by the french, called _fort du quesne_ being afterwards taken by the english in , it was called fort _pitt_, in honor of the famous _william pitt_, afterwards earl of chatham, under whose administration it was taken from the french, together with all canada.[ ] on this spot a city has been reared by the americans, bearing the name of _pittsburg_ which has thriven in a surprising manner by its numerous manufactories in glass, as well as in all the metals in common use. to call it the birmingham of america is to underrate its various industry; and to call the english birmingham pittsburg, would be to confer upon that town additional honor; not but what the british birmingham is by far the most pleasant place to live in. pittsburg is the region of iron and fossil coal, of furnaces, glass-works, and a variety of such like manufactures. this town has somewhat the color of a coal-pit, or of a black-smith's shop. the wonder is, that any gentleman { } of property should ever think of building a costly dwelling-house, with corresponding furniture, in the coal region of the western world; but there is no disputing _de gustibus_--_chacun á son gout_. the rivers and the surrounding country are delightful, and the more so from the contrast between them and that hornet's nest of bustle and dirt, the rich capital. thousands of miserable culprits are doomed to delve in deep mines of silver, gold, and quicksilver among the spaniards for their crimes; but here they are all freemen, who choose to breathe smoke, and swallow dirt, for the sake of clean dollars and shining eagles. hence it is that the pittsburgh workmen appear, when their faces are washed, with the ruddiness of high health, the plenitude of good spirits, and the confidence of freemen. [ ] the expedition proceeded by way of brownsville, and arrived at pittsburg on april , . pittsburg, as the point of departure for the west, is described by most early travelers. in particular, consult cuming's _tour_, in our volume iv, pp. - .--ed. [ ] for fort duquesne, see f. a. michaux's _travels_, in our volume iii, p. , note ; for fort pitt, post's _journals_, in our volume i, p. , note , and a. michaux's _travels_, volume iii, p. , note .--ed. from the busy city of thriving pittsburg our next important movement was down the ohio. we accordingly embarked in a very large steam-boat called the freedom; and soon found ourselves, bag and baggage very much at our ease and satisfaction, on board a truly wonderful floating inn, hotel, or tavern, for such are our steam-boats. nothing of the kind can surpass the beauty of this winding river, with its fine back-ground of hills of all shapes and colors, according to the advancement of vegetation from the shrubs to the tallest trees. but the romantic scenery on both sides of the ohio is so various and so captivating to a stranger, that it requires the talents of a painter to give even a faint idea of the picture; and the effect on my mind was, not to estimate them as i ought, but to feed my deluded imagination with the belief that we should find on the { } missouri, and on the rocky mountains, and columbia river, object as much finer than the ohio afforded, as this matchless river exceeded our merrimac or kennebeck: and so it is with the youth of both sexes; not satisfied with the present gifts of nature, they pant after _the untried scene_, which imagination is continually bodying forth, and time as constantly dissipating. the distance from pittsburg to the mississippi is about one thousand miles. hutchins estimated it at one thousand one hundred and eighty-eight,--dr. drake at only nine hundred and forty-nine.[ ] wheeling is a town of some importance. here the great national road into the interior from the city of washington, meets that of zanesville, chillicothè, columbus, and cincinnati.[ ] it is the best point to aim at in very low stages of the water, and from thence boats may go at all seasons of the year. we passed marietta, distinguished for its remarkable remains of mounds, and works, resembling modern fortifications, but doubtless the labor of the ancient aboriginals, of whom there is now no existing account; but by these works, and articles found near them, they must have belonged to a race of men farther advanced in arts and civilization than the present indian in that region,[ ]--a people who, we may well suppose, were the ancestors of the mexicans. yet we see at this time little more than log-houses belonging to miserable tenants of white people. all the sugar used by the people here is obtained from the maple tree. fossil coal is found along the banks. there is a creek pouring forth _petroleum_, about one hundred miles from pittsburg on the alleghany, called _oil_ creek, which will blaze on the application of a { } match. this is not uncommon in countries abounding in bituminous coal. nitre is found wherever there are suitable caves and caverns for its collection. the people here are rather boisterous in their manners, and intemperate in their habits, by what we saw and heard, more so than on the other side of the river where slavery is prohibited. indeed slavery carries a black moral mark with it visible on those whose skins are naturally of a different color; and mr. jefferson's opinion of the influence of slavery on the whites, justifies our remark.[ ] [ ] thomas hutchins ( - ), born in new jersey, entered the british army at an early age. he served in the french and indian war, and later as assistant engineer under bouquet ( ), for whom he prepared a map. in he was arrested in london, on a charge of sympathizing with the american cause. escaping to paris, he finally joined the continental army at charleston, south carolina, and was made geographer general by general greene. the estimate here referred to is in his _topographical description of virginia, pennsylvania, maryland, and north carolina_ (london, ), p. . for dr. daniel drake, see flint's _letters_ in our volume ix, p. , note . the length of the ohio from pittsburg is estimated by the map of the u. s. corps of engineers, published in , as miles.--ed. [ ] for wheeling and the national road, see a. michaux's _travels_, in our volume iii, p. , note , and flint's _letters_, in our volume ix, p. , notes , .--ed. [ ] for a more extended description of marietta and its antiquities, consult cuming's _tour_, in our volume iv, pp. - . the mounds are now believed to be the work of north american indians; consult cyrus thomas, "mound explorations," in u. s. bureau of ethnology _report_, - .--ed. [ ] referring to jefferson's account of the degradation of masters under the régime of slavery, in _notes on virginia_ (original edition, ), pp. - .--ed. we stopped one day and night at the flourishing town of _cincinnati_, the largest city in the western country, although laid out so recently as .[ ] it is twenty miles above the mouth of the great miami, and four hundred and sixty-five miles below pittsburg. it appears to great advantage from the river, the ground inclining gradually to the water. three of us had an evidence of that by a mischievous trick for which we deserved punishment. we were staring about the fine city that has risen up with a sort of rapid, mushroom growth, surprising to every one who sees it, and who considers that it is not more than forty years old. in the evening we went into a public house, where we treated ourselves with that sort of refreshment which inspires fun, frolic, and mischief. we remained on shore till so late an hour that every body appeared to have gone to bed, when we set out to return to our steam-boat. in our way to it we passed by a store, in the front of which stood three barrels of lamp-oil, at the head of a fine sloping street. the evil spirit of mischief put it into our heads to set them a rolling down the inclined plane to the river. no sooner hinted, than executed. { } we set all three a running, and we ran after them; and what may have been lucky for us, they were recovered next day whole. had there been legal inquisition made for them, we had determined to plead _character_, that we were from boston, the land of steady habits and good principles, and that it must have been some gentlemen southerners, with whose characters for nightly frolics, we, who lived within sound of the bell of the university of cambridge were well acquainted. the owners of the oil came down to the steam-boat, and carried back their property without making a rigid examination for the offenders; without suspecting that prudent new-england young men would indulge in a wanton piece of fun, where so much was at stake. but john bull and jonathan are queer fellows. [ ] for the early history of this city, see cuming's _tour_, our volume iv, p. , note .--ed. from cincinnati to st. louis, we experienced some of those disagreeable occurrences, that usually happen to democratical adventurers. our captain, to lessen the expenses of the expedition, had bargained with the captain of the steam-boat, that we of his band should assist in taking on board wood from the shore, to keep our boilers from cooling. although every one saw the absolute necessity of the thing, for our common benefit and safety, yet some were for demurring at it, as not previously specified and agreed upon. idleness engenders mutiny oftener than want. in scarcity and in danger men cling together like gregarious animals; but as soon as an enterprising gang can sit down, as in a steam-boat, with nothing to do but to find fault, they are sure to become discontented, and discontent indulged leads to mutiny. whatever i thought then, i do not think now that captain wyeth was { } to blame for directing his followers to aid in _wooding_; nor should the men have grumbled at it. i now am of opinion that our aiding in wooding the steam-boat was right, reasonable, and proper. every man of us, except the surgeon of the company, dr. jacob wyeth, ought, on every principle of justice and generosity, to have given that assistance. our navigation from cincinnati to st. louis was attended with circumstances new, interesting, and very often alarming. passing the rapids of the ohio, or _falls_ as they are called, between the indiana territory and kentucky, was sufficiently appalling to silence all grumbling. these falls, or rapids are in the vicinity of louisville, jeffersonville, clarksville, and shipping-port, and are really terrific to an inexperienced farmer or mechanic.[ ] our hell-gate in long-island sound is a common brook compared with them; and when we had passed through them into the mississippi, the assemblage of trees in the river, constituting snags and sawyers, offered themselves as a species of risk and danger, which none of us had ever calculated on or dreamt of. we knew that there was danger in great storms, of huge trees blowing down on one's head; and that those who took shelter under them in a thunder-storm, risked their lives from lightning; but to meet destruction from trees in an immense river, seemed to us a danger of life, which we had not bargained for, and entirely out of our agreement and calculation. we had braced ourselves up only against the danger of hostile indians, and enraged beasts, which we meant to war against. beyond that, all was smooth water to us. the truth of the matter is,--the { } men whom captain wyeth had collected were not the sort of men for such an expedition. they were too much on an equality to be under strict orders like soldiers. lewis & clarke were very fortunate in the men they had under them. major long's company was, in a great degree, military, and yet three of his soldiers deserted him at one time, and a fourth soon after.[ ] [ ] wyeth somewhat exaggerates the difficulties of the navigation of the falls of the ohio. see our volume i, p. , note ; also thwaites, _on the storied ohio_ (chicago, ), pp. - . for jeffersonville, see flint's _letters_, in our volume ix, p. , note ; for clarksville and shippingsport, cuming's _tour_, our volume iv, pp. , , notes , .--ed. [ ] see our volumes xiv-xvii for james's _long's expedition_.--ed. on the th of april, , we arrived at st. louis. as we had looked forward to this town, as a temporary resting-place, we entered it in high spirits, and pleased ourselves with a notion that the rest of our way till we should come to the rocky mountains would be, if not down hill, at least on a level: but we counted without our host. _st. louis_ was founded by a frenchman named _peter la clade_ in , eighty-four years after the establishment of fort crève-coeur on the illinois river; and inhabited entirely by frenchmen and the descendants of frenchmen, who had carried on for the most part a friendly and lucrative trade with the indians.[ ] but since the vast western country has been transferred to the united states, its population has been rapidly increased by numerous individuals and families from different parts of the union; and its business extended by enterprising mechanics and merchants from the new-england states; and its wealth greatly augmented. the old part of st. louis has a very different aspect from that of cincinnati, where every thing appears neat, and new, and tasteful; as their public buildings, their theatre, and spacious hotels, not forgetting madam trollope's bazar, or, as it is commonly called, "trollope's folly,"[ ] as well as its spacious streets, numerous coaches, and other { } marks of rapid wealth, and growing luxury. as st. louis has advanced in wealth, magnitude, and importance, it has gradually changed the french language and manners, and assumed the american. it however contains, i am told, many of the old stock that are very respectable for their literary acquirements and polished manners. [ ] for the foundation of st. louis, see a. michaux's _travels_, in our volume iii, p. , note . fort crêvecoeur was la salle's illinois stockade, built in . see ogden's _letters_ in our volume xix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] frances milton trollope ( - ), an englishwoman of note, came to the united states in with frances wright. she established herself at cincinnati, and attempted to recuperate the family fortunes by the opening of a bazaar for the sale of small fancy articles. the experiment failed, and the trollope family returned to england ( ), where mrs. trollope issued _domestic manners of americans_ (london, ), a criticism of our national customs that gave great umbrage to our forebears in the west. she later became a novelist of note, dying in florence in . her sons were anthony and adolphus trollope, well-known english authors.--ed. we shall avoid, as we have avowed, any thing like censure of captain wyeth's scheme during his absence; but when we arrived at st. louis, we could not but lament his want of information, respecting the best means of obtaining the great objects of our enterprise. here we were constrained to sell our complicated wagons for less than half what they originally cost. we were convinced that they were not calculated for the rough roads, and rapid streams and eddies of some of the rivers we must necessarily pass. we here thought of the proverb, "that men never do a thing right the first time." captain wyeth might have learned at st. louis, that there were two wealthy gentlemen who resided at or near that place, who had long since established a regular trade with the indians, mr. m----, and a young person, mr. s----, and that a stranger could hardly compete with such established traders. the turbulent tribe, called the _black-foot_ tribe, had long been supplied with fire arms and ammunition, beads, vermilion and other paints, tobacco and scarlet cloth, from two or three capital traders at, or near, st. louis, and every article most saleable with the indians. both parties knew each other, and had confidence in each other; and having this advantage over our band of adventurers, it does not appear that mr. mackenzie, and mr. sublet felt any apprehensions or jealousy { } of the new comers from boston; but treated them with friendship, and the latter with confidence and cordiality; the former gentleman being, in a manner, retired from business, except through numerous agents.[ ] he owns a small steam-boat called the yellow stone, the name of one of the branches of the missouri river.[ ] through such means the indians are supplied with all they want; and they appeared not to wish to have any thing to do with any one else, especially the adventurous yankees. these old established traders enjoy a friendly influence, or prudent command, over those savages, that seems to operate to the exclusion of every one else; and this appeared from the manner in which they treated us, which was void of every thing like jealousy, or fear of rivalship. their policy was to incorporate us with their own troop. [ ] kenneth mckenzie was born in rossshire, scotland, in , of a good family, relatives of sir alexander mackenzie the explorer. coming to america at an early age, young mckenzie entered the service of the north west company; but upon its consolidation with the hudson's bay company ( ), he entered the fur-trade on his own account. going to new york in , he secured an outfit on credit, and for some time traded on the upper mississippi. later he formed a partnership with joseph renville in the establishment of the columbia fur company. this concern was bought out by its rival, the american fur company in , whereupon mckenzie was taken into the latter corporation. he was soon placed in command of what was known as the "upper missouri outfit," and built fort union at the mouth of the yellowstone, where for several years he ruled almost regally. among his earliest successes--to which wyeth here refers--was his acquisition of the blackfoot trade. this tribe, influenced by british traders, had long been hostile to americans; mckenzie had, however, been known to them in the north west company, and through one of their interpreters, berger, he secured a treaty with them and built ( - ) a post in their country. mckenzie lost the good-will of the american fur company, by erecting a distillery at fort union, in defiance of united states laws. in he came down the river, and visited europe; but at intervals he re-ascended to his old post, until in he disposed of his stock in the company. he then made his home in st. louis, until his death in . it does not appear that he had considered retirement as early as wyeth's visit in , for he was then in the full tide of success. he lived magnificently at fort union, ruling over a wide territory, an american example of the "bourgeois of the old northwest." for william sublette, see our volume xix, gregg's _commerce of the prairies_, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the "yellowstone" was the first steamboat to visit the upper missouri. mckenzie and pierre chouteau, jr., convinced of the utility to the fur-trade of such a craft, persuaded the american fur company to secure a steamer. she was built at louisville, kentucky, in the winter of - , departing from st. louis on her first voyage, april , , with captain b. young as master. this season she ascended to fort tecumseh (near pierre), and the following year made her initial trip to the mouth of the yellowstone river. she had left st. louis about a month before the arrival of wyeth's party.--ed. we put our goods, and other baggage on board the steam-boat otter, and proceeded two hundred and sixty miles up the missouri river, which is as far as the white people have any settlements. we were obliged to proceed very slowly and carefully on account of the numerous _snags_ and _sawyers_ with which this river abounds. they are trees that have been loosened, and washed away from the soft banks of the river. they are detained by sandbanks, or by other trees, that have floated down some time before. those of them whose sharp branches point opposite the stream are the _snags_, against which boats are often impelled, as they are not visible above water, and many are sunk by the wounds these make in their bows. the _sawyers_ are also held fast by their roots, while the body of the tree whips up and down, alternately visible and concealed beneath the surface. these { } are the chief terrors of the missouri and the mississippi rivers. as to crocodiles they are little regarded, being more afraid of man than he of them. on account of these snags and sawyers, boatmen avoid passing in the night, and are obliged to keep a sharp look out in the day-time. the sawyers when forced to the bottom or near it by a strong current, or by eddies, rise again with such force that few boats can withstand the shock. the course of the boat was so tediously slow, that many of us concluded to get out and walk on the banks of the river. this, while it gave us agreeable exercise, was of some service in lightening our boat, for with other passengers from st. louis, we amounted to a considerable crew. the ground was level, and free from underwood. we passed plenty of deer, wild turkeys, and some other wild fowl unknown to us, and expected to find it so all the way. we arrived at a town or settlement called _independence_.[ ] this is the last white settlement on our route to the oregon, and this circumstance gave a different cast to our peregrination, and operated not a little on our hopes, and our fears, and our imaginations. some of our company began to ask each other some serious questions; such as, where are we going? and what are we going for? and sundry other questions, which would have been wiser had we asked them before we left cambridge, and ruminated well on the answers. but _westward ho_! was our watchword, and checked all doubts, and silenced all expressions of fear. [ ] for independence, see gregg's _commerce of the prairies_, in our volume xix, p. , note .--ed. just before we started from this place, a company of sixty-two in number arrived from st. louis, under the command of _william sublet, esq._, an experienced indian trader, bound, like ourselves, { } to the american alps, the rocky mountains, and we joined company with him, and it was very lucky that we did. our minds were not entirely easy. we were about to leave our peaceable country-men, from whom we had received many attentions and much kindness, to go into a dark region of savages, of whose customs, manners, and language, we were entirely ignorant,--to go we knew not whither,--to encounter we knew not what. we had already sacrificed our amphibious wagons, the result of so much pains and cost. here two of our company left us, named kilham and weeks. whether they had any real cause of dissatisfaction with our captain, or whether they only made that an excuse to quit the expedition and return home early, it is not for me to say. i suspect the abandonment of our travelling vehicles cooled their courage. we rested at independence ten days; and purchased, by captain sublet's advice, two yoke of oxen, and fifteen sheep, as we learnt that we ought not to rely entirely upon transient game from our fire-arms for sustenance, especially as we were now going among a savage people who would regard us with suspicion and dread, and treat us accordingly. from this place we travelled about twenty-five miles a day. nothing occurred worth recording, till we arrived at the first indian settlement, which was about seventy miles from independence.[ ] they appeared to us a harmless people, and not averse to our passing through their country. their persons were rather under size, and their complexion dark. as they lived near the frontier of the whites, they were not unacquainted with their usages and customs. they have cultivated spots or little farms, { } on which they raise corn and pumpkins. they generally go out once a year to hunt, accompanied by their women; and on killing the buffalo, or bison, what they do not use on the spot, they dry to eat through the winter. to prevent a famine, however, it is their custom to keep a large number of dogs; and they eat them as we do mutton and lamb. this tribe have imitated the white people in having fixed and stationary houses. they stick poles in the ground in a circular form, and cover them with buffalo-skins, and put earth over the whole, leaving at the top an aperture for the smoke, but small enough to be covered with a buffalo-skin in case of rain or snow.--we found here little game; but honey-bees in abundance. [ ] this appears to have been an insignificant village of somewhat sedentary indians, probably of the kansa tribe, near the northwestern corner of what is now douglas county, kansas. joel palmer notes it in ; see our volume xxx.--ed. we travelled on about a hundred miles farther, when we came to a large _prairie_, which name the french have given to extensive tracts of land, mostly level, destitute of trees, and covered with tall, coarse grass. they are generally dreary plains, void of water, and rendered more arid by the indian custom of setting fire to the high grass once or twice a year to start the game that has taken shelter there, which occasions a hard crust unfavorable to any vegetable more substantial than grass. at this unpromising spot, three more of our company took french leave of us, there being, it seems, dissatisfaction on both sides; for each complained of the other. the names of the seceders were livermore, bell, griswell.[ ] in sixteen days more we reached the river _la platte_, the water of which is foul and muddy.[ ] we were nine days passing this dreary _prairie_. we were seven and twenty days winding our way along the borders of the la platte, which river we could not leave on { } account of the scarcity of water in the dry and comfortless plains. here we slaughtered the last of our live stock, and at night we came to that region where buffaloes are often to be found; but we suffered some sharp gnawings of hunger before we obtained one, and experienced some foretaste of difficulties to come. [ ] thomas livermore was a cousin of nathaniel wyeth, whose home was in milford, new hampshire. he was a minor, and his father's consent was essential that he might join the party. bell appears to have been insubordinate from the start, and upon his return to the east, published letters injurious to wyeth's reputation; consult wyeth, _oregon expeditions_, index.--ed. [ ] for the river platte, see our volume xiv, p. , note . the oregon trail from independence led westward, south of the kansas, crossing the latter stream near the present site of topeka; thence up the big and little blue rivers, and across country to the platte, coming in near grand island.--ed. the missouri territory[ ] is a vast wilderness, consisting of immense plains, destitute of wood and of water, except on the edges of streams that are found near the turbid la platte. this river owes its source to the rocky mountains, and runs pretty much through the territory, without enlivening or fructifying this desert. some opinion may be formed of it by saying that for the space of six hundred miles, we may be said to have been deprived of the benefits of two of the elements, _fire_ and _water_. here were, to be sure, buffaloes, but after we had killed them we had no wood or vegetables of any kind wherewith to kindle a fire for cooking. we were absolutely compelled to dry the dung of the buffalo as the best article we could procure for cooking our coarse beef. that grumbling, discontent, and dejection should spring up amongst us, was what no one can be surprised at learning. we were at times very miserable, and our commander could be no less so; but we had put our hands to the plough, and most of us were too stuffy to flinch, and sneak off for home without reaching the rocky mountains; still hunger is hunger, and the young and the strong feel the greatest call for food. every one who goes to sea may lay his account for coming to short allowance, from violent storms, head winds, damaged vessel, and the like; but for a band of new-england { } men to come to short allowance upon land, with guns, powder, and shot, was a new idea to our oregon adventurers, who had not prepared for it in the article of hard bread, or flour, or potatoes, or that snug and wholesome article, _salt fish_, so plenty at marblehead and cape ann, and so convenient to carry. when the second company shall march from the seat of science, cambridge, we would advise them to pack up a few quintals of salt fish, and a few pounds of ground sago, and salep, as a teaspoonful of it mixed with boiling water will make three pints of good gruel, and also a competent supply of portable soup. [ ] the territory of missouri was formed in of all the louisiana purchase outside the limits of the newly-erected state of louisiana. in arkansas territory was cut out, and the following year the state of missouri. the remaining region was left with no definite organization; but by an act of it was defined as indian territory--south of a line drawn from missouri river at the mouth of the ponca, and west to the rocky mountains. this vast unorganized region was indefinitely called missouri territory, indian territory, western territory, and even (on one map of the period) oregon territory--although the latter name was usually confined to the region west of the rockies, and north of mexican bounds.--ed. buffaloes were plenty enough. we saw them in frightful droves, as far as the eye could reach, appearing at a distance as if the ground itself was moving like the sea. such large armies of them have no fear of man. they will travel over him and make nothing of him. our company after killing ten or twelve of them, never enjoyed the benefit of more than two of them, the rest being carried off by the wolves before morning. beside the scarcity of meat, we suffered for want of good and wholesome water. the la platte is warm and muddy; and the use of it occasioned a diarrhoea in several of our company. dr. jacob wyeth, brother of the captain, suffered not a little from this cause.--should the reader wonder how we proceeded so rapidly on our way without stopping to inquire, he must bear in mind that we were still under the guidance of captain sublet, who knew every step of the way, and had actually resided four years in different green valleys that are here and there in the rocky mountains. to me it seems that we must have perished for want of { } sustenance in the deserts of missouri, had we been by ourselves. it may have been good policy in sublet, to attach us to him. he probably saw our rawness in an adventure so ill provided for as ours actually was. but for him we should hardly have provided ourselves with live stock; and but for him we should probably never have reached the american alps. by this time every man began to think for himself. we travelled six days on the south branch of the la platte, and then crossed over to the north branch, and on this branch of it, we travelled eighteen days.[ ] but the first three days we could not find sufficient articles of food; and what added to our distress was the sickness of several of our company. we noticed many trails of the savages, but no indians. the nearer we approached the range of the mountains the thicker were the trees. after travelling twelve days longer we came to the black hills. they are so called from their thick growth of cedar. here is the region of rattle snakes, and the largest and fiercest bears,--a very formidable animal, which it is not prudent for a man to attack alone. i have known some of the best hunters of sublet's company to fire five and six balls at one before he fell. we were four days in crossing these dismal looking hills. they would be called mountains, were they not in the neighborhood of the rocky mountains, whose peaks overtop every thing, and elevate themselves into the region of everlasting frost and snow. our sick suffered extremely in ascending these hills, some of them slipped off the horses and mules they rode on, from sheer weakness, brought on by the bowel complaint already mentioned; among these was dr. { } wyeth, our captain's brother, who never had a constitution fit to encounter such an expedition. and yet we could not leave them under the care of a man, or two or three men, and pass on without them, to follow us, when they were able. it was to me particularly grievous to think that he, who was to take care of the health of the company, was the first who was disabled from helping himself or others, and this one a blood relation. it required a man of a firmer make than dr. jacob wyeth to go through such a mountainous region as the one we were in: a man seldom does a thing right the first time. [ ] the oregon trail touched the north platte at ash creek, now an important railway junction in deuel county, nebraska.--ed. from the north branch we crossed over to what was called sweet-water creek.[ ] this water being cool, clear, and pleasant, proved a good remedy for our sick, as their bowel complaints were brought on and aggravated by the warm, muddy waters of the missouri territory we had passed through. we came to a huge rock in the shape of a bowl upside down. it bore the name of independence, from, it is said, being the resting-place of lewis and clarke on the th of july; but according to the printed journal of those meritorious travellers, they had not reached, or entered, the american alps on the day of that memorable epoch.[ ] whether we are to consider the rock independence as fairly in the rocky mountains, let others determine. we had now certainly begun our ascent to those lofty regions, previous to which we had to pass the chief branch of the river la platte; but we had no boat whatever for the purpose; and had we not been in the company of captain sublet, it is hard to say what we should have done short of going a great way round. here i, and others were entirely { } convinced that we were engaged in an expedition without being provided with the means to accomplish it. our boats and wagons we had disposed of at st. louis, and here we were on the banks of a river without even a canoe. captain clarke brought his canoes to the foot of the range of mountains and there left them. the reader will understand that not only the missouri river, but the yellowstone river, the la platte, and many other smaller ones commence by small beginnings in the black hills, and in the rocky mountains, and increase in size and depth as they proceed down to join the arkansa, or the canadian river, and finally the mississippi, and so run into the vast salt ocean. whether it was captain sublet's own invention, or an invention of the indians, we know not, but the contrivance we used is worth mentioning. they called it a _bull-boat_. they first cut a number of willows (which grow every where near the banks of all the rivers we had travelled by from st. louis), of about an inch and a half diameter at the butt end, and fixed them in the ground at proper distances from each other, and as they approached nearer one end they brought them nearer together, so as to form something like the bow. the ends of the whole were brought and bound firmly together, like the ribs of a great basket; and then they took other twigs of willow and wove them into those stuck in the ground so as to make a sort of firm, huge basket of twelve or fourteen feet long. after this was completed, they sewed together a number of buffalo-skins, and with them covered the whole; and after the different parts had been trimmed off smooth, a slow fire was made under the bull-boat, taking care to dry the skins moderately; and as { } they gradually dried, and acquired a due degree of warmth, they rubbed buffalo-tallow all over the outside of it, so as to allow it to enter into all the seams of the boat, now no longer a willow-basket. as the melted tallow ran down into every seam, hole, and crevice, it cooled into a firm body capable of resisting the water, and bearing a considerable blow without damaging it. then the willow-ribbed, buffalo-skin, tallowed vehicle was carefully pulled up from the ground, and behold a boat capable of transporting man, horse, and goods over a pretty strong current. at the sight of it, we yankees all burst out into a loud laugh, whether from surprise, or pleasure, or both, i know not. it certainly was not from ridicule; for we all acknowledged the contrivance would have done credit to _old_ new-england. [ ] sweetwater river, a western affluent of the north platte, rises in the wind river mountains, and for over a hundred miles flows almost directly east. the name is supposed to be derived from the loss at an early day of a pack-mule laden with sugar. wyeth speaks of "crossing over" to this stream, because the trail abandoned the north platte, which here flows through a formidable cañon, and reached the sweetwater some miles above its mouth.--ed. [ ] lewis and clark did not pass within hundreds of miles of independence rock, having ascended the missouri to its source. independence rock is a well-known landmark on the oregon trail--an isolated mass covering twenty-seven acres, and towering feet above sweetwater river. on it were marked the names of travelers, so that it became the "register of the desert." frémont in says, "many a name famous in the history of this country, and some well known to science are to be found mixed with those of the traders and of travelers for pleasure and curiosity, and of missionaries to the savages."--ed. while captain sublet and his company were binding the gunwale of the boat with buffalo-sinews, to give it strength and due hardness, our captain was by no means idle. he accordingly undertook to make a raft to transport our own goods across the river. sublet expressed his opinion that it would not answer where the current was strong; but captain wyeth is a man not easily to be diverted from any of his notions, or liable to be influenced by the advice of others; so that while sublet's men were employed on their bull-boat, wyeth and a chosen few were making a raft. when finished, we first placed our blacksmith's shop upon it, that is to say, our anvil, and large vice, and other valuable articles belonging to black-smithery, bar-iron, and steel traps, and alas! a cask of powder, and a number of smaller, but valuable articles. we fixed a rope to our raft, and with some difficulty got { } the other end of it across the river to the opposite bank by a man swimming with a rope in his mouth, from some distance above the spot he aimed to reach. we took a turn of it round a tree. captain sublet gave it as his opinion that the line would not be sufficient to command the raft. but our leader was confident that it would; but when they had pulled about half way over, the rope broke, and the raft caught under the limbs of a partly submerged tree, and tipped it on one side so that we lost our iron articles, and damaged our goods and a number of percussion caps. this was a very serious calamity and absolutely irreparable. almost every disaster has some benefit growing out of it. it was even so here. two thirds of our company were sick, and that without any particular disorder that we can name, but from fatigue, bad water, scanty food, and eating flesh half raw. add to this, worry of mind, and serious apprehensions of our fate when the worthy captain sublet should leave us; for he was, under providence, the instrument of our preservation. our own individual sufferings were enough for us to bear; but captain wyeth had to bear the like, and more beside, as the responsibility lay heavy upon him. most men would have sunk under it. at this point of our journey we were sadly tormented by musquetoes, that prevented our sleep after the fatigues of the day. this little contemptible insect, which they call here a gnat, disturbed us more than bears, or wolves, or snakes. the next day after we started from this unlucky place, we descried a number of men on horseback, approaching us at full speed. various were our conjectures. captain sublet had an apprehension that they might be hostile indians who fight on { } horseback; he therefore ordered every man to make fast his horse as quick as possible, and prepare for battle on foot. but on their near approach, we found them a body of white men called _trappers_, whose occupation is to entrap the beaver and other animals that have valuable furs. captain sublet has, for several years, had about two hundred of these trappers in his pay, in and around the rocky mountains, and this troop was a party of them. his place of rendezvous for them is at _pierre's hole_, by which name they call one of those deep and verdant valleys which are to be found in the rocky mountains from the eastern boundary of them to their extreme edge in the west, where the oregon or columbia river commences under the name of clark's river, some branches of which inosculate with the mighty missouri on the east. it is to _pierre's_ valley or _hole_, that his trappers resort to meet their employer every summer. it is here they bring their peltry and receive their pay; and this traffic has been kept up between them a number of years with good faith on both sides, and to mutual satisfaction and encouragement. when sublet leaves st. louis, he brings up tobacco, coffee, rice, powder, shot, paint, beads, handkerchiefs and all those articles of finery that please both indian women and men; and having established that sort of traffic with his friends, the indians on and in the vicinity of the rocky mountains, what chance was there that any small band from boston, or even cambridge, could supplant him in the friendship and confidence of his old acquaintance, the shoshonees, the black-feet, or any other tribe? he must have seen this at once, and been convinced that nothing like rivalship could { } rise up between him and the new-england adventurers. he therefore caressed them, and, in a manner, incorporated them with his troop. this gentleman was born in america of french parents,[ ] and partakes largely of those good-humored, polite, and accommodating manners which distinguish the nation he sprang from. the old french war, and wars on this continent since then, amply prove how much better frenchmen conciliate the natives than the english. the english and the americans, when they come in contact with the untutored savage, most commonly fight. but not so the french. they please and flatter the indian, give him powder, and balls, and flints, and guns, and make a catholic of him, and make out to live in friendship with the red man and woman of the wilderness. it is strange that such extremes of character should meet. some have said that they are not so very far distant as others have imagined,--that the refined french people love war, and the women paint their faces, grease their hair, and wear east india blankets, called shawls.--captain sublet possesses, doubtless, that conciliating disposition so characteristic of the french, and not so frequently found among the english or americans; for the descendants of both nations bear strong marks of the stock they came from. the french have always had a stronger hold of the affections of the indians than any other people. [ ] captain william sublette was born in kentucky. his maternal grandfather was captain whitby, a noted pioneer of irish ancestry. the sublettes were also of kentucky stock; and if french originally, came early to america. see our volume xix, p. , note (gregg).--ed. the trappers kept company with us till we came to pierre's hole, or valley, which is twelve miles from the spot where we first met them. three or four days after, we were fired on by the indians about ten o'clock at night. they had assembled to about the number of three hundred. they stole { } five horses from us, and three from sublet's company.[ ] about the first of july we crossed the highest part or ridge of the mountains.[ ] in addition to the mountain composed of earth, sand, and stone, including common rocks, there were certain peaks resembling a loaf of sugar, from a hundred to two hundred feet high; and some appeared much higher; i cannot guess their height. they were to us surprising. their sides deviated but little from perpendicular. they looked at a distance like some light-houses of a conical form, or like our cambridge glass manufactories; but how they acquired that form is wonderful. subsiding waters may have left them so, after washing away sandy materials. but nature is altogether wonderful, in her large works as well as small. how little do we know of the first cause of any thing! we had to creep round the base of these steep edifices of nature. we now more clearly understand and relish the question of one of our indians who was carried to england as a show, who, on being shown that elegant pile of stone, the cathedral of st. paul, after viewing it in silent admiration, asked his interpreter _whether it was made by men's hands, or whether it grew there_. we might ask the same question respecting these conical mountains. had the scaffolding of st. paul's remained, the surprise and wonder of the sensible savage had been less. [ ] this attack was attributed to the same band of blackfeet with whom the battle of pierre's hole occurred some days later. see wyeth, _oregon expeditions_, p. ; irving, _rocky mountains_, i, p. .--ed. [ ] this is south pass, so named in contradistinction to the northern passes undertaken by lewis and clark. it is not known by whom this mountain passage was discovered, but probably by some of ashley's parties in . the ascent is so gradual that, although , feet above sea-level, its elevation is not perceived, and in frémont could with difficulty tell just where he crossed the highest point of the divide.--ed. it was difficult to keep our feet on these highest parts of the mountains; some of the pack-horses slipped and rolled over and over, and yet were taken up alive. those that did not fall were sadly bruised and lamed in their feet and joints. mules are best calculated, as we experienced, for such difficult travelling. they seem to think, and to judge { } of the path before them, and will sometimes put their fore feet together and slip down without stepping. they are as sagacious in crossing a river, where there is a current. they will not attempt to go straight over, but will breast the tide by passing obliquely upwards. one of our horses was killed by a fall down one of these precipices, and it was surprising that more of them did not share the like fate. buffaloes were so scarce here, that we were obliged to feed on our dried meat, and this scarcity continued till after we had gained the head sources of the columbia river. for the last five days we have had to travel on the colorado of the west, which is a very long river, and empties into the gulph of california.[ ] [ ] the upper waters of the colorado river are now usually termed green river, from the "rio verte" of the spaniards. this great stream rises on the western slopes of the wind river mountains; flowing nearly south, gathering many mountain streams, it next turns abruptly east into the northwest corner of colorado, and having rounded the uintah range trends to the south-southwest through utah, until joined by grand river, when it becomes the colorado proper. the first attempt to navigate this formidable waterway was made by ashley's party in , although becknell is known to have visited it the previous year. consult chittenden's _fur-trade_, ii, pp. , - , and f. s. dellenbaugh, _romance of the colorado river_ (new york, ).--ed. on the th of july, , we arrived at lewis's fork, one of the largest rivers in these rocky mountains.[ ] it took us all day to cross it. it is half a mile wide, deep, and rapid. the way we managed was this: one man unloaded his horse, and swam across with him, leading two loaded ones, and unloading the two, brought them back, for two more, and as sublet's company and our own made over a hundred and fifty, we were all day in passing the river. in returning, my mule, by treading on a round stone, stumbled and threw me off, and the current was so strong, that a bush which i caught hold of only saved me from drowning. [ ] from green river the caravan crossed the divide between the colorado and columbia systems, and came upon a branch of lewis (or snake) river, probably hoback's river. they did not reach the main lewis until july , arriving at the rendezvous on the morning of july , after crossing teton pass. consult wyeth, _oregon expeditions_, pp. , .--ed. this being independence-day, we drank the health of our friends in massachusetts, in good clear water, as that was the only liquor we had to drink in remembrance of our homes and dear connexions. if i may judge by my own feelings and by the looks of my companions, there was more of melancholy than joy amongst us. we were almost { } four thousand miles from boston, and in saying boston we mean at the same time our native spot cambridge, as they are separated by a wooden bridge only. from the north fork of lewis's river we passed on to an eminence called teton mountain, where we spent the night. the next day was pleasant, and serene. captain sublet came in the evening to inquire how many of our company were sick, as they must ride, it being impossible for them to go on foot any farther. his kindness and attention i never can forget. dr. jacob wyeth, the captain's brother, george more, and stephen burdit[ ] were too weak to walk. to accommodate them with horses, captain wyeth was obliged to dig a hole in the earth, and therein bury the goods which had been hitherto carried on horseback. in the language of the trappers this hiding of goods was called _cacher_ or hidden treasure, being the french term for 'to hide.' when they dig these hiding-holes they carefully carry the earth on a buffalo-skin to a distance, so as to leave no marks or traces of the ground being dug up or disturbed: and this was done to secure the _caché_ from being stolen by the indians or the white men. the goods so hidden are wrapt up in buffalo-skins to keep them dry, before the earth is put over them. nor is this all; they make a fire over the spot, and all this to prevent the indians from suspecting that treasure is caché, or hidden there, while the owner of it takes care to mark the bearing of the spot on some tree, or rock, or some other object that may lead him to recognise the place again. but i have my doubts whether they who hid the goods will ever return that way to dig up their hidden treasure. we did not meddle with it on our return with captain sublet. [ ] more was killed by indians; see _post_. captain wyeth found his powder flask at fort union upon his return in the summer of . burdett went on to oregon, where he resided for some years.--ed. { } on the th of july we started afresh rather low-spirited. we looked with sadness on the way before us. the mountain was here pretty thickly timbered down its slopes, and wherever the ground is level. the pines and hemlock trees were generally about eighteen inches through. it had snowed, and we were now at a height where the snow commonly lies all the year round. which ever way we looked, the region presented a dreary aspect. no one could wonder that even some of us who were in health, were, at times, somewhat homesick. if this was the case with us, what must have been the feelings of our three sick fellow travellers. we passed through a snow bank three feet deep. we well ones passed on with captain sublet to the top of the mountain, and there waited until our sick men came up with us. george more fell from his horse through weakness. he might have maintained his seat on level ground, but ascending and descending required more exertion than he could call forth; and this was the case also with dr. wyeth. burdit made out a little better. when we encamped at night, we endured a snow storm. sublet's company encamped about two miles from us; for at best we could hardly keep up with his veteran company. they were old and experienced trappers, and we, compared with them, young and inexperienced soldiers, little imagining that we should ever have to encounter such hardships, in realizing our dreams of making a fortune. ignorance of the future is not always to be considered among the calamities of man. captain sublet's grand rendezvous, or head quarters, was about twelve miles from our encampment.[ ] he had there about two hundred { } trappers, or beaver-hunters; or more properly speaking, _skinners_ of entrapped animals; or _peltry_-hunters, for they chased but few of the captured beasts. to these were added about five hundred indians, of the rank of warriors, all engaged in the same pursuit and traffic of the fur-trade. they were principally the _flat-heads_,[ ] so called from their flattening the heads of their young children, by forcing them to wear a piece of wood, like a bit of board, so as to cause the skull to grow flat, which they consider a mark of beauty even among the females. they are otherwise dandies and belles in their dress and ornaments. this large body of horse made a fine appearance, especially their long hair; for, as there was a pleasant breeze of wind, their hair blew out straight all in one direction, which had the appearance of so many black streamers. when we met they halted and fired three rounds by way of salute, which we returned; and then followed such friendly greetings as were natural and proper between such high contracting powers and great and good allies. this parade was doubtless made by sublet for the sake of effect. it was showing us, yankee barbarians, _their elephants_;--like general and lord howe's military display to our commissioners of congress on staten island, when the british brothers proposed that celebrated interview; and when dr. franklin, mr. adams, and some others of the deputation, whose names i do not now recollect, assumed all that careless indifference, very common with the indians on meeting a white embassy; for the express purpose of conveying an idea, that we, though the weakest in discipline and numbers, are not awe-struck by your fine dress, glittering arms, and full-fed persons. [ ] pierre's hole, known more recently as teton basin, is a grassy valley trending northwest and southeast, thirty miles long, and from five to fifteen wide, in eastern idaho, just across the wyoming border. pierre (or teton) river flows through it gathering affluents on the way. the valley was a well-known rendezvous, taking its name from pierre, an iroquois employé of the hudson's bay company, who was here murdered by the blackfeet. the astorian overland expedition passed through this valley both going and returning ( , ). the most notable event in its history was the battle which wyeth recounts. it was not on the regular oregon trail; see townsend's _narrative_, _post._--ed. [ ] for the flatheads, see franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. { } it was now the th of july,[ ] , being sixty-four days since we left the settlements of the white people. captain sublet encamped his forces; and then pointed out to captain wyeth the ground which he thought would be most proper for us; and altogether we looked like a little army. not but what we felt small compared with our great and powerful allies. [ ] according to nathaniel wyeth's journal, it was july before his party arrived in pierre's hole. they found that drips, the american fur company agent, had, with many independent trappers, reached there before them.--ed. we were overjoyed to think that we had got to a resting-place, where we could repose our weary limbs, and recruit the lost strength of our sick. while sublet was finishing his business with his indian trappers, they delivering their peltry, and he remunerating them in his way with cloth, powder, ball, beads, knives, handkerchiefs, and all that gawdy trumpery which indians admire, together with coffee, rice, and corn, also leather, and other articles,--we, being idle, had time to think, to reflect, and to be uneasy. we had been dissatisfied for some time, but we had not leisure to communicate it and systematize our grievances. i, with others, had spoken with captain sublet, and him we found conversable and communicative. myself and some others requested captain wyeth to call a meeting of his followers, to ask information, and to know what we were now to expect, seeing we had passed over as we supposed the greatest difficulties, and were now nearly four thousand miles from the _atlantic_, and within four hundred miles of the _pacific ocean_, the end and aim of our laborious expedition, the field where we expected to reap our promised harvest. we wished to have what we had been used to at home,--a town meeting,--or a parish meeting, where every freeman has an equal right to speak his sentiments, and to vote thereon. { } but captain wyeth was by no means inclined to this democratical procedure. the most he seemed inclined to, was a _caucus_ with a select few; of whom neither his own brother, though older than himself, nor myself, was to be of the number. after considerable altercation, he concluded to call a meeting of the whole, on business interesting and applicable to all. we accordingly met, captain wyeth in the chair, or on the stump, i forget which. instead of every man speaking his own mind, or asking such questions as related to matters that lay heaviest on his mind, the captain commenced the business by ordering the roll to be called; and as the names were called, the clerk asked the person if he would go on. the first name was nathaniel j. wyeth, whom we had dubbed _captain_, who answered--"i shall go on."--the next was william nud, who, before he answered, wished to know what the captain's plan and intentions were, whether to try to commence a small colony, or to trap and trade for beaver? to which captain wyeth replied, that _that_ was none of our business. then mr. nud said, "i shall not go on;" and as the names of the rest were called, there appeared _seven_ persons out of the _twenty-one_, who were determined to return home. of the number so determined was, besides myself, dr. jacob wyeth, the captain's brother, whose strength had never been equal to such a journey. his constitution forbade it. he was brought up at college. here were discontents on both sides; criminations and recriminations. a commander of a band of associated adventurers has a very hard task. the commanded, whether in a school, or in a regiment, or company, naturally combine in feeling against { } their leader; and this is so natural that armies are obliged to make very strict rules, and to pursue rigid discipline. it is so also on ship-board. our merchant ships cannot sail in safety without exacting prompt obedience; and disobedience in the common seamen is mutiny, and mutiny is a high crime, and approximates to piracy. it is pretty much so in these long and distant exploring expeditions. the captain cannot always with safety satisfy all the questions put to him by those under his command; and it would lead to great inconvenience to entrust any, even a brother, with any information concealed from the rest. there must be secrecy, and there must be confidence. we had travelled through a dreary wilderness, an infinitely worse country than palestine; yet moses himself could not have kept together the israelites without the aid of miracles; and the history we have given of our boat-like arks, and the wreck of our raft, and the loss of our heaviest articles may lead most readers to suspect that our leader to his land of promise was not an inspired man. in saying this, we censure no one, we only lament our common frailty. reflect a moment, considerate reader! on our humble means, for an expedition of four thousand _miles_, compared with the ample means, rich and complete out-fit, letters of credit, and every thing deemed needful, given to _captains lewis_ and _clarke_, under the orders of the government of the united states; and yet they several times came very near starving for the want of food, and of _fuel_, even in the _oregon_ territory! in all books of voyages and travels, who ever heard of the utmost distress for want of wood, leaves, roots, coal, or turf to cook { } with? yet all through the dreary wilderness of missouri, we were obliged to use the dung of buffaloes, or eat raw flesh. the reader will scarcely believe that this was the case even at mouth of the oregon river. clarke and lewis had to buy wood of the indians, who had hardly enough for themselves. to be deprived of solid food soon ends in death; but we were often deprived of the two elements out of four, _fire_ and _water_, and when on the rocky mountains, of a _third_, i mean _earth_; for everything beneath our feet and around us was stone. we had, be sure, _air_ enough, and too much too, sometimes enough almost to blow our hair off. but to return to our dismal list of grievances. almost every one of the company wished to go no farther; but they found themselves too feeble and exhausted to think of encountering the risk of a march on foot of three thousand five hundred miles through such a country as we came. we asked captain wyeth to let us have our muskets and a sufficiency of ammunition, which request he refused. afterwards, he collected all the guns, and after selecting such as he and his companions preferred, he gave us the refuse; many of which were unfit for use. there were two tents belonging to the company, of which he gave us one; which we pitched about a quarter of a mile from his. george more expressed his determination of returning home, and asked for a horse, which after considerable difficulty he obtained. this was july th. the captain likewise supplied his brother with a horse and a hundred dollars. on the th of july, captain wyeth, after moving his tent half a mile farther from ours, put himself under the command of mr. milton sublet,[ ] { } brother of captain william sublet so often mentioned. this captain milton sublet had about twenty men under his command, all trappers; so that hereafter as far as i know, it was wyeth, sublet and co.; so that the reader will understand, that dr. jacob wyeth, palmer, law, batch, and myself concluded to retrace our steps to st. louis in company with captain william sublet, while captain nathaniel j. wyeth remained with milton sublet, and his twenty men. i have been unreasonably blamed for leaving my kinsman beyond the rocky mountains with only eleven of his company, and that too when we were within about four hundred miles of the mouth of the columbia, _alias_ oregon river, where it pours into the _boisterous_ pacific ocean, for such lewis and clarke found it to their cost. [ ] milton g. sublette was a younger brother of william l.--for whom, see our volume xix, p. , note (gregg). he was a partner in the rocky mountain fur company, and an able trader; but disease in one of his legs obliged him to abandon the expedition of . see townsend's _narrative_, _post_. the ailing leg was twice amputated, but to no avail, and he died at fort laramie, december , .--ed. the spot where we now were, is a valley, between two mountains, about ten miles wide, so lofty that their tops are covered with snow, while it was warm and pleasant where we pitched our tent. this agreeable valley is called by the trappers _pierre's-hole_, as if it were a dismal residence; and was the most western point that i visited, being about, we conjectured, four hundred miles short of the mouth of the oregon river, whence the territory derives its name, which mr. hall j. kelly has described as another paradise! o! the magic of sounds and inflated words! whether captain wyeth's expedition was wise or imprudent we are not prepared to say; but under existing circumstances, half of his company having left him, and among them his own brother, the surgeon of the expedition, we cannot see what better he could have done than to ally himself to an experienced band of hunters, as a step necessary { } to his own preservation. he was three thousand and five hundred miles from the atlantic ocean, with only eleven men, and half his goods lost or expended, and no resource of supply short of st. louis, nineteen hundred miles from them. had not the sublets been with them from that place through the wilderness of missouri and la platte, it is hardly probable they would have ever reached the west side of the rocky mountains. in passing judgment on this strange expedition, we must take in, beside facts, probabilities and casualties. on the th of july, captain wyeth and captain milton sublet set out westward with their respective men to go to salmon river to winter.[ ] the former had eleven beside himself: that river they computed at two hundred miles distance. wyeth accordingly purchased twenty-five horses from the indians, who had a great number, and those very fine, and high-spirited. indeed the western region seems the native and congenial country for horses. they were, however, delayed till the next day. but when they were about moving, they perceived a drove of something, whether buffaloes or men they could not determine with the naked eye; but when aided by the glass, they recognized them for a body of the _black-foot_ tribe of indians, a powerful and warlike nation. as this movement was evidently hostile, captain milton sublet dispatched two men to call on his brother, who was about eight miles off, for assistance; when captain william sublet ordered every man to get ready immediately. we had about five hundred friendly indian warriors with us, who expressed their willingness to join in our defence. [ ] the salmon is entirely an idaho river--one of the largest and most important affluents of the lewis (or snake). its sources are in the central part of the state, nearly one hundred and fifty miles west of wyeth's present position. it flows north, then directly west, and again makes a long northward sweep before losing itself in lewis river. it is a mountainous stream, not navigable for any great distance. lewis and clark ( ) first saw columbian waters upon the lemhi--an eastern affluent of the salmon. later, captain clark made a reconnaissance some fifty miles down the salmon, hoping to find the way thence to the columbia; but he was turned back by the rocky cañons and rapids, and the expedition thenceforth took its way by land across the mountains. on the return journey ( ) a party of lewis and clark's men advanced to the lower salmon in search of provisions. the river has since been of note in fur-trading and trapping annals.--ed. { } as soon as we left captain wyeth we joined captain sublet, as he said that no white man should be there unless he was to be under his command; and his reason for it was that in case they had to fight the indians, no one should flinch or sneak out of the battle. it seems that when the black-foot indians saw us moving in battle array, they appeared to hesitate; and at length they displayed a white flag as an ensign of peace; but sublet knew their treacherous character. the chief of the friendly flat-heads and antoine[ ] rode together, and concerted this savage arrangement; to ride up and accost them in a friendly manner; and when the black-foot chief should take hold of the flat-head chief's hand in token of friendship, then the other was to shoot him, which was instantly done! and at that moment the flat-head chief pulled off the black-foot's scarlet robe, and returned with the captain to our party unhurt. as soon as the black-foot indians recovered from their surprise, they displayed a _red_ flag, and the battle began. this was _joab_ with a vengeance,--_art thou in health, my brother?_ [ ] antoine godin was a half-breed whose father, of iroquois origin, had been killed by blackfeet upon a creek bearing his name. antoine went out with wyeth's company, that built fort hall in ; while in camp there, he was enticed across the river, and treacherously shot (see townsend's _narrative_, _post_).--ed. the black-foot chief was a man of consequence in his nation. he not only wore on this occasion a robe of scarlet cloth, probably obtained from a christian source, but was decorated with beads valued there at sixty dollars. the battle commenced on the prairie. as soon as the firing began on both sides, the squaws belonging to the black-foot forces, retreated about fifty yards into a small thicket of wood, and there threw up a ridge of earth by way of entrenchment, having first piled up a number of logs cob-fashion, to which the men at length fell back, and from { } which they fired upon us, while some of their party with the women were occupied in deepening the trench. shallow as it was, it afforded a considerable security to an indian, who will often shoot a man from behind a tree near to its root, while the white man is looking to see his head pop out at man's height. this has taught the united states troops, to load their muskets while lying on their backs, and firing in an almost supine posture. when the duke of saxe-weimer was in cambridge,[ ] he noticed this, to him, novel mode of firing, which he had never before seen; and this was in a volunteer company of militia.--i do not mean to say that the indians fired only in a supine posture; when they had loaded they most commonly rose up and fired, and then down on the ground again to re-load.--in this action with the formidable black-foot tribe, captain nathaniel j. wyeth's party had no concern. he himself was in it a very short time, but retired from the contest doubtless for good reasons. after contesting the matter with the warlike tribe about six hours, captain sublet found it of little avail to fight them in this way. he therefore determined to charge them at once, which was accordingly done. he led, and ordered his men to follow him, and this proved effectual. six beside himself first met the savages hand to hand; of these seven, four were wounded, and one killed. the captain was wounded in his arm and shoulder-blade. the indians did not, however, retreat entirely, so that we kept up a random fire until dark; the ball and the arrows were striking the trees after we could see the effects of one and of the other. there was something terrific to our men in their arrows. the idea of a barbed arrow sticking { } in a man's body, as we had observed it in the deer and other animals, was appalling to us all, and it is no wonder that some of our men recoiled at it. they regarded a leaden bullet much less. we may judge from this the terror of the savages on being met the first time by fire arms,--a sort of thunder and lightning followed by death without seeing the fatal shot. [ ] carl bernhard, duke of saxe-weimar-eisenach ( - ), visited america, and published _travels in north america in the years and _ (philadelphia, ).--ed. in this battle with the indians, not one of those who had belonged to captain wyeth's company received any injury. there were, however, seven white men of sublet's company killed, and thirteen wounded. twenty-five of our indians were killed and thirty-five wounded. the next morning a number of us went back to the indian fort, so called, where we found one dead man and two women, and also twenty-five dead horses, a proof that the black-foot were brave men.[ ] the number of them was uncertain. we calculated that they amounted to about three hundred. we guessed that the reason the three dead bodies were left at the entrenchment was, that they had not enough left to carry off their dead and wounded. this affair delayed captain wyeth three days, and captain sublet ten days. the names of those who left captain wyeth to return home, were dr. jacob wyeth, john b. wyeth, his cousin, william nud, theophilus beach, r. l. wakefield, hamilton law, george more, ---- lane, and walter palmer.[ ] the names of those who remained attached to captain wyeth, and who went on with him to salmon river, are j. woodman, smith, g. sargent, ---- abbot, w. breck, s. burditt, ---- ball, st. clair, c. tibbits, g. trumbull, and ---- whittier.[ ] [ ] according to irving (_rocky mountains_, i, p. ), who had conversed with several of the participants, the blackfeet left ten dead in the fort, and reported their loss as twenty-six. irving also makes the number of dead and wounded whites and allied indians smaller than wyeth's estimate.--ed. [ ] of this company william nudd and george more were afterwards killed in the mountains; the others reached the settlements.--ed. [ ] three of this number--solomon howard smith, john ball, and calvin tibbitts--became prominent in oregon life. trumbull died at fort vancouver during the winter of - . wiggin abbot accompanied nathaniel wyeth on his return ( ) and aided in preparing for the latter's second expedition. he was later murdered by the bannock--see townsend's _narrative_, _post_. solomon h. smith, from new hampshire, was employed as school-teacher at fort vancouver, and afterwards settled in the willamette valley. having married celiast, daughter of a clatsop chief, he made his home at clatsop plains with the missionaries, and there lived until his death. his son, silas b. smith, was an attorney at warrenton, oregon. john ball came from troy, new york, and remained in oregon until the autumn of , teaching at fort vancouver, and raising grain on the willamette. after returning to the united states, he contributed an article on the geology and geography of the region, through which he had travelled, to _silliman's journal_, xxviii, pp. - . ball left troy in , and removed to grand rapids, michigan. see his letter in montana historical society _collections_, i, ( ), pp. , . calvin tibbitts was a stone-cutter from maine. he settled at chemyway and later removed to clatsop plains, where he lived with a native wife, and aided missionary enterprise. he made two successful journeys to california for cattle, and later was the judge of clatsop county.--ed. when they had gone three days journey from us, { } as they were riding securely in the middle of the afternoon, about thirty of the black-foot indians, who lay in ambush about twenty yards from them, suddenly sprang up and fired. the surprise occasioned the horses to wheel about, which threw off george more, and mortally wounded one of the men, alfred k. stevens.[ ] as the indians knew that more could not get away from them, they passed him, and about twenty indians were coming up the hill where they were. eight or ten indians followed up while only five trappers had gained the hill. they were considering how to save george more, when one of them shot him through the head, which was a better fate than if they had taken him alive, as they would have tortured him to death. [ ] alfred k. stephens had participated in the santa fé trade, and had in the summer of led a party of twenty-one men in a free trapping excursion along the laramie river. discouraged by ill success, he made an agreement with fitzpatrick to serve under the rocky mountain fur company. after this attack in jackson's hole, stephens returned to pierre's hole, and rejoined sublette, only to fall victim to his wound, dying july , . it would appear from john wyeth's narrative at this point, that he remained with william sublette at pierre's hole, while more and those more eager to set forth had gone on under the leadership of alfred stephens.--ed. we have said that captain wyeth and the few who had concluded to go on with him, were ready to begin their march for salmon river. on this occasion captain milton sublet escorted them about one hundred miles, so as to protect them from the enraged black-feet, and then left them to take care of themselves for the winter; and this is the last tidings we have had of captain nathaniel j. wyeth, and his reduced band of adventurers.[ ] if we have been rightly informed, their chief hope was residing on a pleasant river where there was plenty of salmon, and probably elk and deer, and water-fowl; and we hope fuel, for to our surprise, we learnt that wood for firing was among their great wants. i have since been well-informed that in the valley of oregon, so much extolled for its fertility and pleasantness, wood to cook with is one among their scarcest and very dear articles of necessity. from all accounts, except those given { } to the public by mr. kelly, there is not a district at the mouth of any large river more unproductive than that of the _columbia_, and it seems that this is pretty much the case from the tide water of that river to where it empties into the ocean. [ ] nathaniel wyeth crossed to the columbia, arriving at the hudson's bay company post of walla walla, october , and at fort vancouver later in the same month. here the remainder of his men left his service.--ed. the flat-head indians are a brave and we had reason to believe a sincere people. we had many instances of their honesty and humanity. they do not lie, steal, nor rob any one, unless when driven too near to starvation; and then any man black, white, or red will seize any thing to save himself from an agonizing death. the flat-heads were well dressed. they wore buck-skin frocks and pantaloons, and moccasins, with seldom any thing on their heads. they draw a piece of fresh buffalo hide on their feet, and at night sleep with their feet not far from the fire, and in the morning find their shoes sitting as snug to their feet as if they had been measured by the first shoe-maker in boston. it is probable that no people have so little shoe-pinching as these savages. i never heard any one complain of corns, or kibed-heels, severe as the weather is in winter. the women wear moccasins also, but whether made in the same extempore method as those of the men, i know not. i suspect they must experience some shoe-pinching. they wear a petticoat, and a frock of some sort of leather, according to fancy, but all decent and comfortable. in rainy weather, or when very cold, they throw a buffalo-skin over their shoulders, with the fur inside. they have no stationary wigwams; but have a sort of tent, which they fix down or remove with facility. in major long's book may be seen an engraved representation of them.[ ] their mode of cooking is by roasting and boiling. they { } will pick a goose, or a brant, and run a stick through its body and so roast it, without taking out its entrails. they are, according to our notions, very nasty cooks. [ ] the reference is to james's _long's expedition_, reprinted as volumes xiv-xvii of our series. the illustration here referred to is in our volume xvi, p. .--ed. i know not what to say of their religion. i saw nothing like images, or any objects of worship whatever, and yet they appeared to keep a sabbath; for there is a day on which they do not hunt nor gamble, but sit moping all day and look like fools. there certainly appeared among them an honor, or conscience, and sense of justice. they would do what they promised, and return our strayed horses, and lost articles. now and then, but rarely, we found a pilferer, but not oftener than among the frontier white people. the indians of all tribes are disposed to give you something to eat. it is a fact that we never found an indian of any tribe disposed to treat us with that degree of inhospitality that we experienced in crossing the alleghany mountains, in the state of pennsylvania. the black-foot tribe are the tallest and stoutest men of any we have seen, nearly or quite six feet in stature, and of a lighter complexion than the rest. the indian warriors carry muskets, bows, and arrows, the last in a quiver. the bows are made of walnut, about three feet long, and the string of the sinews of the buffalo, all calculated for great elasticity, and will reach an object at a surprising distance. it was to us a much more terrific weapon of war than a musket. we had one man wounded in the thigh by an arrow; he was obliged to ford a river in his hasty retreat, and probably took a chill, which occasioned a mortification, of { } which he died. the arrows are headed with flint as sharp as broken glass; the other end of the arrow is furnished with an eagle's feather to steady its flight. some of these aboriginals, as we learn from lewis, clarke, and major long, especially the last, have shields or targets; some so long as to reach from the head to the ancle. now the question is how came our north american indians with bows and arrows? it is not likely that they invented them, seeing they so exactly resemble the bows and arrows of the old world, the greeks and romans. they are the same weapon to a feather. this is a fresh proof that our savage tribes of this continent emigrated from the old one; and i have learned from a friend to whom i am indebted for several ideas, which no one could suppose to have originated with myself, that the indian's bow goes a great way to settle a disputed point respecting what part of the old world the ancestors of our indians came from,--whether asia or europe. now the asiatic bow and our indian bow are of a different form. the first has a straight piece in the middle, like the crossbow, being such an one as is commonly depicted in the hands of cupid; whereas our indian bow is a section of a circle, while the persian or asiatic bow has two wings extending from a straight piece in the middle. hence we have reason to conclude that the first comers from the old world to the new, came not from those regions renowned for their cultivation of the arts and sciences. the idea that our north american indians came over from scythia, that is, the northern part, so called, of europe and asia, whether it is correct to call them scythians, tartars, or russians, i leave others to determine. we { } have many evidences that our northern indians have a striking resemblance in countenance, color, and person to the most northern tribes of tartars, who inhabit siberia, or asiatic russia. the black-foot indians who inhabit small rivers that empty into the missouri, resemble in mode of living, manners, and character, the calmuc tartars. both fight on horseback, both are very brave, and both inured to what we should consider a very hard life as it regards food. both avoid as much as they can stationary dwellings, and use tents made with skins. on this subject we ought not to omit mentioning that the indians on all sides of the rocky mountains have several customs both among men and the _women_, which might lead some to conclude that our northern and western indians descended from the israelites; and this similarity is certainly very remarkable; yet there is one very strong fact against that hypothesis, namely, there is not the least trace amongst our indians of the _eight-day rite_ of the jewish males, which sore, and, to us, strange ceremony would hardly have been forgotten, had it been practiced by our indians. if our idea be well-founded on this subject, the custom could have originated only in warm and redundant climates, so that had moses marched first from the shores of the baltic, as did the goths, instead of the shores of the red sea, the jews never would have been subjected to the operation of circumcision. after all, it is very likely that the persians came from a different stock from that which peopled the western and northern parts of america,--i mean from the warmer regions of asia. they seem possessed of more delicate marks of person and of mind { } than the fighting savages of the north. there appears to be a strong line of separation between them, as far as our information goes. to return to our own story. after the battle at pierre's valley, i had an opportunity of seeing a specimen of indian surgery in treating a wound. an indian squaw first sucked the wound perfectly dry, so that it appeared white as chalk; and then she bound it up with a piece of dry buck-skin as soft as woollen cloth, and by this treatment the wound began to heal, and soon closed up, and the part became sound again. the sucking of it so effectually may have been from an apprehension of a poisoned arrow. but who taught the savage indian that a person may take poison into his mouth without any risk, as the poison of a rattlesnake without harm, provided there be no scratch or wound in the mouth, so as to admit it into the blood? three of the men that left captain wyeth when i did, enlisted with captain sublet to follow the trapping business for the period of one year, namely, wakefield, nud, and lane, leaving dr. jacob wyeth, h. law, t. beach, w. palmer, and myself. we accordingly set out on the twenty-eighth day of july, , with captain william sublet, for home; and thus ended all my fine prospects and flattering expectations of acquiring fortune, independence, and ease, and all my hopes that the time had now come in the order of providence, when that uncultivated tract, denominated the _oregon territory_, was to be changed into a fruitful field, and the haunt of savages and wild beasts made the happy abode of refined and dignified man.--mr. hall j. kelly published about two { } years since a most inflated and extravagant account of that western tract which extends from the rocky mountains to the shore of the pacific ocean.[ ] he says of it that no portion of the globe presents a more fruitful soil, or a milder climate, or equal facilities for carrying into effect the great purposes of a free and enlightened nation;--that a country so full of those natural means which best contribute to the comforts and conveniences of life, is worthy the occupancy of a people disposed to support a free representative government, and to establish civil, scientific, and religious institutions,--and all this and much more to the same effect after lewis and clarke's history of their expedition had been published, and very generally read;[ ] yet this extravagant and fallacious account of the oregon was read and believed by some people not destitute of a general information of things, nor unused to reading; but there were circles of people, chiefly among young farmers and journeymen mechanics, who were so thoroughly imbued with these extravagant notions of making a fortune by only going over land to the other side of the globe, to the pacific ocean, that a person who expressed a doubt of it was in danger of being either affronted, or, at least, accused of being moved by envious feelings. after a score of people had been enlisted in this oregon expedition, they met together to feed and to magnify each other's hopes and visionary notions, which were wrought up to a high degree of extravagance, so that it was hardly safe to advise or give an opinion adverse to the scheme. when young people are so affected, it is in vain to reason with them; and when such sanguine persons are determined to fight, or to marry, it is dangerous to { } attempt to part them; and when they have their own way and get their belly full of fight, and of matrimony, there comes a time of cool reflection. the first stage of our reflection began at st. louis, when we parted with our amphibious wagons, in which we all more or less took a pride. every one there praised the ingenuity of the contrivance and construction of them for roads and rivers such as at cambridge, and other places near to boston; but we were assured at st. louis, that they were by no means calculated for our far distant journey. we were reminded that lewis and clarke carried canoes almost to the foot of the rocky mountains, by the route of missouri river, but were obliged to leave them there, and ascend mountains so very steep, that sometimes their loaded horses slipped and rolled over and over, down into lower ground sixty or seventy feet. this may serve to show, among other things, how ill-informed captain wyeth and his company were of the true condition of the country through which they had to pass. we expected to support ourselves with game by our firearms, and therefore powder and shot were the articles we took the most care to be provided with. nor were we followers undeceived before we were informed at st. louis, that it would be necessary to take oxen and sheep to be slaughtered on the route for our support. we also found it advisable to sell at that place the large number of axes, great and small, with which we had encumbered our wagons. all these occurrences, following close after one another, operated to damp our ardor; and it was this probably that operated so powerfully on w. bell, livermore, and griswold, that they _cut_ { } and ran away before we entered upon the difficulties and hardships of our expedition. [ ] referring to kelley's _geographical sketch of that part of north america called oregon_ (boston, ). subsequent information has justified most of kelley's statements, here derided by wyeth.--ed. [ ] what is known as the biddle version of the lewis and clark journals was issued at philadelphia in . for the history of this version consult thwaites, _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_ (new york, - ), i, introduction.--ed. nothing of importance occurred for the first ten days after we left pierre's valley. our huntsmen were abroad in pursuit of buffaloes, when they were alarmed at the sight of a large body of the black-foot tribe who had been watching our movements. captain sublet was not a little alarmed, for he had with him his whole stock of furs, very large in quantity and valuable in quality, which we were told would be worth eighty thousand dollars in st. louis. but all the world exaggerates; nor even were we of the oregon expedition entirely free from it, although not to be compared with hall jackson kelly, who never stops short of superlatives, if we may judge by his publications. but he says, by way of apology, that it is needful that the friends of the contemplated oregon colony should possess a little of the active and vital principle of enthusiasm, that shields against disappointments, and against the presumptious opinions and insults of others. now the fact is, the sanguine and enthusiastic mr. kelly was never in that country, nor nearer to it than boston; and his zeal in the colonization of that dreary territory led him to believe what he wished, and to disbelieve every thing adverse to his favorite enterprise. he had a right to enjoy his opinion; but when he took unweary pains to make ignorant people believe as he did, he was the remote cause of much misery and lasting regret in more than half the adventurers from cambridge. if the blind lead the blind, we know what will be the consequence. but our business is not to censure from a disposition to find fault, { } but to warn others from falling into the errors and difficulties which attended me and my companions, and chiefly through the misinformation of persons who never saw the country. each man, when he left st. louis, was allowed to carry but ten pounds' weight of his own private baggage, and not every one to encumber his march with whatever he chose; and we adhered to that order on our return. we were ten days in passing over the rocky mountains in going, and nine in returning; and i repeat it as my fixed opinion, that we never should have reached the western foot of the mountains had we not been under the guard and guidance of captain sublet, and his experienced company. he was acquainted with the best way, and the best mode of travelling. he knew the indian chiefs and they knew him, and each confided in the other. an anecdote will illustrate this. there was a hunters' fort or temporary place of defence occupied by about a dozen white beaver-trappers from st. louis, where were deposited furs, and goods belonging to the troop of trappers, and that to a considerable amount. one day this small garrison was alarmed at the sight of about six hundred warriors approaching on horseback. upon this they barred their gate, and closed every door and window against the indians, but with faint hopes of repelling such a powerful host of well-armed savages; for they had no other idea but that they had come for their destruction. but when the indians saw them shutting themselves up, they displayed the white flag, and made signs to the white men to open their fort, for they came to trade and not to fight. and the little garrison thought it better to trust to indian honor { } than risk savage slaughter or captivity; and accordingly they unbarred their doors and let the chiefs in with every expression of cordiality and confidence. after remaining nine days, they departed in peace. and what ought to be recorded to their honor, the white people did not miss a single article, although axes, and utensils, and many other things were lying about, desirable to indians. the savages did not consider, as white men too often do,--that "_might is right_." when i expressed my surprise at it, one of the white trappers replied, "why, the word of these trading indians is _as good as the bible_." we were surprised to find the indians in the vicinity of the mountains, and all round pierre's valley, and the black-foot tribe, and the shoshonees, or snake-tribe, so well provided with muskets, powder and ball, woollen cloth, and many other articles, until we were informed that mr. mackenzie, an established and wealthy indian trader, had long supplied them with every article they desired. had the captain of our band been acquainted with this fact, and also been informed of the trading connexion between the indians and the two brothers, william and milton sublet, before he started from home, we should have avoided a great deal of trouble, and he escaped a great deal of expense, and for aught i know, suffering; for the last we heard of him, he was to pass the winter at the salmon river. from all i could learn, st. louis was the depot, or headquarters of the commerce with the indians. mackenzie, i was informed has a steam-boat called the yellow-stone, by which he keeps up a trade with the natives inhabiting the region watered by { } the river of that name. the _yellow-stone_ is a noble river, being eight hundred and thirty-seven miles from the point where captain clarke reached it to the missouri, and is so far navigable for batteaux; and eight hundred and fifty feet wide at its confluence with the river just named. by all accounts, the superiority of the yellow-stone river over the columbia, or oregon, for a settlement of new-england adventurers, in point of fertility, climate, and pleasantness, is such as to impress one with regret that ever we extended our views beyond it; for the lamentable fact is, that the trade with the indians all round the rocky mountains, and beyond it to the oregon territory and columbia river, is actually forestalled, or pre-occupied by wealthy, established, and experienced traders residing at, or near st. louis, while we are more than twelve hundred miles in their rear, and very far behind them in time. besides all these considerations, we may add another of great importance; i mean the fact, that mackenzie's and sublet's white trappers, or hunters, are a sort of half indians in their manners and habits, and could assimilate with them, while we are strangers to the savages, and they to us, with all the dislikes natural to both sides. captain sublet, who appears to be a worthy character, and of sound judgment, perceived this, and must have seen, at once, that he had nothing to fear from us, and therefore he paid us great attention, conciliated and made use of us, and while he aided us, he benefited his own concern, and all without the least spice of jealousy, well knowing the impossibility, under existing circumstances, that we could supplant him in the affection of the red men of missouri and oregon. { } the white traders, and the indians have, if we may so term it, an annual _fair_, that has been found by experience profitable to both sides.[ ] it is true the white trader barters a tawdry bauble of a few cents' value, for a skin worth fifty of it. and so have we in our india shawls, and, a few years since, in leghorn hats, in which we were taxed as high as the white merchant taxes the equally silly indian. coffee was sold at two dollars a pound, and so was tobacco. indeed some of us gave that price to mr. nathaniel j. wyeth for the latter article, a luxury more coveted by men in our situation, anxious and fatigued as we were, than whisky or brandy. this was the case under lewis and clarke. when deprived of tobacco, they cut up the old handles of tomahawks, which had been used as pipes, and chewed the wood for the sake of its smell and smack. it is not a singular case. it has been experienced among sailors at sea. they have pined more for the lulling effects of that nauseous weed than for ardent spirits; and it has been known that men will mutiny sooner when deprived of their tobacco, than when deprived of their usual food and rum. there was no small grumbling on being obliged to buy tobacco out of what we thought common stock, at the rate above mentioned, being, as we thought, all members of a commonwealth. [ ] this was the well-known mountain rendezvous instituted to take the place of established forts, by general ashley of the rocky mountain fur company. each year a caravan went up from st. louis, carrying articles for trade, while parties of trappers and their indian allies gathered at the appointed place. the first of these gatherings was in ; the institution flourished only for about a decade.--ed. the following may serve to show the knowledge or instinct of horses. when marching on our return home in the troop of captain sublet, not far from the eastern declivity of the rocky mountains, we were met by a large body of indians on horseback. sublet generally kept seven videts about two miles ahead { } of his main body. the horses of this advance guard suddenly refused to go on, and turned round, and appeared alarmed, but the riders knew not the cause of it. captain sublet rode up, and said, that he knew by the behaviour of the horses that there was an enemy ahead. he said there was a valley several miles off where he apprehended we might be attacked. he therefore ordered every man to examine his arms, and be ready for action. after riding a few miles we discovered a large moving body of a living something. some of us thought it was a drove of buffaloes; but the captain said no, because they were of different colors, whereas bisons, or buffaloes appear all of one color. after viewing them through his glass, he said they were a body of the black-foot tribe, who had on their war dresses, with their faces painted, bare heads, and other signs of hostility. their appearance was very singular, and, to some of us, terrible. there was a pretty fresh breeze of wind, so as to blow the long manes and tails of their horses out straight. nor was this all: the wind had the same effect on the long black hair of the warriors, which gave them not only a grotesque but a terrific appearance. added to all this, they kept up a most horrid yell or war-hoop. they rode up and completely surrounded us; and then all was silent. captain sublet rode up to the chief, and expressed his hope that all was peace. the savage replied that there should be peace on their part, on condition that sublet should give them _twenty-five pounds of tobacco_, which was soon complied with, when the indian army remounted their horses, and rode off at full speed as they came on: and we { } pushed off with like speed, lest they should repent their bargain and return upon us to mend it. who will say that this gallant body of cavalry were not wiser than the common run of white soldiers, to make peace for a _quid_? and thereby save their horses and their own skins? out of what book did this corps of savage dragoons learn that discretion was the better part of valor?--we answer, from out of that book of nature which taught the videts' horses that an enemy was in the wind. the horse is the dumbest of all beasts. he is silent under torture. he never groans but once, and that is his _last_. did they roar like bulls, or squeal like hogs, they would be useless in an army. that noble animal suffers from man a shameful weight of cruel usage in town and country. the wild horses are a great curiosity. they traverse the country, and stroll about in droves from a dozen to twenty or thirty; and always appear to have a leader, like a gander to a flock of geese. when our own horses were feeding fettered around our encampments, the wild horses would come down to them, and seem to examine them, as if counting them; and would sometimes come quite up to them if we kept out of sight; but when they discovered us, they would one and all give a jump off and fly like the wind. there is a method of catching a wild horse, that may appear to many "a traveller's story." it is called _creasing_ a horse. the meaning of the term is unknown to me.[ ] it consists in shooting a { } horse in the neck with a single ball so as to graze his neck bone, and not to cut the pith of it. this stuns the horse and he falls to the ground, but he recovers again, and is as well as ever, all but a little soreness in the neck, which soon gets well. but in his short state of stupefaction, the hunter runs up, and twists a noose around the skin of his nose, and then secures him with a thong of buffalo-hide. i do not give it merely as a story related; but i believe it, however improbable it may appear, because i saw it done. i saw an admirable marksman, young andrew sublet,[ ] fire at a fine horse, and after he fell, treat him in the way i have mentioned; and he brought the horse into camp, and it turned out to be a very fine one. the marvel of the story is, that the dextrous marksman shall shoot so precisely as only to graze the vital part; and yet those who know these matters better than i do, say, that they conceive it possible. [ ] _creasing_ may be derived from _craze_, or the french _ecraser_, or the teutonic _krossa_, or the english _crush_, to bruise, overwhelm, or subdue without killing. it may be spanish; for it is said that the modern south americans practice the same device. it would seem as if it jarred the vertebræ, or bony channel of the neck, without cutting any important vessel or nerve. but let the fact be established before we reason upon it.--wyeth. [ ] andrew sublette, younger brother of william and milton, was born in kentucky, but early removed to the frontier. after the discovery of gold he emigrated to california, settling finally near los angeles, where he died from wounds received in an encounter with grizzly bears.--ed. after we had made peace with the large body of the black-foot indians, for, as we may say, a _quid_ of tobacco, nothing occurred worth relating until we arrived at the town of independence, being the first white settlement in our way homewards. i would, however, here remark, that the warlike body just mentioned, though of the fierce black-foot tribe, hunted and fought independently of that troop with which we had a battle in the rocky mountains; and were most probably ignorant of that affair, in which a chief was treacherously shot by one antoine, who was half indian and half french, when bearing a white flag, and with which { } nefarious deed i believe captain sublet had no concern. but of all this i cannot speak with certainty, as i myself was half a mile distant, when the black-foot chief was shot, and his scarlet robe torn off of him by the mongrel indian, as a trophy instead of his scalp; for the indians returned their fire so promptly, and continued fighting so long, even after dark, that there was no time nor opportunity of his securing that evidence of his savage blood and mode of warfare. when we arrived at the town of independence, dr. jacob wyeth, palmer, styles, and myself bought a canoe, being tired of travelling by land, and impatient to get on, and this was the last of my money except a single six-cent piece. a thick fog prevented our early departure, as it would be dangerous to proceed on account of the snags and sawyers in the river. to pass away the tedious time, i strolled out around the town, and lost my direct way back. at length the fog cleared off, and after my companions had waited for me an hour, they pushed off and left me behind! they, be sure, left word that they would wait for me at the next town, boonsville,[ ] twenty miles' distance. i hurried, however, as fast i could five miles down the banks of the river; when, finding that i could not overtake them, and being fatigued by running, i gave over the chase in despair. i was sadly perplexed, and vexed, at what i conceived worse than savage usage. in this state of mind, i saw a small skiff, with a pair of oars, when an heroic idea came into my half-crazed brain, and feeling my absolute necessities, i acted like certain ancient and some modern heroes, and jumped into the boat, cast off her painter, and pulled away for dear life down the stream. { } the owner of the boat discovered me when not much more than a quarter of a mile on my way. he and another man got into a canoe and rowed after me, and gained upon me; on perceiving which, i laid out all my strength, and although two to one, i distanced them, and they soon saw they could not overtake me. when i started it was twelve o'clock, and i got to the next town, boonsville, the sun half an hour high,--the distance about twenty miles. when my skiff struck the shore my pursuers were about twenty rods behind me. i ran into the first barn of a tavern i could reach. they soon raised the neighbors, and placed a watch around the barn, one side of which opened into a cornfield. in searching for me they more than once trod over me, but the thickness of the hay prevented them from feeling me. i knew the severe effects of their laws, by which those who were too poor to pay the fine were to atone for their poverty by stripes, which were reckoned to be worth a dollar a stripe in that cheap country; and hence i lay snug in the hay two nights and one day without any thing to eat. hunger at length forced me from my hiding-place, when i went into the tavern, where i found dr. jacob wyeth, walter palmer, and styles. i told the landlord i was starving for want of food, and he gave me supper; and then i went back into the barn again, where i slept that night. [ ] boonville was the successor of franklin as the metropolis of central missouri. the site was first settled by the cole family in , laid out as a town in , and made the seat of cooper county upon the latter's erection in . its period of greatest prosperity was before the building of the railroad ( - ), when it was the shipping point for northern arkansas and southwest missouri. it had a population in of , .--ed. the next morning i went into the tavern again, and there i found my pursuers, and they found their prisoner, whom they soon put under the custody of two constables, who ordered me breakfast, which having eaten with a good relish, i watched my opportunity, while they were standing thick { } around the bar, and crept unobserved out of the back-door into the extensive cornfield, and thence into the barn window out of which they threw manure, and regained my snug hiding-hole, where i remained one day and one night more. i now and then could see the constables and their _posse_ prowling about the barn, through a crevice in the boards. in the midst of my fears, i was amused with the solemn, and concernful phizes of the two constables, and one or two others. in the morning very early, i ventured out again, and ran down to the river; and there spying a boat, and feeling heroic, i jumped into her and pushed across the river, and landed on the opposite bank, so as to elude the pursuit of the authorities, who i knew would be after me on the right bank of the river, while i marched on the left. when i came to the ferry near st. louis, i had only a six-cent piece, which the ferryman took for his full fare which was twelve cents, and so i got safe to st. louis, but with scarcely clothing enough for decency, not to mention comfort: and yet i kept up a good heart, and never once despaired. my companions arrived a day before me; they on thursday, i on friday, at four o'clock in the afternoon; they in the steam-boat, like gentlemen, while i, the youngest in the whole oregon company, like a runaway. but i do not regret the difference, seeing i have a story worth telling, and worth hearing. where to get a lodging that night i did not know, nor where to obtain a morsel of bread. i went up to a large tavern, and asked permission of the keeper to lodge in his barn that night, but he sternly refused. i then went to the other tavern, and made the like request, when the landlord { } granted it, saying that he never refused a man sleeping in his barn who was too poor to pay for a lodging in his house. i wish i knew his name. i turned in and had a very good night's rest. should any one enquire how i came to leave my old companions, and they me, i need only say that i had a very serious quarrel with one of them, even to blows; and with that one too who ought to have been the last to treat me with neglect; "and further the deponent saith not." the next morning i went round in search of work, but no one seemed disposed to hire me; nor do i much wonder at it; for in truth i was so ragged and dirty, that i had nothing to recommend me; and i suffered more depression of spirits during the following six days of my sojourn at st. louis, than in any part of my route. the steam-boats refused me and dr. wyeth started off for new orleans before i could see him. palmer let himself by the month on board a steam-boat running between st. louis and independence, while i was left alone at the former place six days without employ, victuals, or decent clothing. i could not bear to go to people's doors to beg; but i went on board steam-boats and begged for food. i was such a picture of wretchedness that i did not wonder they refused to hire me. my dress was buck-skin moccasins, and pantaloons; the remains of a shirt i put on in the rocky mountains, the remnants of a kersey waistcoat which i had worn ever since i left cambridge, and a hat i had worn all the time from boston, but without any coat whatever, or socks, or stockings; and to add to the wretchedness of my appearance, i was very dirty, and i could not help it. my looks drew the attention of a great many spectators. i thought { } very hard of it then, but i have since reflected, and must say that when people saw a strong young man of eighteen in high health, and yet so miserable in appearance, it was natural in them to conclude that he must be some criminal escaped from justice, or some vagabond suffering under the just effects of his own crimes. at length, wearied out by my ill fortune, i plucked up courage, and went to the constitution steam-boat, captain tufts, of charlestown, near boston, and told him my name and family; and detailed to him my sufferings, and said that he _must_ give me a passage, and i would work for it. to my great joy he consented, and he gave me shirt, pantaloons, &c.; and i acted at a _fireman_, or one who feeds the fire with pine wood under the steam-boilers. i forbear narrating the particulars of my sufferings for want of food during the six days i tarried at st. louis. suffice it to say, that i was in a condition of starvation, and all owing to my wretched appearance. when i at times went on board the steam-boats, i was glad to scrape up any thing after the sailors and firemen had done eating. at length i obtained employ in the steam-boat constitution, and a passage to new-orleans, on the condition of acting as one of the firemen, there being twelve in all, with five men as sailors, and two hundred and forty passengers, party emigrants, but chiefly men belonging to the settlements on the mississippi, going down to natchez, and to new-orleans to work. we tarried one night at the natchez; but soon after we left it the _cholera_ broke out among the passengers, eighty of whom died before we reached new-orleans, and two of our own firemen. a most shocking scene followed. { } i felt discouraged. my miseries seemed endless. after trying day after day in vain to get a passage in a steam-boat, i was made happy in procuring one, though i paid for it, by working as a fireman, the hardest and most disagreeable occupation on board; still i was contented, as i had victuals enough to eat; and yet, after all, i saw men perishing every minute about me, and thrown into the river like so many dead hogs. it is an unexaggerated fact that i witnessed more misery in the space of eight months than most old men experience in a long life. on arriving at new-orleans, captain tufts sent off every man of the passengers, leaving those only who belonged to the boat. he gave me shirts and other clothing, and offered me twenty dollars a month, if i would go back to st. louis with him. i remained on board about a week; and so desirous was i to get home, that i preferred going ashore, although i knew that the yellow fever and black vomit, as well as cholera were committing great havoc in the city. the shops, stores, taverns, and even the _gambling-houses_, were shut up, and people were dying in-doors, and out of doors, much faster than they could be buried. more white people were seized with it than black; but when the latter were attacked, more died than the former. the negroes sunk under the disorder at once. when a negro gets very sick, he loses all his spirits, and refuses all remedies. he wishes to die, and it is no wonder, if he believes that he shall go into a pleasant country where there are no white men or women. i soon got full employ as a grave-digger, at two dollars a day, and could have got twice that sum had i been informed of the true state of things. in { } the first three days we dug a separate grave for each person; but we soon found that we could not clear the hearses and carts. i counted eighty-seven dead bodies uninterred on the ground. yet where i worked, was only one of the three grave-yards belonging to the city, and the other two were larger. we therefore began on a new plan. there were twenty-five of us grave-diggers. we dug a trench fifty-seven feet long, eight feet wide, and four feet deep, and laid them as compactly as we could, and filled up the vacant spaces with children. it was an awful piece of business. in this large trench we buried about, perhaps, three hundred; and this business we carried on about a month. during this time, you might traverse the streets of new-orleans, without meeting a single person, except those belonging to the hearses, and carts, loaded with the dead. men were picked up in the morning who died after dark before they could reach their own houses. if you ask me if they died with yellow fever, or cholera, i must answer that i cannot tell. some said the one, and some the other. every thing was confusion. if a negro was sent by his master to a carpenter, for what they called a coffin, which was only a rough board box, he was commonly robbed of it before he got home. i myself saw an assault of this kind, when the poor black slave was knocked down and the rude coffin taken from him. new-orleans is a dreadful place in the eyes of a new-england man. they keep sunday as we in boston keep the th of july, or any other day of merriment and frolic. it is also a training day every other sunday for their military companies. i was in part witness to a shocking sight at the marine hospital, where had been many patients { } with the yellow fever. when the doctors, and those who had the care of that establishment had deserted the house, between twenty-five and thirty dead bodies were left in it; and these were so offensive from putrefaction, that when the city corporation heard of it, they ordered the house, together with the bodies to be burnt up; but this was not strictly complied with. a number of negro slaves were employed to remove the bodies, which being covered with wood and other combustibles, were all consumed together. at length i was attacked myself with symptoms of the yellow fever,--violent pain in my head, back, and stomach. i lived at that time in the family of a frenchman, who, among his various occupations, pretended to skill in physic. he fed me on castor oil. i took in one day four wineglasses of it, which required as much resolution as i was master of: but my doctor assured me that he had repeatedly scared away the yellow fever at the beginning of it, by large and often repeated doses of that medicine. its operation was not one way, but every way. i thought i should have no insides left to go home with. yet it is a fact, and i record it with pleasure, that it carried off all my dreadful symptoms, and in a very few days, i had nothing to complain of but weakness, which a good appetite soon cured. i therefore recommend a man in the first stage of yellow fever to take down a gill of castor oil, made as hot as he can swallow it; and repeat the dose in eight hours. i remained nine weeks in new-orleans, a city so unlike boston, in point of neatness, order, and good government, that i do not wonder at its character for unhealthiness. stagnant water remains in the streets as { } green as grass, with a steam rising out of it that may be smelt at the distance of half a mile. besides this, their population is so mixed, that they appear running against each other in the streets, every one having a different object and a different complexion. in one thing they seem to be agreed, and to concur in the same object, namely, _gaming_. in that delirous pursuit, they all speak the same language, and appear to run down the same road to ruin. i am glad that it is in my power to support what i have said respecting the marine hospital, by the following public testimony, published by authority, taken from one of their newspapers. "new-orleans.--the following report from a committee appointed to examine one of the hospitals, will account, in some degree, for the unprecedented mortality which has afflicted new-orleans. the report is addressed to the mayor. "the undersigned, standing committee named by the city council during the prevalence of the epidemic now desolating the city, have the honor to report, that, in consequence of information given by sundry respectable persons, relative to the condition of the hospital kept by dr. m'farlane, they repaired to-day, at half-past one o'clock, to said hospital; that in all the apartments they found the most disgusting filth; that all the night _vessels_ were full, and that the patients have all declared that for a long time they had received no kind of succour; that in many of the apartments of the building they found corpses, several of which had been a number of days in putrefaction; that thence they repaired to a chamber adjoining the kitchen, where they found the body of a negro, which had been a long time dead, in a most offensive state. they finally went to another apartment opposite the kitchen, { } which was equally filthy with the other rooms, and that they there found many corpses of persons a long time dead; that in a bed, between others, they found a man dying, stretched upon the body of a man many days dead. "finally, they declare that it is impossible for one to form an idea of what they have witnessed, without he had himself seen it; that it is indispensably necessary for the patients to evacuate this hospital, and above all, to watch lest the corpses in a state of putrefaction occasion pestilence in that quarter, and perhaps in the whole city. "_november ._ the standing committee has the honor to present the following additional report. "in one of the apartments where were many living and dead bodies, they found under a bed a dead body partly eaten, whose belly and entrails lay upon the floor. it exhaled a most pestiferous odor. in a little closet upon the gallery there were two dead bodies, one of which lay flat upon the floor, and the other had his feet upon the floor and his back upon the bed forming a curve; the belly prodigiously swelled and the thighs green. under a shed in the yard was the dead body of a negro, off which a fowl was picking worms. the number of corpses amounted to twelve or fourteen. "signed, e. a. cannon, _chairman_. felix labatut, _alderman_, _second ward_. charles lee, _alderman_, _first ward_." i took passage in the ship henry thomson, captain williams, and arrived in boston, january d, , after an absence of ten months, having experienced in that time a variety of hardships. { } concluding reflections the lesson to be collected from this short history is the great danger in _making haste to be rich_, instead of relying upon patient industry, which never fails to give a man his just deserts. making haste to become rich is the most fruitful source of the calamities of life; for here cunning, contrivance, and circumvention, take the place of diligence. after the schemer's plans have all failed, there seems only one tempting means left to obtain riches in a hurry, and that is by gaming, the most prosperous invention ever devised by the arch enemy of mankind; and when that fails, the next downward step to destruction, excepting drunkenness, is robbery, many instances of which we find recorded in the annals of newgate and the records of the old bailey in london. such atrocities have never, or very rarely, occurred in our own country, and never will so long as we are wisely contented with the fruits of patient industry, and so long as we believe that the diligent hand maketh rich. these reflections refer to extreme cases, and are not applicable, or meant to be personally applicable, to the unfortunate expedition in which we have been concerned. it is not meant to reprehend those enormous vices and crimes which are known in the old countries, but only to correct a spirit of discontent in men well situated and circumstanced. "_if you stand well, stand still_," says the italian proverb. some may say this doctrine, if put in practice, would check all enterprise. not entirely so, provided the means and the end were cautiously adjusted. christopher columbus ran a great risk; { } yet he knew, from the reasonings of his capacious mind, that there must be "another and a better world" than that he was born in; and under that strong and irrestistible impression he tempted the trackless ocean and found it. but what shall we say of our oregon adventurers, who set out to pass over the rocky mountains, and thence down the columbia river to the pacific ocean, in boats upon wheels? and that too with a heavy load of goods, and those chiefly of iron. what renders the project more surprising is, that they should take with them the most ponderous articles of a blacksmith's shop,--anvils, and a large vice. it is more than probable that the old and long established wholesale indian traders at st. louis laughed in their sleeves, when they saw such a cargo fresh from the city of "_notions_," paraded with all the characteristic confidence of the unwavering yankee spirit. after assuring them that their ingenious and well-constructed amphibious vehicles would not answer for travelling in such a rough country as they must go through, they purchased all three of them, and advised our leader to buy sheep and oxen to live on between the white settlements and the country of the savages, and not to trust to their guns for food. this turned out very wholesome advice, as they must have starved without that provision. the party under captains lewis and clarke, sent out by the government of the united states, consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen,--an interpreter and hunter,--and a black servant belonging to captain clarke. all these, except the last, were enlisted to serve as privates during the expedition, { } and three sergeants were appointed from amongst them by the captains. in addition to these, were engaged a corporal and six soldiers, and nine watermen, to accompany the expedition as far as the mandan nation, in order to assist in carrying the stores, or repelling an attack, which was most to be apprehended between wood river and that tribe. this select party embarked on board three boats. one was a keel-boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet of water, with a large square sail, and twenty-two oars, with a forecastle and cabin, while the middle was covered by lockers, which might be raised so as to form a breast-work. there were beside two _periogues_, or open boats of seven oars each. they had two horses, for any purpose, which they led along the banks; and fourteen bales of goods, with a variety of clothing, working utensils, locks, flints, ammunition, and richly-laced coats, and other gay dresses, and a variety of ornaments suited to the taste of the indians, together with knives, flags, tomahawks, and medals.[ ] yet all these articles were exhausted, without any accident or particular loss. the party was led by two experienced military officers, and the men were under military regulations; which was not the case with the cambridge adventurers, who were upon shares, and all on a level. [ ] these statements in regard to the lewis and clark expedition are taken verbatim from the published edition (biddle's, ) of the journals. for recent light on the personnel of the party, consult o. d. wheeler, _on the trail of lewis and clark_ (new york, ).--ed. we are unwilling that our readers should rely entirely on our opinion of the inadequacy of the outfits for such a formidable undertaking as that of going from the atlantic shore of new-england to the shore of the pacific by land. we shall therefore subjoin the opinion of a sensible gentleman, who had spent some time in the missouri territory, and traversed its dreary prairies, where no tree { } appears, and where there is, during the greater part of the year, no fuel for cooking, nor water fit to drink. he says: "do the oregon emigrants seek a fine country on the oregon river? they will pass through lands [to get to it] of which they may buy two hundred acres for less than the farther expenses of their journey."[ ] he tells us that a gentleman (mr. kelly) has been employing his leisure in advising schemes to better the condition of his fellow countrymen, and has issued advertisements, inviting the good people of new-england to leave their homes, their connexions, and the comforts of civilized society, and follow him across the continent to the shores of the pacific. he tells those who may reach st. louis, that they will find there many who have been to oregon, and found no temptation to remain there;--that they may possibly charter a steamboat from st. louis to the mouth of the river platte, but no farther, as that stream is not navigable for steamboats unless during freshets. and after they reach the mouth of the platte, they will have a _thousand_ miles to go before they reach the rocky mountains; and the country through which the adventurers must pass is a level plain, where the eye seeks in vain for a tree or a shrub,--that in some places they must travel days and nights without finding wood or water, for that the streams only are scantily fringed with wood. our cambridge emigrants actually found this to be the case, as they had no other fuel for cooking their live stock than buffalo-dung. the writer says, (and he had been there), that the ground is covered with { } herbage for a few weeks in the year only, and that this is owing to the indians burning the prairies regularly twice a year, which occasions them to be as bare of vegetation as the deserts of arabia. the same experienced traveller assures them that they could not take provisions with them sufficient for their wants, and that a dependence on their guns for support was fallacious, and the same uncertainty as to the buffaloes;--that sometimes those animals were plenty enough, and sometimes more than enough, so as to be dangerous. when they trot smartly off, ten thousand and more in a drove, they are as irresistible as a mountain-torrent, and would tread into nothing a larger body than the cambridge fortune-hunters. their flesh is coarse beef, and the grisly bear's, coarse pork; but this kind of bear, called the _horrible_ from his strength and ferocity, is a most terrific beast, and more disposed and able to feed on the hunter than the huntsman upon him. we can assure the emigrants, says the writer already quoted, from our own experience, that not one horse in five can perform a journey of a thousand miles, without a constant supply of something better than prairie-grass. [ ] see new-england magazine for february and april, , under the signature of w. j. s.--wyeth. _comment by ed._ the _new england magazine_ was published monthly ( - ) by j. t. and e. buckingham, boston. the journal of lewis and clarke to the pacific ocean, over the rocky mountains, was a popular book in the hands of every body; and the expedition of major long and company was as much read; and both of these works detail events and facts enough, one would suppose, to deter men from such an arduous enterprise; not to mention the hostile tribes of indians through which they must pass. it seems strange, but it is true, that a theoretical man need not despair of making the multitude believe any thing but truth. they believed the enthusiastic { } mr. hall j. kelley, who had never been in the oregon territory, or seen the rocky mountains, or a prairie-dog, or a drove of buffaloes, and who in fact knew nothing of the country beyond some guess-work maps; yet they would not read, consider, or trust to the faithful records of those officers who had been sent by the government to explore the country and make report of it. there is a passage in the essay written by w. j. s. which we shall insert here on his authority, as it cannot be supposed that we, at this distance, should be so well acquainted with the affairs in missouri, as one who had resided on the spot. we assume not to keep pace with the professed eulogist of oregon, of its river, and its territory, its mild climate, its exuberant soil, and its boisterous pacific, so inviting to the distressed poor in the neighbourhood of boston; who are exhorted by him to pluck up stakes and courage, and march over the rocky mountains to wealth, ease, and independence. the passage we allude to reads thus:--"about twelve years since, it was discovered by a public-spirited citizen of st. louis, that the supply of furs was not equal to the demand. to remedy this evil, he raised a corps of sharp-shooters, equipped them with guns, ammunition, steel-traps, and horses, and sent them into the wilderness to teach the indians that their right was only a right of occupancy. they did the savages irreparable injury. they frightened the buffaloes from their usual haunts,--destroyed the fur-clad animals, and did more mischief than we have room to relate." he adds, sarcastically, that "the indians were wont to hunt in a slovenly manner, leaving a few animals yearly for breeding. but that the white hunters were more thorough-spirited, { } and made root-and-branch work of it. when they settled on a district, they destroyed the old and young alike; and when they left it, they left no living thing behind them. the first party proving successful, more were fitted out, and every successive year has seen several armed and mounted bands of hunters, from twenty to a hundred men and more in each, pouring into the indian hunting grounds; and _all this has been done in open and direct violation of a law of the united states, which expressly forbids trapping and hunting on indian lands_. the consequence has been that there are now few fur-clad animals this side the mountains." lewis and clarke, and some other travellers, speak of friendly indians,--of their kindness and hospitality, and expatiate on their amiable disposition, and relate instances of it. yet after all, this indian friendship is very like the affection of the negroes in the southern states for their masters and mistresses, and for their children,--the offspring merely of fear. there can be no friendship where there is such a disparity of condition. as to their presents, an indian gift is proverbial. they never give without expecting double in return. what right have we to fit out armed expeditions, and enter the long occupied country of the natives, to destroy their game, not for subsistence, but for their skins? they are a contented people, and do not want our aid to make them happier. we prate of civilizing and christianizing the savages. what have we done for their benefit? we have carried among them _rum_, _powder_ and _ball_, small-pox, starvation, and misery. what is the reason that congress,--the great council of the nation,--the collected wisdom of these united states, has turned a deaf { } ear to all applications for establishing a colony on the oregon river? some of the members of that honorable house of legislation know that the district in question is a boisterous and inclement region, with less to eat, less to warm the traveller, and to cook with, than at the mouth of any other known river in the united states. we deem the mouth of the river st. lawrence as eligible a spot for a settlement of peltry merchants as the mouth of the columbia. when lewis and clarke were on that river, they had not a single fair day in two months. they were drenched with rain day and night; and what added to their comfortless condition was the incessant high winds, which drove the waves furiously into the columbia river with the tide; and on its ebb, raised such commotion, and such a chopping sea, that the travellers dared not venture upon it in their boats; yet the indians did, and managed their canoes with a dexterity which the explorers greatly admired, but could not imitate. the boisterous pacific was among the new discoveries of our american adventurers. had their expedition been to the warm climate of africa, or to south america, they would have been sure of plenty to eat; but in the western region, between the rocky mountains and the great river of the west, the case is far otherwise. it is devoutly to be wished that truth may prevail respecting those distant regions. indeed the sacred cause of humanity calls loudly on its votaries to disabuse the people dwelling on these atlantic shores respecting the oregon paradise, lest our farmers' sons and young mechanics should, in every sense of the phrase, stray from home, and go they know not whither,--to seek they know not what. { } or must truth wait on the rocky mountains until some indian historian,--some future _clavigero_[ ] shall publish his annals, and separate facts from fiction? we esteem the "_history of the expedition under the command of captains lewis and clarke to the sources of the missouri, thence across the rocky mountains, and down to the pacific ocean_," substantially correct. their conduct towards the indians was marked throughout with justice and humanity; and the journal of that expedition will be a lasting monument of their judicious perseverance, and of the wisdom of the government of the united states. [ ] the abbé clavigero, a native of vera cruz, who resided forty years in the provinces of new spain, spoke the language of the natives, and has written the history of mexico.--wyeth. reader! the book you have in your hands is not written for your amusement merely, or to fill up an idle hour, but for your instruction,--particularly to warn young farmers and mechanics not to leave a certainty for an uncertainty, and straggle away over a sixth part of the globe in search of what they leave behind them at home. it is hoped that it may correct that too common opinion that the farther you go from home the surer you are of making your fortune. agriculture gives to the industrious farmer the riches which he can call his own; while the indefatigable mechanic is sure to acquire a sufficiency, provided he "build not his house too high." industry conducted by prudence is a virtue of so diffusive a nature that it mixes with all our concerns. no business can be managed and accomplished without it. whatever be a man's calling or way of life, he must, to be happy, be actuated by { } a spirit of industry, and that will keep him from want, from dishonesty, and from the vice of gambling and lottery-dealing, and its long train of miseries. the first and most common deviation from sober industry is a desire to roam abroad, or in one word, a feeling of _discontent_,--a making haste to be rich, without the patient means of it. these are reflections general and not particular, as it regards all such high hopes and expectations, as lead to our oregon expedition and to its disappointments. the most that we shall say of it is,--that it was an injudicious scheme arising from want of due information, and the whole conducted by means inadequate to the end in view. oh happy--if he knew his happy state, the man, who, free from turmoil and debate, receives his wholesome food from nature's hand, the just return of _cultivated_ land. the end townsend's narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, to the columbia river reprint of pp. - , - , of original edition: philadelphia, . "a visit to the sandwich islands, chili, &c., with a scientific appendix," also contained in this edition, is here omitted as irrelevant to the scope of the present series. [illustration: hunting the buffalo] [illustration: title page] narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, to the columbia river, and a visit to the sandwich islands, chili, &c. with a scientific appendix. by john k. townsend, member of the academy of natural sciences of philadelphia. philadelphia: henry perkins, chestnut street. boston: perkins & marvin. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by john k. townsend, in the office of the clerk of the district court of the eastern district of pennsylvania. advertisement the columbia river fishing and trading company was formed in , by several individuals in new york and boston. capt. wyeth, having an interest in the enterprise, collected a party of men to cross the continent to the pacific, with the purpose chiefly of establishing trading posts beyond the rocky mountains and on the coast. the idea of making one of capt. wyeth's party was suggested to the author by the eminent botanist, mr. nuttall, who had himself determined to join the expedition across the north american wilderness. being fond of natural history, particularly the science of ornithology, the temptation to visit a country hitherto unexplored by naturalists was irresistible; and the following pages, originally penned for the family-circle, and without the slightest thought of publication, will furnish some account of his travels. contents chapter i arrival at st. louis--preparations for the journey--sâque indians--their appearance, dress, and manners--squaws-- commencement of a pedestrian tour--sandhill cranes-- prairie settlers--their hospitality--wild pigeons, golden plovers and prairie hens--mr. p. and his daughters--an abundant repast--simplicity of the prairie maidens--a deer and turkey hunt--loutre lick hotel--a colored charon--comfortable quarters--young men of the west--reflections on leaving home--loquacity of the inhabitants--gray squirrels--boonville--parroquets-- embarkation in a steamboat--large catfish--accident on board the boat--arrival at independence--description of the town--encampment of the rocky mountain company-- character of the men--preparation for departure--requisites of a leader--backwoods familiarity--milton sublette and his band--rev. jason lee, the missionary--a letter from home-- mormonites--military discipline and its consequences, chapter ii departure of the caravan--a storm on the prairie--arrangement of the camp--kanzas indians--kanzas river--indian lodges-- passage of the river--buffalo canoes--kanzas chief--upper kaw village--their wigwams--catfish and ravens--return of mr. sublette--pawnee trace--desertion of three men-- difficulties occasioned by losing the trail--intelligence of mr. sublette's party--escape of the band of horses--visit of three otto indians--anecdote of richardson, the chief hunter--his appearance and character--white wolves and antelopes--buffalo bones--sublette's deserted camps--lurking wolves, chapter iii arrival at the platte river--wolves and antelopes--anxiety of the men to see buffalo--visit of two spies from the grand pawnees--forced march--a herd of buffalo--elk--singular conduct of the horses--killing a buffalo--indian mode of procuring buffalo--great herd--adventure with an indian in the tent--indian feat with bow and arrow--notice of the pawnee tribes--disappearance of the buffalo from the plains of the platte--a hunting adventure--killing a buffalo-- butchering of a bull--shameful destruction of the game-- hunters' mode of quenching thirst, chapter iv change in the face of the country--unpleasant visitation--n. fork of the platte--a day's journey over the hills--poor pasture--marmots--rattlesnake and gopher--naturalist's success and sacrifices--a sand storm--wild horses--killing of a doe antelope--bluffs--the chimney--"zip koon," the young antelope--birds--feelings and cogitations of a naturalist--laramie's fork--departure of two "free trappers" on a summer "hunt"--black hills--red butes--sweet-water river, and rock independence--avocets--wind river mountains-- rocky mountain sheep--adventure with a grizzly bear-- rattlesnakes--toilsome march, and arrival at sandy river-- suffering of the horses--anticipated delights of the rendezvous, chapter v arrival at the colorado--the author in difficulty--loss of a journal, and advice to travelling tyros--the rendezvous-- motley groups infesting it--rum drinking, swearing, and other accomplishments in vogue--description of the camp-- trout--abundance of game--cock of the plains--{vi} leave the rendezvous--an accession to the band--a renegado blackfoot chief--captain stewart and mr. ashworth--muddy creek--more carousing--abundance of trout--bear river--a hard day's march--volcanic country--white-clay pits and "beer spring"--rare birds and common birds--mr. thomas mckay--captain bonneville's party--captains stewart and wyeth's visit to the lodge of the "bald chief"--blackfoot river--adventure with a grizzly bear--death of "zip koon"-- young grizzly bears and buffalo calves--a blackfoot indian-- dangerous experiment of mckay--the three "tetons"--large trout--shoshoné river--site of "fort hall"--preparations for a buffalo hunt, chapter vi departure of the hunting camp--a false alarm--blackfeet indians--requisites of a mountain-man--good fare, and good appetites--an experiment--grizzly bears--nez percé indian--adventure with a grizzly bear--hunters' anecdotes--homeward bound--arrival at "fort hall"--a salute--emaciation from low diet--mr. mckay's company-- buffalo lodges--effects of judicious training--indian worship--a "camp meeting"--mr. jason lee, a favorite--a fatal accident and a burial, chapter vii departure of mckay's party, captain stewart, and the missionaries--debauch at the fort--departure of the company--poor provision--blackfeet hunting ground-- sufferings from thirst--goddin's creek--antoine goddin, the trapper--scarcity of game--a buffalo--rugged mountains--more game--unusual economy--habits of the white wolf--"thornburg's pass"--difficult travelling-- the captain in jeopardy among the snow--a countermarch-- deserted banneck camp--toilsome and dangerous passage of the mountain--mallade river--beaver dams, and beaver--a party of snake indians--another banneck camp--"kamas prairie"--indian mode of preparing the kamas--racine blanc, or biscuit root--loss of horses by fatigue--boisée or big-wood river--salmon--choke-cherries, &c. chapter viii a substitute for game, and a luxurious breakfast--expectations of a repast, and a disappointment--visit of a snake chief-- his abhorrence of horse meat--a band of snake indians--their chief--trade with indians for salmon--mr. ashworth's adventure--an indian horse-thief--visit to the snake camp-- a banneck camp--supercilious conduct of the indians--snake river--equipment of a trapping party--indian mode of catching salmon--loss of a favorite horse--powder river--cut rocks-- grand ronde--captain bonneville--kayouse and nez percé indians--an indian beauty--blue mountains--a feline visit, chapter ix passage of the blue mountains--sufferings from thirst--utalla river--a transformation--a novel meal--columbia river and fort walla-walla--a dinner with the missionaries-- anecdote of mr. lee--brief notice of the fort--departure of the missionaries--notice of the walla-walla indians-- departure for fort vancouver--wild ducks--indian graves--visits from indians--ophthalmia, a prevalent disease--a company of chinook indians--the dalles--the party joined by captain wyeth--embarkation in canoes--a heavy gale--dangerous navigation--pusillanimous conduct of an indian helmsman--a zealous botanist--departure of captain wyeth with five men--cascades--a portage--meeting with the missionaries--loss of a canoe--a toilsome duty-- arrival at fort vancouver--dr. john mcloughlin, the chief factor--domiciliation of the travellers at fort vancouver, chapter x fort vancouver--agricultural and other improvements--vancouver "camp"--expedition to the wallammet--the falls--a village of {vii} klikatat indians--manner of flattening the head--a flathead infant--brig "may dacre"--preparations for a settlement--success of the naturalists--chinook indians-- their appearance and costume--ague and fever--desertion of the sandwich islanders--embarkation for a trip to the islands--george, the indian pilot--mount coffin--a visit to the tombs--superstition--visit to an indian house--fort george--site of astoria--a blind indian boy--cruel and unfeeling conduct of the savages--their moral character--baker's bay--cape disappointment--dangerous bar at the entrance of the river--the sea beach--visit of mr. ogden--passage across the bar, chapter xii ... arrival at the columbia, chapter xiii passage up the columbia--birds--a trip to the wallammet-- methodist missionaries--their prospects--fort william-- band-tail pigeons--wretched condition of the indians at the falls--a kallapooyah village--indian cemetery-- superstitions--treatment of diseases--method of steaming--"making medicine"--indian sorcerers--death of thornburg--an inquest--verdict of the jury--inordinate appetite for ardent spirits--eight men drowned--murder of two trappers by the banneck indians--arrival of captain thing--his meeting and skirmish with the blackfeet indians-- massacre--a narrow escape, chapter xiv indians of the columbia--departure of mr. nuttall and dr. gairdner--arrival of the rev. samuel parker--his object-- departure of the american brig--swans--indian mode of taking them--a large wolf--a night adventure--a discovery, and restoration of stolen property--fraternal tenderness of an indian--indian vengeance--death of waskéma, the indian girl--"busy-body," the little chief--a village of kowalitsk indians--ceremony of "making medicine"--exposure of an impostor--success of legitimate medicines--departure from fort vancouver for a visit to the interior--arrival of a stranger--"cape horn"--tilki, the indian chief--indian villages {viii}--arrival at fort walla-walla--sharp-tailed grouse--commencement of a journey to the blue mountains, chapter xv a village of kayouse indians--appearance and dresses of the women--family worship--visit to the blue mountains--dusky grouse--return to walla-walla--arrival of mr. mcleod, and the missionaries--letters from home--death of antoine goddin--a renegado white man--assault by the walla-walla indians--passage down the columbia--rapids--a dog for supper--prairies on fire--fishing indians--their romantic appearance--salmon huts--the shoots--dangerous navigation-- death of tilki--seals--indian stoicism and contempt of pain--skookoom, the strong chief--his death--maiming, an evidence of grief--arrival at fort vancouver--a visit to fort george--indian cemeteries--lewis and clarke's house--a medal--visit to chinook--hospitality of the indians-- chinamus' home--the idol--canine inmates, chapter xvi northern excursion--salmon--indian mode of catching them-- flathead children--a storm on the bay--pintail ducks-- simple mode of killing salmon--return to chinook--indian garrulity--return to fort george--preparations for a second trip to the sandwich islands--detention within the cape, narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, &c. chapter i arrival at st. louis--preparations for the journey--sâque indians--their appearance, dress, and manners--squaws--commencement of a pedestrian tour--sandhill cranes--prairie settlers--their hospitality--wild pigeons, golden plovers and prairie hens--mr. p. and his daughters--an abundant repast--simplicity of the prairie maidens--a deer and turkey hunt--loutre lick hotel--unwelcome bed-fellows--a colored charon--comfortable quarters--young men of the west--reflections on leaving home--loquacity of the inhabitants--gray squirrels--boonville--parroquets--embarkation in a steamboat--large catfish--accident on board the boat--arrival at independence--description of the town--procure a supply of horses--encampment of the rocky mountain company--character of the men--preparation for departure--requisites of a leader--backwoods familiarity--milton sublette and his band--rev. jason lee, the missionary--a letter from home--mormonites--military discipline and its consequences. on the evening of the th of march, , mr. nuttall[ ] and myself arrived at st. louis, in the steamboat boston, from pittsburg. [ ] for sketch of thomas nuttall, see preface to nuttall's _journal_, our volume xiii.--ed. on landing, we had the satisfaction to learn that captain wyeth was already there, and on the afternoon of the next day we called upon him, and consulted him in reference to the outfit which it would be necessary to purchase for the journey. he accompanied us to a store in the town, and selected a number of articles for us, among which were several pairs of leathern { } pantaloons, enormous overcoats, made of green blankets, and white wool hats, with round crowns, fitting tightly to the head, brims five inches wide, and almost hard enough to resist a rifle ball. the day following we saw about one hundred indians of the sâque tribe, who had left their native forests for the purpose of treating for the sale of some land at the jefferson barracks.[ ] they were dressed and decorated in the true primitive style; their heads shaved closely, and painted with alternate stripes of fiery red and deep black, leaving only the long scalping tuft, in which was interwoven a quantity of elk hair and eagle's feathers. each man was furnished with a good blanket, and some had an under dress of calico, but the greater number were entirely naked to the waist. the faces and bodies of the men were, almost without an exception, fantastically painted, the predominant color being deep red, with occasionally a few stripes of dull clay white around the eyes and mouth. i observed one whose body was smeared with light colored clay, interspersed with black streaks. they were unarmed, with the exception of tomahawks and knives. the chief of the band, (who is said to be black hawk's father-in-law,[ ]) was a large dignified looking man, of perhaps fifty-five years of age, distinguished from the rest, by his richer habiliments, a more profuse display of trinkets in his ears, (which were cut and gashed in a frightful manner to receive them,) and above all, by a huge necklace made of the claws of the grizzly bear. the squaws, of whom there were about twenty, were dressed very much like the men, and at a little distance could scarcely be distinguished from them. among them was an old, superannuated crone, who, soon after her arrival, had been presented with a broken umbrella. the only use that she made of it was to wrench the plated ends from the whalebones, string them on a piece of wire, take her knife from her belt, with which she deliberately cut a slit of an inch in length { } along the upper rim of her ear, and insert them in it. i saw her soon after this operation had been performed; her cheeks were covered with blood, and she was standing with a vast deal of assumed dignity among her tawny sisters, who evidently envied her the possession of the worthless baubles. [ ] for the early history of the sauk indians, see j. long's _voyages_, in our volume ii, p. , note . by the treaty of they ceded a large portion of their lands (in the present wisconsin, iowa, and illinois) to the united states. upon removing to the west of the mississippi, as per agreement with the federal government, they broke into several well-defined and often quarrelsome bands. this division was intensified by the war of - , when part of the tribe aided the british against the american border. the so-called missouri band, dwelling north of that river in the present state of the name, in made with the united states a treaty of friendship, which was kept with fidelity. in a second land cession was made by the sauk, and after the black hawk war ( ), in which the missouri band took no part, they were desirous of moving to some permanent home south of the missouri river. it was in pursuit of this intention, doubtless, that the visit recorded by townsend was made. the final treaty therefor was not drawn until . jefferson barracks, just south of st. louis on the mississippi river, were built for the federal government ( ) on a site secured from the village of carondolet ( ). general henry atkinson was in charge of the erection of the fort to which the garrison was (august, ) transferred from bellefontaine on the missouri. the post has been in continuous occupation since its erection.--ed. [ ] black hawk whose indian name was makataineshekiakiah (black sparrow-hawk) was born among the sauk in . a chief neither by heredity nor election, he became by superior ability leader of the so-called british band, with headquarters at saukenak, near rock island, illinois. he participated in tecumseh's battle ( ), and those about detroit in the war of - , and made many raids upon the american settlements, until when a treaty of amity was signed with the united states. the chief event of his career was the war of , known by his name. consult on this subject, thwaites, "black hawk war," in _how george rogers clark won the northwest_ (chicago, ). at its conclusion this picturesque savage leader was captured, sent a prisoner to jefferson barracks, and later confined at fortress monroe, virginia. after an extended tour of the eastern states, black hawk returned to iowa, where he was placed under the guardianship of his rival keokuk, and where in he died. his wife was asshawequa (singing bird), who died in kansas ( ).--ed. _ th._--mr. n. and myself propose starting to-morrow on foot towards the upper settlements, a distance of about three hundred miles. we intend to pursue our journey leisurely, as we have plenty of time before us, and if we become tired, we can enter the stage which will probably overtake us. _ th._--this morning our indians returned from the barracks, where i understand they transacted their business satisfactorily. i went on board the boat again to see them. i feel very much interested in them, as they are the first indians i have ever seen who appear to be in a state of uncultivated nature, and who retain the savage garb and manners of their people. they had engaged the entire covered deck for their especial use, and were lolling about in groups, wrapped in their blankets. some were occupied in conversation, others seemed more contemplative, and appeared to be thinking deeply, probably of the business which brought them amongst us. here and there two might be seen playing a spanish game with cards, and some were busily employed in rendering themselves more hideous with paint. to perform this operation, the dry paint is folded in a thin muslin or gauze cloth, tied tightly and beaten against the face, and a small looking-glass is held in the other hand to direct them where to apply it. two middle-aged squaws were frying beef, which they distributed around to the company in wooden bowls, and several half loaves of bread were circulating rapidly amongst them, by being tossed from one to another, each taking a huge bite of it. there were among the company, several younger females, but they were all so _hard favored_ that i could not feel much sympathy with them, and was therefore not anxious to cultivate { } their acquaintance. there was another circumstance, too, that was not a very attractive one; i allude to the custom so universal amongst indians, of seeking for vermin in each other's heads, and then _eating_ them. the fair damsels were engaged in this way during most of the time that i remained on board, only suspending their delectable occupation to take their bites of bread as it passed them in rotation. the effect upon my person was what an irishman would call the attraction of repulsion, as i found myself almost unconsciously edging away until i halted at a most respectable distance from the scene of slaughter. at noon, mr. n. and myself started on our pedestrian tour, captain wyeth offering to accompany us a few miles on the way. i was glad to get clear of st. louis, as i felt uncomfortable in many respects while there, and the bustle and restraint of a town was any thing but agreeable to me. we proceeded over a road generally good, a low dry prairie, mostly heavily timbered, the soil underlaid with horizontal strata of limestone, abounding in organic remains, shells, coralines, &c., and arrived in the evening at florisant, where we spent the night.[ ] the next day captain wyeth left us for st. louis, and my companion and myself proceeded on our route. we observed great numbers of the brown, or sandhill crane, (_grus canadensis_,) flying over us; some flocks were so high as to be entirely beyond the reach of vision, while their harsh, grating voices were very distinctly heard. we saw several flocks of the same cranes while ascending the mississippi, several days since. at about noon, we crossed the river on a boat worked by horses, and stopped at a little town called st. charles.[ ] [ ] florissant is an old spanish town not far from st. louis, founded soon after the latter. at first it was a trading post and jesuit mission station, whence it acquired the name of san fernando, which still applies to the township. later it was made the country residence of the spanish governors, and in was by their authority incorporated and granted five thousand arpents of land for a common. the titles were confirmed by the united states in . in there was established at florissant a jesuit novitiate, among whose founders was father pierre de smet, who was buried there in . florissant had ( ) a population of .-- ed. [ ] for st. charles, see bradbury's _travels_, in volume v of our series, p. , note .--ed. we find it necessary, both for our comfort and convenience, to travel very slowly, as our feet are already becoming tender, and that we may have an opportunity of observing the country, and collecting interesting specimens. unfortunately for the pursuits of my companion, the plants (of which he finds a { } number that are rare and curious) are not yet in flower, and therefore of little use to him. the birds are in considerable numbers, among the principal of which is the large pileated woodpecker, (_picus pileatus._) mr. n. and myself are both in high spirits. we travel slowly, and without much fatigue, and when we arrive at a house, stop and rest, take a drink of milk, and chat with those we see. we have been uniformly well treated; the living is good, and very cheap, and at any house at which we stop the inhabitants are sure to welcome us to their hospitality and good cheer. they live comfortably, and without much labor; possess a fruitful and easily tilled soil, for which they pay the trifling sum of one dollar and a quarter per acre; they raise an abundance of good indian corn, potatoes, and other vegetables; have excellent beef and pork, and, in short, every thing necessary for good, wholesome living. _ st._--the road to-day was muddy and slippery, rendered so by a heavy rain which fell last night. this morning, we observed large flocks of wild pigeons passing over, and on the bare prairies were thousands of golden plovers; the ground was often literally covered with them for acres. i killed a considerable number. they were very fat, and we made an excellent meal of them in the evening. the prairie hen, or pinnated grouse, is also very numerous, but in these situations is shy, and difficult to be procured. towards evening we were overtaken by a bluff, jolly looking man, on horseback, who, as is usual, stopped, and entered into conversation with us. i saw immediately that he was superior to those we had been accustomed to meet. he did not ply us with questions so eagerly as most, and when he heard that we were naturalists, and were travelling in that capacity, he seemed to take considerable interest in us. he invited us to stop at his house, which was only a mile beyond, and as night was almost { } upon us, we accepted the invitation with cheerfulness. upon arriving at his mansion, our good host threw wide his hospitable doors, and then with a formal, and rather ultra-dignified politeness, making us a low bow, said, "gentlemen, my name is p., and i am very happy of your company." we seated ourselves in a large, and well-furnished parlor. mr. p. excused himself for a few minutes, and soon returned, bringing in three fine looking girls, whom he introduced as his daughters. i took a particular fancy to one of them, from a strong resemblance which she bore to one of my female friends at home. these girls were certainly very superior to most that i had seen in missouri, although somewhat touched with the awkward bashfulness and prudery which generally characterizes the prairie maidens. they had lost their mother when young, and having no companions out of the domestic circle, and consequently no opportunity of aping the manners of the world, were perfect children of nature. their father, however, had given them a good, plain education, and they had made some proficiency in needle work, as was evinced by numerous neatly worked _samplers_ hanging in wooden frames around the room. anon, supper was brought in. it consisted of pork chops, ham, eggs, indian bread and butter, tea, coffee, milk, potatoes, _preserved ginger_, and though last, certainly not least in value, an enormous tin dish of plovers, (the contents of my game-bag,) _fricaseed_. here was certainly a most abundant repast, and we did ample justice to it. i endeavored to do the agreeable to the fair ones in the evening, and mr. n. was monopolized by the father, who took a great interest in plants, and was evidently much gratified by the information my companion gave him on the subject. the next morning when we rose, it was raining, and much had evidently fallen during the night, making the roads wet and muddy, and therefore unpleasant for pedestrians. i confess { } i was not sorry for this, for i felt myself very comfortably situated, and had no wish to take to the road. mr. p. urged the propriety of our stopping at least another day, and the motion being seconded by his fair daughter, (my favorite,) it was irresistible. on the following morning the sun was shining brightly, the air was fresh and elastic, and the roads tolerably dry, so that there was no longer any excuse for tarrying, and we prepared for our departure. our good host, grasping our hands, said that he had been much pleased with our visit, and hoped to see us again, and when i bid good bye to the pretty miss p., i told her that if i ever visited missouri again, i would go many miles out of my way to see her and her sisters. her reply was unsophisticated enough. "do come again, and come in may or june, for then there are plenty of prairie hens, and you can shoot as many as you want, and you must stay a long while with us, and we'll have nice times; good bye; i'm so sorry you're going." _april th._--i rose this morning at daybreak, and left mr. n. dreaming of weeds, in a little house at which we stopped last night, and in company with a long, lanky boy, (a son of the poor widow, our hostess,) set to moulding bullets in an old iron spoon, and preparing for deer hunting. the boy shouldered a rusty rifle, that looked almost antediluvian, and off we plodded to a thicket, two miles from the house. we soon saw about a dozen fine deer, and the boy, clapping his old fire-lock to his shoulder, brought down a beautiful doe at the distance of a full hundred yards. away sprang the rest of the herd, and i crept round the thicket to meet them. they soon came up, and i fired my piece at a large buck, and wounded the poor creature in the leg; he went limping away, unable to overtake his companions; i felt very sorry, but consoled myself with the reflection that he would soon get well again. { } we then gave up the pursuit, and turned our attention to the turkies, which were rather numerous in the thicket. they were shy, as usual, and, when started from their lurking places, ran away like deer, and hid themselves in the underwood. occasionally, however, they would perch on the high limbs of the trees, and then we had some shots at them. in the course of an hour we killed four, and returned to the house, where, as i expected, mr. n. was in a fever at my absence, and after a late, and very good breakfast, proceeded on our journey. we find in this part of the country less timber in the same space than we have yet seen, and when a small belt appears, it is a great relief, as the monotony of a bare prairie becomes tiresome. towards evening we arrived at loutre lick.[ ] here there is a place called a _hotel_. a hotel, forsooth! a pig-stye would be a more appropriate name. every thing about it was most exceedingly filthy and disagreeable, but no better lodging was to be had, for it might not be proper to apply for accommodation at a private house in the immediate vicinity of a public one. they gave us a wretched supper, not half so good as we had been accustomed to, and we were fain to spend the evening in a comfortless, unfurnished, nasty bar-room, that smelt intolerably of rum and whiskey, to listen to the profane conversation of three or four uncouth individuals, (among whom were the host and his brother,) and to hear long and disagreeably minute discussions upon horse-racing, gambling, and other vices equally unpleasant to us. [ ] loutre lick appears to be the hamlet now known as big spring, on loutre creek, in loutre township, montgomery county. the settlement was made between and , and was on the highway between st. charles and côte sans dessein.--ed. the host's brother had been to the rocky mountains, and soon learning _our_ destination, gave us much unsought for advice regarding our method of journeying; painted in strong colors the many dangers and difficulties which we must encounter, and concluded by advising us to give up the expedition. my fast ebbing patience was completely exhausted. i told him that { } nothing that he could say would discourage us,--that we went to that house in order to seek repose, and it was unfair to intrude conversation upon us unasked. the ruffian made some grumbling reply, and left us in quiet and undisturbed possession of our bench. we had a miserable time that night. the only spare bed in the house was so intolerably filthy that we dared not undress, and we had hardly closed our eyes before we were assailed by swarms of a vile insect, (the very name of which is offensive,) whose effluvia we had plainly perceived immediately as we entered the room. it is almost needless to say, that very early on the following morning, after paying our reckoning, and refusing the landlord's polite invitation to "_liquorize_," we marched from the house, shook the dust from our feet, and went elsewhere to seek a breakfast. soon after leaving, we came to a deep and wide creek, and strained our lungs for half an hour in vain endeavors to waken a negro boy who lived in a hut on the opposite bank, and who, we were told, would ferry us over. he came out of his den at last, half naked and rubbing his eyes to see who had disturbed his slumbers so early in the _marning_. we told him to hurry over, or we'd endeavor to assist him, and he came at last, with a miserable leaky little skiff that wet our feet completely. we gave him a _pickayune_ for his trouble, and went on. we soon came to a neat little secluded cottage in the very heart of a thick forest, where we found a fine looking young man, with an interesting wife, and a very pretty child about six months old. upon being told that we wanted some breakfast, the woman tucked up her sleeves, gave the child to her husband, and went to work in good earnest. in a very short time a capital meal was smoking on the board, and while we were partaking of the good cheer, we found our vexation rapidly evaporating. we complimented the handsome young hostess, { } patted the chubby cheeks of the child, and were in a good humor with every body. _ th._--soon after we started this morning, we were overtaken by a stage which was going to fulton, seven miles distant, and as the roads were somewhat heavy, we concluded to make use of this convenience. the only passengers were three young men from the far west, who had been to the eastward purchasing goods, and were then travelling homeward. two of them evidently possessed a large share of what is called _mother wit_, and so we had jokes without number. some of them were not very refined, and perhaps did not suit the day very well, (it being the sabbath,) yet none of them were really offensive, but seemed to proceed entirely from an exuberance of animal spirits. in about an hour and a half we arrived at fulton, a pretty little town, and saw the villagers in their holiday clothes parading along to church.[ ] the bell at that moment sounded, and the peal gave rise to many reflections. it might be long ere i should hear the sound of the "church-going bell" again. i was on my way to a far, far country, and i did not know that i should ever be permitted to revisit my own. i felt that i was leaving the scenes of my childhood; the spot which had witnessed all the happiness i ever knew, the home where all my affections were centered. i was entering a land of strangers, and would be compelled hereafter to mingle with those who might look upon me with indifference, or treat me with neglect. [ ] fulton is the seat of callaway county, laid out in , and originally christened volney; but its appellation was soon changed in honor of robert fulton, inventor of the steamboat. the first settler and proprietor was george nichols. in the population was about two hundred; by it had increased to nearly five thousand.--ed. these reflections were soon checked, however. we took a light lunch at the tavern where we stopped. i shouldered my gun, mr. n. his stick and bundle, and off we trudged again, westward, ho! we soon lost sight of the prairie entirely, and our way lay through a country thickly covered with heavy timber, the roads very rough and stony, and we had frequently to ford { } the creeks on our route, the late freshets having carried away the bridges. our accommodation at the farm houses has generally been good and comfortable, and the inhabitants obliging, and anxious to please. they are, however, exceedingly inquisitive, propounding question after question, in such quick succession as scarcely to allow you breathing time between them. this kind of catechising was at first very annoying to us, but we have now become accustomed to it, and have hit upon an expedient to avoid it in a measure. the first question generally asked, is, "where do you come from, gentlemen?" we frame our answer somewhat in the style of dr. franklin. "we come from pennsylvania; our names, nuttall and townsend; we are travelling to independence on foot, for the purpose of seeing the country to advantage, and we intend to proceed from thence across the mountains to the pacific. have you any mules to sell?" the last clause generally changes the conversation, and saves us trouble. to a stranger, and one not accustomed to the manners of the western people, this kind of interrogating seems to imply a lack of modesty and common decency, but it is certainly not so intended, each one appearing to think himself entitled to gain as much intelligence regarding the private affairs of a stranger, as a very free use of his lingual organ can procure for him. we found the common gray squirrel very abundant in some places, particularly in the low bottoms along water courses; in some situations we saw them skipping on almost every tree. on last christmas day, at a squirrel hunt in this neighborhood, about thirty persons killed the astonishing number of _twelve hundred_, between the rising and setting of the sun. this may seem like useless barbarity, but it is justified by the consideration that all the crops of corn in the country are frequently { } destroyed by these animals. this extensive extermination is carried on every year, and yet it is said that their numbers do not appear to be much diminished. about mid-day on the th, we passed through a small town called columbia, and stopped in the evening at rocheport, a little village on the missouri river.[ ] we were anxious to find a steam-boat bound for independence, as we feared we might linger too long upon the road to make the necessary preparations for our contemplated journey. [ ] columbia, seat of boone county and of the missouri state university, was organized first as smithton. later ( ), when made the county seat, the name was changed, and a period of prosperity began. the location of the university was secured in . in the population was , . rocheport, on the missouri river, at the mouth of moniteau creek, was laid out in on land obtained on a new madrid certificate. at one time the place rivaled columbia. its present population is about six hundred.--ed. on the following day, we crossed the missouri, opposite rocheport, in a small skiff. the road here, for several miles, winds along the bank of the river, amid fine groves of sycamore and athenian poplars, then stretches off for about three miles, and does not again approach it until you arrive at boonville. it is by far the most hilly road that we have seen, and i was frequently reminded, while travelling on it, of our chester county. we entered the town of boonville early in the afternoon, and took lodgings in a very clean, and respectably kept hotel. i was much pleased with boonville. it is the prettiest town i have seen in missouri; situated on the bank of the river, on an elevated and beautiful spot, and overlooks a large extent of lovely country. the town contains two good hotels, (but no _grog shops_, properly so called,) several well-furnished stores, and five hundred inhabitants. it was laid out thirty years ago by the celebrated western pioneer, whose name it bears.[ ] [ ] for boonville, see note , p. , _ante_. townsend is in error in attributing its founding to daniel boone, although named in his honor.--ed. we saw here vast numbers of the beautiful parrot of this country, (the _psittacus carolinensis_.) they flew around us in flocks, keeping a constant and loud screaming, as though they would chide us for invading their territory; and the splendid green and red of their plumage glancing in the sunshine, as they whirled and circled within a few feet of us, had a most magnificent appearance. they seem entirely unsuspicious of danger, and after being fired at, only huddle closer together, as if to obtain protection { } from each other, and as their companions are falling around them, they curve down their necks, and look at them fluttering upon the ground, as though perfectly at a loss to account for so unusual an occurrence. it is a most inglorious sort of shooting; down right, cold-blooded murder.[ ] [ ] for the appearance of paroquets in this latitude, see cuming's _tour_ in our volume iv, p. , note .--ed. on the afternoon of the th, a steamboat arrived, on board of which we were surprised and pleased to find captain wyeth, and our "_plunder_." we embarked immediately, and soon after, were puffing along the missouri, at the rate of seven miles an hour. when we stopped in the afternoon to "wood," we were gratified by a sight of one of the enormous catfish of this river and the mississippi, weighing full sixty pounds. it is said, however, that they are sometimes caught of at least double this weight. they are excellent eating, coarser, but quite as good as the common small catfish of our rivers. there is nothing in the scenery of the river banks to interest the traveller particularly. the country is generally level and sandy, relieved only by an occasional hill, and some small rocky acclivities. a shocking accident happened on board during this trip. a fine looking black boy (a slave of one of the deck passengers) was standing on the platform near the fly-wheel. the steam had just been stopped off, and the wheel was moving slowly by the impetus it had acquired. the poor boy unwittingly thrust his head between the spokes; a portion of the steam was at that moment let on, and his head and shoulders were torn to fragments. we buried him on shore the same day; the poor woman, his mistress, weeping and lamenting over him as for her own child. she told me she had brought him up from an infant; he had been as an affectionate son to her, and for years her only support. _march th._--on the morning of the th, we arrived at independence landing, and shortly afterwards, mr. n. and { } myself walked to the town, three miles distant. the country here is very hilly and rocky, thickly covered with timber, and no prairie within several miles. the site of the town is beautiful, and very well selected, standing on a high point of land, and overlooking the surrounding country, but the town itself is very indifferent;[ ] the houses, (about fifty,) are very much scattered, composed of logs and clay, and are low and inconvenient. there are six or eight stores here, two taverns, and a few tipling houses. as we did not fancy the town, nor the society that we saw there, we concluded to take up our residence at the house on the landing until the time of starting on our journey. we were very much disappointed in not being able to purchase any mules here, all the salable ones having been bought by the santa fee traders, several weeks since. horses, also, are rather scarce, and are sold at higher prices than we had been taught to expect, the demand for them at this time being greater than usual. mr. n. and myself have, however, been so fortunate as to find five excellent animals amongst the hundreds of wretched ones offered for sale, and have also engaged a man to attend to packing our loads, and perform the various duties of our camp. [ ] for independence, see our volume xix, p. , note (gregg).--ed. the men of the party, to the number of about fifty, are encamped on the bank of the river, and their tents whiten the plain for the distance of half a mile. i have often enjoyed the view on a fine moonlight evening from the door of the house, or perched upon a high hill immediately over the spot. the beautiful white tents, with a light gleaming from each, the smouldering fires around them, the incessant hum of the men, and occasionally the lively notes of a bacchanalian song, softened and rendered sweeter by distance. i probably contemplate these and similar scenes with the more interest, as they exhibit the manner in which the next five months of my life are to be spent. { } we have amongst our men, a great variety of dispositions. some who have not been accustomed to the kind of life they are to lead in future, look forward to it with eager delight, and talk of stirring incidents and hair-breadth 'scapes. others who are more experienced seem to be as easy and unconcerned about it as a citizen would be in contemplating a drive of a few miles into the country. some have evidently been reared in the shade, and not accustomed to hardships, but the majority are strong, able-bodied men, and many are almost as rough as the grizzly bears, of their feats upon which they are fond of boasting. during the day the captain keeps all his men employed in arranging and packing a vast variety of goods for carriage. in addition to the necessary clothing for the company, arms, ammunition, &c., there are thousands of trinkets of various kinds, beads, paint, bells, rings, and such trumpery, intended as presents for the indians, as well as objects of trade with them. the bales are usually made to weigh about eighty pounds, of which a horse carries two. i am very much pleased with the manner in which captain w. manages his men. he appears admirably calculated to gain the good will, and ensure the obedience of such a company, and adopts the only possible mode of accomplishing his end. they are men who have been accustomed to act independently; they possess a strong and indomitable spirit which will never succumb to authority, and will only be conciliated by kindness and familiarity. i confess i admire this spirit. it is noble; it is free and characteristic, but for myself, i have not been accustomed to seeing it exercised, and when a rough fellow comes up without warning, and slaps me on the shoulder, with, "stranger what for a gun is that you carry?" i start, and am on the point of making an angry reply, but i remember where i am, check the feeling instantly, and submit the weapon to his inspection. captain w. { } may frequently be seen sitting on the ground, surrounded by a knot of his independents, consulting them as to his present arrangements and future movements, and paying the utmost deference to the opinion of the least among them. we were joined here by mr. milton sublette, a trader and trapper of some ten or twelve years' standing. it is his intention to travel with us to the mountains, and we are very glad of his company, both on account of his intimate acquaintance with the country, and the accession to our band of about twenty trained hunters, "true as the steel of their tried blades," who have more than once followed their brave and sagacious leader over the very track which we intend to pursue. he appears to be a man of strong sense and courteous manners, and his men are enthusiastically attached to him.[ ] [ ] for milton sublette, see note , p. , _ante_.--ed. five missionaries, who intend to travel under our escort, have also just arrived. the principal of these is a mr. jason lee, (a tall and powerful man, who looks as though he were well calculated to buffet difficulties in a wild country,) his nephew, mr. daniel lee, and three younger men of respectable standing in society, who have arrayed themselves under the missionary banner, chiefly for the gratification of seeing a new country, and participating in strange adventures.[ ] [ ] the establishment of the oregon mission was due to the appeal published in the east, of a deputation ( ) of flathead chiefs to general william clark at st. louis for the purpose of gaining religious instruction. the leaders of the methodist church, thus aroused, chose ( ) jason lee to found the mission to the western indians, and made an appropriation for the purpose. jason lee was born in canada ( ), of american parents; he had already taught indians in his native village, and attended wesleyan seminary at wilbraham, massachusetts. after several efforts to arrange the journey to oregon, he heard of wyeth's return, and requested permission to join his outgoing party. arrived at vancouver, he determined to establish his mission station in the willamette valley, where he labored for ten years, building a colony as well as a mission. once he returned to the united states ( - ) for money and reinforcements. in , while visiting honolulu, he learned that he had been superseded in the charge of the mission, and returned to the united states to die the following year, near his birthplace in lower canada. daniel lee, who accompanied his uncle, seconded the latter's efforts in the mission establishment. in he voyaged to hawaii for his health, and in established the dalles mission, where he labored until his return to the united states in . the other missionaries were cyrus shepard, a lay helper and teacher--who died at the willamette mission, january , --c. m. walker, and a. l. edwards, who joined the party in missouri.--ed. my favorites, the birds, are very numerous in this vicinity, and i am therefore in my element. parroquets are plentiful in the bottom lands, the two species of squirrel are abundant, and rabbits, turkies, and deer are often killed by our people. i was truly rejoiced to receive yesterday a letter from my family. i went to the office immediately on my arrival here, confidently expecting to find one lying there for me; i was told there was none, and i could not believe it, or would not; i took all the letters in my hand, and examined each of them myself, and i suppose that during the process my expressions of disappointment were "loud and deep," as i observed the eyes of a number { } of persons in the store directed towards me with manifest curiosity and surprise. the obtuse creatures could not appreciate my feelings. i was most anxious to receive intelligence from home, as some of the members of the family were indisposed when i left, and in a few days more i should be traversing the uncultivated prairie and the dark forest, and perhaps never hear from my home again. the letter came at last, however, and was an inexpressible consolation to me. the little town of independence has within a few weeks been the scene of a brawl, which at one time threatened to be attended with serious consequences, but which was happily settled without bloodshed. it had been for a considerable time the stronghold of a sect of fanatics, called mormons, or mormonites, who, as their numbers increased, and they obtained power, showed an inclination to lord it over the less assuming inhabitants of the town. this was a source of irritation which they determined to rid themselves of in a summary manner, and accordingly the whole town rose, _en masse_, and the poor followers of the prophet were forcibly ejected from the community. they took refuge in the little town of liberty, on the opposite side of the river, and the villagers here are now in a constant state of feverish alarm. reports have been circulated that the mormons are preparing to attack the town, and put the inhabitants to the sword, and they have therefore stationed sentries along the river for several miles, to prevent the landing of the enemy.[ ] the troops parade and study military tactics every day, and seem determined to repel, with spirit, the threatened invasion. the probability is, that the report respecting the attack, is, as john bull says, "all humbug," and this training and marching has already been a source of no little annoyance to us, as the miserable little skeleton of a saddler who is engaged to work for our party, has neglected his business, and must go a soldiering in stead. a day or two ago, i tried to convince the little man that he was of no use to the army, { } for if a mormon were to say _pooh_ at him, it would blow him away beyond the reach of danger or of glory; but he thought not, and no doubt concluded that he was a "marvellous proper man," so we were put to great inconvenience waiting for our saddles. [ ] for these mormon troubles, see gregg's _commerce of the prairies_, in our volume xx, pp. - .--ed. { } chapter ii departure of the caravan--a storm on the prairie--arrangement of the camp--the cook's desertion--kanzas indians--kanzas river--indian lodges--passage of the river--buffalo canoes--kanzas chief--costume of the indians--upper kaw village--their wigwams--catfish and ravens--return of mr. sublette--pawnee trace--desertion of three men--difficulties occasioned by losing the trail--intelligence of mr. sublette's party--escape of the band of horses--visit of three otto indians--anecdote of richardson, the chief hunter--his appearance and character--white wolves and antelopes--buffalo bones--sublette's deserted camp--lurking wolves. on the th of april, at o'clock in the morning, our caravan, consisting of seventy men, and two hundred and fifty horses, began its march; captain wyeth and milton sublette took the lead, mr. n. and myself rode beside them; then the men in double file, each leading, with a line, two horses heavily laden, and captain thing (captain w.'s assistant) brought up the rear. the band of missionaries, with their horned cattle, rode along the flanks. i frequently sallied out from my station to look at and admire the appearance of the cavalcade, and as we rode out from the encampment, our horses prancing, and neighing, and pawing the ground, it was altogether so exciting that i could scarcely contain myself. every man in the company seemed to feel a portion of the same kind of enthusiasm; uproarious bursts of merriment, and gay and lively songs, were constantly echoing along the line. we were certainly a most merry and happy company. what cared we for the future? we had reason to expect that ere long difficulties and dangers, in various shapes, { } would assail us, but no anticipation of reverses could check the happy exuberance of our spirits. our road lay over a vast rolling prairie, with occasional small spots of timber at the distance of several miles apart, and this will no doubt be the complexion of the track for some weeks. in the afternoon we crossed the _big blue_ river at a shallow ford.[ ] here we saw a number of beautiful yellow-headed troopials, (_icterus zanthrocephalus_,) feeding upon the prairie in company with large flocks of black birds, and like these, they often alight upon the backs of our horses. [ ] townsend is here in error. it would be impossible to reach the big blue river the first day out from independence, and before crossing the kansas. the former stream is a northern tributary of the latter, over a hundred miles from its mouth. the oregon trail led along its banks for some distance, crossing at the entrance of the little blue.--ed. _ th._--a heavy rain fell all the morning, which had the effect of calming our transports in a great measure, and in the afternoon it was succeeded by a tremendous hail storm. during the rain, our party left the road, and proceeded about a hundred yards from it to a range of bushes, near a stream of water, for the purpose of encamping. we had just arrived here, and had not yet dismounted, when the hail storm commenced. it came on very suddenly, and the stones, as large as musket balls, dashing upon our horses, created such a panic among them, that they plunged, and kicked, and many of them threw their loads, and fled wildly over the plain. they were all overtaken, however, and as the storm was not of long duration, they were soon appeased, and _staked_ for the night. to stake or fasten a horse for the night, he is provided with a strong leathern halter, with an iron ring attached to the chin strap. to this ring, a rope of hemp or plaited leather, twenty-two feet in length, is attached, and the opposite end of the line made fast with several clove hitches around an oak or hickory pin, two and a half feet long. the top of this pin or stake is ringed with iron to prevent its being bruised, and it is then driven to the head in the ground. for greater security, hopples made of stout leather are buckled around the fore legs; and then, { } if the tackling is good, it is almost impossible for a horse to escape. care is always taken to stake him in a spot where he may eat grass all night. the animals are placed sufficiently far apart to prevent them interfering with each other. camping out to-night is not so agreeable as it might be, in consequence of the ground being very wet and muddy, and our blankets (our only bedding) thoroughly soaked; but we expect to encounter greater difficulties than these ere long, and we do not murmur. a description of the formation of our camp may, perhaps, not be amiss here. the party is divided into messes of eight men, and each mess is allowed a separate tent. the captain of a mess, (who is generally an "old hand," _i. e._ an experienced forester, hunter, or trapper,) receives each morning the rations of pork, flour, &c. for his people, and they choose one of their body as cook for the whole. our camp now consists of nine messes, of which captain w.'s forms one, although it only contains four persons besides the cook. when we arrive in the evening at a suitable spot for an encampment, captain w. rides round a space which he considers large enough to accommodate it, and directs where each mess shall pitch its tent. the men immediately unload their horses, and place their bales of goods in the direction indicated, and in such manner, as in case of need, to form a sort of fortification and defence. when all the messes are arranged in this way, the camp forms a hollow square, in the centre of which the horses are placed and staked firmly to the ground. the guard consists of from six to eight men, and is relieved three times each night, and so arranged that each gang may serve alternate nights. the captain of a guard (who is generally also the captain of a mess) collects his people at the appointed hour, and posts them around outside the camp in such situations that they may command { } a view of the environs, and be ready to give the alarm in case of danger. the captain cries the hour regularly by a watch, and _all's well_, every fifteen minutes, and each man of the guard is required to repeat this call in rotation, which if any one should fail to do, it is fair to conclude that he is asleep, and he is then immediately visited and stirred up. in case of defection of this kind, our laws adjudge to the delinquent the hard sentence of walking three days. as yet none of our poor fellows have incurred this penalty, and the probability is, that it would not at this time be enforced, as we are yet in a country where little molestation is to be apprehended; but in the course of another week's travel, when thieving and ill-designing indians will be outlying on our trail, it will be necessary that the strictest watch be kept, and, for the preservation of our persons and property, that our laws shall be rigidly enforced. _may st._--on rising this morning, and inquiring about our prospects of a breakfast, we discovered that the cook of our mess (a little, low-browed, ill-conditioned yankee) had decamped in the night, and left our service to seek for a better. he probably thought the duties too hard for him, but as he was a miserable cook, we should not have much regretted his departure, had he not thought proper to take with him an excellent rifle, powder-horn, shot-pouch, and other matters that did not belong to him. it is only surprising that he did not select one of our best horses to carry him; but as he had the grace to take his departure on foot, and we have enough men without him, we can wish him god speed, and a fair run to the settlements. we encamped this evening on a small branch of the kanzas river. as we approached our stopping place, we were joined by a band of kanzas indians, (commonly called _kaw_ indians.)[ ] they are encamped in a neighboring copse, where they have { } six lodges. this party is a small division of a portion of this tribe, who are constantly wandering; but although their journeys are sometimes pretty extensive, they seldom approach nearer to the settlements than they are at present. they are very friendly, are not so tawdrily decorated as those we saw below, and use little or no paint. this may, however, be accounted for by their not having the customary ornaments, &c., as their ears are filled with trinkets of various kinds, and are horribly gashed in the usual manner. the dress of most that we have seen, has consisted of ordinary woollen pantaloons received from the whites, and their only covering, from the waist up, is a blanket or buffalo robe. the head is shaved somewhat in the manner of the sâques and foxes, leaving the well known scalping tuft; but unlike the indians just mentioned, the hair is allowed to grow upon the middle of the head, and extends backwards in a longitudinal ridge to the occiput. it is here gathered into a kind of queue, plaited, and suffered to hang down the back. there were amongst them several squaws, with young children tied to their backs, and a number of larger urchins ran about our camp wholly naked. [ ] for the first stretches of the oregon trail and the crossing of the kansas, see note , p. , _ante_. the kansa indians are noticed in bradbury's _travels_, our volume v, p. , note .--ed. the whole of the following day we remained in camp, trading buffalo robes, _apishemeaus_,[ ] &c., of the indians. these people became at length somewhat troublesome to us who were not traders, by a very free exercise of their begging propensities. they appear to be exceedingly poor and needy, and take the liberty of asking unhesitatingly, and without apparent fear of refusal, for any articles that happen to take their fancy. [ ] these are mats made of rushes, used for building wigwams, carpets, beds, and coverings of all sorts. the early algonquian term was "apaquois;" see _wisconsin historical collections_, xvi, index. "apichement" is the usual form of the word.--ed. i have observed, that among the indians now with us, none but the chief uses the pipe. he smokes the article called _kanikanik_,--a mixture of tobacco and the dried leaves of the poke plant, (_phytolacca decandra_.) i was amused last evening by the old chief asking me in his impressive manner, (first by pointing with his finger towards the sunset, and then raising his { } hands high over his head,) if i was going to the mountains. on answering him in the affirmative, he depressed his hands, and passed them around his head in both directions, then turned quickly away from me, with a very solemn and significant _ugh_! he meant, doubtless, that my brain was turned; in plain language, that i was a fool. this may be attributed to his horror of the blackfeet indians, with whom a portion of his tribe was formerly at war. the poor kaws are said to have suffered dreadfully in these savage conflicts, and were finally forced to abandon the country to their hereditary foes. we were on the move early the next morning, and at noon arrived at the kanzas river, a branch of the missouri.[ ] this is a broad and not very deep stream, with the water dark and turbid, like that of the former. as we approached it, we saw a number of indian lodges, made of saplings driven into the ground, bent over and tied at top, and covered with bark and buffalo skins. these lodges, or wigwams, are numerous on both sides of the river. as we passed them, the inhabitants, men, women, and children, flocked out to see us, and almost prevented our progress by their eager greetings. our party stopped on the bank of the river, and the horses were unloaded and driven into the water. they swam beautifully, and with great regularity, and arrived safely on the opposite shore, where they were confined in a large lot, enclosed with a fence. after some difficulty, and considerable detention, we succeeded in procuring a large flat bottomed boat, embarked ourselves and goods in it, and landed on the opposite side near our horse pen, where we encamped. the lodges are numerous here, and there are also some good frame houses inhabited by a few white men and women, who subsist chiefly by raising cattle, which they drive to the settlements below. they, as well as the indians, raise an abundance of good corn; potatoes and other vegetables are also plentiful, and they can therefore live sufficiently well. [ ] for the kansas river, see james's _long's expedition_, in our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. { } the canoes used by the indians are mostly made of buffalo skins, stretched, while recent, over a light frame work of wood, the seams sewed with sinews, and so closely, as to be wholly impervious to water. these light vessels are remarkably buoyant, and capable of sustaining very heavy burthens.[ ] [ ] for these skin canoes, see illustration in maximilian's _travels_, atlas, our volume xxv.--ed. in the evening the principal kanzas chief paid us a visit in our tent. he is a young man about twenty-five years of age, straight as a poplar, and with a noble countenance and bearing, but he appeared to me to be marvellously deficient in most of the requisites which go to make the character of a _real_ indian chief, at least of such indian chiefs as we read of in our popular books. i begin to suspect, in truth, that these lofty and dignified attributes are more apt to exist in the fertile brain of the novelist, than in reality. be this as it may, _our_ chief is a very lively, laughing, and rather playful personage; perhaps he may put on his dignity, like a glove, when it suits his convenience. we remained in camp the whole of next day, and traded with the indians for a considerable number of robes, _apishemeaus_, and halter ropes of hide. our fat bacon and tobacco were in great demand for these useful commodities. the kaws living here appear to be much more wealthy than those who joined our camp on the prairie below. they are in better condition, more richly dressed, cleaner, and more comfortable than their wandering brothers. the men have generally fine countenances, but all the women that i have seen are homely. i cannot admire them. their dress consists, universally of deer skin leggings, belted around the loins, and over the upper part of the body a buffalo robe or blanket. on the th in the morning, we packed our horses and rode out of the kaw settlement, leaving the river immediately, and making a n. w. by w. course--and the next day came to another village of the same tribe, consisting of about thirty lodges, and situated in the midst of a beautiful level prairie. { } the indians stopped our caravan almost by force, and evinced so much anxiety to trade with us, that we could not well avoid gratifying them. we remained with them about two hours, and bought corn, moccasins and leggings in abundance. the lodges here are constructed very differently from those of the lower village. they are made of large and strong timbers, a ridge pole runs along the top, and the different pieces are fastened together by leathern thongs. the roofs,--which are single, making but one angle,--are of stout poplar bark, and form an excellent defence, both against rain and the rays of the sun, which must be intense during midsummer in this region. these prairies are often visited by heavy gales of wind, which would probably demolish the huts, were they built of frail materials like those below. we encamped in the evening on a small stream called little vermillion creek,[ ] where we found an abundance of excellent catfish, exactly similar to those of the schuylkill river. our people caught them in great numbers. here we first saw the large ravens, (_corvus corax_.) they hopped about the ground all around our camp; and as we left it, they came in, pell-mell, croaking, fighting, and scrambling for the few fragments that remained. [ ] now usually known as the red vermilion, a northern tributary of kansas river in pottawatomie county, kansas.--ed. _ th._--this morning mr. sublette left us to return to the settlements. he has been suffering for a considerable time with a fungus in one of his legs, and it has become so much worse since we started, in consequence of irritation caused by riding, that he finds it impossible to proceed. his departure has thrown a gloom over the whole camp. we all admired him for his amiable qualities, and his kind and obliging disposition. for myself, i had become so much attached to him, that i feel quite melancholy about his leaving us.[ ] [ ] i have since learned that his limb was twice amputated; but notwithstanding this, the disease lingered in the system, and about a year ago, terminated his life.--townsend. { } the weather is now very warm, and there has been a dead calm all day, which renders travelling most uncomfortable. we have frequently been favored with fresh breezes, which make it very agreeable, but the moment these fail us we are almost suffocated with intense heat. our rate of travelling is about twenty miles per day, which, in this warm weather, and with heavily packed horses, is as much as we can accomplish with comfort to ourselves and animals. on the afternoon of the next day, we crossed a broad indian trail, bearing northerly, supposed to be about five days old, and to have been made by a war party of pawnees. we are now in the country traversed by these indians, and are daily expecting to see them, but captain w. seems very desirous to avoid them, on account of their well known thieving propensities, and quarrelsome disposition. these indians go every year to the plains of the platte, where they spend some weeks in hunting the buffalo, jerking their meat, and preparing their skins for robes; they then push on to the black hills, and look out for the parties of blackfeet, which are also bound to the platte river plains. when the opposing parties come in collision, (which frequently happens,) the most cruel and sanguinary conflicts ensue. in the evening, three of our men deserted. like our quondam cook, they all took rifles, &c., that did not belong to them, and one of these happened to be a favorite piece of captain w.'s, which had done him good service in his journey across this country two years ago. he was very much attached to the gun, and in spite of his calm and cool philosophy in all vexatious matters, he cannot altogether conceal his chagrin. the little streams of this part of the country are fringed with a thick growth of pretty trees and bushes, and the buds are now swelling, and the leaves expanding, to "welcome back the spring." the birds, too, sing joyously amongst them, grosbeaks, thrushes, and buntings, a merry and musical band. i am particularly { } fond of sallying out early in the morning, and strolling around the camp. the light breeze just bends the tall tops of the grass on the boundless prairie, the birds are commencing their matin carollings, and all nature looks fresh and beautiful. the horses of the camp are lying comfortably on their sides, and seem, by the glances which they give me in passing, to know that their hour of toil is approaching, and the patient kine are ruminating in happy unconsciousness. _ th._--we encountered some rather serious difficulties to-day in fording several wide and deep creeks, having muddy and miry bottoms. many of our horses, (and particularly those that were packed,) fell into the water, and it was with the greatest difficulty and labor that they were extricated. some of the scenes presented were rather ludicrous to those who were not actors in them. the floundering, kicking, and falling of horses in the heavy slough, man and beast rolling over together, and _squattering_ amongst the black mud, and the wo-begone looks of horse, rider, and horse-furniture, often excited a smile, even while we pitied their begrimed and miserable plight. all these troubles are owing to our having lost the trail yesterday, and we have been travelling to-day as nearly in the proper course as our compass indicated, and hope soon to find it. _ th._--our scouts came in this morning with the intelligence that they had found a large trail of white men, bearing n. w. we have no doubt that this is wm. sublette's party, and that it passed us last evening.[ ] they must have travelled very rapidly to overtake us so soon, and no doubt had men ahead watching our motions. it seems rather unfriendly, perhaps, to run by us in this furtive way, without even stopping to say good morning, but sublette is attached to a rival company, and all stratagems are deemed allowable when interest is concerned. it is a matter of some moment to be the first at the mountain rendezvous, { } in order to obtain the furs brought every summer by the trappers. [ ] for biographical sketch of william sublette, see our volume xix, p. note (gregg). his haste to reach the rendezvous in the mountains before the arrival of wyeth's party, was connected with the arrangements for supplies; see preface to the present volume.--ed. last night, while i was serving on guard, i observed an unusual commotion among our band of horses, a wild neighing, snorting, and plunging, for which i was unable to account. i directed several of my men to go in and appease them, and endeavor to ascertain the cause. they had scarcely started, however, when about half of the band broke their fastenings, snapped the hopples on their legs, and went dashing right through the midst of the camp. down went several of the tents, the rampart of goods was cleared in gallant style, and away went the frightened animals at full speed over the plain. the whole camp was instantly aroused. the horses that remained, were bridled as quickly as possible; we mounted them without saddles, and set off in hard pursuit after the fugitives. the night was pitch dark, but we needed no light to point out the way, as the clattering of hoofs ahead on the hard ground of the prairie, sounded like thunder. after riding half an hour, we overtook about forty of them, and surrounding them with difficulty, succeeded in driving them back, and securing them as before. twenty men were then immediately despatched to scour the country, and bring in the remainder. this party was headed by mr. lee, our missionary, (who, with his usual promptitude, volunteered his services,) and they returned early this morning, bringing nearly sixty more. we find, however, upon counting the horses in our possession, that there are yet three missing. while we were at breakfast, three indians of the otto tribe, came to our camp to see, and smoke with us.[ ] these were men of rather short stature, but strong and firmly built. their countenances resemble in general expression those of the kanzas, and their dresses are very similar. we are all of opinion, that it is to these indians we owe our difficulties of last night, and we have no doubt that the three missing horses are now in their { } possession, but as we cannot prove it upon them, and cannot even converse with them, (having no interpreters,) we are compelled to submit to our loss in silence. perhaps we should even be thankful that we have not lost more. [ ] for the oto, see bradbury's _travels_, in our volume v, p. , note .--ed. while these people were smoking the pipe of peace with us, after breakfast, i observed that richardson, our chief hunter, (an experienced man in this country, of a tall and iron frame, and almost child-like simplicity of character, in fact an exact counterpart of _hawk-eye_ in his younger days,) stood aloof, and refused to sit in the circle, in which it was always the custom of the _old hands_ to join. feeling some curiosity to ascertain the cause of this unusual diffidence, i occasionally allowed my eyes to wander to the spot where our sturdy hunter stood looking moodily upon us, as the calamet passed from hand to hand around the circle, and i thought i perceived him now and then cast a furtive glance at one of the indians who sat opposite to me, and sometimes his countenance would assume an expression almost demoniacal, as though the most fierce and deadly passions were raging in his bosom. i felt certain that hereby hung a tale, and i watched for a corresponding expression, or at least a look of consciousness, in the face of my opposite neighbor, but expression there was none. his large features were settled in a tranquillity which nothing could disturb, and as he puffed the smoke in huge volumes from his mouth, and the fragrant vapor wreathed and curled around his head, he seemed the embodied spirit of meekness and taciturnity. the camp moved soon after, and i lost no time in overhauling richardson, and asking an explanation of his singular conduct. "why," said he, "that _injen_ that sat opposite to you, is my bitterest enemy. i was once going down alone from the rendezvous with letters for st. louis, and when i arrived on the lower { } part of the platte river, (just a short distance beyond us here,) i fell in with about a dozen ottos. they were known to be a friendly tribe, and i therefore felt no fear of them. i dismounted from my horse and sat with them upon the ground. it was in the depth of winter; the ground was covered with snow, and the river was frozen solid. while i was thinking of nothing but my dinner, which i was then about preparing, four or five of the cowards jumped on me, mastered my rifle, and held my arms fast, while they took from me my knife and tomahawk, my flint and steel, and all my ammunition. they then loosed me, and told me to be off. i begged them, for the love of god, to give me my rifle and a few loads of ammunition, or i should starve before i could reach the settlements. no--i should have nothing, and if i did not start off immediately, they would throw me under the ice of the river. and," continued the excited hunter,--while he ground his teeth with bitter, and uncontrollable rage,--"that man that sat opposite to you was the chief of them. he recognised me, and knew very well the reason why i would not smoke with him. i tell you, sir, if ever i meet that man in any other situation than that in which i saw him this morning, i'll shoot him with as little hesitation as i would shoot a deer. several years have passed since the perpetration of this outrage, but it is still as fresh in my memory as ever, and i again declare, that if ever an opportunity offers, i will kill that man." "but, richardson, did they take your horse also?" "to be sure they did, and my blankets, and every thing i had, except my clothes." "but how did you subsist until you reached the settlements? you had a long journey before you." "why, set to _trappin'_ prairie squirrels with little nooses made out of the hairs of my head." i should remark that his hair was so long, that it fell in heavy masses on his shoulders. "but squirrels in winter, richardson, i never heard of squirrels in winter." "well but there was plenty of them, though; little white ones, that lived among the { } snow." "well, really, this was an unpleasant sort of adventure enough, but let me suggest that you do very wrong to remember it with such blood-thirsty feelings." he shook his head with a dogged and determined air, and rode off as if anxious to escape a lecture. a little sketch of our hunter may perhaps not be uninteresting, as he will figure somewhat in the following pages, being one of the principal persons of the party, the chief hunter, and a man upon whose sagacity and knowledge of the country we all in a great measure depended. in height he is several inches over six feet, of a spare but remarkably strong and vigorous frame, and a countenance of almost infantile simplicity and openness. in disposition he is mild and affable, but when roused to indignation, his keen eyes glitter and flash, the muscles of his large mouth work convulsively, and he looks the very impersonation of the spirit of evil. he is implacable in anger, and bitter in revenge; never forgetting a kindness, but remembering an injury with equal tenacity. such is the character of our hunter, and none who have known him as i have, will accuse me of delineating from fancy. his native place is connecticut, which he left about twelve years ago, and has ever since been engaged in roaming through the boundless plains and rugged mountains of the west, often enduring the extremity of famine and fatigue, exposed to dangers and vicissitudes of every kind, all for the paltry, and often uncertain pittance of a rocky mountain hunter. he says he is now tired of this wandering and precarious life, and when he shall be enabled to save enough from his earnings to buy a farm in connecticut, he intends to settle down a quiet tiller of the soil, and enjoy the sweets of domestic felicity. but this day will probably never arrive. even should he succeed in realizing a little fortune, and the farm should be taken, the monotony and tameness of the scene will weary his free spirit; he will often sigh for a habitation { } on the broad prairie, or a ramble over the dreary mountains where his lot has so long been cast. _ th._--we saw to-day several large white wolves, and two herds of antelopes. the latter is one of the most beautiful animals i ever saw. when full grown, it is nearly as large as a deer. the horns are rather short, with a single prong near the top, and an abrupt backward curve at the summit like a hook. the ears are very delicate, almost as thin as paper, and hooked at the tip like the horns. the legs are remarkably light and beautifully formed, and as it bounds over the plain, it seems scarcely to touch the ground, so exceedingly light and agile are its motions. this animal is the _antelope furcifer_ of zoologists, and inhabits the western prairies of north america exclusively. the ground here is strewn with great quantities of buffalo bones; the skulls of many of them in great perfection. i often thought of my friend doctor m. and his _golgotha_, while we were kicking these fine specimens about the ground. we are now travelling along the banks of the blue river,--a small fork of the kanzas. the grass is very luxuriant and good, and we have excellent and beautiful camps every night. this morning a man was sent ahead to see w. sublette's camp, and bear a message to him, who returned in the evening with the information that the company is only one day's journey beyond, and consists of about thirty-five men. we see his deserted camps every day, and, in some cases, the fires are not yet extinguished. it is sometimes amusing to see the wolves lurking like guilty things around these camps seeking for the fragments that may be left; as our party approaches, they sneak away with a mean, hang-dog air which often coaxes a whistling bullet out of the rifle of the wayfarer. { } chapter iii arrival at the platte river--wolves and antelopes--saline efflorescences--anxiety of the men to see buffalo--visit of two spies from the grand pawnees--forced march--a herd of buffalo--elk--singular conduct of the horses--killing a buffalo--indian mode of procuring buffalo--great herd--intention of the men to desert--adventure with an indian in the tent--circumspection necessary--indian feat with bow and arrow--notice of the pawnee tribes--disappearance of the buffalo from the plains of the platte--a hunting adventure--killing a buffalo--butchering of a bull--shameful destruction of the game--hunters' mode of quenching thirst. on the th of may we arrived at the platte river. it is from one and a half to two miles in width, very shoal; large sand flats, and small, verdant islands appearing in every part. wolves and antelopes were in great abundance here, and the latter were frequently killed by our men. we saw, also, the sandhill crane, great heron, (_ardea heroidas_,) and the long-billed curlew, stalking about through the shallow water, and searching for their aquatic food. the prairie is here as level as a race course, not the slightest undulation appearing throughout the whole extent of vision, in a north and westerly direction; but to the eastward of the river, and about eight miles from it, is seen a range of high bluffs or sand banks, stretching away to the south-east until they are lost in the far distance. the ground here is in many places encrusted with an impure salt, which by the taste appears to be a combination of the sulphate and muriate of soda; there are also a number of little pools, of only a few inches in depth, scattered over the plain, the water of which is so bitter and pungent, that it seems to penetrate { } into the tongue, and almost to produce decortication of the mouth. we are now within about three days' journey of the usual haunts of the buffalo, and our men (particularly the uninitiated) look forward to our arrival amongst them with considerable anxiety. they have listened to the garrulous hunter's details of "_approaching_," and "_running_," and "_quartering_," until they fancy themselves the very actors in the scenes related, and are fretting and fuming with impatience to draw their maiden triggers upon the unoffending rangers of the plain. the next morning, we perceived two men on horseback, at a great distance; and upon looking at them with our telescope, discovered them to be indians, and that they were approaching us. when they arrived within three or four hundred yards, they halted, and appeared to wish to communicate with us, but feared to approach too nearly. captain w. rode out alone and joined them, while the party proceeded slowly on its way. in about fifteen minutes he returned with the information that they were of the tribe called grand pawnees.[ ] they told him that a war party of their people, consisting of fifteen hundred warriors, was encamped about thirty miles below; and the captain inferred that these men had been sent to watch our motions, and ascertain our place of encampment; he was therefore careful to impress upon them that we intended to go but a few miles further, and pitch our tents upon a little stream near the main river. when we were satisfied that the messengers were out of sight of us, on their return to their camp, our whole caravan was urged into a brisk trot, and we determined to steal a march upon our neighbors. the little stream was soon passed, and we went on, and on, without slackening our pace, until o'clock at night. we then called a halt on the bank of the river, made a hasty meal, threw ourselves down in our blankets, without pitching the tents, and slept soundly for three hours. we were { } then aroused, and off we went again, travelling steadily the whole day, making about thirty-five miles, and so got quite clear of the grand pawnees. [ ] on the different branches of pawnee, see james's _long's expedition_, in our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. the antelopes are very numerous here. there is not half an hour during the day in which they are not seen, and they frequently permit the party to approach very near them. this afternoon, two beautiful does came bounding after us, bleating precisely like sheep. the men imitated the call, and they came up to within fifty yards of us, and stood still; two of the hunters fired, and both the poor creatures fell dead. we can now procure as many of these animals as we wish, but their flesh is not equal to common venison, and is frequently rejected by our people. a number are, however, slaughtered every day, from mere wantonness and love of killing, the greenhorns glorying in the sport, like our striplings of the city, in their annual murdering of robins and sparrows. _ th._--this afternoon, we came in sight of a large _gang_ of the long-coveted buffalo. they were grazing on the opposite side of the platte, quietly as domestic cattle, but as we neared them, the foremost _winded_ us, and started back, and the whole herd followed in the wildest confusion, and were soon out of sight. there must have been many thousands of them. towards evening, a large band of elk came towards us at full gallop, and passed very near the party. the appearance of these animals produced a singular effect upon our horses, all of which became restive, and about half the loose ones broke away, and scoured over the plain in full chase after the elk. captain w. and several of his men went immediately in pursuit of them, and returned late at night, bringing the greater number. two have, however, been lost irrecoverably. our observed latitude, yesterday, was ° ', and our computed distance from the missouri settlements, about miles. { } the day following, we saw several small herds of buffalo on our side of the river. two of our hunters started out after a huge bull that had separated himself from his companions, and gave him chase on fleet horses. away went the buffalo, and away went the men, hard as they could dash; now the hunters gained upon him, and pressed him hard; again the enormous creature had the advantage, plunging with all his might, his terrific horns often ploughing up the earth as he spurned it under him. sometimes he would double, and rush so near the horses as almost to gore them with his horns, and in an instant would be off in a tangent, and throw his pursuers from the track. at length the poor animal came to bay, and made some unequivocal demonstrations of combat; raising and tossing his head furiously, and tearing up the ground with his feet. at this moment a shot was fired. the victim trembled like an aspen, and fell to his knees, but recovering himself in an instant, started again as fast as before. again the determined hunters dashed after him, but the poor bull was nearly exhausted, he proceeded but a short distance and stopped again. the hunters approached, rode slowly by him, and shot two balls through his body with the most perfect coolness and precision. during the race,--the whole of which occurred in full view of the party,--the men seemed wild with the excitement which it occasioned; and when the animal fell, a shout rent the air, which startled the antelopes by dozens from the bluffs, and sent the wolves howling like demons from their lairs. this is the most common mode of killing the buffalo, and is practised very generally by the travelling hunters; many are also destroyed by approaching them on foot, when, if the bushes are sufficiently dense, or the grass high enough to afford concealment, the hunter,--by keeping carefully to leeward of his game,--may sometimes approach so near as almost to touch { } the animal. if on a plain, without grass or bushes, it is necessary to be very circumspect; to approach so slowly as not to excite alarm, and, when observed by the animal, to imitate dexterously, the clumsy motions of a young bear, or assume the sneaking, prowling attitude of a wolf, in order to lull suspicion. the indians resort to another stratagem, which is, perhaps, even more successful. the skin of a calf is properly dressed, with the head and legs left attached to it. the indian envelopes himself in this, and with his short bow and a brace of arrows, ambles off into the very midst of a herd. when he has selected such an animal as suits his fancy, he comes close alongside of it, and without noise, passes an arrow through its heart. one arrow is always sufficient, and it is generally delivered with such force, that at least half the shaft appears through the opposite side. the creature totters, and is about to fall, when the indian glides around, and draws the arrow from the wound lest it should be broken. a single indian is said to kill a great number of buffaloes in this way, before any alarm is communicated to the herd. towards evening, on rising a hill, we were suddenly greeted by a sight which seemed to astonish even the oldest amongst us. the whole plain, as far as the eye could discern, was covered by one enormous mass of buffalo. our vision, at the very least computation, would certainly extend ten miles, and in the whole of this great space, including about eight miles in width from the bluffs to the river bank, there was apparently no vista in the incalculable multitude. it was truly a sight that would have excited even the dullest mind to enthusiasm. our party rode up to within a few hundred yards of the edge of the herd, before any alarm was communicated; then the bulls,--which are always stationed around as sentinels,--began pawing the ground, and { } throwing the earth over their heads; in a few moments they started in a slow, clumsy canter; but as we neared them, they quickened their pace to an astonishingly rapid gallop, and in a few minutes were entirely beyond the reach of our guns, but were still so near that their enormous horns, and long shaggy beards, were very distinctly seen. shortly after we encamped, our hunters brought in the choice parts of five that they had killed. for the space of several days past, we have observed an inclination in five or six of our men to leave our service. immediately as we encamp, we see them draw together in some secluded spot, and engage in close and earnest conversation. this has occurred several times, and as we are determined, if possible, to keep our horses, &c., for our own use, we have stationed a sentry near their tent, whose orders are peremptory to stop them at any hazard in case of an attempt on their part, to appropriate our horses. the men we are willing to lose, as they are of very little service, and we can do without them; but horses here are valuable, and we cannot afford to part with them without a sufficient compensation. _ d._--on walking into our tent last night at eleven o'clock, after the expiration of the first watch, (in which i had served as supernumerary, to prevent the desertion of the men,) and stooping to lay my gun in its usual situation near the head of my pallet, i was startled by seeing a pair of eyes, wild and bright as those of a tiger, gleaming from a dark corner of the lodge, and evidently directed upon me. my first impression, was that a wolf had been lurking around the camp, and had entered the tent in the prospect of finding meat. my gun was at my shoulder instinctively, my aim was directed between the eyes, and my finger pressed the trigger. at that moment a tall indian sprang before me with a loud _wah_! seized the gun, and elevated the muzzle above my head; in another instant, a second indian was by my side, and i saw his keen knife glitter as it left the { } scabbard. i had not time for thought, and was struggling with all my might with the first savage for the recovery of my weapon, when captain w., and the other inmates of the tent were aroused, and the whole matter was explained, and set at rest in a moment. the indians were chiefs of the tribe of pawnee loups,[ ] who had come with their young men to shoot buffalo: they had paid an evening visit to the captain, and as an act of courtesy had been invited to sleep in the tent. i had not known of their arrival, nor did i even suspect that indians were in our neighborhood, so could not control the alarm which their sudden appearance occasioned me. [ ] for the pawnee loup (wolf) indians, consult bradbury's _travels_, in our volume v, p. , note .--ed. as i laid myself down, and drew my blanket around me, captain w. touched me lightly with his finger, and pointed significantly to his own person, which i perceived,--by the fire light at the mouth of the tent,--to be garnished with his knife and pistols; i observed also that the muzzle of his rifle laid across his breast, and that the breech was firmly grasped by one of his legs. i took the hint; tightened my belt, drew my gun closely to my side, and composed myself to sleep. but the excitement of the scene through which i had just passed, effectually banished repose. i frequently directed my eyes towards the dark corner, and in the midst of the shapeless mass which occupied it, i could occasionally see the glittering orbs of our guest shining amidst the surrounding obscurity. at length fatigue conquered watchfulness, and i sank to sleep, dreaming of indians, guns, daggers, and buffalo. upon rising the next morning, all had left the tent: the men were busied in cooking their morning meal; kettles were hanging upon the rude cranes, great ribs of meat were roasting before the fires, and loading the air with fragrance, and my dreams and midnight reveries, and apprehensions of evil, fled upon the wings of the bright morning, and nought remained but a feeling of surprise that the untoward events of the night should have disturbed my equanimity. { } while these thoughts were passing in my mind, my eye suddenly encountered the two indians. they were squatting upon the ground near one of the fires, and appeared to be surveying, with the keenness of morning appetite, the fine "_hump ribs_" which were roasting before them. the moment they perceived me, i received from them a quick glance of recognition: the taller one,--my opponent of the previous night,--rose to his feet, walked towards me, and gave me his hand with great cordiality; then pointed into the tent, made the motions of raising a gun to his shoulder, taking aim, and in short repeated the entire pantomime with great fidelity, and no little humor, laughing the whole time as though he thought it a capital joke. poor fellow! it was near proving a dear joke for him, and i almost trembled as i recollected the eager haste with which i sought to take the life of a fellow creature. the indian evidently felt no ill will towards me, and as a proof of it, proposed an exchange of knives, to which i willingly acceded. he deposited mine,--which had my name engraved upon the handle,--in the sheath at his side, and walked away to his _hump ribs_ with the air of a man who is conscious of having done a good action. as he left me, one of our old trappers took occasion to say, that in consequence of this little act of savage courtesy, the indian became my firm friend; and that if i ever met him again, i should be entitled to share his hospitality, or claim his protection. while the men were packing the horses, after breakfast, i was again engaged with my indian friend. i took his bow and arrows in my hand, and remarked that the latter were smeared with blood throughout: upon my expressing surprise at this he told me, by signs, that they had passed through the body of the buffalo. i assumed a look of incredulity; the countenance of the savage brightened, and his peculiar and strange eyes actually flashed with eagerness, as he pointed to a dead antelope lying upon the ground about forty feet from us, and which one of { } the guard had shot near the camp in the morning. the animal lay upon its side with the breast towards us: the bow was drawn slightly, without any apparent effort, and the arrow flew through the body of the antelope, and skimmed to a great distance over the plain. these indians were the finest looking of any i have seen. their persons were tall, straight, and finely formed; their noses slightly aqualine, and the whole countenance expressive of high and daring intrepidity. the face of the taller one was particularly admirable; and gall or spurzheim, at a single glance at his magnificent head, would have invested him with all the noblest qualities of the species.[ ] i know not what a physiognomist would have said of his eyes, but they were certainly the most wonderful eyes i ever looked into; glittering and scintillating constantly, like the mirror-glasses in a lamp frame, and rolling and dancing in their orbits as though possessed of abstract volition. [ ] noted german phrenologists. franz joseph gall ( - ) was founder of the school of phrenology; his chief work was _anatomie et physiologie du système nerveux_ ( - ). kasper spurzheim ( - ) was a disciple of gall's, publishing _physiognomical system of drs. gall and spurzheim_ ( ). he died in boston.--ed. the tribe to which these indians belong, is a division of the great pawnee nation. there are four of these divisions or tribes, known by the names of grand pawnees, pawnee loups, pawnee republicans, and pawnee picts. they are all independent of each other, governed exclusively by chiefs chosen from among their own people, and although they have always been on terms of intimacy and friendship, never intermarry, nor have other intercourse than that of trade, or a conjunction of their forces to attack the common enemy. in their dealings with the whites, they are arbitrary and overbearing, chaffering about the price of a horse, or a beaver skin, with true huckster-like eagerness and mendacity, and seizing with avidity every unfair advantage, which circumstances or their own craft may put in their power. the buffalo still continue immensely numerous in every direction around, and our men kill great numbers, so that we are in truth living upon the fat of the land, and better feeding need { } no man wish. the savory buffalo hump has suffered no depreciation since the "man without a cross" vaunted of its good qualities to "the stranger;" and in this, as in many other particulars, we have realized the truth and fidelity of cooper's admirable descriptions. _ d._--when we rose this morning, not a single buffalo, of the many thousands that yesterday strewed the plain, was to be seen. it seemed like magic. where could they have gone? i asked myself this question again and again, but in vain. at length i applied to richardson, who stated that they had gone to the bluffs, but for what reason he could not tell; he, however, had observed their tracks bearing towards the bluffs, and was certain that they would be found there. he and sandsbury (another hunter) were then about starting on a hunt to supply the camp, and i concluded to accompany them; mr. lee, the missionary, also joined us, and we all rode off together. the party got under way about the same time, and proceeded along the bank of the river, while we struck off south to look for the buffalo. about one hour's brisk trotting carried us to the bluffs, and we entered amongst large conical hills of yellow clay, intermixed with strata of limestone, but without the slightest vegetation of any kind. on the plains which we had left, the grass was in great luxuriance, but here not a blade of it was to be seen, and yet, as richardson had predicted, here were the buffalo. we had not ridden a mile before we entered upon a plain of sand of great extent, and observed ahead vast clouds of dust rising and circling in the air as though a tornado or a whirlwind were sweeping over the earth. "ha!" said richardson, "there they are; now let us take the wind of them, and you shall see some sport." we accordingly went around to leeward, and, upon approaching nearer, saw the huge animals rolling over and over in the sand with astonishing agility enveloping themselves by the exercise in a perfect atmosphere of dust; occasionally two of the bulls would { } spring from the ground and attack each other with amazing address and fury, retreating for ten or twelve feet, and then rushing suddenly forward, and dashing their enormous fronts together with a shock that seemed annihilating. in these rencontres, one of the combatants was often thrown back upon his haunches, and tumbled sprawling upon the ground; in which case, the victor, with true prize-fighting generosity, refrained from persecuting his fallen adversary, contenting himself with a hearty resumption of his rolling fit, and kicking up the dust with more than his former vigor, as if to celebrate his victory. this appeared to be a good situation to approach and kill the buffalo, as, by reason of the plentiful distribution of the little clay hills, an opportunity would be afforded of successful concealment; we separated, therefore, each taking his own course. in a very few minutes i heard the crack of a rifle in the direction in which richardson had gone, and immediately after saw the frightened animals flying from the spot. the sound reverberated among the hills, and as it died away the herd halted to watch and listen for its repetition. for myself, i strolled on for nearly an hour, leading my horse, and peering over every hill, in the hope of finding a buffalo within range, but not one could i see that was sufficiently near; and when i attempted the stealthy approach which i had seen richardson practise with so much success, i felt compelled to acknowledge my utter insufficiency. i had determined to kill a buffalo, and as i had seen it several times done with so much apparent ease, i considered it a mere moonshine matter, and thought i could compass it without difficulty; but now i had attempted it, and was grievously mistaken in my estimate of the required skill. i had several times heard the guns of the hunters, and felt satisfied that we should not go to camp without meat, and was on the point of altering my course to join them, when, as i wound around the base of a little hill, i saw about twenty buffalo lying quietly on the ground within { } thirty yards of me. now was my time. i took my picket from my saddle, and fastened my horse to the ground as quietly as possible, but with hands that almost failed to do their office, from my excessive eagerness and trembling anxiety. when this was completed, i crawled around the hill again, almost suspending my breath from fear of alarming my intended victims, until i came again in full view of the unsuspecting herd. there were so many fine animals that i was at a loss which to select; those nearest me appeared small and poor, and i therefore settled my aim upon a huge bull on the outside. just then i was attacked with the "_bull fever_" so dreadfully, that for several minutes i could not shoot. at length, however, i became firm and steady, and pulled my trigger at exactly the right instant. up sprang the herd like lightning, and away they scoured, and my bull with them. i was vexed, angry, and discontented; i concluded that i could never kill a buffalo, and was about to mount my horse and ride off in despair, when i observed that one of the animals had stopped in the midst of his career. i rode towards him, and sure enough, there was my great bull trembling and swaying from side to side, and the clotted gore hanging like icicles from his nostrils. in a few minutes after, he fell heavily upon his side, and i dismounted and surveyed the unwieldy brute, as he panted and struggled in the death agony. when the first ebullition of my triumph had subsided, i perceived that my prize was so excessively lean as to be worth nothing, and while i was exerting my whole strength in a vain endeavor to raise the head from the ground for the purpose of removing the tongue, the two hunters joined me, and laughed heartily at my achievement. like all inexperienced hunters, i had been particular to select the largest bull in the gang, supposing it to be the best, (and it proved, as usual, the poorest,) while more than a dozen fat cows were nearer me, either of which i might have killed with as little trouble. { } as i had supposed, my companions had killed several animals, but they had taken the meat of only one, and we had, therefore, to be diligent, or the camp might suffer for provisions. it was now past mid-day; the weather was very warm, and the atmosphere was charged with minute particles of sand, which produced a dryness and stiffness of the mouth and tongue, that was exceedingly painful and distressing. water was now the desideratum, but where was it to be found? the arid country in which we then were, produced none, and the platte was twelve or fourteen miles from us, and no buffalo in that direction, so that we could not afford time for so trifling a matter. i found that mr. lee was suffering as much as myself, although he had not spoken of it, and i perceived that richardson was masticating a leaden bullet, to excite the salivary glands. soon afterwards, a bull was killed, and we all assembled around the carcass to assist in the manipulations. the animal was first raised from his side where he had lain, and supported upon his knees, with his hoofs turned under him; a longitudinal incision was then made from the nape, or anterior base of the hump, and continued backward to the loins, and a large portion of the skin from each side removed; these pieces of skin were placed upon the ground, with the under surface uppermost, and the _fleeces_, or masses of meat, taken from along the back, were laid upon them. these fleeces, from a large animal, will weigh, perhaps, a hundred pounds each, and comprise the whole of the hump on each side of the vertical processes, (commonly called the _hump ribs_,) which are attached to the vertebra. the fleeces are considered the choice parts of the buffalo, and here, where the game is so abundant, nothing else is taken, if we except the tongue, and an occasional marrow bone. this, it must be confessed, appears like a useless and unwarrantable waste of the goods of providence; but when are men economical, unless compelled to be so by necessity? here are { } more than a thousand pounds of delicious and savory flesh, which would delight the eyes and gladden the heart of any epicure in christendom, left neglected where it fell, to feed the ravenous maw of the wild prairie wolf, and minister to the excesses of the unclean birds of the wilderness. but i have seen worse waste and havoc than this, and i feel my indignation rise at the recollection. i have seen dozens of buffalo slaughtered merely for the tongues, or for practice with the rifle; and i have also lived to see the very perpetrators of these deeds, lean and lank with famine, when the meanest and most worthless parts of the poor animals they had so inhumanly slaughtered, would have been received and eaten with humble thankfulness. but to return to ourselves. we were all suffering from excessive thirst, and so intolerable had it at length become, that mr. lee and myself proposed a gallop over to the platte river, in order to appease it; but richardson advised us not to go, as he had just thought of a means of relieving us, which he immediately proceeded to put in practice. he tumbled our mangled buffalo over upon his side, and with his knife opened the body, so as to expose to view the great stomach, and still crawling and twisting entrails. the good missionary and myself stood gaping with astonishment, and no little loathing, as we saw our hunter plunge his knife into the distended paunch, from which gushed the green and gelatinous juices, and then insinuate his tin pan into the opening, and by depressing its edge, strain off the water which was mingled with its contents. richardson always valued himself upon his politeness, and the cup was therefore first offered to mr. lee and myself, but it is almost needless to say that we declined the proffer, and our features probably expressed the strong disgust which we felt, for our companion laughed heartily before he applied the cup to his own mouth. he then drank it to the dregs, smacking his lips, and drawing a long breath after it, with the satisfaction of a man { } taking his wine after dinner. sansbury, the other hunter, was not slow in following the example set before him, and we, the audience, turned our backs upon the actors. before we left the spot, however, richardson induced me to taste the blood which was still fluid in the heart, and immediately as it touched my lips, my burning thirst, aggravated by hunger, (for i had eaten nothing that day,) got the better of my abhorrence; i plunged my head into the reeking ventricles, and drank until forced to stop for breath. i felt somewhat ashamed of assimilating myself so nearly to the brutes, and turned my ensanguined countenance towards the missionary who stood by, but i saw no approval there: the good man was evidently attempting to control his risibility, and so i smiled to put him in countenance; the roar could no longer be restrained, and the missionary laughed until the tears rolled down his cheeks. i did not think, until afterwards, of the horrible ghastliness which must have characterized my smile at that particular moment. when we arrived at the camp in the evening, and i enjoyed the luxury of a hearty draft of water, the effect upon my stomach was that of a powerful emetic: the blood was violently ejected without nausea, and i felt heartily glad to be rid of the disgusting encumbrance. i never drank blood from that day. { } chapter iv change in the face of the country--unpleasant visitation--its effects--north fork of the platte--a day's journey over the hills--wormwood bushes, and poor pasture--marmots--rattlesnake and gopher--naturalist's success and sacrifices--a sand storm--wild horses--killing of a doe antelope--bluffs of the platte--the chimney--"zip koon," the young antelope--birds--feelings and cogitations of a naturalist--arrival at laramie's fork--departure of two "free trappers" on a summer "hunt"--black hills--rough travelling--red butes--sweet-water river, and rock independence--avocets--wind river mountains--rocky mountain sheep--adventure of one of the men with a grizzly bear--rattlesnakes--toilsome march, and arrival at sandy river--suffering of the horses--anticipated delights of the rendezvous. on the morning of the th of may we forded the platte river, or rather its south fork, along which we had been travelling during the previous week.[ ] on the northern side, we found the country totally different in its aspect. instead of the extensive and apparently interminable green plains, the monotony of which had become so wearisome to the eye, here was a great sandy waste, without a single green thing to vary and enliven the dreary scene. it was a change, however, and we were therefore enjoying it, and remarking to each other how particularly agreeable it was, when we were suddenly assailed by vast swarms of most ferocious little black gnats; the whole atmosphere seemed crowded with them, and they dashed into our faces, assaulted our eyes, ears, nostrils, and mouths, as though they were determined to bar our passage through their territory. these little creatures were so exceedingly minute that, singly, they were scarcely visible; and yet their sting caused such excessive pain, that for { } the rest of the day our men and horses were rendered almost frantic, the former bitterly imprecating, and the latter stamping, and kicking, and rolling in the sand, in tremendous, yet vain, efforts to rid themselves of their pertinacious little foes. it was rather amusing to see the whole company with their handkerchiefs, shirts, and coats, thrown over their heads, stemming the animated torrent, and to hear the greenhorns cursing their tormenters, the country, and themselves, for their foolhardiness in venturing on the journey. when we encamped in the evening, we built fires at the mouths of the tents, the smoke from which kept our enemies at a distance, and we passed a night of tolerable comfort, after a day of most peculiar misery. [ ] there were two fords to the south platte, both of which led toward the north platte at ash creek. wyeth's party took the lower ford, eight miles above the forks.--ed. the next morning i observed that the faces of all the men were more or less swollen, some of them very severely, and poor captain w. was totally blind for two days afterwards. _ th._--we made a noon camp to-day on the north branch or fork of the river, and in the afternoon travelled along the bank of the stream.[ ] in about an hour's march, we came to rocks, precipices, and cedar trees, and although we anticipated some difficulty and toil in the passage of the heights, we felt glad to exchange them for the vast and wearisome prairies we had left behind. soon after we commenced the ascent, we struck into an indian path very much worn, occasionally mounting over rugged masses of rock, and leaping wide fissures in the soil, and sometimes picking our way over the jutting crags, directly above the river. on the top of one of the stunted and broad spreading cedars, a bald eagle had built its enormous nest; and as we descended the mountain, we saw the callow young lying within it, while the anxious parents hovered over our heads, screaming their alarm. [ ] see note (wyeth), _ante_, p. .--ed. in the evening we arrived upon the plain again; it was thickly covered with ragged and gnarled bushes of a species of wormwood, (_artemesia_,) which perfumed the air, and at first was { } rather agreeable. the soil was poor and sandy, and the straggling blades of grass which found their way to the surface were brown and withered. here was a poor prospect for our horses; a sad contrast indeed to the rich and luxuriant prairies we had left. on the edges of the little streams, however, we found some tolerable pasture, and we frequently stopped during the day to bait our poor animals in these pleasant places. we observed here several species of small marmots, (_arctomys_,) which burrowed in the sand, and were constantly skipping about the ground in front of our party. the short rattlesnake of the prairies was also abundant, and no doubt derived its chief subsistence from foraging among its playful little neighbors. shortly before we halted this evening, being a considerable distance in advance of the caravan, i observed a dead gopher, (_diplostoma_,)--a small animal about the size of a rat, with large external cheek pouches,--lying upon the ground; and near it a full grown rattlesnake, also dead. the gopher was yet warm and pliant, and had evidently been killed but a few minutes previously; the snake also gave evidence of very recent death, by a muscular twitching of the tail, which occurs in most serpents, soon after life is extinct. it was a matter of interest to me to ascertain the mode by which these animals were deprived of life. i therefore dismounted from my horse, and examined them carefully, but could perceive nothing to furnish even a clue. neither of them had any external or perceptible wound. the snake had doubtless killed the quadruped, but what had killed the snake? there being no wound upon its body was sufficient proof that the gopher had not used his teeth, and in no other way could he cause death. i was unable to solve the problem to my satisfaction, so i pocketed the animal to prepare its skin, and rode on to the camp. the birds thus far have been very abundant. there is a considerable { } variety, and many of them have not before been seen by naturalists. as to the plants, there seems to be no end to them, and mr. n. is finding dozens of new species daily. in the other branches of science, our success has not been so great, partly on account of the rapidity and steadiness with which we travel, but chiefly from the difficulty, and almost impossibility, of carrying the subjects. already we have cast away all our useless and superfluous clothing, and have been content to mortify our natural pride, to make room for our specimens. such things as spare waistcoats, shaving boxes, soap, and stockings, have been ejected from our trunks, and we are content to dress, as we live, in a style of primitive simplicity. in fact, the whole appearance of our party is sufficiently primitive; many of the men are dressed entirely in deerskins, without a single article of civilized manufacture about them; the old trappers and hunters wear their hair flowing on their shoulders, and their large grizzled beards would scarcely disgrace a bedouin of the desert. the next morning the whole camp was suddenly aroused by the falling of all the tents. a tremendous blast swept as from a funnel over the sandy plain, and in an instant precipitated our frail habitations like webs of gossamer. the men crawled out from under the ruins, rubbing their eyes, and, as usual, muttering imprecations against the country and all that therein was; it was unusually early for a start, but we did not choose to pitch the tents again, and to sleep without them here was next to impossible; so we took our breakfast in the open air, devouring our well sanded provisions as quickly as possible, and immediately took to the road. during the whole day a most terrific gale was blowing directly in our faces, clouds of sand were driving and hurtling by us, often with such violence as nearly to stop our progress; and when we halted in the evening, we could scarcely recognise each other's faces beneath their odious mask of dust and dirt. { } there have been no buffalo upon the plain to-day, all the game that we have seen, being a few elk and antelopes; but these of course we did not attempt to kill, as our whole and undivided attention was required to assist our progress. _ th._--we fell in with a new species of game to-day;--a large band of wild horses. they were very shy, scarcely permitting us to approach within rifle distance, and yet they kept within sight of us for some hours. several of us gave them chase, in the hope of at least being able to approach sufficiently near to examine them closely, but we might as well have pursued the wind; they scoured away from us with astonishing velocity, their long manes and tails standing out almost horizontally, as they sprang along before us. occasionally they would pause in their career, turn and look at us as we approached them, and then, with a neigh that rang loud and high above the clattering of the hoofs, dart their light heels into the air, and fly from us as before. we soon abandoned this wild chase, and contented ourselves with admiring their sleek beauty at a distance. in the afternoon, i committed an act of cruelty and wantonness, which distressed and troubled me beyond measure, and which i have ever since recollected with sorrow and compunction. a beautiful doe antelope came running and bleating after us, as though she wished to overtake the party: she continued following us for nearly an hour, at times approaching within thirty or forty yards, and standing to gaze at us as we moved slowly on our way. i several times raised my gun to fire at her, but my better nature as often gained the ascendency, and i at last rode into the midst of the party to escape the temptation. still the doe followed us, and i finally fell into the rear, but without intending it, and again looked at her as she trotted behind us. at that moment, my evil genius and love of sport triumphed; i slid down from my horse, aimed at the poor antelope, and shot a ball through her side. under other circumstances, { } there would have been no cruelty in this; but here, where better meat was so abundant, and the camp was so plentifully supplied, it was unfeeling, heartless murder. it was under the influence of this too late impression, that i approached my poor victim. she was writhing in agony upon the ground, and exerting herself in vain efforts to draw her mangled body farther from her destroyer; and as i stood over her, and saw her cast her large, soft, black eyes upon me with an expression of the most touching sadness, while the great tears rolled over her face, i felt myself the meanest and most abhorrent thing in creation. but now a finishing blow would be mercy to her, and i threw my arm around her neck, averted my face, and drove my long knife through her bosom to the heart. i did not trust myself to look upon her afterwards, but mounted my horse, and galloped off to the party, with feelings such as i hope never to experience again. for several days the poor antelope haunted me, and i shall never forget its last look of pain and upbraiding. the bluffs on the southern shore of the platte, are, at this point, exceedingly rugged, and often quite picturesque; the formation appears to be simple clay, intermixed, occasionally, with a stratum of limestone, and one part of the bluff bears a striking and almost startling resemblance to a dilapidated feudal castle. there is also a kind of obelisk, standing at a considerable distance from the bluffs, on a wide plain, towering to the height of about two hundred feet, and tapering to a small point at the top. this pillar is known to the hunters and trappers who traverse these regions, by the name of the "_chimney_." here we diverged from the usual course, leaving the bank of the river, and entered a large and deep ravine between the enormous bluffs.[ ] [ ] these are called "scott's bluffs;" so named from an unfortunate trader, who perished here from disease and hunger, many years ago. he was deserted by his companions; and the year following, his crumbling bones were found in this spot.--townsend. _comment by ed._ see this story in detail in irving, _rocky mountains_, i, pp. , . { } the road was very uneven and difficult, winding from amongst innumerable mounds six to eight feet in height, the space between them frequently so narrow as scarcely to admit our horses, and some of the men rode for upwards of a mile kneeling upon their saddles. these mounds were of hard yellow clay, without a particle of rock of any kind, and along their bases, and in the narrow passages, flowers of every hue were growing. it was a most enchanting sight; even the men noticed it, and more than one of our matter-of-fact people exclaimed, _beautiful, beautiful_! mr. n. was here in his glory. he rode on ahead of the company, and cleared the passages with a trembling and eager hand, looking anxiously back at the approaching party, as though he feared it would come ere he had finished, and tread his lovely prizes under foot. the distance through the ravine is about three miles. we then crossed several beautiful grassy knolls, and descending to the plain, struck the platte again, and travelled along its bank. here one of our men caught a young antelope, which he brought to the camp upon his saddle. it was a beautiful and most delicate little creature, and in a few days became so tame as to remain with the camp without being tied, and to drink, from a tin cup, the milk which our good missionaries spared from their own scanty meals. the men christened it "_zip coon_," and it soon became familiar with its name, running to them when called, and exhibiting many evidences of affection and attachment. it became a great favorite with every one. a little pannier of willows was made for it, which was packed on the back of a mule, and when the camp moved in the mornings, little _zip_ ran to his station beside his long-eared hack, bleating with impatience until some one came to assist him in mounting. on the afternoon of the st, we came to green trees and bushes again, and the sight of them was more cheering than can { } be conceived, except by persons who have travelled for weeks without beholding a green thing, save the grass under their feet. we encamped in the evening in a beautiful grove of cottonwood trees, along the edge of which ran the platte, dotted as usual with numerous islands. in the morning, mr. n. and myself were up before the dawn, strolling through the umbrageous forest, inhaling the fresh, bracing air, and making the echoes ring with the report of our gun, as the lovely tenants of the grove flew by dozens before us. i think i never before saw so great a variety of birds within the same space. all were beautiful, and many of them quite new to me; and after we had spent an hour amongst them, and my game bag was teeming with its precious freight, i was still loath to leave the place, lest i should not have procured specimens of the whole. none but a naturalist can appreciate a naturalist's feelings--his delight amounting to ecstacy--when a specimen such as he has never before seen, meets his eye, and the sorrow and grief which he feels when he is compelled to tear himself from a spot abounding with all that he has anxiously and unremittingly sought for. this was peculiarly my case upon this occasion. we had been long travelling over a sterile and barren tract, where the lovely denizens of the forest could not exist, and i had been daily scanning the great extent of the desert, for some little _oasis_ such as i had now found; here was my wish at length gratified, and yet the caravan would not halt for me; i must turn my back upon the _el dorado_ of my fond anticipations, and hurry forward over the dreary wilderness which lay beyond. what valuable and highly interesting accessions to science might not be made by a party, composed exclusively of naturalists, on a journey through this rich and unexplored region! the botanist, the geologist, the mamalogist, the ornithologist, and { } the entomologist, would find a rich and almost inexhaustible field for the prosecution of their inquiries, and the result of such an expedition would be to add most materially to our knowledge of the wealth and resources of our country, to furnish us with new and important facts relative to its structure, organization, and natural productions, and to complete the fine native collections in our already extensive museums. on the st of june, we arrived at laramie's fork of the platte, and crossed it without much difficulty.[ ] [ ] wyeth relates in his journal that he found thirteen of sublette's men building a fort at this place. such was the origin of the famous fort laramie, first known as fort william, then fort john, and in , removed a mile farther up the stream, and re-christened fort laramie. it became a government post in .--ed. here two of our "free trappers" left us for a summer "hunt" in the rugged black hills. these men joined our party at independence, and have been travelling to this point with us for the benefit of our escort. trading companies usually encourage these free trappers to join them, both for the strength which they add to the band, and that they may have the benefit of their generally good hunting qualities. thus are both parties accommodated, and no obligation is felt on either side. i confess i felt somewhat sad when i reflected upon the possible fate of the two adventurous men who had left us in the midst of a savage wilderness, to depend entirely upon their unassisted strength and hardihood, to procure the means of subsistence and repel the aggression of the indian. their expedition will be fraught with stirring scenes, with peril and with strange adventure; but they think not of this, and they care not for it. they are only two of the many scores who annually subject themselves to the same difficulties and dangers; they see their friends return unscathed, and laden with rich and valuable furs, and if one or two should have perished by indian rapacity, or fallen victims to their own daring and fool-hardy spirit, they mourn the loss of their brethren who have not returned, and are only the more anxious to pursue the same track in order to avenge them. on the d, we struck a range of high and stony mountains, { } called the black hills. the general aspect here, was dreary and forbidding; the soil was intersected by deep and craggy fissures; rock jutted over rock, and precipice frowned over precipice in frightful, and apparently endless, succession. soon after we commenced the ascent, we experienced a change in the temperature of the air; and towards mid-day, when we had arrived near the summit, our large blanket _capeaus_,--which in the morning had been discarded as uncomfortable,--were drawn tightly around us, and every man was shivering in his saddle as though he had an ague fit. the soil here is of a deep reddish or ferruginous hue, intermixed with green sand; and on the heights, pebbles of chalcedony and agate are abundant. we crossed, in the afternoon, the last and steepest spur of this chain, winding around rough and stony precipices, and along the extreme verges of tremendous ravines, so dangerous looking that we were compelled to dismount and lead our horses. on descending to the plain, we saw again the north fork of the platte, and were glad of an opportunity of encamping. our march to-day has been an unusually wearisome one, and many of our loose horses are bruised and lame. _ th._--the country has now become more level, but the prairie is barren and inhospitable looking to the last degree. the twisted, aromatic wormwood covers and extracts the strength from the burnt and arid soil. the grass is dry and brown, and our horses are suffering extremely for want of food. occasionally, however, a spot of lovely green appears, and here we allow our poor jaded friends to halt, and roam without their riders, and their satisfaction and pleasure is expressed by many a joyous neigh, and many a heart-felt roll upon the verdant sward. in the afternoon, we arrived at the "red butes," two or three brown-red cliffs, about two thousand feet in height.[ ] this is a remarkable point in the mountain route. one of these cliffs terminates a long, lofty, wooded ridge, which has bounded our { } southern view for the past two days. the summits of the cliffs are covered with patches of snow, and the contrast of the dazzling white and brick-red produces a very pretty effect. [ ] the trail continued along the north platte until it reached red buttes, described by townsend. they form the western end of what is known as caspar range, in natrona county, wyoming.--ed. the next day, we left the platte river, and crossed a wide, sandy desert, dry and desolate; and on the th, encamped at noon on the banks of the sweet-water. here we found a large rounded mass of granite, about fifty feet high, called rock independence.[ ] like the red butes, this rock is also a rather remarkable point in the route. on its smooth, perpendicular sides, we see carved the names of most of the mountain _bourgeois_,[ ] with the dates of their arrival. we observed those of the two sublette's, captains bonneville, serre, fontinelle, &c.,[ ] and after leaving our own, and taking a hearty, but hasty lunch in the shade of a rock, and a draught from the pure and limpid stream at its base, we pursued our journey. [ ] for sweetwater river and independence rock, see notes , (wyeth), _ante_, p. .--ed. [ ] in fur-trade parlance the _bourgeois_ was the leader or commander of an expedition or a trading post. see j. long's _voyages_ in our volume ii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for captain bonneville, see gregg's _commerce of the prairies_, in our volume xx, p. , note . michael lamie cerré belonged to a french family of note in the annals of the west. his grandfather, gabriel, was an early merchant at kaskaskia, and acquired a fortune in the fur-trade. later he removed to st. louis, where one of his daughters married auguste chouteau. pascal cerré, father of michael, was also a fur-trader of note. the son had been employed in the santa fé trade, and was persuaded to act as bonneville's business agent in his expeditions of - . for lucien fontenelle, see our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. the river is here very narrow, often only twelve or fifteen feet wide, shallow, and winding so much, that during our march, to-day, we crossed it several times, in order to pursue a straight course. the banks of the stream are clothed with the most luxuriant pasture, and our invaluable dumb friends appear perfectly happy. we saw here great numbers of a beautiful brown and white avocet, (the _recurvirostra americana_ of ornithologists.) these fine birds were so tame as to allow a very near approach, running slowly before our party, and scarcely taking wing at the report of a gun. they frequent the marshy plains in the neighborhood of the river, and breed here. on the th, about ninety miles to the west, we had a striking view of the wind-river mountains. they are almost wholly of a dazzling whiteness, being covered thickly with snow, and the lofty peaks seem to blend themselves with the dark clouds which hang over them.[ ] this chain gives rise to the sources of the missouri, the colorado of the west, and lewis' river of the { } columbia, and is the highest land on the continent of north america. [ ] the wind river mountains, in fremont county, wyoming, trend nearly north from south pass to the yellowstone. they are covered with snow during all the year, and were credited by the early explorers with being the highest chain of the rockies. in frémont ascended the peak named for him, which has an altitude of , feet.--ed. we saw, to-day, a small flock of the hairy sheep of the rocky mountains, the big horn of the hunters, (_ovis montana_.) we exerted ourselves in vain to shoot them. they darted from us, and hid themselves amongst the inaccessible cliffs, so that none but a chamois hunter might pretend to reach them. richardson says that he has frequently killed them, but he admits that it is dangerous and wearisome sport; and when good beef is to be found upon the plains, men are not anxious to risk their necks for a meal of mutton. in the afternoon, one of our men had a somewhat perilous adventure with a grizzly bear. he saw the animal crouching his huge frame in some willows which skirted the river, and approaching on horseback to within twenty yards, fired upon him. the bear was only slightly wounded by the shot, and with a fierce growl of angry malignity, rushed from his cover, and gave chase. the horse happened to be a slow one, and for the distance of half a mile, the race was hard contested; the bear frequently approaching so near the terrified animal as to snap at his heels, while the equally terrified rider,--who had lost his hat at the start,--used whip and spur with the most frantic diligence, frequently looking behind, from an influence which he could not resist, at his rugged and determined foe, and shrieking in an agony of fear, "shoot him, shoot him?" the man, who was one of the greenhorns, happened to be about a mile behind the main body, either from the indolence of his horse, or his own carelessness; but as he approached the party in his desperate flight, and his lugubrious cries reached the ears of the men in front, about a dozen of them rode to his assistance, and soon succeeded in diverting the attention of his pertinacious foe. after he had received the contents of all the guns, he fell, and was soon dispatched. the man rode in among his fellows, pale and { } haggard from overwrought feelings, and was probably effectually cured of a propensity for meddling with grizzly bears. a small striped rattlesnake is abundant on these plains:--it is a different species from our common one at home, but is equally malignant and venomous. the horses are often startled by them, and dart aside with intuitive fear when their note of warning is sounded in the path. _ th._--the plains of the sweet-water at this point,--latitude ° ', longitude ° ',--are covered with little salt pools, the edges of which are encrusted with alkaline efflorescences, looking like borders of snow. the rocks in the vicinity are a loose, fine-grained sandstone, the strata nearly horizontal, and no organic remains have been discovered. we have still a view of the lofty wind-river mountains on our right hand, and they have for some days served as a guide to determine our course. on the plain, we passed several huge rhomboidal masses of rock, standing alone, and looking, at a little distance, like houses with chimneys. the freaks of nature, as they are called, have often astonished us since we have been journeying in the wilderness. we have seen, modeled without art, representations of almost all the most stupendous works of man; and how do the loftiest and most perfect creations of his wisdom and ingenuity sink into insignificance by the comparison. noble castles, with turrets, embrazures, and loop holes, with the drawbridge in front, and the moat surrounding it: behind, the humble cottages of the subservient peasantry, and all the varied concomitants of such a scene, are so strikingly evident to the view, that it requires but little stretch of fancy to imagine that a race of antediluvian giants may here have swayed their iron sceptre, and left behind the crumbling palace and the tower, to tell of their departed glory. on the th, we left the sweet-water, and proceeded in a south-westerly direction to sandy river, a branch of the colorado of the west.[ ] we arrived here at about o'clock in the evening, { } after a hard and most toilsome march for both man and beast. we found no water on the route, and not a single blade of grass for our horses. many of the poor animals stopped before night, and resolutely refused to proceed; and others with the remarkable sagacity, peculiar to them, left the track in defiance of those who drove and guided them, sought and found water, and spent the night in its vicinity. the band of missionaries, with their horses and horned cattle, halted by the way, and only about half the men of the party accompanied us to our encampment on sandy. we were thus scattered along the route for several miles; and if a predatory band of indians had then found us, we should have fallen an easy prey. [ ] sandy river is a northern affluent of the green, rising just beyond south pass and flowing southwest into the main stream, through fremont and sweetwater counties, wyoming. the little sandy was the first stream beyond the divide, but eight miles from the pass. the trail followed the big sandy almost its entire length.--ed. the next morning by about o'clock all our men and horses had joined us, and, in spite of the fatigues of the previous day, we were all tolerably refreshed, and in good spirits. towards noon we got under way, and proceeded seven or eight miles down the river to a spot where we found a little poor pasture for our horses. here we remained until the next morning, to recruit. i found here a beautiful new species of mocking bird,[ ] which i shot and prepared. birds are, however, generally scarce, and there is here very little of interest in any department of natural history. we are also beginning to suffer somewhat for food: buffalo are rarely seen, the antelopes are unusually shy, and the life of our little favorite, "zip," has been several times menaced. i believe, however, that his keeper, from sheer fondness, would witness much greater suffering in the camp, ere he would consent to the sacrifice of his playful little friend. [ ] this is the mountain mocking bird, (_orpheus montanus_), described in the appendix [not included in our reprint].--townsend. _ th._--we observed a hoar frost and some thin ice, this morning at sunrise; but at mid-day, the thermometer stood at °. we halted at noon, after making about fifteen miles, and dined. saw large herds of buffalo on the plains of sandy river, { } grazing in every direction on the short and dry grass. domestic cattle would certainly starve here, and yet the bison exists, and even becomes fat; a striking instance of the wonderful adaptation of providence. _ th._--we had yesterday a cold rain, the first which has fallen in our track for several weeks. our vicinity to the high mountains of wind river will perhaps account for it. to-day at noon, the mercury stood at ° in the shade, but there being a strong breeze, we did not suffer from heat. our course was still down the sandy river, and we are now looking forward with no little pleasure to a rest of two or more weeks at the mountain rendezvous on the colorado. here we expect to meet all the mountain companies who left the states last spring, and also the trappers who come in from various parts, with the furs collected by them during the previous year. all will be mirth and jollity, no doubt, but the grand desideratum with some of us, is to allow our horses to rest their tired limbs and exhausted strength on the rich and verdant plains of the siskadee. at our camp this evening, our poor horses were compelled to fast as heretofore, there being absolutely nothing for them to eat. some of the famished animals attempted to allay their insatiable cravings, by cropping the dry and bitter tops of the wormwood with which the plain is strewed. we look forward to brighter days for them ere long; soon shall they sport in the green pastures, and rest and plenty shall compensate for their toils and privations. { } chapter v arrival at the colorado--the author in difficulty--loss of a journal, and advice to travelling tyros--the rendezvous--motley groups infesting it--rum drinking, swearing, and other accomplishments in vogue--description of the camp--trout and grayling--abundance of game--cock of the plains--departure from the rendezvous--an accession to the band--a renegado blackfoot chief--captain stewart and mr. ashworth--muddy creek--more carousing--abundance of trout--bear river--a hard day's march--volcanic country--white clay pits and "beer spring"--rare birds and common birds--mr. thomas mckay--rough and arid country--meeting with captain bonneville's party--captains stewart and wyeth's visit to the lodge of the "bald chief"--blackfoot river--adventure with a grizzly bear--death of "zip koon"--young grizzly bears and buffalo calves--a blackfoot indian--dangerous experiment of mckay--the three "tetons"--large trout--departure of our indian companions--shoshoné river--site of "fort hall"--preparations for a buffalo hunt. _june th._--we arrived to-day on the green river, siskadee[ ] or colorado of the west,--a beautiful, clear, deep, and rapid stream, which receives the waters of sandy,--and encamped upon its eastern bank. after making a hasty meal, as it was yet early in the day, i sallied forth with my gun, and roamed about the neighborhood for several hours in quest of birds. on returning, towards evening, i found that the whole company had left the spot, the place being occupied only by a few hungry wolves, ravens, and magpies, the invariable gleaners of a forsaken camp. [ ] for this river see note (wyeth), _ante_, p. . the term "siskadee" signified prairie hen river.--ed. i could not at first understand the meaning of all i saw. i thought the desertion strange, and was preparing to make the best of it, when a quick and joyful neigh sounded in the bushes near me, and i recognized the voice of my favorite horse. i found him carefully tied, with the saddle, &c., lying near him. i had not the least idea where the company had gone, but i knew that on the rich, alluvial banks of the river, the trail of the horses would be distinct enough, and i determined to place my dependence, in a great measure, upon the sagacity of my excellent dumb friend, satisfied that he would take me the right course. i accordingly mounted, and off we went at a speed which i found some difficulty in restraining. about half an hour's hard riding brought us to the edge of a large branch of the stream, and i observed that the horses had here entered. i noticed other tracks lower down, but supposed them to have been made by the wanderings of the loose animals. here then seemed the proper fording place, and with some little hesitation, i allowed my nag to enter the water; we had proceeded but a few yards, however, when down he went off a steep bank, far beyond his depth. this was somewhat disconcerting; but there was but one thing to be done, so i turned my horse's head against the swift current, and we went snorting and blowing for the opposite shore. we arrived at length, though in a sadly wet and damaged state, and in a few minutes after, came in view of the new camp. captain w. explained to me that he had heard of good pasture here, and had concluded to move immediately, on account of the horses; he informed me, also, that he had crossed the stream about fifty yards below the point where i had entered, and had found an excellent ford. i did not regret my adventure, however, and was congratulating myself upon my good fortune in arriving so seasonably, when, upon looking to my saddle, i discovered that my coat was missing. i had felt uncomfortably warm when i mounted, and had removed the coat and attached it carelessly to the saddle; the rapidity of the current had disengaged it, and it was lost forever. the coat itself was not of much consequence after the hard service it had seen, but it contained the { } second volume of my journal, a pocket compass, and other articles of essential value to me. i would gladly have relinquished every thing the garment held, if i could have recovered the book; and although i returned to the river, and searched assiduously until night, and offered large rewards to the men, it could not be found. the journal commenced with our arrival at the black hills, and contained some observations upon the natural productions of the country, which to me, at least, were of some importance; as well as descriptions of several new species of birds, and notes regarding their habits, &c., which cannot be replaced. i would advise all tourists, who journey by land, never to carry their itineraries upon their persons; or if they do, let them be attached by a cord to the neck, and worn under the clothing. a convenient and safe plan would probably be, to have the book deposited in a close pocket of leather, made on the inner side of the saddle-wing; it would thus be always at hand, and if a deep stream were to be passed the trouble of drying the leaves would not be a very serious matter. in consequence of remaining several hours in wet clothes, after being heated by exercise, i rose the next morning with so much pain, and stiffness of the joints, that i could scarcely move. but notwithstanding this, i was compelled to mount my horse with the others, and to ride steadily and rapidly for eight hours. i suffered intensely during this ride; every step of my horse seemed to increase it, and induced constant sickness and retching. when we halted, i was so completely exhausted, as to require assistance in dismounting, and shortly after, sank into a state of insensibility from which i did not recover for several hours. then a violent fever commenced, alternating for two whole days, with sickness and pain. i think i never was more unwell in my { } life; and if i had been at home, lying on a feather bed instead of the cold ground, i should probably have fancied myself an invalid for weeks.[ ] [ ] i am indebted to the kindness of my companion and friend, professor nuttall, for supplying, in a great measure, the deficiency occasioned by the loss of my journal.--townsend. _ d._--we are now lying at the rendezvous. w. sublette, captains serre, fitzpatrick, and other leaders, with their companies, are encamped about a mile from us, on the same plain, and our own camp is crowded with a heterogeneous assemblage of visitors.[ ] the principal of these are indians, of the nez percé, banneck and shoshoné tribes, who come with the furs and peltries which they have been collecting at the risk of their lives during the past winter and spring, to trade for ammunition, trinkets, and "fire water."[ ] there is, in addition to these, a great variety of personages amongst us; most of them calling themselves white men, french-canadians, half-breeds, &c., their color nearly as dark, and their manners wholly as wild, as the indians with whom they constantly associate. these people, with their obstreperous mirth, their whooping, and howling, and quarrelling, added to the mounted indians, who are constantly dashing into and through our camp, yelling like fiends, the barking and baying of savage wolf-dogs, and the incessant cracking of rifles and carbines, render our camp a perfect bedlam. a more unpleasant situation for an invalid could scarcely be conceived. i am confined closely to the tent with illness, and am compelled all day to listen to the hiccoughing jargon of drunken traders, the _sacré_ and _foutre_ of frenchmen run wild, and the swearing and screaming of our own men, who are scarcely less savage than the rest, being heated by the detestable liquor which circulates freely among them. [ ] the rendezvous for changed sites several times; see wyeth's _oregon expeditions_, p. . the rocky mountain men were first met on green river; the twentieth, they moved over to ham's fork, which was on the twenty-seventh again ascended a short distance for forage. thomas fitzpatrick was one of the partners in the rocky mountain fur company, whose daring exploits and explorations of the mountains filled the thoughts of the men of his day. he was known to the indians as "broken hand," from having shattered one of those members. he joined ashley on his early expeditions, and was in the arikara campaign of ; but his chief operations were between and . in , he went out on the santa fé trail, barely escaping when jedidiah s. smith was killed. from to , he conducted the trade at the mountain rendezvous, once ( ) being lost some days in the mountains. in he was robbed by the crows, probably at the instigation of a rival fur company. upon the decline of the fur-trade, he continued to dwell on the frontier, acting as guide for government exploring expeditions, being commissioned captain, and later major. in he was agent for all the upper region of the platte, and of great use in indian negotiations.--ed. [ ] for the shoshoni, see bradbury's _travels_, in our volume v, p. , note ; for the nez percés, franchère's _narrative_, vi, p. , note . the bannock are a shoshonean tribe, whose habitat was midway between that of the shoshoni proper and the comanche, about the upper lewis river and great salt lake. they had the reputation of being fierce and treacherous, and next to the blackfeet, were dreaded by white travelers. lying athwart both the california and oregon trails, they occasionally were formidable, although usually on trading terms with the trappers. they are now concentrated on the fort hall and lemhi reservations in idaho, intermingled with shoshoni.--ed. it is very much to be regretted that at times like the present, there should be a positive necessity to allow the men as much rum as they can drink, but this course has been sanctioned and { } practised by all leaders of parties who have hitherto visited these regions, and reform cannot be thought of now. the principal liquor in use here is alcohol diluted with water. it is sold to the men at _three dollars_ the pint! tobacco, of very inferior quality, such as could be purchased in philadelphia at about ten cents per pound, here brings two dollars! and everything else in proportion. there is no coin in circulation, and these articles are therefore paid for by the independent mountain-men, in beaver skins, buffalo robes, &c.; and those who are hired to the companies, have them charged against their wages. i was somewhat amused to-day by observing one of our newly hired men enter the tent, and order, with the air of a man who knew he would not be refused, _twenty dollars' worth of rum, and ten dollars worth of sugar_, to treat two of his companions who were about leaving the rendezvous! _ th._--our camp here is a most lovely one in every respect, and as several days have elapsed since we came, and i am convalescent, i can roam about the country a little and enjoy it. the pasture is rich and very abundant, and it does our hearts good to witness the satisfaction and comfort of our poor jaded horses. our tents are pitched in a pretty little valley or indentation in the plain, surrounded on all sides by low bluffs of yellow clay. near us flows the clear deep water of the siskadee, and beyond, on every side, is a wide and level prairie, interrupted only by some gigantic peaks of mountains and conical _butes_ in the distance. the river, here, contains a great number of large trout, some grayling, and a small narrow-mouthed white fish, resembling a herring. they are all frequently taken with the hook, and, the trout particularly, afford excellent sport to the lovers of angling. old izaac walton would be in his glory here, and the precautionary measures which he so strongly recommends in approaching a trout stream, he would not need to practise, as the fish is not { } shy, and bites quickly and eagerly at a grasshopper or minnow. buffalo, antelopes, and elk are abundant in the vicinity, and we are therefore living well. we have seen also another kind of game, a beautiful bird, the size of a half grown turkey, called the cock of the plains, (_tetrao urophasianus_.) we first met with this noble bird on the plains, about two days' journey east of green river, in flocks, or _packs_, of fifteen or twenty, and so exceedingly tame as to allow an approach to within a few feet, running before our horses like domestic fowls, and not unfrequently hopping under their bellies, while the men amused themselves by striking out their feathers with their riding whips. when we first saw them, the temptation to shoot was irresistible; the guns were cracking all around us, and the poor grouse falling in every direction; but what was our disappointment, when, upon roasting them nicely before the fire, we found them so strong and bitter as not to be eatable. from this time the cock of the plains was allowed to roam free and unmolested, and as he has failed to please our palates, we are content to admire the beauty of his plumage, and the grace and spirit of his attitudes. _july d._--we bade adieu to the rendezvous this morning; packed up our moveables, and journied along the bank of the river. our horses are very much recruited by the long rest and good pasture which they have enjoyed, and, like their masters, are in excellent spirits. during our stay at the rendezvous, many of us looked anxiously for letters from our families, which we expected by the later caravans, but we were all disappointed. for myself, i have received but one since i left my home, but this has been my solace through many a long and dreary journey. many a time, while pacing my solitary round as night-guard in the wilderness, have i { } sat myself down, and stirring up the dying embers of the camp fire, taken the precious little memento from my bosom, undrawn the string of the leathern sack which contained it, and poured over the dear characters, till my eyes would swim with sweet, but sad recollections, then kissing the inanimate paper, return it to its sanctuary, tighten up my pistol belt, shoulder my gun, and with a quivering voice, swelling the "_all's well_" upon the night breeze, resume my slow and noiseless tramp around my sleeping companions. many of our men have left us, and joined the returning companies, but we have had an accession to our party of about thirty indians; flat-heads, nez percés, &c., with their wives, children, and dogs. without these our camp would be small; they will probably travel with us until we arrive on snake river, and pass over the country where the most danger is to be apprehended from their enemies, the black-feet. some of the women in this party, particularly those of the nez percé nation, are rather handsome, and their persons are decked off in truly savage taste. their dresses of deer skin are profusely ornamented with beads and porcupine quills; huge strings of beads are hung around their necks, and their saddles are garnished with dozens of little hawk's bells, which jingle and make music for them as they travel along. several of these women have little children tied to their backs, sewed up papoose fashion, only the head being seen; as they jolt along the road, we not unfrequently hear their voices ringing loud and shrill above the music of the bells. other little fellows who have ceased to require the maternal contributions, are tied securely on other horses, and all their care seems to be to sleep, which they do most pertinaciously in spite of jolting, noise, and clamor. there is among this party, a blackfoot chief, a renegado from his tribe, who sometime since killed the principal chief of his nation, and was { } in consequence under the necessity of absconding. he has now joined the party of his hereditary foes, and is prepared to fight against his own people and kindred. he is a fine, warlike looking fellow, and although he takes part in all the war-songs, and sham-battles of his adopted brothers, and whoops, and howls as loud as the best of them, yet it is plain to perceive that he is distrusted and disliked. all men, whether, civilized or savage, honorable, or otherwise, detest and scorn a traitor! we were joined at the rendezvous by a captain stewart, an english gentleman of noble family, who is travelling for amusement, and in search of adventure. he has already been a year in the mountains, and is now desirous of visiting the lower country, from which he may probably take passage to england by sea. another englishman, a young man, named ashworth, also attached himself to our party, for the same purpose.[ ] [ ] sir william drummond stuart, bart., of perthshire, scotland, who was rumored to have served under wellington, came to the united states ( ) to hunt big game in the rockies. he sustained his share of the caravan's work, mounting guard and serving in the skirmishes against the indians, and was highly respected by the mountain men. he went as far as the columbia, on this expedition. see also elliott coues, _forty years a fur-trader on the upper missouri_ (new york, ), index. townsend is, so far as we are aware, the only contemporary traveller who mentions ashworth in a published work.--ed. our course lay along the bank of ham's fork, through a hilly and stony, but not a rocky country; the willow flourished on the margin of the stream, and occasionally the eye was relieved, on scanning the plain, by a pretty clump of cottonwood or poplar trees. the cock of the plains is very abundant here, and our pretty little summer yellow bird, (_sylvia æstiva_,) one of our most common birds at home, is our constant companion. how natural sounds his little monotonous stave, and how it seems to carry us back to the dear scenes which we have exchanged for the wild and pathless wilderness! _ th._--we left ham's fork this morning,--now diminished to a little purling brook,--and passed across the hills in a north-westerly direction for about twenty miles, when we struck muddy creek.[ ] this is a branch of bear river, which empties into the salt lake, or "lake bonneville," as it has been lately named, for what reason i know not. our camp here, is a beautiful and most delightful one. a large plain, like a meadow, of rich, waving { } grass, with a lovely little stream running through the midst, high hills, capped with shapely cedars on two sides, and on the others an immense plain, with snow clad mountains in the distance. this being a memorable day, the liquor kegs were opened, and the men allowed an abundance. we, therefore, soon had a renewal of the coarse and brutal scenes of the rendezvous. some of the bacchanals called for a volley in honor of the day, and in obedience to the order, some twenty or thirty "happy" ones reeled into line with their muzzles directed to every point of the compass, and when the word "fire" was given, we who were not "happy" had to lie flat upon the ground to avoid the bullets which were careering through the camp. [ ] ham's fork is a western affluent of black fork of green river, in south-western wyoming. it was an important stream on the oregon trail, which later bent southward from this point to fort bridger, going by muddy creek, another affluent of the green. the muddy creek of townsend, however, is a different stream, flowing into bear river; it is not now known by this name. the oregon short line railway, which follows ham's fork and crosses to the bear, approximating townsend's route, follows the valley of rock creek to the latter river.--ed. in this little stream, the trout are more abundant than we have yet seen them. one of our _sober_ men took, this afternoon, upwards of thirty pounds. these fish would probably average fifteen or sixteen inches in length, and weigh three-quarters of a pound; occasionally, however, a much larger one is seen. _ th._--we travelled about twenty miles this day, over a country abounding in lofty hills, and early in the afternoon arrived on bear river, and encamped. this is a fine stream of about one hundred and fifty feet in width, with a moveable sandy bottom. the grass is dry and poor, the willow abounds along the banks, and at a distance marks the course of the stream, which meanders through an alluvial plain of four to six miles in width. at the distance of about one hundred miles from this point, the bear river enters the salt lake, a large body of salt water, without outlet, in which there is so large an island as to afford streams of fresh water for goats and other animals living upon it.[ ] [ ] bear river rises in the uintah mountains of northeastern utah, and flows north and slightly northwest along the borders of utah, wyoming, and idaho; until in idaho, it takes a sudden bend southwest and south, and after a course of more than a hundred miles, enters great salt lake. the trail struck this river near the southeastern corner of idaho, following its course northwest to its bend--almost the identical route of the present oregon short line railway. great salt lake had probably been seen by white men before the explorations of ashley's party; but no authentic account of its discovery has been found before that of james bridger, who in the winter of - followed bear river to its outlet. finding the water salt he concluded it to be an arm of the ocean; but the following spring some of the party explored its coast line in skin-boats, finding no outlet. captain bonneville gave it his own name, but this is applied only to the geological area occupied by the lake in the quaternary era.--ed. on the next day we crossed the river, which we immediately left, to avoid a great bend, and passed over some lofty ranges of hills and through rugged and stony valleys between them; the wind was blowing a gale right ahead, and clouds of dust were flying in our faces, so that at the end of the day, our countenances { } were disguised as they were on the plains of the platte. the march to-day has been a most laborious and fatiguing one both for man and beast; we have travelled steadily from morning till night, not stopping at noon; our poor horses' feet are becoming very much worn and sore, and when at length we struck bear river again and encamped, the wearied animals refused to eat, stretching themselves upon the ground and falling asleep from very exhaustion. trout, grayling, and a kind of char are very abundant here--the first very large. the next day we travelled but twelve miles, it being impossible to urge our worn-out horses farther. near our camp this evening we found some large gooseberries and currants, and made a hearty meal upon them. they were to us peculiarly delicious. we have lately been living entirely upon dried buffalo, without vegetables or bread; even this is now failing us, and we are upon short allowance. game is very scarce, our hunters cannot find any, and our indians have killed but two buffalo for several days. of this small stock they would not spare us a mouthful, so it is probable we shall soon be hungry. the alluvial plain here presents many unequivocal evidences of volcanic action, being thickly covered with masses of lava, and high walls and regular columns of basalt appear in many places. the surrounding country is composed, as usual, of high hills and narrow, stony valleys between them; the hills are thickly covered with a growth of small cedars, but on the plain, nothing flourishes but the everlasting wormwood, or _sage_ as it is here called. our encampment on the th, was near what are called the "white-clay pits," still on bear river. the soil is soft chalk, white and tenacious; and in the vicinity are several springs of strong supercarbonated water, which bubble up with all the activity of artificial fountains. the taste was very agreeable { } and refreshing, resembling saratoga water, but not so saline.[ ] the whole plain to the hills, is covered with little mounds formed of calcareous sinter, having depressions on their summits, from which once issued streams of water. the extent of these eruptions, at some former period, must have been very great. at about half a mile distant, is an eruptive thermal spring of the temperature of °, and near this is an opening in the earth from which a stream of gas issues without water. [ ] this is what is now known as soda springs, at the upper bend of bear river. irving describes it (_rocky mountains_, ii, p. ) as an area of half a mile, with a dazzling surface of white clay, on which the springs have built up their mounds it is, in miniature, what is found on a large scale in yellowstone park. one geyser exists in the form that townsend describes. see palmer's account, in our volume xxx.--ed. in a thicket of common red cedars, near our camp, i found, and procured several specimens of two beautiful and rare birds which i had never before seen--the lewis' woodpecker and clark's crow, (_picus torquatus_ and _corvus columbianus_.) we remained the whole of the following day in camp to recruit our horses, and a good opportunity was thus afforded me of inspecting all the curiosities of this wonderful region, and of procuring some rare and valuable specimens of birds. three of our hunters sallied forth in pursuit of several buffalo whose tracks had been observed by some of the men, and we were overjoyed to see them return in the evening loaded with the meat and marrow bones of two animals which they had killed. we saw here the whooping crane, and white pelican, numerous; and in the small streams near the bases of the hills, the common canvass-back duck, shoveller, and black duck, (_anas obscura_,) were feeding their young. we were this evening visited by mr. thomas mckay,[ ] an indian trader of some note in the mountains. he is a step-son of dr. mclaughlin, the chief factor at fort vancouver, on the { } columbia, and the leader of a party of canadians and indians, now on a hunt in the vicinity. this party is at present in our rear, and mr. mckay has come ahead in order to join us, and keep us company until we reach portneuf river, where we intend building a fort. [ ] this is the son of mr. alexander mckay, who was massacred by the indians of the n. w. coast on board the ship "tonquin," an account of which is given in irving's "astoria." i have often heard mckay speak of the tragical fate of his parent, and with the bitter animosity and love of revenge inherited from his indian mother, i have heard him declare that he will yet be known on the coast as the avenger of blood.--townsend. _comment by ed._ for alexander mckay, consult franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note . thomas mckay was born at sault ste. marie, and when a lad ( ) came with his father to oregon. after the failure of the astoria enterprise, he entered the north west company, and fought under their banner in the battle on red river in . returning to oregon, he became an important agent of the hudson's bay company, under his step-father's management, usually in charge of the snake river brigade. he was brave, dashing, a sure shot, and the idol of the half-breeds. he had a farm in multnomah valley, and became a united states citizen, raising a company of militia which did active service in the cayuse war of . _ th._--we were moving early this morning: our horses were very much recruited, and seemed as eager as their masters to travel on. it is astonishing how soon a horse revives, and overcomes the lassitude consequent upon fatigue, when he is allowed a day's rest upon tolerable pasture. towards noon, however, after encountering the rough lava-strewn plain for a few hours, they became sufficiently sobered to desist from all unnecessary curvetting and prancing, and settled down into a very matter-of-fact trudge, better suited to the country and to the work which they have yet to do. soon after we left, we crossed one of the high and stony hills by which our late camp is surrounded; then making a gentle descent, we came to a beautiful and very fertile plain. this is, however, very different from the general face of the country; in a short time, after passing over the rich prairie, the same dry aridity and depauperation prevailed, which is almost universal west of the mountains. on the wide plain, we observed large sunken spots, some of them of great extent, surrounded by walls of lava, indicating the existence, at some very ancient date, of active craters. these eruptions have probably been antediluvian, or have existed at a period long anterior to the present order of creation. on the side of the hills are high walls of lava and basaltic dykes, and many large and dark caves are formed by the juxtaposition of the enormous masses. early in the afternoon we passed a large party of white men, encamped on the lava plain near one of the small streams. horses were tethered all around, and men were lolling about playing games of cards, and loitering through the camp, as { } though at a loss for employment. we soon ascertained it to be captain bonneville's company resting after the fatigues of a long march.[ ] mr. wyeth and captain stewart visited the lodge of the "bald chief," and our party proceeded on its march. the difficulties of the route seemed to increase as we progressed, until at length we found ourselves wedged in among huge blocks of lava and columns of basalt, and were forced, most reluctantly, to retrace our steps for several miles, over the impediments which we had hoped we were leaving forever behind us. we had nearly reached bonneville's camp again, when captains wyeth and stewart joined us, and we struck into another path which proved more tolerable. wyeth gave us a rather amusing account of his visit to the worthy captain. he and captain stewart were received very kindly by the veteran, and every delicacy that the lodge afforded was brought forth to do them honor. among the rest, was some _metheglen_ or diluted alcohol sweetened with honey, which the good host had concocted; this dainty beverage was set before them, and the thirsty guests were not slow in taking advantage of the invitation so obligingly given. draught after draught of the precious liquor disappeared down the throats of the visitors, until the anxious, but still complaisant captain, began to grow uneasy. [ ] compare irving's account of this meeting, in _rocky mountains_, ii, pp. - .--ed. "i beg you will help yourselves, gentlemen," said the host, with a smile which he intended to express the utmost urbanity, but which, in spite of himself, had a certain ghastliness about it. "thank you, sir, we will do so freely," replied the two worthies, and away went the metheglen as before. cup after cup was drained, until the hollow sound of the keg indicated that its contents were nearly exhausted, when the company rose, and thanking the kind host for his noble entertainment, were bowed out of the tent with all the polite formality which the accomplished captain knows so well how to assume. towards evening, we struck blackfoot river, a small, sluggish, { } stagnant stream, heading with the waters of a rapid rivulet passed yesterday, which empties into the bear river.[ ] this stream passes in a north-westerly direction through a valley of about six miles in width, covered with quagmires, through which we had great difficulty in making our way. as we approached our encampment, near a small grove of willows, on the margin of the river, a tremendous grizzly bear rushed out upon us. our horses ran wildly in every direction, snorting with terror, and became nearly unmanageable. several balls were instantly fired into him, but they only seemed to increase his fury. after spending a moment in rending each wound, (their invariable practice,) he selected the person who happened to be nearest, and darted after him, but before he proceeded far, he was sure to be stopped again by a ball from another quarter. in this way he was driven about amongst us for perhaps fifteen minutes, at times so near some of the horses, that he received several severe kicks from them. one of the pack horses was fairly fastened upon by the terrific claws of the brute, and in the terrified animal's efforts to escape the dreaded gripe, the pack and saddle were broken to pieces and disengaged. one of our mules also lent him a kick in the head while pursuing it up an adjacent hill, which sent him rolling to the bottom. here he was finally brought to a stand. [ ] blackfoot river is an eastern affluent of lewis (or snake) river, next above portneuf. its general course is northwest, entering the main river at blackfoot, idaho. wyeth passed only along its upper reaches.--ed. the poor animal was so completely surrounded by enemies that he became bewildered. he raised himself upon his hind feet, standing almost erect, his mouth partly open, and from his protruding tongue the blood fell fast in drops. while in this position, he received about six more balls, each of which made him reel. at last, as in complete desperation, he dashed into the water, and swam several yards with astonishing strength and agility, the guns cracking at him constantly; but he was not to proceed far. just then, richardson, who had been absent, rode up, and fixing his deadly aim upon him, fired a ball into the back { } of his head, which killed him instantly. the strength of four men was required to drag the ferocious brute from the water, and upon examining his body, he was found completely riddled; there did not appear to be four inches of his shaggy person, from the hips upward, that had not received a ball. there must have been at least thirty shots made at him, and probably few missed him; yet such was his tenacity of life, that i have no doubt he would have succeeded in crossing the river, but for the last shot in the brain. he would probably weigh, at the least, six hundred pounds, and was about the height of an ordinary steer. the spread of the foot, laterally, was ten inches, and the claws measured seven inches in length. this animal was remarkably lean; when in good condition, he would, doubtless, much exceed in weight the estimate i have given. richardson, and two other hunters, in company, killed two in the course of the afternoon, and saw several others. this evening, our pet antelope, poor little "zip koon," met with a serious accident. the mule on which he rode, got her feet fastened in some lava blocks, and, in the struggle to extricate herself, fell violently on the pointed fragments. one of the delicate legs of our favorite was broken, and he was otherwise so bruised and hurt, that, from sheer mercy, we ordered him killed. we had hoped to be able to take him to the fort which we intend building on the portneuf river, where he could have been comfortably cared for. this is the only pet we have had in the camp, which continued with us for more than a few days. we have sometimes taken young grizzly bears, but these little fellows, even when not larger than puppies, are so cross and snappish, that it is dangerous to handle them, and we could never become attached to any animal so ungentle, and therefore young "_ephraim_," (to give him his mountain cognomen,) generally meets with but little mercy from us when his evil genius throws him in our way. the young buffalo calf is also very { } often taken, and if removed from the mother, and out of sight of the herd, he will follow the camp as steadily as a dog; but his propensity for keeping close to the horse's heels often gets him into trouble, as he meets with more kicks than caresses from them. he is considered an interloper, and treated accordingly. the bull calf of a month or two old, is sometimes rather difficult to manage; he shows no inclination to follow the camp like the younger ones, and requires to be dragged along by main force. at such times, he watches for a good opportunity, and before his captor is aware of what is going on, he receives a _butt_ from the clumsy head of the intractable little brute, which, in most cases, lays him sprawling upon the ground. i had an adventure of this sort a few days before we arrived at the rendezvous. i captured a large bull calf, and with considerable difficulty, managed to drag him into the camp, by means of a rope noosed around his neck, and made fast to the high pommel of my saddle. here i attached him firmly by a cord to a stake driven into the ground, and considered him secure. in a few minutes, however, he succeeded in breaking his fastenings, and away he scoured out of the camp. i lost no time in giving chase, and although i fell flat into a ditch, and afforded no little amusement to our people thereby, i soon overtook him, and was about seizing the stranded rope, which was still around his neck, when, to my surprise, the little animal showed fight; he came at me with all his force, and dashing his head into my breast, bore me to the ground in a twinkling. i, however, finally succeeded in recapturing him, and led and pushed him back into the camp; but i could make nothing of him; his stubbornness would neither yield to severity or kindness, and the next morning i loosed him and let him go. _ th._--on ascending a hill this morning, captain wyeth, who was at the head of the company, suddenly espied an indian stealing cautiously along the summit, and evidently endeavoring { } to conceal himself. captain w. directed the attention of mckay to the crouching figure, who, the moment he caught a glimpse of him, exclaimed, in tones of joyful astonishment, "a blackfoot, by ----!" and clapping spurs to his horse, tore up the hill with the most frantic eagerness, with his rifle poised in his hand ready for a shot. the indian disappeared over the hill like a lightning flash, and in another second, mckay was also out of sight, and we could hear the rapid clatter of his horse's hoofs, in hot pursuit after the fugitive. several of the men, with myself, followed after at a rapid gait, with, however, a very different object. mine was simply curiosity, mingled with some anxiety, lest the wily indian should lead our impetuous friend into an ambushment, and his life thus fall a sacrifice to his temerity. when we arrived at the hill-top, mckay was gone, but we saw the track of his horse passing down the side of it, and we traced him into a dense thicket about a quarter of a mile distant. several of our hardy fellows entered this thicket, and beat about for some time in various directions, but nothing could they see either of mckay or the indian. in the mean time, the party passed on, and my apprehensions were fast settling into a certainty that our bold companion had found the death he had so rashly courted, when i was inexpressibly relieved by hearing the crackling of the bushes near, which was immediately followed by the appearance of the missing man himself. he was in an excessively bad humor, and grumbled audibly about the "blackfoot rascal getting off in that cowardly fashion," without at all heeding the congratulations which i was showering upon him for his almost miraculous escape. he was evidently not aware of having been peculiarly exposed, and was regretting, like the hunter who loses his game by a sudden shift of wind, that his human prey had escaped him. the appearance of this indian is a proof that others are lurking near; and if the party happens to be large, they may give us { } some trouble. we are now in a part of the country which is almost constantly infested by the blackfeet; we have seen for several mornings past, the tracks of moccasins around our camp, and not unfrequently the prints of unshod horses, so that we know we are narrowly watched; and the slumbering of one of the guard, or the slightest appearance of carelessness in the conduct of the camp, may bring the savages whooping upon us like demons. our encampment this evening is on one of the head branches of the blackfoot river, from which we can see the three remarkable conic summits known by the name of the "_three butes_" or "_tetons_." near these flows the portneuf, or south branch of snake or lewis' river.[ ] here is to be another place of rest, and we look forward to it with pleasure both on our own account and on that of our wearied horses. [ ] townsend probably refers to the three buttes of the lewis river plain, about forty miles west of their camp. the three tetons--a magnificent group of snow-clad mountains--were sixty miles northeast, in the present teton forest reservation, wyoming. portneuf is an eastern affluent of lewis river, and a well-known halting pace on the oregon trail.--ed. _ th._--in the afternoon we made a camp on ross's creek, a small branch of snake river.[ ] the pasture is better than we have had for two weeks, and the stream contains an abundance of excellent trout. some of these are enormous, and very fine eating. they bite eagerly at a grasshopper or minnow, but the largest fish are shy, and the sportsman requires to be carefully concealed in order to take them. we have here none of the fine tackle, jointed rods, reels, and silkworm gut of the accomplished city sportsman; we have only a piece of common cord, and a hook seized on with half-hitches, with a willow rod cut on the banks of the stream; but with this rough equipment we take as many trout as we wish, and who could do more, even with all the curious contrivances of old izaac walton or christopher north? [ ] ross's creek is in reality an affluent of portneuf. the usual route from soda springs, on bear river, was by way of the portneuf; the route by blackfoot and ross's creek was somewhat shorter, although rougher.--ed. the band of indians which kept company with us from the rendezvous, left us yesterday, and fell back to join captain bonneville's party, which is travelling on behind. we do not regret their absence; for although they added strength to our band, and { } would have been useful in case of an attack from blackfeet, yet they added very materially to our cares, and gave us some trouble by their noise, confusion, and singing at night. on the th, we travelled but about six miles, when a halt was called, and we pitched our tents upon the banks of the noble shoshoné or snake river. it seems now, as though we were really nearing the western extremity of our vast continent. we are now on a stream which pours its waters directly into the columbia, and we can form some idea of the great oregon river by the beauty and magnitude of its tributary. soon after we stopped, captain w., richardson, and two others left us to seek for a suitable spot for building a fort, and in the evening they returned with the information that an excellent and convenient place had been pitched upon, about five miles from our present encampment. on their route, they killed a buffalo, which they left at the site of the fort, suitably protected from wolves, &c. this is very pleasing intelligence to us, as our stock of dried meat is almost exhausted, and for several days past we have been depending almost exclusively upon fish. the next morning we moved early, and soon arrived at our destined camp. this is a fine large plain on the south side of the portneuf, with an abundance of excellent grass and rich soil. the opposite side of the river is thickly covered with large timber of the cottonwood and willow, with a dense undergrowth of the same, intermixed with service-berry and currant bushes.[ ] [ ] this statement concerning the site of fort hall does not agree with that of later writers; possibly the fort was removed later, for frémont in describes it as being nine miles above the mouth of portneuf, on the narrow plain between that and lewis river. the fort was named for henry hall, senior member of the firm furnishing wyeth's financial backing. wyeth sold this fort to the hudson's bay company in . the present fort hall, a government post, is forty miles northeast of the old fort, on lincoln creek, an affluent of blackfoot river. it was built in may, , and there, since that time, a garrison has been maintained.--ed. most of the men were immediately put to work, felling trees, making horse-pens, and preparing the various requisite materials for the building, while others were ordered to get themselves in readiness for a start on the back track, in order to make a hunt, and procure meat for the camp. to this party i have attached myself, and all my leisure time to-day is employed in preparing for it. our number will be twelve, and each man will lead a mule with { } a pack-saddle, in order to bring in the meat that we may kill. richardson is the principal of this party, and mr. ashworth has also consented to join us, so that i hope we shall have an agreeable trip. there will be but little hard work to perform; our men are mostly of the best, and no rum or cards are allowed. { } chapter vi departure of the hunting camp--a false alarm--blackfeet indians--their ferocity--requisites of a mountain-man--good fare, and good appetites--an experiment--grizzly bears--visit of a nez percé indian--adventure with a grizzly bear--hunter's anecdotes--homeward bound--accident from gunpowder--arrival at "fort hall"--a salute--emaciation of some of the party from low diet--mr. mckay's company--buffalo lodges--progress of the building--effects of judicious training--indian worship--a "camp meeting"--mr. jason lee, a favorite--a fatal accident and a burial. _july th._--our little hunting party of twelve men, rode out of the encampment this morning, at a brisk trot, which gait was continued until we arrived at our late encampment on ross' creek, having gone about thirty miles. here we came to a halt, and made a hearty meal on a buffalo which we had just killed. while we were eating, a little welshman, whom we had stationed outside our camp to watch the horses, came running to us out of breath, crying in a terrified falsetto, "_indians, indians!_" in a moment every man was on his feet, and his gun in his hand; the horses were instantly surrounded, by richardson's direction, and driven into the bushes, and we were preparing ourselves for the coming struggle, when our hunter, peering out of the thick copse to mark the approach of the enemy, burst at once into a loud laugh, and muttering something about a welsh coward, stepped boldly from his place of concealment, and told us to follow him. when we had done so, we perceived the band approaching steadily, and it seemed warily, along the path directly in our front. richardson said something to them in an unknown tongue, which immediately brought several of the strangers towards { } us at full gallop. one of these was a canadian, as his peculiar physiognomy, scarlet sash, and hat ribbons of gaudy colors, clearly proved, and the two who accompanied him, were indians. these people greeted us with great cordiality, the more so, perhaps, as they had supposed, on seeing the smoke from our fire, that we were a band of blackfeet, and that, therefore, there was no alternative for them but to fight. while we were conversing, the whole party, of about thirty, came up, and it needed but a glance at the motley group of tawdrily dressed hybrid boys, and blanketted indians, to convince us that this was mckay's company travelling on to join him at fort hall. they inquired anxiously about their leader, and seemed pleased on being informed that he was so near; the prospect of a few days' rest at the fort, and the _regale_ by which their arrival was sure to be commemorated, acted upon the spirits of the mercurial young half-breeds, like the potent liquor which they expected soon to quaff in company with the kindred souls who were waiting to receive them. they all seemed hungry, and none required a second invitation to join us at our half finished meal. the huge masses of savoury fleece meat, hump-ribs, and side-ribs disappeared, and were polished with wonderful dispatch; the canadians ate like half famished wolves, and the sombre indians, although slower and more sedate in their movements, were very little behind their companions in the agreeable process of mastication. the next day we rode thirty-four miles, and encamped on a pretty little stream, fringed with willows, running through the midst of a large plain. within a few miles, we saw a small herd of buffalo, and six of our company left the camp for a hunt. in an hour two of them returned, bringing the meat of one animal. we all commenced work immediately, cutting it in thin slices, and hanging it on the bushes to dry. by sundown, our work was finished, and soon after dark, the remaining hunters { } came in, bringing the best parts of three more. this will give us abundance of work for to-morrow, when the hunters will go out again. richardson and salisbury mention having seen several blackfeet indians to-day, who, on observing them, ran rapidly away, and, as usual, concealed themselves in the bushes. we are now certain that our worst enemies are around us, and that they are only waiting for a favorable time and opportunity to make an attack. they are not here for nothing, and have probably been dogging us, and reconnoitering our outposts, so that the greatest caution and watchfulness will be required to prevent a surprise. we are but a small company, and there may be at this very moment hundreds within hearing of our voices. the blackfoot is a sworn and determined foe to all white men, and he has often been heard to declare that he would rather hang the scalp of a "pale face" to his girdle, than kill a buffalo to prevent his starving. the hostility of this dreaded tribe is, and has for years been, proverbial. they are, perhaps, the only indians who do not fear the power, and who refuse to acknowledge the superiority of the white man; and though so often beaten in conflicts with them, even by their own mode of warfare, and generally with numbers vastly inferior, their indomitable courage and perseverance still urges them on to renewed attempts; and if a single scalp is taken, it is considered equal to a great victory, and is hailed as a presage of future and more extensive triumphs. it must be acknowledged, however, that this determined hostility does not originate solely in savage malignity, or an abstract thirst for the blood of white men; it is fomented and kept alive from year to year by incessant provocatives on the part of white hunters, trappers, and traders, who are at best but intruders on the rightful domains of the red man of the wilderness. { } many a night have i sat at the camp-fire, and listened to the recital of bloody and ferocious scenes, in which the narrators were the actors, and the poor indians the victims, and i have felt my blood tingle with shame, and boil with indignation, to hear the diabolical acts applauded by those for whose amusement they were related. many a precious villain, and merciless marauder, was made by these midnight tales of rapine, murder, and robbery; many a stripling, in whose tender mind the seeds of virtue and honesty had never germinated, burned for an opportunity of loading his pack-horse with the beaver skins of some solitary blackfoot trapper, who was to be murdered and despoiled of the property he had acquired by weeks, and perhaps months, of toil and danger. acts of this kind are by no means unfrequent, and the subjects of this sort of atrocity are not always the poor and despised indians: white men themselves often fall by the hands of their companions, when by good fortune and industry they have succeeded in loading their horses with fur. the fortunate trapper is treacherously murdered by one who has eaten from the same dish and drank from the same cup, and the homicide returns triumphantly to his camp with his ill gotten property. if his companion be inquired for, the answer is that some days ago they parted company, and he will probably soon join them. the poor man never returns--no one goes to search for him--he is soon forgotten, or is only remembered by one more steadfast than the rest, who seizes with avidity the first opportunity which is afforded, of murdering an unoffending indian in revenge for the death of his friend. on the th, we moved our camp to a spot about twelve miles distant, where richardson, with two other hunters, stopped yesterday and spent the night. they had killed several buffalo here, and were busily engaged in preparing the meat when we joined them. they gave us a meal of excellent cow's flesh, and { } i thought i never had eaten anything so delicious. hitherto we have had only the bulls which are at this season poor and rather unsavory, but now we are feasting upon the _best food in the world_. it is true we have nothing but meat and good cold water, but this is all we desire: we have excellent appetites, no dyspepsia, clear heads, sharp ears, and high spirits, and what more does a man require to make him happy? we rise in the morning with the sun, stir up our fires, and _roast_ our breakfast, eating usually from one to two pounds of meat at a morning meal. at ten o'clock we lunch, dine at two, sup at five, and lunch at eight, and during the night-watch commonly provide ourselves with two or three "hump-ribs" and a marrow bone, to furnish employment and keep the drowsy god at a distance. our present camp is a beautiful one. a rich and open plain of luxuriant grass, dotted with buffalo in all directions, a high picturesque hill in front, and a lovely stream of cold mountain water flowing at our feet. on the borders of this stream, as usual, is a dense belt of willows, and under the shade of these we sit and work by day, and sleep soundly at night. our meat is now dried upon scaffolds constructed of old timber which we find in great abundance upon the neighboring hill. we keep a fire going constantly, and when the meat is sufficiently dried, it is piled on the ground, preparatory to being baled. _ st._--the buffalo appear even more numerous than when we came, and much less suspicious than common. the bulls frequently pass slowly along within a hundred yards of us, and toss their shaggy and frightful looking heads as though to warn us against attacking or approaching them. towards evening, to-day, i walked out with my gun, in the direction of one of these prowling monsters, and the ground in his vicinity being covered densely with bushes, i determined to { } approach as near him as possible, in order to try the efficacy of a ball planted directly in the centre of the forehead. i had heard of this experiment having been tried without success and i wished to ascertain the truth for myself. "taking the wind" of the animal, as it is called, (that is, keeping to leeward, so that my approach could not be perceived by communicating a taint to the air,) i crawled on my hands and knees with the utmost caution towards my victim. the unwieldy brute was quietly and unsuspiciously cropping the herbage, and i had arrived to within feet of him, when a sudden flashing of the eye, and an impatient motion, told me that i was observed. he raised his enormous head, and looked around him, and so truly terrible and grand did he appear, that i must confess, (in your ear,) i felt awed, almost frightened, at the task i had undertaken. but i had gone too far to retreat; so, raising my gun, i took deliberate aim at the bushy centre of the forehead, and fired. the monster shook his head, pawed up the earth with his hoofs, and making a sudden spring, accompanied by a terrific roar, turned to make his escape. at that instant, the ball from the second barrel penetrated his vitals, and he measured his huge length upon the ground. in a few seconds he was dead. upon examining the head, and cutting away the enormous mass of matted hair and skin which enveloped the skull, my large bullet of twenty to the pound, was found completely flattened against the bone, having carried with it, through the interposing integument, a considerable portion of the coarse hair, but without producing the smallest fracture. i was satisfied; and taking the tongue, (the hunter's perquisite,) i returned to my companions. this evening the roaring of the bulls in the _gang_ near us is terrific, and these sounds are mingled with the howling of large packs of wolves, which regularly attend upon them, and the hoarse screaming of hundreds of ravens flying over head. the dreaded { } grizzly bear is also quite common in this neighborhood; two have just been seen in some bushes near, and they visit our camp almost every night, attracted by the piles of meat which are heaped all around us. the first intimation we have of his approach is a great _grunt_ or _snort_, unlike any sound i ever heard, but much more querulous than fierce; then we hear the scraping and tramping of his huge feet, and the snuffing of his nostrils, as the savory scent of the meat is wafted to them. he approaches nearer and nearer, with a stealthy and fearful pace, but just as he is about to accomplish the object of his visit, he suddenly stops short; the snuffing is repeated at long and trembling intervals, and if the slightest motion is then made by one of the party, away goes "_ephraim_," like a cowardly burglar as he is, and we hear no more of him that night. on the d a nez percé indian, belonging to mr. mckay's company visited us. he is one of several hundred who have been sent from the fort on the same errand as ourselves. this was a middle aged man, with a countenance in which shrewdness or cunning, and complaisance, appeared singularly blended. but his person was a perfect wonder, and would have served admirably for the study of a sculptor. the form was perfection itself. the lower limbs were entirely naked, and the upper part of the person was only covered by a short checked shirt. his blanket lay by his side as he sat with us, and was used only while moving. i could not but admire the ease with which the man squatted on his haunches immediately as he alighted, and the position both of body and limbs was one that, probably, no white man unaccustomed to it, could have endured for many minutes together. the attitude, and indeed the whole figure was graceful and easy in the extreme; and on criticising his person, one was forcibly reminded of the apollo belvidere of canova. his only weapons were a short bow and half a dozen arrows, a scalping knife and tomahawk; with these, however, weak and inefficient { } as they seemed, he had done good service, every arrow being smeared with blood to the feathers. he told richardson that he and his three or four companions had killed about sixty buffalo, and that now, having meat enough, they intended to return to their camp to-morrow. this afternoon i observed a large flock of wild geese passing over; and upon watching them, perceived that they alighted about a mile and a half from us, where i knew there was a lake. concluding that a little change of diet might be agreeable, i sallied forth with my gun across the plain in quest of the birds. i soon arrived at a thick copse of willow and currant bushes, which skirted the water, and was about entering, when i heard a sort of angry growl or grunt directly before me--and instantly after, saw a grizzly bear of the largest kind erect himself upon his hind feet within a dozen yards of me, his savage eyes glaring with horrible malignity, his mouth wide open, and his tremendous paws raised as though ready to descend upon me. for a moment, i thought my hour had come, and that i was fated to die an inglorious death away from my friends and my kindred; but after waiting a moment in agonizing suspense, and the bear showing no inclination to advance, my lagging courage returned, and cocking both barrels of my gun, and presenting it as steadily as my nerves would allow, full at the shaggy breast of the creature, i retreated slowly backwards. bruin evidently had no notion of braving gunpowder, but i did not know whether, like a dog, if the enemy retreated he would not yet give me a chase; so when i had placed about a hundred yards between us, i wheeled about and flew, rather than ran, across the plain towards the camp. several times during this run for life, (as i considered it,) did i fancy that i heard the bear at my heels; and not daring to look over my shoulder to ascertain the fact, i only increased my speed, until the camp was nearly gained, when, from sheer exhaustion i relaxed my efforts, fell flat upon the ground, and { } looked behind me. the whole space between me and the copse was untenanted, and i was forced to acknowledge, with a feeling strongly allied to shame, that my fears alone had represented the bear in chase of me. when i arrived in camp, and told my break-neck adventure to the men, our young companion, mr. ashworth, expressed a wish to go and kill the bear, and requested the loan of my double-barrelled gun for this purpose. this i at first peremptorily refused, and the men, several of whom were experienced hunters, joined me in urging him not to attempt the rash adventure. at length, however, finding him determined on going, and that rather than remain, he would trust to his own single gun, i was finally induced to offer him mine, with a request, (which i had hoped would check his daring spirit,) that he would leave the weapon in a situation where i could readily find it; for after he had made one shot, he would never use a gun again. he seemed to heed our caution and advice but little, and, with a dogged and determined air, took the way across the plain to the bushes, which we could see in the distance. i watched him for some time, until i saw him enter them, and then, with a sigh that one so young and talented should be lost from amongst us, and a regret that we did not forcibly prevent his going, i sat myself down, distressed and melancholy. we all listened anxiously to hear the report of the gun; but no sound reaching our ears, we began to hope that he had failed in finding the animal, and in about fifteen minutes, to my inexpressible relief, we saw him emerge from the copse, and bend his steps slowly towards us. when he came in, he seemed disappointed, and somewhat angry. he said he had searched the bushes in every direction, and although he had found numerous footprints, no bear was to be seen. it is probable that when i commenced my retreat in one direction, bruin made off in the other, and that although he was willing to dispute the ground with me, and prevent my { } passing his lair, he was equally willing to back out of an engagement in which his fears suggested that he might come off the loser. this evening, as we sat around the camp fire, cozily wrapped in our blankets, some of our old hunters became garrulous, and we had several good "_yarns_," as a sailor would say. one told of his having been shot by a blackfoot indian, who was disguised in the skin of an elk, and exhibited, with some little pride, a great cicatrix which disfigured his neck. another gave us an interesting account of an attack made by the comanche indians upon a party of santa-fee traders, to which he had been attached. the white men, as is usual in general engagements with indians, gained a signal victory, not, however, without the loss of several of their best hunters; and the old man who told the story,--"uncle john," as he was usually called,--shed tears at the recollection of the death of his friends; and during that part of his narrative, was several times so much affected as to be unable to speak.[ ] [ ] i have repeatedly observed these exhibitions of feeling in some of our people upon particular occasions, and i have been pleased with them, as they seemed to furnish an evidence, that amid all the mental sterility, and absence of moral rectitude, which is so deplorably prevalent, there yet lingers some kindliness of heart, some sentiments which are not wholly depraved.--townsend. the best story, however, was one told by richardson, of a meeting he once had with three blackfeet indians. he had been out alone hunting buffalo, and towards the end of the day was returning to the camp with his meat, when he heard the clattering of hoofs in the rear, and, upon looking back, observed three indians in hot pursuit of him. he immediately _discharged his cargo_ of meat to lighten his horse, and then urged the animal to his utmost speed, in an attempt to distance his pursuers. he soon discovered, however, that the enemy was rapidly gaining upon him, and that in a few { } minutes more, he would be completely at their mercy, when he hit upon an expedient, as singular as it was bold and courageous. drawing his long scalping knife from the sheath at his side, he plunged the keen weapon through his horse's neck, and severed the spine. the animal dropped instantly dead, and the determined hunter, throwing himself behind the fallen carcass, waited calmly the approach of his sanguinary pursuers. in a few moments, one indian was within range of the fatal rifle, and at its report, his horse galloped riderless over the plain. the remaining two then thought to take him at advantage by approaching simultaneously on both sides of his rampart; but one of them, happening to venture too near in order to be sure of his aim, was shot to the heart by the long pistol of the white man, at the very instant that the ball from the indian's gun whistled harmlessly by. the third savage, being wearied of the dangerous game, applied the whip vigorously to the flanks of his horse, and was soon out of sight, while richardson set about collecting the trophies of his singular victory. he caught the two indians' horses; mounted one, and loaded the other with the meat which he had discarded, and returned to his camp with two spare rifles, and a good stock of ammunition. on the morning of the th, we commenced baling up our meat in buffalo skins dried for the purpose. each bale contains about a hundred pounds, of which a mule carries two; and when we had finished, our twelve long-eared friends were loaded. our limited term of absence is now nearly expired, and we are anxious to return to the fort in order to prepare for the journey to the lower country. at about o'clock, we left our pleasant encampment, and bade adieu to the cold spring, the fat buffalo, and grizzly bears, and urging our mules into their fastest walk, we jolted along with our _provant_ towards the fort. { } in about an hour after, an unpleasant accident happened to one of our men, named mccarey. he had been running a buffalo, and was about reloading the gun, which he had just discharged, when the powder in his horn was ignited by a burning wad remaining in the barrel; the horn was burst to fragments, the poor man dashed from his horse, and his face, neck, and hands, burnt in a shocking manner. we applied, immediately, the simple remedies which our situation and the place afforded, and in the course of an hour he was somewhat relieved, and travelled on with us, though in considerable suffering. his eyes were entirely closed, the lids very much swollen, and his long, flowing hair, patriarchal beard and eye-brows, had all vanished in smoke. it will be long ere he gets another such crop. the weather here is generally uncomfortably warm, so much so, that we discard, while travelling, all such encumbrances as coats, neckcloths, &c., but the nights are excessively cold, ice often forming in the camp kettles, of the thickness of half an inch, or more. my custom has generally been to roll myself in my blanket at night, and use my large coat as a pillow; but here the coat must be worn, and my saddle has to serve the purpose to which the coat is usually applied. we travelled, this day, thirty miles, and the next afternoon, at o'clock, arrived at the fort. on the route we met three hunters, whom captain w. had sent to kill game for the camp. they informed us that all hands have been for several days on short allowance, and were very anxious for our return. when we came in sight of the fort, we gave them a mountain salute, each man firing his gun in quick succession. they did not expect us until to-morrow, and the firing aroused them instantly. in a very few minutes, a score of men were armed and mounted, and dashing out to give battle to the advancing indians, as they thought us. the general supposition was, that { } their little hunting party had been attacked by a band of roving blackfeet, and they made themselves ready for the rescue in a space of time that did them great credit. it was perhaps "_bad medicine_," (to use the mountain phrase,) to fire a salute at all, inasmuch as it excited some unnecessary alarm, but it had the good effect to remind them that danger might be near when they least expected it, and afforded them an opportunity of showing the promptness and alacrity with which they could meet and brave it. our people were all delighted to see us arrive, and i could perceive many a longing and eager gaze cast upon the well filled bales, as our mules swung their little bodies through the camp. my companion, mr. n., had become so exceedingly thin that i should scarcely have known him; and upon my expressing surprise at the great change in his appearance, he heaved a sigh of inanity, and remarked that i "would have been as thin as he if i had lived on old _ephraim_ for two weeks, and short allowance of that." i found, in truth, that the whole camp had been subsisting, during our absence, on little else than two or three grizzly bears which had been killed in the neighborhood; and with a complacent glance at my own rotund and _cow-fed_ person, i wished my _poor_ friend better luck for the future. we found mr. mckay's company encamped on the bank of the river within a few hundred yards of our tents. it consists of thirty men, thirteen of whom are indians, nez percés, chinooks and kayouse,[ ] with a few squaws. the remainder are french-canadians, and half-breeds. their lodges,--of which there are several,--are of a conical form, composed of ten long poles, the lower ends of which are pointed and driven into the ground; the upper blunt, and drawn together at the top by thongs. around these poles, several dressed buffalo skins, sewed together, are stretched, a hole being left on one side for entrance. [ ] for the chinook, see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note ; for the cayuse, ross's _oregon settlers_, our volume vii, p. , note .--ed. these are the kind of lodges universally used by the mountain { } indians while travelling: they are very comfortable and commodious, and a squaw accustomed to it, will erect and prepare one for the reception of her husband, while he is removing the trapping, from his horse. i have seen an expert indian woman stretch a lodge in half the time that was required by four white men to perform the same operation with another in the neighborhood. at the fort, affairs look prosperous: the stockade is finished; two bastions have been erected, and the work is singularly good, considering the scarcity of proper building tools. the house will now soon be habitable, and the structure can then be completed at leisure by men who will be left here in charge, while the party travels on to its destination, the columbia. on the evening of the th, captain w., mr. nuttall and myself supped with mr. mckay in his lodge. i am much pleased with this gentleman: he unites the free, frank and open manners of the mountain man, with the grace and affability of the frenchman. but above all, i admire the order, decorum, and strict subordination which exists among his men, so different from what i have been accustomed to see in parties composed of americans. mr. mckay assures me that he had considerable difficulty in bringing his men to the state in which they now are. the free and fearless indian was particularly difficult to subdue; but steady, determined perseverance, and bold measures, aided by a rigid self-example, made them as clay in his hand, and has finally reduced them to their present admirable condition. if they misbehaved, a commensurate punishment is sure to follow: in extreme cases, flagellation is resorted to, but it is inflicted only by the hand of the captain; were any other appointed to perform this office _on an indian_, the indignity would be deemed so great, that nothing less than the blood of the individual could appease the wounded feelings of the savage. { } after supper was concluded, we sat ourselves down on a buffalo robe at the entrance of the lodge, to see the indians at their devotions. the whole thirteen were soon collected at the call of one whom they had chosen for their chief, and seated with sober, sedate countenances around a large fire. after remaining in perfect silence for perhaps fifteen minutes, the chief commenced an harangue in a solemn and impressive tone, reminding them of the object for which they were thus assembled, that of worshipping the "great spirit who made the light and the darkness, the fire and the water," and assured them that if they offered up their prayers to him with but "one tongue," they would certainly be accepted. he then rose from his squatting position to his knees, and his example was followed by all the others. in this situation he commenced a prayer, consisting of short sentences uttered rapidly but with great apparent fervor, his hands clasped upon his breast, and his eyes cast upwards with a beseeching look towards heaven. at the conclusion of each sentence, a choral response of a few words was made, accompanied frequently by low moaning. the prayer lasted about twenty minutes. after its conclusion, the chief, still maintaining the same position of his body and hands, but with his head bent to his breast, commenced a kind of psalm or sacred song, in which the whole company presently joined. the song was a simple expression of a few sounds, no intelligible words being uttered. it resembled the words, _ho-h[)a]-ho-h[)a]-ho-h[)a]-hã-ã_, commencing in a low tone, and gradually swelling to a full, round, and beautifully modulated chorus. during the song, the clasped hands of the worshippers were moved rapidly across the breast, and their bodies swung with great energy to the time of the music. the chief ended the song that he had commenced, by a kind of swelling groan, which was echoed in chorus. it was then taken up by another, and the same routine was gone { } through. the whole ceremony occupied perhaps, one and a half hours; a short silence then succeeded, after which each indian rose from the ground, and disappeared in the darkness with a step noiseless as that of a spectre. i think i never was more gratified by any exhibition in my life. the humble, subdued, and beseeching looks of the poor untutored beings who were calling upon their heavenly father to forgive their sins, and continue his mercies to them, and the evident and heart-felt sincerity which characterized the whole scene, was truly affecting, and very impressive. the next day being the sabbath, our good missionary, mr. jason lee, was requested to hold a meeting, with which he obligingly complied. a convenient, shady spot was selected in the forest adjacent, and the greater part of our men, as well as the whole of mr. mckay's company, including the indians, attended. the usual forms of the methodist service, (to which mr. l. is attached,) were gone through, and were followed by a brief, but excellent and appropriate exhortation by that gentleman. the people were remarkably quiet and attentive, and the indians sat upon the ground like statues. although not one of them could understand a word that was said, they nevertheless maintained the most strict and decorous silence, kneeling when the preacher kneeled, and rising when he rose, evidently with a view of paying him and us a suitable respect, however much their own notions as to the proper and most acceptable forms of worship, might have been opposed to ours. a meeting for worship in the rocky mountains is almost as unusual as the appearance of a herd of buffalo in the settlements. a sermon was perhaps never preached here before; but for myself, i really enjoyed the whole scene; it possessed the charm { } of novelty, to say nothing of the salutary effect which i sincerely hope it may produce. mr. lee is a great favorite with the men, deservedly so, and there are probably few persons to whose preaching they would have listened with so much complaisance. i have often been amused and pleased by mr. l.'s manner of reproving them for the coarseness and profanity of expression which is so universal amongst them. the reproof, although decided, clear, and strong, is always characterized by the mildness and affectionate manner peculiar to the man; and although the good effect of the advice may not be discernible, yet it is always treated with respect, and its utility acknowledged. in the evening, a fatal accident happened to a canadian belonging to mr. mckay's party. he was running his horse, in company with another, when the animals were met in full career by a third rider, and horses and men were thrown with great force to the ground. the canadian was taken up completely senseless, and brought to mr. mckay's lodge, where we were all taking supper. i perceived at once that there was little chance of his life being saved. he had received an injury of the head which had evidently caused concussion of the brain. he was bled copiously, and various local remedies were applied, but without success; the poor man died early next morning. he was about forty years of age, healthy, active, and shrewd, and very much valued by mr. mckay as a leader in his absence, and as an interpreter among the indians of the columbia. at noon the body was interred. it was wrapped in a piece of coarse linen, over which was sewed a buffalo robe. the spot selected, was about a hundred yards south of the fort, and the funeral was attended by the greater part of the men of both camps. mr. lee officiated in performing the ordinary church { } ceremony, after which a hymn for the repose of the soul of the departed, was sung by the canadians present. the grave is surrounded by a neat palisade of willows, with a black cross erected at the head, on which is carved the name "_casseau_."[ ] [ ] according to wyeth's journal his name was kanseau, and the services were protestant, catholic, and indian--"as he had an indian family; he at least was well buried."--ed. { } chapter vii departure of mr. mckay's party, captain stewart, and the missionaries--debauch at the fort--departure of the company--poor provision--blackfeet hunting ground--a toilsome journey, and sufferings from thirst--goddin's creek--antoine goddin, the trapper--scarcity of game--a buffalo--rugged mountains--comforting reflections of the traveller--more game--unusual economy--habits of the white wolf--"thornburg's pass"--difficult travelling--the captain in jeopardy among the snow--a countermarch--deserted banneck camp--toilsome and dangerous passage of the mountain--mallade river--beaver dams, and beaver--a party of snake indians--scarcity of pasture--another banneck camp--"kamas prairie"--indian mode of preparing the kamas--racine blanc, or biscuit root--travelling over the hills--loss of horses by fatigue--boisée or big-wood river--salmon--choke-cherries, &c. on the th of july, mr. mckay and his party left us for fort vancouver, captain stewart and our band of missionaries accompanying them. the object of the latter in leaving us, is, that they may have an opportunity of travelling more slowly than we should do, on account, and for the benefit of the horned cattle which they are driving to the lower country. we feel quite sad in the prospect of parting from those with whom we have endured some toil and danger, and who have been to some of us as brothers, throughout our tedious journey; but, if no unforeseen accident occurs, we hope to meet them all again at walla-walla, the upper fort on the columbia. as the party rode off, we fired three rounds, which were promptly answered, and three times three cheers wished the travellers success. _august th._--at sunrise this morning, the "star-spangled banner" was raised on the flag-staff at the fort, and a salute { } fired by the men, who, according to orders, assembled around it. all in camp were then allowed the free and uncontrolled use of liquor, and, as usual, the consequence was a scene of rioting, noise, and fighting, during the whole day; some became so drunk that their senses fled them entirely, and they were therefore harmless; but by far the greater number were just sufficiently under the influence of the vile trash, to render them in their conduct disgusting and tiger-like. we had "gouging," biting, fisticuffing, and "stamping" in the most "scientific" perfection; some even fired guns and pistols at each other, but these weapons were mostly harmless in the unsteady hands which employed them. such scenes i hope never to witness again; they are absolutely sickening, and cause us to look upon our species with abhorrence and loathing. night at last came, and cast her mantle over our besotted camp; the revel was over, and the men retired to their pallets peaceably, but not a few of them will bear palpable evidence of the debauch of the th of august. the next morning we commenced packing, and at o'clock bade adieu to "fort hall."[ ] our company now consists of but thirty men, several indian women, and one hundred and sixteen horses. we crossed the main snake or shoshoné river, at a point about three miles from the fort. it is here as wide as the missouri at independence, but, beyond comparison, clearer and more beautiful. [ ] upon leaving fort hall, the usual trail followed the valley of the lewis (or snake) to fort boise. wyeth, however, struck directly northwest across the snake river desert, past the three buttes. godin's creek was what is now known as lost river, from having no outlet.--ed. immediately on crossing the river, we entered upon a wide, sandy plain, thickly covered with wormwood, and early in the afternoon, encamped at the head of a delightful spring, about ten miles from our starting place. on the route, our hunters killed a young grizzly bear, which, with a few grouse, made us an excellent dinner. fresh meat is now very grateful to our palates, as we have been living for weeks past on nothing but poor, dried buffalo, the better, and { } far the larger part, having been deposited in the fort for the subsistence of the men who remain. we have no flour, nor vegetables of any kind, and our meat may be aptly compared to dry chips, breaking short off in our fingers; and when boiled to soften it a little, and render it fit for mastication, not a star appears in the pot. it seems astonishing that life can be sustained upon such miserable fare, and yet our men (except when under the influence of liquor) have never murmured, but have always eaten their crusty meal, and drunk their cold water with light and excellent spirits. we hope soon to fall in with the buffalo, and we shall then endeavor to prepare some good provision to serve until we reach the salmon region. we shall now, for about ten days, be travelling through the most dangerous country west of the mountains, the regular hunting ground of the blackfeet indians, who are said to be often seen here in parties of hundreds, or even thousands, scouring the plains in pursuit of the buffalo. traders, therefore, seldom travel this route without meeting them, and being compelled to prove their valor upon them; the white men are, however, generally the victors, although their numbers are always vastly inferior. _ th._--we were moving this morning with the dawn, and travelled steadily the whole day, over one of the most arid plains we have seen, covered thickly with jagged masses of lava, and twisted wormwood bushes. both horses and men were jaded to the last degree; the former from the rough, and at times almost impassable nature of the track, and the latter from excessive heat and parching thirst. we saw not a drop of water during the day, and our only food was the dried meat before spoken of, which we carried, and chewed like biscuits as we travelled. there are two reasons by which the extreme thirst which the way-farer suffers in these regions, may be accounted { } for; first, the intense heat of the sun upon the open and exposed plains; and secondly, the desiccation to which every thing here is subject. the air feels like the breath of a sirocco, the tongue becomes parched and horny, and the mouth, nose, and eyes are incessantly assailed by the fine pulverized lava, which rises from the ground with the least breath of air. bullets, pebbles of chalcedony, and pieces of smooth obsidian, were in great requisition to-day; almost every man was mumbling some of these substances, in an endeavor to assuage his burning thirst. the camp trailed along in a lagging and desponding line over the plain for a mile or more, the poor horses' heads hanging low, their tongues protruding to their utmost extent, and their riders scarcely less drooping and spiritless. we were a sad and most forlorn looking company, certainly; not a man of us had any thing to say, and none cared to be interrupted in his blissful dream of cool rivers and streams. occasionally we would pass a ravine or gorge in the hills, by which one side of the plain was bounded, and up this some of the men would steer, leaping over blocks of lava, and breaking a path through the dense bushes; but the poor searcher soon returned, disheartened and wo-begone, and those who had waited anxiously to hear his cheering call, announcing success, passed onward without a word. one of our men, a mulatto, after failing in a forage of this sort, cast himself resolutely from his horse to the ground, and declared that he would lie there till he died; "there was no water in the cursed country and he might as well die here as go farther." some of us tried to infuse a little courage into him, but it proved of no avail, and each was too much occupied with his own particular grief to use his tongue much in persuasion; so we left him to his fate. soon after night-fall, some signs of water were seen in a small valley to our left, and, upon ascending it, the foremost of the party found a delightful little cold spring; but they soon exhausted { } it, and then commenced, with axes and knives, to dig it out and enlarge it. by the time that mr. n., and myself arrived, they had excavated a large space which was filled to overflowing with muddy water. we did not wait for it to settle, however, but throwing ourselves flat upon the ground, drank until we were ready to burst. the tales which i had read of suffering travellers in the arabian deserts, then recurred with some force to my recollection, and i thought i could,--though in a very small measure,--appreciate their sufferings by deprivation, and their unmingled delight and satisfaction in the opportunity of assuaging them. poor jim, the mulatto man, was found by one of the people, who went back in search of him, lying where he had first fallen, and either in a real or pretended swoon, still obstinate about dying, and scarcely heeding the assurances of the other that water was within a mile of him. he was, however, at length dragged and carried into camp, and soused head foremost into the mud puddle, where he guzzled and guzzled until his eyes seemed ready to burst from his head, and he was lifted out and laid dripping and flaccid upon the ground. the next morning we made an early start towards a range of willows which we could distinctly see, at the distance of fifteen or twenty miles, and which we knew indicated goddin's creek, so called from a canadian of that name who was killed in this vicinity by the blackfeet. goddin's son, a half-breed, is now with us as a trapper; he is a fine sturdy fellow, and of such strength of limb and wind, that he is said to be able to run down a buffalo on foot, and kill him with arrows. goddin's creek was at length gained, and after travelling a few miles along its bank we encamped in some excellent pasture. our poor horses seemed inclined to make up for lost time here, as yesterday their only food was the straggling blades of a little { } dry and parched grass growing among the wormwood on the hills. we have been considerably disappointed in not seeing any buffalo to-day, and their absence here has occasioned some fear that we may not meet with them on our route. should this be the case, we shall have to depend upon such small game, hares, grouse, &c., as may happen to lie in our path. in a short time, however, even this resource will fail; and if we do not happen to see indians on the upper waters of the columbia, from whom we can purchase dried salmon, we shall be under the necessity of killing our horses for food. we perhaps derive one advantage, however, from the absence of game here,--that of there being less probability of lurking blackfeet in the vicinity; but this circumstance, convenient as it is, does not compensate for empty stomachs, and i believe the men would rather fight for the privilege of obtaining food, than live without it. the next morning we left goddin's creek, and travelled for ten miles over a plain, covered as usual with wormwood bushes and lava. early in the day, the welcome cry of "a buffalo! a buffalo!" was heard from the head of the company, and was echoed joyfully along the whole line. at the moment, a fine large bull was seen to bound from the bushes in our front, and tear off with all his speed over the plain. several hunters gave him chase immediately, and in a few minutes we heard the guns that proclaimed his death. the killing of this animal is a most fortunate circumstance for us: his meat will probably sustain us for three or four days, and by that time we are sanguine of procuring other provision. the appearance of this buffalo is not considered indicative of the vicinity of others: he is probably a straggler from a travelling band, and has been unable to proceed with it, in consequence of sickness or wounds. { } on leaving the plain this morning, we struck into a defile between some of the highest mountains we have yet seen. in a short time we commenced ascending, and continued passing over them, until late in the afternoon, when we reached a plain about a mile in width, covered with excellent grass, and a delightful cool stream flowing through the middle of it. here we encamped, having travelled twenty-seven miles. our journey, to-day, has been particularly laborious. we were engaged for several hours, constantly in ascending and descending enormous rocky hills, with scarcely the sign of a valley between them; and some of them so steep, that our horses were frequently in great danger of falling, by making a mis-step on the loose, rolling stones. i thought the black hills, on the platte, rugged and difficult of passage, but they sink into insignificance when compared with these.[ ] [ ] these mountains--in custer county, idaho, between the different branches of lost river--have apparently no local name that has been cartographically recorded; they lie between the sawtooth and lost river ranges.--ed. we observed, on these mountains, large masses of green-stone, and beautiful pebbles of chalcedony and fine agate; the summits of the highest are covered with snow. in the mountain passes, we found an abundance of large, yellow currants, rather acid, but exceedingly palatable to men who have been long living on animal food exclusively. we all ate heartily of them; indeed, some of our people became so much attached to the bushes, that we had considerable difficulty to induce them to travel again. _ th_.--we commenced our march at seven this morning, proceeding up a narrow valley, bordering our encampment in a north-easterly direction. the ravine soon widened, until it became a broad, level plain, covered by the eternal "sage" bushes, but was much less stony than usual. about mid-day, we left the plain, and shaped our course over a spur of one of the large mountains; then taking a ravine, in about an hour we came to the level land, and struck goddin's creek again, late in the afternoon. our provision was all exhausted at breakfast, this morning, { } (most of our bull meat having been given to a band of ten trappers, who left us yesterday,) we had seen no game on our route, and we were therefore preparing ourselves to retire supperless to our pallets, when richardson and sansbury were descried approaching the camp and, to our great comfort, we observed that they had meat on their saddles. when they arrived, however, we were somewhat disappointed to find that they had only killed a calf, but they had brought the entire little animal with them, the time for picking and choosing of choice pieces having passed with us; and after making a hearty meal, we wrapped ourselves in our blankets and slept soundly. although but a scant breakfast was left for us in the morning, and we knew not if any dinner would fall in our way, yet "none of these things moved us;" we lived altogether upon the present, and heeded not the future. we had always been provided for; often, when we had despaired of procuring sustenance, and when the pangs of hunger had soured our temper, and made us quarrelsome, when we thought there was no prospect before us but to sacrifice our valuable horses, or die of starvation, have the means been provided for our relief. a buffalo, an elk, or an antelope, has appeared like the goat provided for the faithful abraham, to save a more valuable life, and i hope that some of us have been willing, reverently to acknowledge from whom these benefits and blessings have been received. on the day following, richardson killed two buffalo, and brought his horse heavily laden with meat to the camp. our good hunter walked himself, that the animal might be able to bear the greater burthen. after depositing the meat in the camp, he took a fresh horse, and accompanied by three men, returned to the spot where the game had been killed, (about four miles distant,) and in the evening, brought in every pound of it, leaving only the heavier bones. the wolves will be disappointed this evening; they are accustomed to dainty picking when they { } glean after the hunters, but we have now abandoned the "wasty ways" which so disgraced us when game was abundant; the despised leg bone, which was wont to be thrown aside with such contempt, is now polished of every tendon of its covering, and the savory hump is used as a kind of _dessert_ after a meal of coarser meat. speaking of wolves, i have often been surprised at the perseverance and tenacity with which these animals will sometimes follow the hunter for a whole day, to feed upon the carcass he may leave behind him. when an animal is killed, they seem to mark the operation, and stand still at a most respectful distance, with drooping tail and ears, as though perfectly indifferent to the matter in progress. thus will they stand until the game is butchered, the meat placed upon the saddle, and the hunter is mounted and on his way; then, if he glances behind him, he will see the wily forager stealthily crawling and prowling along towards the smoking remains, and pouncing upon it, and tearing it with tooth and nail, immediately as he gets out of reach. during the day, the wolves are shy, and rarely permit an approach to within gun-shot; but at night, (where game is abundant,) they are so fearless as to come quite within the purlieus of the camp, and there sit, a dozen together, and howl hideously for hours. this kind of serenading, it may be supposed, is not the most agreeable; and many a time when on guard, have i observed the unquiet tossing of the bundles of blankets near me, and heard issue from them, the low, husky voice of some disturbed sleeper, denouncing heavy anathemas on the unseasonable music. _ th._--we shaped our course, this morning, towards what appeared to us a gap in a high and rugged mountain, about twenty miles ahead. after proceeding eight or ten miles, the character of the country underwent a remarkable and sudden change. instead of the luxuriant sage bushes, by which the { } whole plains have hitherto been covered, and the compact and dense growth of willows which has uniformly fringed every stream and rivulet, the ground was completely denuded; not a single shrub was to be seen, nor the smallest appearance of vegetation, except in small patches near the water. the mountains, also, which had generally been rocky, and covered with low, tangled bushes, here abound in beautiful and shapely pine trees. some of the higher peaks are, however, completely bare, and capped with enormous masses of snow. after we had travelled about twelve miles, we entered a defile between the mountains, about five hundred yards wide, covered, like the surrounding country, with pines; and, as we proceeded, the timber grew so closely, added to a thick undergrowth of bushes, that it appeared almost impossible to proceed with our horses. the farther we advanced, the more our difficulties seemed to increase; obstacles of various kinds impeded our progress;--fallen trees, their branches tangled and matted together, large rocks and deep ravines, holes in the ground, into which our animals would be precipitated without the possibility of avoiding them, and an hundred other difficulties which beggar description. we travelled for six miles through such a region as i have attempted to describe, and at o'clock encamped in a clear spot of ground, where we found excellent grass, and a cold, rapid stream. soon after we stopped, captain w. and richardson left us, to look for a pass through the mountains, or for a spot where it would be possible to cross them. strange as it may appear, yet in this desolate and almost impassable region we have observed, to-day, the tracks of a buffalo which must have passed here last night, or this morning; at least so our hunters say, and they are rarely deceived in such matters. captain w. and richardson returned early next morning, with the mortifying intelligence that no practicable pass through the { } mountain could be found. they ascended to the very summit of one of the highest peaks, above the snow and the reach of vegetation, and the only prospect which they had beyond, was a confused mass of huge angular rocks, over which even a wild goat could scarcely have made his way. although they utterly failed in the object of their exploration, yet they were so fortunate as to kill a buffalo, (_the_ buffalo,) the meat of which they brought on their horses. wyeth told us of a narrow escape he had while travelling on foot near the summit of one of the peaks. he was walking on a ridge which sloped from the top at an angle of about forty degrees, and terminated, at its lower part, in a perpendicular precipice of a thousand or twelve hundred feet. he was moving along in the snow cautiously, near the lower edge, in order to attain a more level spot beyond, when his feet slipped and he fell. before he could attempt to fix himself firmly, he slid down the declivity till within a few feet of the frightful precipice. at the instant of his fall, he had the presence of mind to plant the rifle which he held in one hand, and his knife which he drew from the scabbard with the other, into the snow, and as he almost tottered on the verge, he succeeded in checking himself, and holding his body perfectly still. he then gradually moved, first the rifle and then the knife, backward up the slanting hill behind him, and fixing them firmly, drew up his body parallel to them. in this way he moved slowly and surely until he had gained his former station, when, without further difficulty, he succeeded in reaching the more level land. after a good breakfast, we packed our horses, and struck back on our trail of yesterday, in order to try another valley which we observed bearing parallel with this, at about three miles distant, and which we conclude must of course furnish a path through the mountain. although our difficulties in returning by the same wretched route were very considerable, yet they were { } somewhat diminished by the road having been partially broken, and we were enabled also to avoid many of the sloughs and pitfalls which had before so much incommoded us. we have named this rugged valley, "thornburg's _pass_," after one of our men of this name, (a tailor,) whom we have to thank for leading us into all these troubles. thornburg crossed this mountain two years ago, and might therefore be expected to know something of the route, and as he was the only man in the company who had been here, captain w. acted by his advice, in opposition to his own judgment, which had suggested the other valley as affording a more probable chance of success. as we are probably the only white men who have ever penetrated into this most vile and abominable region, we conclude that the name we have given it must stand, from priority.[ ] [ ] the expedition apparently followed the east fork of lost river, into a maze of mountains known locally as the "devil's bedstead."--ed. in the bushes, along the stream in this valley, the black-tailed deer (_cervus macrourus_) is abundant. the beautiful creatures frequently bounded from their cover within a few yards of us, and trotted on before us like domestic animals; "they are so unacquainted with man" and his cruel arts, that they seem not to fear him. we at length arrived on the open plain again, and in our route towards the other valley, we came to a large, recent indian encampment, probably of bannecks,[ ] who are travelling down to { } the fisheries on snake river. we here took their trail which led up the valley to which we had been steering. the entrance was very similar in appearance to that of thornburg's pass, and it is therefore not very surprising that our guide should have been deceived. we travelled rapidly along the level land at the base of the mountain, for about three miles; we then began to ascend, and our progress was necessarily slow and tedious. the commencement of the alpine path was, however, far better than we had expected, and we entertained the hope that the passage could be made without difficulty or much toil, but the farther we progressed, the more laborious the travelling became. sometimes we mounted steep banks of intermingled flinty rock, and friable slate, where our horses could scarcely obtain a footing, frequently sliding down several feet on the loose, broken stones:--again we passed along the extreme verge of tremendous precipices at a giddy height, whereat almost every step the stones and earth would roll from under our horses' feet, and we could hear them strike with a dull, leaden sound on the craggy rocks below. the whole journey, to-day, from the time we arrived at the heights, until we had crossed the mountain, has been a most fearful one. for myself, i might have diminished the danger very considerably, by adopting the plan pursued by the rest of the company, that of walking, and leading my horse over the most dangerous places, but i have been suffering for several days with a lame foot, and am wholly incapable of such exertion. i soon discovered that an attempt to guide my horse over the most rugged and steepest ranges was worse than useless, so i dropped the rein upon the animal's neck, and allowed him to take his own course, closing my eyes, and keeping as quiet as possible in the saddle. but i could not forbear { } starting occasionally, when the feet of my horse would slip on a stone, and one side of him would slide rapidly towards the edge of the precipice, but i always recovered myself by a desperate effort, and it was fortunate for me that i did so. [ ] we afterwards learned, that only three days before our arrival, a hard contested, and most sanguinary battle, had been fought on this spot, between the bannecks and blackfeet, in which the former gained a signal and most complete victory, killing upwards of forty of their adversaries, and taking about three dozen scalps. the blackfeet, although much the larger party, were on foot, but the bannecks, being all well mounted, had a very decided advantage; and the contest occurring on an open plain, where there was no chance of cover, the blackfeet were run down with horses, and, without being able to load their guns, were trampled to death, or killed with salmon spears and axes. this was not the first time that we narrowly escaped a contest with this savage and most dreaded tribe. if we had passed there but a few days earlier, there is every probability to suppose that we should have been attacked, as our party at that time consisted of but twenty-six men.--townsend. late in the afternoon, we completed the passage across the mountain, and with thankful hearts, again trod the level land. we entered here a fine rich valley or plain, of about half a mile in width, between two ranges of the mountain. it was profusely covered with willow, and through the middle of it, ran a rapid and turbulent mountain torrent, called mallade river.[ ] it contains a great abundance of beaver, their recent dams being seen in great numbers, and in the night, when all was quiet, we could hear the playful animals at their gambols, diving from the shore into the water, and striking the surface with their broad tails. the sound, altogether, was not unlike that of children at play, and the animated description of a somewhat similar scene, in the "mohicans," recurred to my recollection, where the single-minded gamut is contemplating with feelings of strong reprobation, the wayward freaks of what he supposes to be a bevy of young savages. [ ] according to wyeth's account, the expedition retraced their steps to the forks of the river, then followed the south branch, passing over the mountains which form the boundary between custer and blaine counties, idaho, and emerging on trail creek, the affluent of the malade, which joins the main stream at ketchum, the present terminus of the wood river branch of the oregon short line railway.--ed. th.--we travelled down the mallade river,[ ] and followed the indian trail through the valley. the path frequently passed along near the base of the mountain, and then wound its way a considerable distance up it, to avoid rocky impediments and thick tangled bushes below, so that we had some climbing to do; but the difficulties and perils of the route of yesterday are still so fresh in our memory, that all minor things are disregarded, at least by _us_. our poor horses, however, no doubt feel differently, as they are very tired and foot sore. [ ] malade (or wood) river is a northern tributary of lewis in blaine county, idaho. the mining town of hailey is upon its banks. it was named rivière des malades (sick men's river) by alexander ross, who trapped upon it in , and whose men fell ill from eating beaver that had fed upon a poisonous root. see ross, _fur hunters_ (london, ), ii, pp. - .--ed. the next day we came to a close and almost impenetrable thicket of tangled willows, through which we had great difficulty in urging our horses. the breadth of the thicket was { } about one hundred yards, and a full hour was consumed in passing through it. we then entered immediately a rich and beautiful valley, covered profusely with a splendid blue lupin. the mountains on either side are of much less height than those we have passed, and entirely bare, the pine trees which generally cover and ornament them, having disappeared. during the morning, we ascended and descended several high and stony hills, and early in the afternoon, emerged upon a large, level prairie, and struck a branch of mallade river, where we encamped. while we were unloading, we observed a number of indians ahead, and not being aware of their character, stood with our horses saddled, while captain w. and richardson rode out to reconnoitre. in about half an hour they returned, and informed us that they were _snakes_ who were returning from the fisheries, and travelling towards the buffalo on the "big river," (shoshoné.) we therefore unsaddled our poor jaded horses and turned them out to feed upon the luxuriant pasture around the camp, while we, almost equally jaded, threw ourselves down in our blankets to seek a little repose and quiet after the toils and fatigues of a long day's march. soon after we encamped, the snake chief and two of his young men visited us. we formed a circle around our lodge and smoked the pipe of peace with them, after which we made them each a present of a yard of scarlet cloth for leggings, some balls and powder, a knife, and a looking glass. captain w. then asked them a number of questions, through an interpreter, relative to the route, the fishery, &c. &c.,--and finally bought of them a small quantity of dried salmon, and a little fermented kamas or _quamash_ root. the indians remained with us until dark, and then left us quietly for their own camp. there are two lodges of them, in all about twenty persons, but none of them presumed to come near us, with the exception of the three men, two { } squaws, and a few children. the chief is a man about fifty years of age, tall, and dignified looking, with large, strong aqualine features. his manners were cordial and agreeable, perhaps remarkably so, and he exhibited very little of that stoical indifference to surrounding objects which is so characteristic of an indian. his dress consisted of plain leggings of deer skin, fringed at the sides, unembroidered moccasins, and a _marro_ or waist-covering of antelope skin dressed without removing the hair. the upper part of his person was simply covered with a small blanket, and his ears were profusely ornamented with brass rings and beads. the men and squaws who accompanied him, were entirely naked, except that the latter had marros of deer skin covering the loins. the next morning we steered west across the wide prairie, crossing within every mile or two, a branch of the tortuous mallade, near each of which good pasture was seen; but on the main prairie scarcely a blade of grass could be found, it having lately been fired by the indians to improve the crops of next year. we have seen to-day some lava and basalt again on the sides of the hills, and on the mounds in the plain, but the level land was entirely free from it. at noon on the th, we passed a deserted indian camp, probably of the same people whose trail we have been following. there were many evident signs of the indians having but recently left it, among which was that of several white wolves lurking around in the hope of finding remnants of meat, but, as a scotchman would say, "i doubt they were mistaken," for meat is scarce here, and the frugal indians rarely leave enough behind them to excite even the famished stomach of the lank and hungry wolf. the encampment here has been but a temporary one, occupying a little valley densely overgrown with willows, the tops of which have been bent over, and tied so as to form a sort of lodge; over these, they have probably stretched deer { } skins or blankets, to exclude the rays of the sun. of these lodges there are about forty in the valley, so that the party must have been a large one. in the afternoon we arrived at "_kamas prairie_," so called from a vast abundance of this esculent root which it produces, (the _kamassa esculenta_, of nuttall.)[ ] the plain is a beautiful level one of about a mile over, hemmed in by low, rocky hills, and in spring, the pretty blue flowers of the kamas are said to give it a peculiar, and very pleasing appearance. at this season, the flowers do not appear, the vegetable being indicated only by little dry stems which protrude all over the ground among the grass. [ ] after crossing the malade, the expedition moved along one of its several western branches until reaching camas prairie, in elmore county. camas (quamash) is a bulbous root much used for food by the indians of the columbia. its shoshoni name is passheco. for further description consult thwaites, _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, p. .--ed. we encamped here, near a small branch of mallade river; and soon after, all hands took their kettles and scattered over the prairie to dig a mess of kamas. we were, of course, eminently successful, and were furnished thereby with an excellent and wholesome meal. when boiled, this little root is palatable, and somewhat resembles the taste of the common potato; the indian mode of preparing it, is, however, the best--that of fermenting it in pits under ground, into which hot stones have been placed. it is suffered to remain in these pits for several days; and when removed, is of a dark brown color, about the consistence of softened glue, and sweet, like molasses. it is then often made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together, and slightly baked in the sun. there are several other kinds of bulbous and tuberous roots, growing in these plains, which are eaten by the indians, after undergoing a certain process of fermentation or baking. among these, that which is most esteemed, is the white or biscuit root, the _racine blanc_ of the canadians,--(_eulophus ambiguus_, of nuttall.) this is dried, pulverized with stones, and after being moistened with water, is made into cakes and baked in the sun. the taste is not unlike that of a stale { } biscuit, and to a hungry man, or one who has long subsisted without vegetables of any kind, is rather palatable.[ ] [ ] this root is probably the one usually spoken of by the french-canadian trappers as "white-apple" (_pomme blanche_), or "swan-apple," and well known to scientists as _psoralea esculenta_.--ed. on the morning of the th, we commenced ascending the hills again, and had a laborious and toilsome day's march. one of our poor wearied horses gave up, and stopped; kicking, and cuffing, and beating had no effect to make him move; the poor animal laid himself down with his load, and after this was detached and shifted to the back of another, we left him where he fell, to recruit, and fall into the hands of the indians, or die among the arid hills. this is the first horse we have lost in this manner; but we have great fears that many others will soon fail, as their riders and drivers are compelled to use the whip constantly, to make them walk at the slowest gait. we comfort ourselves, however, by supposing that we have now nearly passed the most rugged country on the route, and hope, before many days, to reach the valley of the shoshoné, where the country will be level, and the pasture good. we are anxious, also, to fall in with the snake indians, in order to get a supply of salmon, as we have been living for several days on a short allowance of wretched, dry meat, and this poor pittance is now almost exhausted. _ th._--this morning was cold, the thermometer stood at °, and a thick skim of ice was in the camp kettles at sunrise. another hard day's travel over the hills, during which we lost two of our largest and stoutest horses. towards evening, we descended to a fine large plain, and struck _boisée_, or big wood river, on the borders of which we encamped.[ ] this is a beautiful stream, about one hundred yards in width, clear as crystal, and, in some parts, probably twenty feet deep. it is literally _crowded_ with salmon, which are springing from the water almost constantly. our mouths are watering most abundantly for some of them, but we are not provided with suitable implements for { } taking any, and must therefore depend for a supply on the indians, whom we hope soon to meet. we found, in the mountain passes, to-day, a considerable quantity of a small fruit called the choke-cherry, a species of prunus, growing on low bushes. when ripe, they are tolerable eating, somewhat astringent, however, producing upon the mouth the same effect, though in a less degree, as the unripe persimmon. they are now generally green, or we should feast luxuriantly upon them, and render more tolerable our miserable provision. we have seen, also, large patches of service bushes, but no fruit. it seems to have failed this year, although ordinarily so abundant that it constitutes a large portion of the vegetable food of both indians and white trappers who visit these regions. [ ] boise river is an important eastern affluent of lewis, rising in the mountains of blaine county, through which townsend had just passed; it flows nearly west for about a hundred miles. boise, the capital of idaho, is upon its banks. of the two forks which unite to form the main stream, wyeth's expedition encountered the southern.--ed. { } chapter viii a substitute for game, and a luxurious breakfast--expectations of a repast, and a disappointment--visit of a snake chief--his abhorrence of horse meat--a band of snake indians--their chief--trade with indians for salmon--mr. ashworth's adventure--an indian horse-thief--visit to the snake camp--its filthiness--a banneck camp--supercilious conduct of the indians--arrival at snake river--equipment of a trapping party--indian mode of catching salmon--loss of a favorite horse--powder river--cut rocks--recovery of the lost trail--grand ronde--captain bonneville--his fondness for a roving life--kayouse and nez percé indians--their appearance--an indian beauty--blue mountains--a feline visit. _august th._--at about daylight this morning, having charge of the last guard of the night, i observed a beautiful, sleek little _colt_, of about four months old, trot into the camp, whinnying with great apparent pleasure, and dancing and curvetting gaily amongst our sober and sedate band. i had no doubt that he had strayed from indians, who were probably in the neighborhood; but as here, every animal that comes near us is fair game, and as we were hungry, not having eaten any thing of consequence since yesterday morning, i thought the little stranger would make a good breakfast for us. concluding, however, that it would be best to act advisedly in the matter, i put my head into captain w.'s tent, and telling him the news, made the proposition which had occurred to me. the captain's reply was encouraging enough,--"down with him, if you please, mr. t., it is the lord's doing; let us have him for breakfast." in five minutes afterwards, a bullet sealed the fate of the unfortunate visitor, and my men were set to work making fires, and rummaging { } out the long-neglected stew-pans, while i engaged myself in flaying the little animal, and cutting up his body in readiness for the pots. when the camp was aroused, about an hour after, the savory steam of the cookery was rising and saluting the nostrils of our hungry people with its fragrance, who, rubbing their hands with delight, sat themselves down upon the ground, waiting with what patience they might, for the unexpected repast which was preparing for them. it was to me almost equal to a good breakfast, to witness the pleasure and satisfaction which i had been the means of diffusing through the camp. the repast was ready at length, and we did full justice to it; every man ate until he was filled, and all pronounced it one of the most delicious meals they had ever assisted in demolishing. when our breakfast was concluded, but little of the colt remained; that little was, however, carefully packed up, and deposited on one of the horses, to furnish, at least, a portion of another meal. the route, this morning, lay along boisée. for an hour, the travelling was toilsome and difficult, the indian trail, leading along the high bank of the river, steep and rocky, making our progress very slow and laborious. we then came to a wide plain, interrupted only by occasional high banks of earth, some of them of considerable extent, across which ran the path. towards mid-day, we lost sight of these banks, the whole country appearing level, with the exception of some distant hills in the south-west, which we suppose indicate the vicinity of some part of snake river. we have all been disappointed in the distance to this river, and the length of time required to reach it. not a man in our camp has ever travelled this route before, and all we have known about it has been the general course. { } in the afternoon, we observed a number of indians on the opposite side of the river, engaged in fishing for salmon. captain w. and two men immediately crossed over to them, carrying with them a few small articles to exchange for fish. we congratulated ourselves upon our good fortune in seeing these indians, and were anticipating a plentiful meal, when captain w. and his companions returned, bringing only _three_ small salmon. the indians had been unsuccessful in fishing, not having caught enough for themselves, and even the offer of exorbitant sums was not sufficient to induce them to part with more. in the afternoon, a grouse and a beaver were killed, which, added to the remains of the colt, and our three little salmon, made us a tolerable supper. while we were eating, we were visited by a snake chief, a large and powerful man, of a peculiarly dignified aspect and manner. he was naked, with the exception of a small blanket which covered his shoulders, and descended to the middle of the back, being fastened around the neck with a silver skewer. as it was pudding time with us, our visitor was of course invited to sit and eat; and he, nothing loath, deposited himself at once upon the ground, and made a remarkably vigorous assault upon the mixed contents of the dish. he had not eaten long, however, before we perceived a sudden and inexplicable change in his countenance, which was instantly followed by a violent ejectment of a huge mouthful of our luxurious fare. the man rose slowly, and with great dignity, to his feet, and pronouncing the single word "_shekum_," (horse,) in a tone of mingled anger and disgust, stalked rapidly out of the camp, not even wishing us a good evening. it struck me as a singular instance of accuracy and discrimination in the organs of taste. we had been eating of the multifarious compound without being able to recognize, by the taste, a single ingredient which it contained; a stranger came amongst us, who did not know, when he { } commenced eating, that the dish was formed of more than one item, and yet in less than five minutes he discovered one of the very least of its component parts. it would seem from this circumstance that the indians, or it may be the particular tribe to which this man belongs, are opposed to the eating of horse flesh, and yet, the natural supposition would be, that in the gameless country inhabited by them they would often be reduced to such shifts, and thus readily conquer any natural reluctance which they might feel to partake of such food. i did not think until after he left us, that if the chief knew how the horse meat he so much detested was procured, and where, he might probably have expressed even more indignation, for it is not at all unlikely that the colt had strayed from his own band. _ st._--the timber along the river banks is plentiful, and often attains a large size. it is chiefly of the species called balsam poplar, (_populus balsamifera_.) towards noon to-day, we observed ahead several groups of indians, perhaps twenty in each, and on the appearance of our cavalcade, they manifested their joy at seeing us, by the most extravagant and grotesque gestures, dancing and capering most ludicrously. every individual of them was perfectly naked, with the exception of a small thong around the waist, to which was attached a square piece of flannel, skin, or canvass, depending half way to the knees. their stature was rather below the middle height, but they were strongly built and very muscular. each man carried his salmon spear, and these, with the knives stuck in their girdles, appeared to be their only weapons, not one of them having a gun. as we neared them, the first group ran towards us, crying "shoshoné, shoshoné," and caused some delay by their eagerness to grasp our hands and examine our garments. after one group had become satisfied with fingering { } us, we rode on and suffered the same process by the next, and so on until we had passed the whole, every indian crying with a loud voice, "_tabiboo sant, tabiboo sant!_" (white man is good, white man is good.) in a short time the chief joined us, and our party stopped for an hour, and had a "talk" with him. he told us, in answer to our questions, that his people had fish, and would give them for our goods if we would sleep one night near their camp, and smoke with them. no trade, of consequence, can ever be effected with indians, unless the pipe be first smoked, and the matter calmly and seriously deliberated upon. an indian chief would think his dignity seriously compromised if he were expected to do _any thing_ in a hurry, much less so serious a matter as a salmon or beaver trade; and if we had refused his offered terms, he would probably have allowed us to pass on, and denied himself the darling rings, bells, and paint, rather than infringe a custom so long religiously practised by his people. we were therefore inclined to humor our snake friend, and accordingly came to a halt, on the bank of the river. the chief and several of his favored young braves sat with us on the bank, and we smoked with them, the other indians forming a large circle around. the chief is a man rather above the ordinary height, with a fine, noble countenance, and remarkably large, prominent eyes. his person, instead of being naked, as is usual, is clothed in a robe made of the skin of the mountain sheep; a broad band made of large blue beads, is fastened to the top of his head, and hangs over on his cheeks, and around his neck is suspended the foot of a huge grizzly bear. the possession of this uncouth ornament is considered among them, a great honor, since none but those whose prowess has enabled them to kill the animal, are allowed to wear it, and with their weak and inefficient weapons, { } the destruction of so fierce and terrible a brute, is a feat that may well entitle them to some distinction. we remained two hours at the spot where we halted, and then passed on about four miles, accompanied by the chief and his people, to their camp, where we pitched our tents for the night. in a short time the indians came to us in great numbers, with bundles of dried salmon in their arms, and a few recent ones. we commenced our trading immediately, giving them in exchange, fish-hooks, beads, knives, paint, &c., and before evening, had procured sufficient provision for the consumption of our party until we arrive at the falls of snake river, where we are told we shall meet the bannecks, from whom we can doubtless trade a supply, which will serve us until we reach walla-walla. while we were pursuing our trade, richardson and mr. ashworth rode into the camp, and i observed by the countenance of the latter, that something unusual had occurred. i felt very certain that no ordinary matter would be capable of ruffling this calm, intrepid, and almost fool-hardy young man; so it was with no little interest that i drew near, to listen to the tale which he told captain w. with a face flushed with unusual anger, while his whole person seemed to swell with pride and disdain. he said that while riding about five miles behind the party, (not being able to keep up with it on account of his having a worn out horse,) he was attacked by about fifty of the indians whom we passed earlier in the day, dragged forcibly from his horse and thrown upon the ground. here, some held their knives to his throat to prevent his rising, and others robbed him of his saddle bags, and all that they contained. while he was yet in this unpleasant situation, richardson came suddenly upon them, and the cowardly indians released their captive instantly, throwing the saddle bags and every thing else upon the ground and flying like frightened antelopes over the plain. the only real damage that mr. ashworth sustained, was the total loss of his { } saddle bags, which were cut to pieces by the knives of the indians, in order to abstract the contents. these, however, we think he deserves to lose, inasmuch, as with all our persuasion, we have never been able to induce him to carry a gun since we left the country infested by the blackfeet; and to-day, the very show of such a weapon would undoubtedly have prevented the attack of which he complains. richardson gives an amusing account of the deportment of our young english friend while he was lying under the knives of his captors. the heavy whip of buffalo hide, which was his only weapon, was applied with great energy to the naked backs and shoulders of the indians, who winced and stamped under the infliction, but still feared to use their knives, except to prevent his rising. richardson says, that until he approached closely, the blows were descending in rapid succession, and our hunter was in some danger of losing his characteristic dignity in his efforts to repress a loud and hearty laugh at the extreme ludicrousness of the whole scene. captain w., when the circumstances of the assault were stated to him, gave an immediate order for the suspension of business, and calling the chief to him, told him seriously, that if an attempt were again made to interrupt any of his party on their march, the offenders should be tied to a tree and whipped severely. he enforced his language by gestures so expressive that none could misunderstand him, and he was answered by a low groan from the indians present, and a submissive bowing of their heads. the chief appeared very much troubled, and harangued his people for considerable time on the subject, repeating what the captain had said, with some additional remarks of his own, implying that even a worse fate than whipping would be the lot of future delinquents. _ d._--last night during the second guard, while on my walk { } around the camp, i observed one of my men squatted on the ground, intently surveying some object which appeared to be moving among the horses. at his request, i stooped also, and could distinctly perceive something near us which was certainly not a horse, and yet was as certainly a living object. i supposed it to be either a bear or a wolf, and at the earnest solicitation of the man, i gave the word "fire." the trigger was instantly pulled, the sparks flew from the flint, but the rifle was not exploded. at the sound, an indian sprang from the grass where he had been crouching, and darted away towards the snake camp. his object certainly was to appropriate one of our horses, and very fortunate for him was it that the gun missed fire, for the man was an unerring marksman. this little warning will probably check other similar attempts by these people. early in the morning i strolled into the snake camp. it consists of about thirty lodges or wigwams, formed generally of branches of trees tied together in a conic summit, and covered with buffalo, deer, or elk skins. men and little children were lolling about the ground all around the wigwams, together with a heterogeneous assemblance of dogs, cats, some tamed prairie wolves, and other "_varmints_." the dogs growled and snapped when i approached, the wolves cowered and looked cross, and the cats ran away and hid themselves in dark corners. they had not been accustomed to the face of a white man, and all the quadrupeds seemed to regard me as some monstrous production, more to be feared than loved or courted. this dislike, however, did not appear to extend to the bipeds, for many of every age and sex gathered around me, and seemed to be examining me critically in all directions. the men looked complacently at me, the women, the dear creatures, smiled upon me, and the little naked, pot-bellied children crawled around my feet, examining the fashion of my hard shoes, and playing with the { } long fringes of my leathern inexpressibles. but i scarcely know how to commence a description of the _tout en semble_ of the camp, or to frame a sentence which will give an adequate idea of the extreme filth, and most horrific nastiness of the whole vicinity. i shall therefore but transiently glance at it, omitting many of the most disgusting and abominable features. [illustration: spearing the salmon] immediately as i entered the village, my olfactories were assailed by the most vile and mephitic odors, which i found to proceed chiefly from great piles of salmon entrails and garbage which were lying festering and rotting in the sun, around the very doors of the habitations. fish, recent and half dried, were scattered all over the ground, under the feet of the dogs, wolves and indian children; and others which had been split, were hanging on rude platforms erected within the precincts of the camp. some of the women were making their breakfast of the great red salmon eggs as large as peas, and using a wooden spoon to convey them to their mouths. occasionally, also, by way of varying the repast, they would take a huge pinch of a drying fish which was lying on the ground near them. many of the children were similarly employed, and the little imps would also have hard contests with the dogs for a favorite morsel, the former roaring and blubbering, the latter yelping and snarling, and both rolling over and over together upon the savory soil. the whole economy of the lodges, and the inside and outside appearance, was of a piece with every thing else about them--filthy beyond description--the very skins which covered the wigwams were black and stiff with rancid salmon fat, and the dresses (if dresses they may be called) of the women, were of the same color and consistence, from the same cause. these _dresses_ are little square pieces of deer skin, fastened with a thong around the loins, and reaching about half way to the knees; the rest of the person is entirely naked. some of the women had little children clinging like bullfrogs to their backs, without being fastened, and in that situation { } extracting their lactiferous sustenance from the breast, which was thrown over the shoulders. it is almost needless to say, that i did not remain long in the snake camp; for although i had been a considerable time estranged from the abodes of luxury, and had become somewhat accustomed to, at least, a partial assimilation to a state of nature, yet i was not prepared for what i saw here. i never had fancied any thing so utterly abominable, and was glad to escape to a purer and more wholesome atmosphere. when i returned to our camp, the trading was going on as briskly as yesterday. a large number of indians were assembled around, all of whom had bundles of fish, which they were anxious to dispose of. the price of a dried salmon is a straight awl, and a small fish hook, value about one cent; ten fish are given for a common butcher knife that costs eight cents. some, however, will prefer beads, paint, &c., and of these articles, about an equal amount in value is given. a beaver skin can be had for a variety of little matters, which cost about twelve and a half cents; value, in boston, from eight to ten dollars! early in the afternoon, we repacked our bales of goods and rode out of the encampment, the indians yelling an adieu to us as we passed them. we observed that one had wrapped a buffalo robe around him, taken a bow and arrows in his hand, and joined us as we went off. although we travelled rapidly during the afternoon, the man kept with us without apparent over-exertion or fatigue, trotting along constantly for miles together. he is probably on a visit to a village of his people who are encamped on the "big river." _ d._--towards noon, to-day, we fell in with a village, consisting of thirty willow lodges of bannecks. the indians flocked out to us by hundreds, leaving their fishing, and every other employment, to visit the strangers. the chief soon made himself known to us, and gave us a pressing invitation to stop a { } short time with them, for the purpose of trade. although we had a good supply of fish on hand, and did not expect soon to suffer from want, yet we knew not but we might be disappointed in procuring provision lower in the country, and concluded, therefore, to halt for half an hour, and make a small increase to our stock. we were in some haste, and anxious to travel on as quickly as possible, to snake river. captain w., therefore, urged the chief to have the fish brought immediately, as he intended soon to leave them. the only reply he could obtain to this request, was "_te sant_," (it is good,) accompanied by signs, that he wished to smoke. a pipe was provided, and he, with about a dozen of his young men, formed a circle near, and continued smoking, with great tranquillity, for half an hour. our patience became almost exhausted, and they were told that if their fish were not soon produced, we should leave them empty as we came; to this, the only answer of the chief was a sign to us to remain still, while he deliberated yet farther upon the subject. we sat a short time longer in silent expectation, and were then preparing to mount our horses and be off, when several squaws were despatched to one of the lodges. they returned in a few minutes, bringing about a dozen dried fish. these were laid in small piles on the ground, and when the usual price was offered for them, they refused it scornfully, making the most exorbitant demands. as our articles of trade were running low, and we were not in immediate want, we purchased only a sufficiency for one day, and prepared for our departure, leaving the ground strewn with the neglected salmon. the indians were evidently very much irritated, as we could perceive by their angry countenances, and loud words of menace. some loosed the bows from their shoulders, and shook them at us with violent gestures of rage, and a boy, of seventeen or eighteen years of age, who stood near me, struck my horse on the head with a { } stick, which he held in his hand. this provoked me not a little; and spurring the animal a few steps forward, i brought my heavy whip several times over his naked shoulders, and sent him screeching into the midst of his people. several bows were drawn at me for this act, and glad would the savages have been to have had me for a short time at their mercy, but as it was, they feared to let slip their arrows, and soon dropped their points, contenting themselves with vaporing away in all the impotence of childish rage. as we rode off, they greeted us, not with the usual gay yell, but with a scornful, taunting laugh, that sounded like the rejoicings of an infernal jubilee. had these people been provided with efficient arms, and the requisite amount of courage to use them, they might have given us some inconvenience. towards evening, we arrived on snake river, crossed it at a ford, and encamped near a number of lodges along the shore. shortly afterwards, captain w., with three men, visited the indians, carrying with them some small articles, to trade for fish. in about half an hour they returned, bringing only about ten salmon. they observed, among the indians, the same disinclination to traffic that the others had manifested; or rather, like the first, they placed a higher value than usual upon the commodity, and wanted, in exchange, articles which we were not willing to spare them. they treated captain w. with the same insolence and contempt which was so irritating from those of the other village. this kind of conduct is said to be unusual among this tribe, but it is probably now occasioned by their having recently purchased a supply of small articles from captain bonneville, who, they inform us, has visited them within a few days. being desirous to escape from the immediate vicinity of the village, we moved our camp about four miles further, and stopped for the night. { } _ th._--the sudden and entire change from flesh exclusively, to fish, ditto, has affected us all more or less, with diarrhoea and pain in the abdomen; several of the men have been so extremely sick, as scarcely to be able to travel; we shall, however, no doubt, become accustomed to it in a few days. we passed, this morning, over a flat country, very similar to that along the platte, abounding in wormwood bushes, the pulpy-leaved thorn, and others, and deep with sand, and at noon stopped on a small stream called _malheur's creek_.[ ] [ ] malheur river rises in a lake of that name in harney county, oregon, and flows east and northeast into the lewis, being one of the latter's important western tributaries.--ed. here a party of nine men was equipped, and despatched up the river, and across the country, on a trapping expedition, with orders to join us early in the ensuing winter, at the fort on the columbia. richardson was the chief of this party, and when i grasped the hand of our worthy hunter, and bade him farewell, i felt as though i were taking leave of a friend. i had become particularly attached to him, from the great simplicity and kindness of his heart, and his universally correct and proper deportment. i had been accustomed to depend upon his knowledge and sagacity in every thing connected with the wild and roving life which i had led for some months past, and i felt that his absence would be a real loss, as well to myself, as to the whole camp, which had profited so much by his dexterity and skill. our party will now consist of only seventeen men, but the number is amply sufficient, as we have passed over the country where danger is to be apprehended from indians. we followed the course of the creek during the afternoon, and in the evening encamped on snake river, into which malheur empties. the river is here nearly a mile wide, but deep and clear, and for a considerable distance, perfectly navigable for steamboats, or even larger craft, and it would seem not improbable, that at some distant day, these facilities, added to the excellence of the alluvial soil, should induce the stout and hardy adventurers of our country to make permanent settlements here. { } i have not observed that the indians often attempt fishing in the "big river," where it is wide and deep; they generally prefer the slues, creeks, &c. across these, a net of closely woven willows is stretched, placed vertically, and extending from the bottom to several feet above the surface. a number of indians enter the water about a hundred yards above the net, and, walking closely, drive the fish in a body against the wicker work. here they frequently become entangled, and are always checked; the spear is then used dexterously, and they are thrown out, one by one, upon the shore. with industry, a vast number of salmon might be taken in this manner; but the indians are generally so indolent and careless of the future, that it is rare to find an individual with provision enough to supply his lodge for a week. _ th._--early in the day the country assumed a more hilly aspect. the rich plains were gone. instead of a dense growth of willow and the balsam poplar, low bushes of wormwood, &c., predominated, intermixed with the tall, rank prairie grass. towards noon, we fell in with about ten lodges of indians, (snakes and bannecks,) from whom we purchased eighty salmon. this has put us in excellent spirits. we feared that we had lost sight of the natives, and as we had not reserved half the requisite quantity of provisions for our support to the columbia, (most of our stock having been given to richardson's trapping party,) the prospect of several days abstinence seemed very clear before us. in the afternoon, we deviated a little from our general course, to cut off a bend in the river, and crossed a short, high hill, a part of an extensive range which we have seen for two days ahead, and which we suppose to be in the vicinity of powder river, and { } in the evening encamped in a narrow valley, on the borders of the shoshoné.[ ] [ ] lewis river here makes a considerable bend to the east, hence the short cut across country. the mountains are apparently the burnt river range, with powder river beyond. wyeth identifies this as the same place at which he encamped two years previous--near the point where the oregon short line railway crosses lewis river.--ed. _ th._--last night i had the misfortune to lose my favorite, and latterly my only riding horse, the other having been left at fort hall, in consequence of a sudden lameness, with which he became afflicted only the night before our departure.[ ] the animal was turned out as usual, with the others, in the evening, and as i have never known him to stray in a single instance, i conclude that some lurking indian has stolen him. it was the fattest and handsomest horse in the band, and was no doubt carefully selected, as there was probably but a single indian, who was unable to take more, for fear of alarming the guard. this is the most serious loss i have met with. the animal was particularly valuable to me, and no consideration would have induced me to part with it here. it is, however, a kind of accident that we are always more or less liable to in this country, and as a search would certainly be fruitless, must be submitted to with as good a grace as possible. captain w. has kindly offered me the use of horses until we arrive at columbia. [ ] i afterwards ascertained that this lameness of my "buffalo horse," was intentionally caused by one of the hopeful gentry left in charge of the fort, for the purpose of rendering the animal unable to travel, and as a consequence, confining him to the fort at the time of our departure. the good qualities of the horse as a buffalo racer, were universally known and appreciated, and i had repeatedly refused large sums for him, from those who desired him for this purpose.--townsend. we commenced our march early, travelling up a broad, rich valley, in which we encamped last night, and at the head of it, on a creek called brulé, we found one family, consisting of five snake indians, one man, two women, and two children.[ ] they had evidently but very recently arrived, probably only last night, and as they must certainly have passed our camp, we feel little hesitation in believing that my lost horse is in their possession. it is, however, impossible to prove the theft upon them in { } any way, and time is not allowed us to search the premises. we cannot even question them concerning it, as our interpreter, mccarey, left us with the trapping party. [ ] burnt (brulé) river rises in strawberry mountains of eastern oregon, and flows northeast, then southeast, through baker county into lewis river. the oregon trail left the latter river at the mouth of burnt river, and advanced up that valley to its northern bend.--ed. we bought, of this family, a considerable quantity of dried choke-cherries, these being the only article of commerce which they possessed. this fruit they prepare by pounding it with stones, and drying it in masses in the sun. it is then good tasted, and somewhat nutritive, and it loses, by the process, the whole of the astringency which is so disagreeable in the recent fruit. leaving the valley, we proceeded over some high and stony hills, keeping pretty nearly the course of the creek. the travelling was, as usual in such places, difficult and laborious, and our progress necessarily slow and tedious. throughout the day, there was no change in the character of the country, and the consequence was, that three of our poor horses gave up and stopped. _ th._--this morning, two men were left at the camp, for the purpose of collecting and bringing on, moderately, the horses left yesterday, and others that may hereafter fail. we were obliged to leave with them a stock of provision greater in proportion than our own rather limited allowance, and have thus somewhat diminished our chance of performing the remainder of the journey with satisfied appetites, but there is some small game to be found on the route, grouse, ducks, &c., and occasionally a beaver may be taken, if our necessities are pressing. we made a noon camp on brulé, and stopped at night in a narrow valley, between the hills. _ th._--towards noon to-day, we lost the trail among the hills, and although considerable search was made, we were not able to find it again. we then directed our course due north, and at o'clock struck powder river, a narrow and shallow stream, plentifully fringed with willows. we passed down this { } river for about five miles and encamped.[ ] captain w. immediately left us to look for the lost trail, and returned in about two hours, with the information that no trace of it could be found. he therefore concludes that it is up stream, and to-morrow we travel back to search for it in that direction. our men killed, in the afternoon, an antelope and a deer fawn, which were particularly acceptable to us; we had been on an allowance of one dried salmon per day, and we had begun to fear that even this poor pittance would fail before we could obtain other provision. game has been exceedingly scarce, with the exception of a few grouse, pigeons, &c. we have not seen a deer, antelope, or any other quadruped larger than a hare, since we left the confines of the buffalo country. early this morning, one of our men, named hubbard, left us to hunt, and as he has not joined us this evening, we fear he is lost, and feel some anxiety about him, as he has not been accustomed to finding his way through the pathless wilds. he is a good marksman, however, and will not suffer much for food; and as he knows the general course, he will probably join us at walla-walla, if we should not see him earlier. [ ] powder river rises in the blue mountains and flows first east, then north, then abruptly southeast into the lewis; the trail followed its north-bearing course. these western affluents of the lewis (or snake) were explored ( ) and probably named by donald mckenzie, then of the north west company.--ed. _ th._--we commenced our march early this morning, following the river to a point about six miles above where we struck it yesterday. we then took to the hills, steering n. n. w.,--it being impossible, from the broken state of the country, to keep the river bank. soon after we commenced the ascent, we met with difficulties in the shape of high, steep, banks, and deep ravines, the ground being thickly strewed with sharp, angular masses of lava and basalt. as we proceeded, these difficulties increased to such a degree, as to occasion a fear that our horses could never proceed. the hills at length became like a consolidated mass of irregular rock, and the small strips of earthy matter that occasionally appeared, were burst into wide fissures by the desiccation to which { } the country at this season is subject. sometimes, as we approached the verges of the cliffs, we could see the river winding its devious course many hundred feet below, rushing and foaming in eddies and whirlpools, and fretting against the steep sides of the rocks, which hemmed it in. these are what are called the cut-rocks, the sides of which are in many places as smooth and regular as though they had been worked with the chisel, and the opening between them, through which the river flows, is frequently so narrow that a biscuit might be thrown across it. we travelled over these rocks until o'clock in the day, when we stopped to rest in a small ravine, where we found a little water, and pasture for our horses. at , we were again on the move, making across the hills towards the river, and after a long, circuitous march, we arrived on its banks, considerably wearied, and every horse in our band lamed and completely exhausted. we have not yet found any clue to the trail for which we have been searching so anxiously; indeed it would be impossible for a distinguishable trace to be left over these rugged, stony hills, and the difficulty of finding it, or determining its direction is not a little increased by a dense fog which constantly envelopes these regions, obscuring the sun, and rendering it impossible to see an object many hundred yards in advance. the next day we were still travelling over the high and steep hills, which, fortunately for our poor horses, were far less stony than hitherto. at about noon we descended to the plain, and struck the river in the midst of a large level prairie. we proceeded up stream for an hour, and to our great joy suddenly came in sight of a broad, open trail stretching away to the s. w. we felt, in some degree, the pleasure of a sailor who has found the port of which he has been long and anxiously in search. we made a noon camp here, at which we remained two hours, and then travelled on in fine spirits over a beautiful, level, and unobstructed country. our horses seemed to participate in our { } feelings, and trotted on briskly, as though they too rejoiced in the opportunity of escaping the dreaded hills and rocks. towards evening we crossed a single range of low hills and came to a small round prairie, with good water and excellent pasture. here we found a family of _kayouse_ indians, and encamped within sight of them. two squaws from this family, visited us soon after, bringing some large kamas cakes and fermented roots, which we purchased of them. _ st._--our route this morning, was over a country generally level and free from rocks; we crossed, however, one short, and very steep mountain range, thickly covered with tall and heavy pine trees, and came to a large and beautiful prairie, called the _grand ronde_.[ ] here we found captain bonneville's company, which has been lying here several days, waiting the arrival of its trapping parties. we made a noon camp near it, and were visited by captain bonneville. this was the first time i had seen this gentleman. his manners were affable and pleasing, and he seemed possessed of a large share of bold, adventurous, and to a certain extent, romantic spirit, without which no man can expect to thrive as a mountain leader. he stated that he preferred the "free and easy" life of a mountain hunter and trapper, to the comfortable and luxurious indolence of a dweller in civilized lands, and would not exchange his homely, but wholesome mountain fare, and his buffalo lodge, for the most piquant dishes of the french _artiste_, and the finest palace in the land.[ ] this came well from him, and i was pleased with it, although i could not altogether agree with him in sentiment, for i confess i had become somewhat weary of rough travelling and rough fare, and looked forward with no little pleasure to a long rest under a christian roof, and a general participation in christian living. [ ] grande ronde, a noted halting place on the oregon trail, was so called from its apparently circular shape, as the traveller wound down the precipitous road into its level basin; it really is an oval twenty miles long, containing three hundred thousand acres of rich land. it is in the present union county, and grande ronde river flows northeasterly through it.--ed. [ ] for a brief sketch of bonneville consult gregg's _commerce of the prairies_ in our volume xx, p. , note .--ed. with the captain, came a whole troop of indians, kayouse, { } nez percés, &c. they were very friendly towards us, each of the chiefs taking us by the hand with great cordiality, appearing pleased to see us, and anxious to point out to us the easiest and most expeditious route to the lower country. these indians are, almost universally, fine looking, robust men, with strong aqualine features, and a much more cheerful cast of countenance than is usual amongst the race. some of the women might almost be called beautiful, and none that i have seen are homely. their dresses are generally of thin deer or antelope skin, with occasionally a bodice of some linen stuffs, purchased from the whites, and their whole appearance is neat and cleanly, forming a very striking contrast to the greasy, filthy, and disgusting snake females. i observed one young and very pretty looking woman, dressed in a great superabundance of finery, glittering with rings and beads, and flaunting in broad bands of scarlet cloth. she was mounted astride,--indian fashion,--upon a fine bay horse, whose head and tail were decorated with scarlet and blue ribbons, and the saddle, upon which the fair one sat, was ornamented all over with beads and little hawk's bells. this damsel did not do us the honor to dismount, but seemed to keep warily aloof, as though she feared that some of us might be inordinately fascinated by her fine person and splendid equipments, and her whole deportment proved to us, pretty satisfactorily, that she was no common beauty, but the favored companion of one high in office, who was jealous of her slightest movement. after making a hasty meal, and bidding adieu to the captain, and our friendly indian visitors, we mounted our horses, and rode off. about half an hour's brisk trotting brought us to the foot of a steep and high mountain, called the _blue_. this is said to be the most extensive chain west of the dividing ridge, and, with one exception perhaps the most difficult of passage.[ ] the whole mountain is densely covered with tall pine trees, with { } an undergrowth of service bushes and other shrubs, and the path is strewed, to a very inconvenient degree, with volcanic rocks. in some of the ravines we find small springs of water; they are, however, rather rare, and the grass has been lately consumed, and many of the trees blasted by the ravaging fires of the indians. these fires are yet smouldering, and the smoke from them effectually prevents our viewing the surrounding country, and completely obscures the beams of the sun. we travelled this evening until after dark, and encamped on a small stream in a gorge, where we found a plot of grass that had escaped the burning. [ ] blue mountains are a continuation of the chains of western idaho, trending southwest, then west, toward the centre of the state of oregon, forming a watershed between the lewis and columbia systems. frémont suggests that their name arises from the dark-blue appearance given to then by the pines with which they are covered. the trail led northwest from union into umatilla county, following the present railway route, only less circuitous.--ed. _september st._--last evening, as we were about retiring to our beds, we heard, distinctly, as we thought, a loud halloo, several times repeated, and in a tone like that of a man in great distress. supposing it to be a person who had lost his way in the darkness, and was searching for us, we fired several guns at regular intervals, but as they elicited no reply, after waiting a considerable time, we built a large fire, as a guide, and lay down to sleep. early this morning, a large panther was seen prowling around our camp, and the hallooing of last night was explained. it was the dismal, distressing yell by which this animal entices its prey, until pity or curiosity induces it to approach to its destruction. the panther is said to inhabit these forests in considerable numbers, and has not unfrequently been known to kill the horses of a camp. he has seldom the temerity to attack a man, unless sorely pressed by hunger, or infuriated by wounds. { } chapter ix passage of the blue mountains--sufferings from thirst--utalla river--a transformation--a novel meal--walla-walla river--columbia river and fort walla-walla--a dinner with the missionaries--anecdote of mr. lee--a noble repast--brief notice of the fort--departure of the missionaries--notice of the walla-walla indians--departure for fort vancouver--wild ducks--indian graves--indian horses--visits from indians--ophthalmia, a prevalent disease--rough travelling--a company of chinook indians--the dalles--the party joined by captain wyeth--embarkation in canoes--a heavy gale--dangerous navigation--pusillanimous conduct of an indian helmsman--a zealous botanist--departure of captain wyeth with five men--cascades--a portage--meeting with the missionaries--loss of a canoe--a toilsome duty--arrival at fort vancouver--reflections suggested by it--dr. john mcloughlin, the chief factor--domiciliation of the travellers at fort vancouver. _september st._--the path through the valley, in which we encamped last night, was level and smooth for about a mile; we then mounted a short steep hill and began immediately to descend. the road down the mountain wound constantly, and we travelled in short, zig-zag lines, in order to avoid the extremely abrupt declivities; but occasionally, we were compelled to descend in places that made us pause before making the attempt: they were, some of them, almost perpendicular, and our horses would frequently slide several yards, before they could recover. to this must be added enormous jagged masses of rock, obstructing the road in many places, and pine trees projecting their horizontal branches across the path. the road continued, as i have described it, to the valley in the plain, and a full hour was consumed before we reached it. { } the country then became comparatively level again to the next range, where a mountain was to be ascended of the same height as the last. here we dismounted and led our horses, it being impracticable, in their present state, to ride them. it was the most toilsome march i ever made, and we were all so much fatigued, when we arrived at the summit, that rest was as indispensable to us as to our poor jaded horses. here we made a noon camp, with a handful of grass and no water. this last article appears very scarce, the ravines affording none, and our dried salmon and kamas bread were eaten unmoistened. the route, in the afternoon, was over the top of the mountain, the road tolerably level, but crowded with stones. towards evening, we commenced descending again, and in every ravine and gulley we cast our anxious eyes in search of water; we even explored several of them, where there appeared to exist any probability of success, but not one drop did we find. night at length came on, dark and pitchy, without a moon or a single star to give us a ray of light; but still we proceeded, depending solely upon the vision and sagacity of our horses to keep the track. we travelled steadily until o'clock, when we saw ahead the dark outline of a high mountain, and soon after heard the men who rode in front, cry out, joyously, at the top of their voices, "_water! water!_" it was truly a cheering sound, and the words were echoed loudly by every man in the company. we had not tasted water since morning, and both horses and men have been suffering considerably for the want of it. _ d._--captain w. and two men, left us early this morning for walla-walla, where they expect to arrive this evening, and send us some provision, of which we shall be in need, to-morrow. our camp moved soon after, under the direction of captain thing, and in about four miles reached _utalla river_, where it stopped, and remained until o'clock.[ ] [ ] umatilla river, whose earlier name appears to have been utalla. consult franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. .--ed. as we were approaching so near the abode of those in whose { } eyes we wished to appear like fellow christians, we concluded that there would be a propriety in attempting to remove at least one of the heathenish badges which we had worn throughout the journey; so mr. n.'s razor was fished out from its hiding place in the bottom of his trunk, and in a few minutes our encumbered chins lost their long-cherished ornaments; we performed our ablutions in the river, arrayed ourselves in clean linen, trimmed our long hair, and then arranged our toilet before a mirror, with great self-complacence and satisfaction. i admired my own appearance considerably, (and this is, probably, an acknowledgement that few would make,) but i could not refrain from laughing at the strange, party-colored appearance of my physiognomy, the lower portion being fair, like a woman's, and the upper, brown and swarthy as an indian. having nothing prepared for dinner to-day, i strolled along the stream above the camp, and made a meal on rose buds, of which i collected an abundance; and on returning, i was surprised to find mr. n. and captain t. picking the last bones of a bird which they had cooked. upon inquiry, i ascertained that the subject was an unfortunate owl which i had killed in the morning, and had intended to preserve, as a specimen. the temptation was too great to be resisted by the hungry captain and naturalist, and the bird of wisdom lost the immortality which he might otherwise have acquired. in the afternoon, soon after leaving the utalla, we ascended a high and very steep hill, and came immediately in view of a beautiful, and regularly undulating country of great extent. we have now probably done with high, rugged mountains; the sun shines clear, the air is bracing and elastic, and we are all in fine spirits. the next day, the road being generally level, and tolerably free from stones, we were enabled to keep our horses at the swiftest gait to which we dare urge them. we have been somewhat { } disappointed in not receiving the expected supplies from walla-walla, but have not suffered for provision, as the grouse and hares are very abundant here, and we have shot as many as we wished. at about noon we struck the walla-walla river, a very pretty stream of fifty or sixty yards in width, fringed with tall willows, and containing a number of salmon, which we can see frequently leaping from the water. the pasture here, being good, we allowed our horses an hour's rest to feed, and then travelled on over the plain, until near dark, when, on rising a sandy hill, the noble columbia burst at once upon our view. i could scarcely repress a loud exclamation of delight and pleasure, as i gazed upon the magnificent river, flowing silently and majestically on, and reflected that i had actually crossed the vast american continent, and now stood upon a stream that poured its waters directly into the pacific. this, then, was the great oregon, the first appearance of which gave lewis and clark so many emotions of joy and pleasure, and on this stream our indefatigable countrymen wintered, after the toils and privations of a long, and protracted journey through the wilderness. my reverie was suddenly interrupted by one of the men exclaiming from his position in advance, "there is the fort." we had, in truth approached very near, without being conscious of it.[ ] there stood the fort on the bank of the river; horses and horned cattle were roaming about the vicinity, and on the borders of the little walla-walla, we recognized the white tent of our long lost missionaries. these we soon joined, and were met and received by them like brethren. mr. n. and myself were invited to sup with them upon a dish of stewed hares which they had just prepared, and it is almost needless to say that we did full justice to the good men's cookery. they told us that they had travelled comfortably from fort hall, without any unusual fatigue, and like ourselves, had no particularly stirring adventures. their { } route, although somewhat longer, was a much less toilsome and difficult one, and they suffered but little for food, being well provided with dried buffalo meat, which had been prepared near fort hall. [ ] fort walla walla (or nez percés) was built by alexander ross of the north west company in july, --see ross, _fur hunters_, i, p. , for description and representation. it passed into the possession of the hudson's bay company upon the consolidation of the corporations, and being rebuilt of adobé after its destruction by fire, was maintained until - , when it was abandoned during an indian war. it was near the sight of the present wallula, washington, on the left bank of the columbia, about half a mile above walla walla river.--ed. mr. walker, (a young gentleman attached to the band,) related an anecdote of mr. lee, the principal, which i thought eminently characteristic. the missionaries were, on one occasion, at a considerable distance behind the main body, and had stopped for a few moments to regale themselves on a cup of milk from a cow which they were driving. mr. l. had unstrapped the tin pan from his saddle, and was about applying himself to the task, when a band of a dozen indians was descried at a distance, approaching the little party at full gallop. there was but little time for consideration. the rifles were looked to, the horses were mounted in eager haste, and all were ready for a long run, except mr. lee himself, who declared that nothing should deprive him of his cup of milk, and that he meant to "lighten the old cow before he moved." he accordingly proceeded coolly to fill his tin pan, and, after a hearty drink, grasped his rifle, and mounted his horse, at the very moment that the indians had arrived to within speaking distance. to the great relief of most of the party, these proved to be of the friendly nez percé tribe, and after a cordial greeting, they travelled on together. the missionaries informed us that they had engaged a large barge to convey themselves and baggage to fort vancouver, and that captain stewart and mr. ashworth were to be of the party. mr. n. and myself were very anxious to take a seat with them, but to our disappointment, were told that the boat would scarcely accommodate those already engaged. we had therefore to relinquish it, and prepare for a journey on horseback to the _dalles_, about eighty miles below, to which place captain w. would { } precede us in the barge, and engage canoes to convey us to the lower fort. this evening, we purchased a large bag of indian meal, of which we made a kettle of mush, and mixed with it a considerable quantity of horse tallow and salt. this was, i think, one of the best meals i ever made. we all ate heartily of it, and pronounced it princely food. we had been long without bread stuff of any kind, and the coarsest farinaceous substance, with a proper allowance of grease, would have been highly prized. the next morning, we visited walla-walla fort, and were introduced, by captain w., to lieutenant pierre s. pambrun, the superintendent.[ ] wyeth and mr. pambrun had met before, and were well acquainted; they had, therefore, many reminiscences of by-gone days to recount, and long conversations, relative to the variety of incidents which had occurred to each, since last they parted. [ ] lieutenant pierre chrysologue pambrun was born near quebec in . in the war of - , he was an officer in the canadian light troops, and soon after peace was declared entered the employ of the hudson's bay company. at the red river disturbances ( ) he was taken prisoner, but soon released. later he served at several far western fur-trade posts, and coming to the columbia was placed in charge at fort walla walla ( ). he showed many courtesies to the overland emigrants, but refused supplies to captain bonneville as being a rival trader; he appears, however, to have had no such feeling with regard to captain wyeth. pambrun was severely hurt by a fall from his horse ( ), and died of the injury at walla walla.--ed. the fort is built of drift logs, and surrounded by a stoccade of the same, with two bastions, and a gallery around the inside. it stands about a hundred yards from the river, on the south bank, in a bleak and unprotected situation, surrounded on every side by a great, sandy plain, which supports little vegetation, except the wormwood and thorn-bushes. on the banks of the little river, however, there are narrow strips of rich soil, and here mr. pambrun raises the few garden vegetables necessary for the support of his family. potatoes, turnips, carrots, &c., thrive well, and indian corn produces eighty bushels to the acre. at about o'clock, the barge got under way, and soon after, our company with its baggage, crossed the river in canoes, and encamped on the opposite shore. there is a considerable number of indians resident here, kayouse's and a collateral band of the same tribe, called walla-wallas.[ ] { } they live along the bank of the river, in shantys or wigwams of drift wood, covered with buffalo or deer skins. they are a miserable, squalid looking people, are constantly lolling around and in the fort, and annoy visitors by the importunate manner in which they endeavor to force them into some petty trade for a pipe, a hare, or a grouse. all the industrious and enterprising men of this tribe are away trading salmon, kamas root, &c. to the mountain companies. [ ] for the walla walla indians, see ross's _oregon settlers_, in our volume vii, p. , note .--ed. notwithstanding the truly wretched plight in which these poor people live, and the privations which they must necessarily have to suffer, they are said to be remarkably honest and upright in their dealings, and generally correct in their moral deportment. although they doubtless have the acquisitive qualities so characteristic of the race, they are rarely known to violate the principles of common honesty. a man may leave his tent unguarded, and richly stored with every thing which ordinarily excites the cupidity of the indian, yet, on returning after a long absence, he may find all safe. what a commentary is this on the habits and conduct of our _christian_ communities! the river is here about three-fourths of a mile in width,--a clear, deep, and rapid stream, the current being generally from three to four miles an hour. it is the noblest looking river i have seen since leaving our delaware. the banks are in many places high and rocky, occasionally interrupted by broad, level sandy beaches. the only vegetation along the margin, is the wormwood, and other low, arid plants, but some of the bottoms are covered with heavy, rank grass, affording excellent pasture for horses. _ th._--this morning we commenced our march down the columbia. we have no provision with us except flour and horse tallow, but we have little doubt of meeting indians daily, with whom we can trade for fish. our road will now be a rather monotonous one { } along the bank of the river, tolerably level, but often rocky, so that very rapid travelling is inadmissible. the mallard duck, the widgeon, and the green-winged teal are tolerably abundant in the little estuaries of the river. our men have killed several, but they are poor, and not good. _ th._--we have observed to-day several high, conical stacks of drift-wood near the river. these are the graves of the indians. some of these cemeteries are of considerable extent, and probably contain a great number of bodies. i had the curiosity to peep into several of them, and even to remove some of the coverings, but found nothing to compensate for the trouble. we bought some salmon from indians whom we met to-day, which, with our flour and tallow, enable us to live very comfortably. _ th._--we frequently fall in with large bands of indian horses. there are among them some very beautiful animals, but they are generally almost as wild as deer, seldom permitting an approach to within a hundred yards or more. they generally have owners, as we observe upon many of them strange hieroglyphic looking characters, but there are no doubt some that have never known the bit, and will probably always roam the prairie uncontrolled. when the indians wish to catch a horse from one of these bands, they adopt the same plan pursued by the south americans for taking the wild animal. _ th._--our road to-day has been less monotonous, and much more hilly than hitherto. along the bank of the river, are high mountains, composed of basaltic rock and sand, and along their bases enormous drifts of the latter material. large, rocky promontories connected with these mountains extend into the river to considerable distances, and numerous islands of the same dot its surface. we are visited frequently as we travel along, by indians of { } the walla-walla and other tribes, whose wigwams we see on the opposite side of the river. as we approach these rude huts, the inhabitants are seen to come forth in a body; a canoe is immediately launched, the light bark skims the water like a bird, and in an incredibly short time its inmates are with us. sometimes a few salmon are brought to barter for our tobacco, paint, &c., but more frequently they seem impelled to the visit by mere curiosity. to-day a considerable number have visited us, and among them some very handsome young girls. i could not but admire the gaiety and cheerfulness which seemed to animate them. they were in high spirits, and evidently very much pleased with the unusual privilege which they were enjoying. at our camp in the evening, eight walla-walla's came to see us. the chief was a remarkably fine looking man, but he, as well as several of his party, was suffering from a severe purulent ophthalmia which had almost deprived him of sight. he pointed to his eyes, and contorting his features to indicate the pain he suffered, asked me by signs to give him medicine to cure him. i was very sorry that my small stock of simples did not contain anything suited to his complaint, and i endeavored to tell him so. i have observed that this disease is rather prevalent among the indians residing on the river, and i understood from the chief's signs that most of the indians towards the lower country were similarly affected. _ th._--the character of the country has changed considerably since we left walla-walla. the river has become gradually more narrow, until it is now but about two hundred yards in width, and completely hemmed in by enormous rocks on both sides. many of these extend for considerable distances into the stream in perpendicular columns, and the water dashes and breaks against them until all around is foam. the current is here very swift, probably six or seven miles to the hour; and the { } indian canoes in passing down, seem literally to _fly_ along its surface. the road to-day has been rugged to the very last degree. we have passed over continuous masses of sharp rock for hours together, sometimes picking our way along the very edge of the river, several hundred feet above it; again, gaining the back land, by passing through any casual chasm or opening in the rocks, where we were compelled to dismount, and lead our horses. this evening, we are surrounded by a large company of chinook indians, of both sexes, whose temporary wigwams are on the bank of the river. many of the squaws have young children sewed up in the usual indian fashion, wrapped in a skin, and tied firmly to a board, so that nothing but the head of the little individual is seen.[ ] [ ] this must have been a roving party, far from their base, for the chinook were rarely found so high up the columbia.--ed. these indians are very peaceable and friendly. they have no weapons except bows, and these are used more for amusement and exercise, than as a means of procuring them sustenance, their sole dependence being fish and beaver, with perhaps a few hares and grouse, which are taken in traps. we traded with these people for a few fish and beaver skins, and some roots, and before we retired for the night, arranged the men in a circle, and gave them a smoke in token of our friendship. _ th._--this afternoon we reached the _dalles_.[ ] the entire water of the river here flows through channels of about fifteen feet in width, and between high, perpendicular rocks; there are several of these channels at distances of from half a mile to a mile apart, and the water foams and boils through them like an enormous cauldron. [ ] the first obstruction in the columbia on descending from walla walla consists of the falls and long and short narrows frequently called the dalles. see descriptions in _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. - ; franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. ; and ross's _oregon settlers_, our volume vii, pp. - .--ed. on the opposite side of the river there is a large indian village, belonging to a chief named tilki, and containing probably five hundred wigwams. as we approached, the natives swarmed like bees to the shore, launched their canoes, and joined us in a few { } minutes. we were disappointed in not seeing captain w. here, as this was the spot where we expected to meet him; the chief, however, told us that we should find him about twelve miles below, at the next village. we were accordingly soon on the move again, and urging our horses to their fastest gait, we arrived about sunset. the captain, the chief of the village, and several other indians, came out to meet us and make us welcome. captain w. has been here two days, and we were pleased to learn that he had completed all the necessary arrangements for transporting ourselves and baggage to vancouver in canoes. the route by land is said to be a very tedious and difficult one, and, in some places, almost impassable, but even were it otherwise, i believe we should all much prefer the water conveyance, as we have become very tired of riding. since leaving the upper village this afternoon, we have been followed by scores of indians on foot and on horseback; some of the animals carrying three at a time; and although we travelled rapidly, the pedestrians were seldom far behind us. we have concluded to leave our horses here, in charge of the chief of the village, who has promised to attend to them during the winter, and deliver them to our order in the spring. captain w. having been acquainted with this man before, is willing to trust him. _ th._--early this morning, we launched our three canoes, and each being provided with an indian, as helmsman, we applied ourselves to our paddles, and were soon moving briskly down the river. in about an hour after, the wind came out dead ahead, and although the current was in favor, our progress was sensibly checked. as we proceeded, the wind rose to a heavy gale, and the waves ran to a prodigious height. at one moment our frail bark danced upon the crest of a wave, and at the next, fell with a surge into the trough of the sea, and as we looked at the swell before us, it seemed that in an instant we { } must inevitably be engulphed. at such times, the canoe ahead of us was entirely hidden from view, but she was observed to rise again like a seagull, and hurry on into the same danger. the indian in my canoe soon became completely frightened; he frequently hid his face with his hands, and sang, in a low melancholy voice, a prayer which we had often heard from his people, while at their evening devotions. as our dangers were every moment increasing, the man became at length absolutely childish, and with all our persuasion and threats, we could not induce him to lay his paddle into the water. we were all soon compelled to put in shore, which we did without sustaining any damage; the boats were hauled up high and dry, and we concluded to remain in our quarters until to-morrow, or until there was a cessation of wind. in about an hour it lulled a little, and captain w. ordered the boats to be again launched, in the hope of being able to weather a point about five miles below, before the gale again commenced, where we could lie by until it should be safe to proceed. the calm proved, as some of us had suspected, a treacherous one; in a very few minutes after we got under way, we were contending with the same difficulties as before, and again our cowardly helmsman laid by his paddle and began mumbling his prayer. it was too irritating to be borne. our canoe had swung round broad side to the surge, and was shipping gallons of water at every dash. at this time it was absolutely necessary that every man on board should exert himself to the utmost to head up the canoe and make the shore as soon as possible. our indian, however, still sat with his eyes covered, the most abject and contemptible looking thing i ever saw. we took him by the shoulders and threatened to throw him overboard, if he did not immediately lend his assistance: we might as well have spoken to a stone. he was finally aroused, however, by our presenting a loaded gun at his breast; he dashed the muzzle away, seized his paddle { } again, and worked with a kind of desperate and wild energy, until he sank back in the canoe completely exhausted. in the mean time the boat had become half full of water, shipping a part of every surf that struck her, and as we gained the shallows every man sprang overboard, breast deep, and began hauling the canoe to shore. this was even a more difficult task than that of propelling her with the oars; the water still broke over her, and the bottom was a deep kind of quicksand, in which we sank almost to the knees at every step, the surf at the same time dashing against us with such violence as to throw us repeatedly upon our faces. we at length reached the shore, and hauled the canoe up out of reach of the breakers. she was then unloaded as soon as possible, and turned bottom upwards. the goods had suffered considerably by the wetting; they were all unbaled and dried by a large fire, which we built on the shore. we were soon visited by several men from the other boats, which were ahead, and learned that their situation had been almost precisely similar to our own, except that their indians had not evinced, to so great a degree, the same unmanly terror which had rendered ours so inefficient and useless. they were, however, considerably frightened, much more so than the white men. it would seem strange that indians, who have been born, and have lived during their whole lives, upon the edge of the water, who have been accustomed, from infancy, to the management of a canoe, and in whose childish sports and manly pastimes these frail barks have always been employed, should exhibit, on occasions like this, such craven and womanly fears; but the probability is, as their business is seldom of a very urgent nature, that they refrain from making excursions of any considerable extent in situations known to be dangerous, except during calm weather; it is possible, also, that such gales may be rare, and they have not been accustomed to them. immediately after we landed, our redoubtable helmsman broke away from us, { } and ran at full speed back towards the village. we have doubtless lost him entirely, but we do not much regret his departure, as he proved himself so entirely unequal to the task he had undertaken.[ ] [ ] on this matter consult _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. - , , , , where the indians are represented as venturing forth into rough water that no white man dared breast.--ed. _ th._--the gale continues with the same violence as yesterday, and we do not therefore think it expedient to leave our camp. mr. n.'s large and beautiful collection of new and rare plants was considerably injured by the wetting it received; he has been constantly engaged since we landed yesterday, in opening and drying them. in this task he exhibits a degree of patience and perseverance which is truly astonishing; sitting on the ground, and steaming over the enormous fire, for hours together, drying the papers, and re-arranging the whole collection, specimen by specimen, while the great drops of perspiration roll unheeded from his brow. throughout the whole of our long journey, i have had constantly to admire the ardor and perfect indefatigability with which he has devoted himself to the grand object of his tour. no difficulty, no danger, no fatigue has ever daunted him, and he finds his rich reward in the addition of nearly _a thousand_ new species of american plants, which he has been enabled to make to the already teeming flora of our vast continent. my bale of birds, which was equally exposed to the action of the water, escaped without any material injury. in the afternoon, the gale not having abated, captain w. became impatient to proceed, as he feared his business at vancouver would suffer by delay; he accordingly proposed taking one canoe, and braving the fury of the elements, saying that he wished five men, who were not afraid of water, to accompany him. a dozen of our fearless fellows volunteered in a moment, and the captain selecting such as he thought would best suit his purpose, lost no time in launching his canoe, and away she went over the foaming waters, dashing the spray from her bows, and laboring through the heavy swells until she was lost to our view. { } the more sedate amongst us did not much approve of this somewhat hasty measure of our principal; it appeared like a useless and daring exposure of human life, not warranted by the exigencies of the case. mr. n. remarked that he would rather lose all his plants than venture his life in that canoe. on the th the wind shifted to due north, and was blowing somewhat less furiously than on the previous day. at about noon we loaded our canoes, and embarked; our progress, however, during the afternoon, was slow; the current was not rapid, and the wind was setting up stream so strongly that we could not make much headway against it; we had, also, as before, to contend with turbulent waves, but we found we could weather them with much less difficulty, since the change of the wind. _ th._--before sunrise, a light rain commenced, which increased towards mid-day to a heavy shower, and continued steadily during the afternoon and night. there was, in the morning, a dead calm, the water was perfectly smooth, and disturbed only by the light rain pattering upon its surface. we made an early start, and proceeded on very expeditiously until about noon, when we arrived at the "cascades," and came to a halt above them, near a small indian village. these cascades, or cataracts are formed by a collection of large rocks, in the bed of the river, which extend, for perhaps half a mile. the current for a short distance above them, is exceedingly rapid, and there is said to be a gradual fall, or declivity of the river, of about twenty feet in the mile. over these rocks, and across the whole river, the water dashes and foams most furiously, and with a roar which we heard distinctly at the distance of several miles.[ ] [ ] the cascades are the last obstructions on the lower columbia. consult _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. - ; franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. ; and ross's _oregon settlers_ in our volume vii, pp. - .--ed. it is wholly impossible for any craft to make its way through these difficulties, and our light canoes would not live an instant in them. it is, therefore, necessary to make a portage, either by carrying the canoes over land to the opposite side of the cataracts, or by wading in the water near the shore, where the surges are { } lightest, and dragging the unloaded boat through them by a cable. our people chose the latter method, as the canoes felt very heavy and cumbersome, being saturated with the rain which was still falling rapidly. they were accordingly immediately unloaded, the baggage placed on the shore, and the men entered the water to their necks, headed by captain thing, and addressed themselves to the troublesome and laborious task. in the meantime, mr. n., and myself were sent ahead to take the best care of ourselves that our situation and the surrounding circumstances permitted. we found a small indian trail on the river bank, which we followed in all its devious windings, up and down hills, over enormous piles of rough flinty rocks, through brier bushes, and pools of water, &c. &c., for about a mile, and descending near the edge of the river, we observed a number of white men who had just succeeded in forcing a large barge through the torrent, and were then warping her into still water near the shore. upon approaching them more closely, we recognised, to our astonishment, our old friend captain stewart, with the good missionaries, and all the rest who left us at walla-walla on the th. poor fellows! every man of them had been over breast deep in water, and the rain, which was still falling in torrents, was more than sufficient to drench what the waves did not cover, so that they were most abundantly soaked and bedraggled. i felt sadly inclined to laugh heartily at them, but a single glance at the sorry appearance of myself and my companion was sufficient to check the feeling. we joined them, and aided in kindling a fire to warm and dry ourselves a little, as there was not a dry rag on us, and we were all in an ague with cold. after a very considerable time, we succeeded in igniting the wet timber, and had a tolerably large fire. we all seated ourselves on the ground around it, and related our adventures. they had, like ourselves, suffered somewhat from the head-wind and heavy swells, but unlike us they had a craft that would weather it easily; even they, however, { } shipped some water, and made very little progress for the last two days. they informed us that captain w.'s canoe had been dashed to pieces on the rocks above, and that he and all his crew were thrown into the water, and forced to swim for their lives. they all escaped, and proceeded down the river, this morning, in a canoe, hired of the indians here, one of whom accompanied them, as pilot. after a hasty meal of fish, purchased on the spot, our friends reloaded their boat and got under way, hoping to reach vancouver by next morning. mr. n. and myself remained some time longer here, expecting intelligence from our people behind; we had begun to feel a little uneasy about them, and thought of returning to look into their situation, when captain t. came in haste towards us, with the mortifying intelligence that one canoe had been stove upon the rocks, and the other so badly split, that he feared she would not float; the latter was, however, brought on by the men, and moored where we had stopped. a man was then despatched to an indian village, about five miles below, to endeavor to procure one or two canoes and a pilot. in the mean time, we had all to walk back along the circuitous and almost impassable indian trail, and carry our wet and heavy baggage from the spot where the boats had been unloaded. the distance, as i have stated, was a full mile, and the road so rough and encumbered as to be scarcely passable. in walking over many of the large and steep rocks, it was often necessary that the hands should be used to raise and support the body; this, with a load, was inconvenient. again, in ascending and descending the steep and slippery hills, a single mis-step was certain to throw us in the mud, and bruise us upon the sharp rocks which were planted all around. this accident occurred several times with us all. over this most miserable of all roads, with the cold rain dashing and pelting upon us during the whole time, until we felt as { } though we were frozen to the very marrow, did we all have to travel and return four separate times, before our baggage was properly deposited. it was by far the most fatiguing, cheerless, and uncomfortable business in which i was ever engaged, and truly glad was i to lie down at night on the cold, wet ground, wrapped in my blankets, out of which i had just wrung the water, and i think i never slept more soundly or comfortably than that night.[ ] [ ] i could not but recollect at that time, the last injunction of my dear old grandmother, not to sleep in damp beds!!--townsend. i arose the next morning rested and refreshed, though somewhat sore from sundry bruises received on the hills to which i have alluded. _ th._--the rain still continued falling, but lightly, the weather calm and cool. the water immediately below the cascades foams and boils in a thousand eddies, forming little whirlpools, which, however insignificant they may appear, are exceedingly dangerous for light canoes, whirling their bows around to the current, and capsising them in an instant. near the shore, at the foot of the cataract, there is a strong backward tow, through which it is necessary to drag the canoe, by a line, for the distance of a hundred yards; here it feels the force of the opposite current, and is carried on at the rate of seven or eight miles to the hour. the man whom we sent yesterday to the village, returned this morning; he stated that one canoe only could be had, but that three indians, accustomed to the navigation, would accompany us; that they would soon be with us, and endeavor to repair our damaged boat. in an hour they came, and after the necessary clamping and caulking of our leaky vessel, we loaded, and were soon moving rapidly down the river. the rain ceased about noon, but the sun did not appear during the day. { } _ th._--the day was a delightful one; the sky was robed in a large flaky cumulus, the glorious sun occasionally bursting through among the clouds, with dazzling splendor. we rose in the morning in fine spirits, our indians assuring us that "king george," as they called the fort, was but a short distance from us. at about o'clock, we arrived, and stepped on shore at the _end of our journey_. it is now three days over six months since i left my beloved home. i, as well as the rest, have been in some situations of danger, of trial, and of difficulty, but i have passed through them all unharmed, with a constitution strengthened, and invigorated by healthful exercise, and a heart which i trust can feel deeply, sincerely thankful to that kind and overruling providence who has watched over and protected me. we have passed for months through a country swarming with indians who thirsted for our blood, and whose greatest pride and glory consisted in securing the scalp of a white man. enemies, sworn, determined enemies to all, both white and red, who intrude upon his hunting grounds, the blackfoot roams the prairie like a wolf seeking his prey, and springing upon it when unprepared, and at the moment when it supposes itself most secure. to those who have always enjoyed the comforts and security of civilized life, it may seem strange that persons who know themselves to be constantly exposed to such dangers--who never lie down at night without the weapons of death firmly grasped in their hands, and who are in hourly expectation of hearing the terrific war whoop of the savage, should yet sleep soundly and refreshingly, and feel themselves at ease; such however is the fact. i never in my life enjoyed rest more than when travelling through the country of which i speak. i had become accustomed to it: i felt constant apprehension certainly, but not to such an extent as to deprive me of any of the few comforts which i could command in such an uncomfortable country. the { } guard might pass our tent, and cry "all's well," in his loudest key, without disturbing my slumbers: but if the slightest _unusual_ noise occurred, i was awake in an instant, and listening painfully for a repetition of it. on the beach in front of the fort, we were met by mr. lee, the missionary, and dr. john mcloughlin, the chief factor, and governor of the hudson's bay posts in this vicinity. the dr. is a large, dignified and very noble looking man, with a fine expressive countenance, and remarkably bland and pleasing manners. the missionary introduced mr. n. and myself in due form, and we were greeted and received with a frank and unassuming politeness which was most peculiarly grateful to our feelings. he requested us to consider his house our home, provided a separate room for our use, a servant to wait upon us, and furnished us with every convenience which we could possibly wish for. i shall never cease to feel grateful to him for his disinterested kindness to the poor houseless and travel-worn strangers.[ ] [ ] dr. john mcloughlin, born near quebec, october , , was educated as a physician, and for a time studied in paris. early in the nineteenth century he entered the north west company's employ, and was stationed at fort william, on lake superior, where he knew sir alexander mackenzie and other frontier celebrities. in he married margaret, widow of alexander mckay, who perished in the "tonquin" ( ). in mcloughlin was transferred to the columbia, as chief factor for the hudson's bay company in all the transmontane region. making his headquarters at fort vancouver, he for upwards of twenty years ruled with a firm but mild justice this vast forest empire. on the great american emigration to oregon, mcloughlin's humanity and kindness of heart led him to succor the weary homeseekers, for which cause he was reprimanded by the company and thereupon resigned ( ). the remainder of his life was passed at oregon city, and was somewhat embittered by land controversies. he became a naturalized american citizen, and after his death (september , ) the oregon legislature made to his heirs restitution of his lands, in recognition of the great service of the "father of oregon." brief sketches from his life are included in e. e. dye, _mcloughlin and old oregon, a chronicle_ (chicago, ).--ed. { } chapter x fort vancouver--agricultural and other improvements--vancouver "camp"--approach of the rainy season--expedition to the wallammet--the falls--a village of klikatat indians--manner of flattening the head--a flathead infant--brig "may dacre"--preparations for a settlement--success of the naturalists--chinook indians--their appearance and costume--ague and fever--superstitious dread of the indians--desertion of the sandwich islanders from captain wyeth's party--embarkation for a trip to the islands--george, the indian pilot--mount coffin--a visit to the tombs--superstition--visit to an indian house--fort george--site of astoria--a blind indian boy--cruel and unfeeling conduct of the savages--their moral character--baker's bay--cape disappointment--dangerous bar at the entrance of the river--the sea beach--visit of mr. ogden--passage across the bar.... fort vancouver is situated on the north bank of the columbia on a large level plain, about a quarter of a mile from the shore.[ ] the space comprised within the stoccade is an oblong square, of about one hundred, by two hundred and fifty feet. the houses built of logs and frame-work, to the number of ten or twelve, are ranged around in a quadrangular form, the one occupied by the doctor being in the middle. in front, and enclosed on three sides by the buildings, is a large open space, where all the in-door work of the establishment is done. here the indians assemble with their multifarious articles of trade, beaver, otter, venison, and various other game, and here, once a week, several scores of canadians are employed, beating the furs which have been collected, in order to free them from dust and vermin. [ ] fort vancouver was the centre of the hudson's bay company's operations in oregon, and the most important post in that country. built in - under the supervision of dr. john mcloughlin, who decided to transfer thither his headquarters from fort george (astoria), its site was on the north bank of the columbia, a hundred and fourteen miles from the mouth of the river, and six miles above that of the willamette. it was not a formidable enclosure, for the indians thereabout were in general peaceful, and a large farm and an agricultural settlement were attached to the post. after mcloughlin resigned ( ), james douglas was chief factor until the american possession. in general harney took charge, and by orders from washington destroyed part of the trading post, and established a united states military post now known as vancouver barracks.--ed. { } mr. n. and myself walked over the farm with the doctor, to inspect the various improvements which he has made. he has already several hundred acres fenced in, and under cultivation, and like our own western prairie land, it produces abundant crops, particularly of grain, without requiring any manure. wheat thrives astonishingly; i never saw better in any country, and the various culinary vegetables, potatoes, carrots, parsnips, &c., are in great profusion, and of the first quality. indian corn does not flourish so well as at walla-walla, the soil not being so well adapted to it; melons are well flavored, but small; the greatest curiosity, however, is the apples, which grow on small trees, the branches of which would be broken without the support of props. so profuse is the quantity of fruit that the limbs are covered with it, and it is actually _packed_ together precisely in the same manner that onions are attached to ropes when they are exposed for sale in our markets. on the farm is a grist mill, a threshing mill, and a saw mill, the two first, by horse, and the last, by water power; besides many minor improvements in agricultural and other matters, which cannot but astonish the stranger from a civilized land, and which reflect great credit upon the liberal and enlightened chief factor. in the propagation of domestic cattle, the doctor has been particularly successful. ten years ago a few head of neat cattle were brought to the fort by some fur traders from california; these have now increased to near seven hundred. they are a large framed, long horned breed, inferior in their milch qualities to those of the united states, but the beef is excellent, and in consequence of the mildness of the climate, it is never necessary to provide them with fodder during the winter, an abundant supply of excellent pasture being always found. on the farm, in the vicinity of the fort, are thirty or forty log huts, which are occupied by the canadians, and others attached { } to the establishment. these huts are placed in rows, with broad lanes or streets between them, and the whole looks like a very neat and beautiful village. the most fastidious cleanliness appears to be observed; the women may be seen sweeping the streets and scrubbing the door-sills as regularly as in our own proverbially cleanly city.[ ] [ ] i have given this notice of the suburbs of the fort, as i find it in my journal written at the time; i had reason, subsequently, to change my opinion with regard to the scrupulous cleanliness of the canadians' indian wives, and particularly after inspecting the internal economy of the dwellings. what at first struck me as neat and clean, by an involuntary comparison of it with the extreme filthiness to which i had been accustomed amongst the indians, soon revealed itself in its proper light, and i can freely confess that my first estimate was too high.--townsend. _sunday, september th._--divine service was performed in the fort this morning by mr. jason lee. this gentleman and his nephew had been absent some days in search of a suitable place to establish themselves, in order to fulfil the object of their mission. they returned yesterday, and intend leaving us to-morrow with their suite for the station selected, which is upon the wallammet river, about sixty miles south of the fort.[ ] [ ] jason lee had intended to settle among the flatheads; but upon the advice of mcloughlin, reinforced by his own observations, the missionary decided to establish his first station in the fertile willamette valley. he proceeded to the small settlement of french canadian ex-servants of the company and built his house on the east side of the river, at chemyway, in marion county.--ed. in the evening we were gratified by the arrival of captain wyeth from below, who informed us that the brig from boston, which was sent out by the company to which wyeth is attached, had entered the river, and was anchored about twenty miles below, at a spot called warrior's point, near the western entrance of the wallammet.[ ] [ ] warriors' point is at the lower end of wappato (or sauvie) island, the eastern boundary of the lower willamette mouth. probably it received its name from a party of indians who in fired upon a trading party from fort george and drove them back from the willamette; see alexander ross, _fur hunters_, i, pp. , .--ed. captain w. mentioned his intention to visit the wallammet country, and seek out a convenient location for a fort which he wishes to establish without delay, and mr. n. and myself accepted an invitation to accompany him in the morning. he has brought with him one of the brig's boats, and eight oarsmen, five of whom are sandwich islanders. we have experienced for several days past, gloomy, lowering, and showery weather; indeed the sun has scarcely been seen for { } a week past. this is said to indicate the near approach of the rainy season, which usually sets in about the middle of october, or even earlier. after this time, until december, there is very little clear weather, showers or heavy clouds almost constantly prevailing. on the th, captain wyeth, mr. n., and myself, embarked in the ship's boat for our exploring excursion. we had a good crew of fine robust sailors, and the copper-colored islanders,--or _kanakas_, as they are called,--did their duty with great alacrity and good will. at about five miles below the fort, we entered the upper mouth of the wallammet. this river is here about half the width of the columbia, a clear and beautiful stream, and navigable for large vessels to the distance of twenty-five miles. it is covered with numerous islands, the largest of which is that called _wappatoo island_, about twenty miles in length.[ ] the vegetation on the main land is good, the timber generally pine and post oak, and the river is margined in many places with a beautiful species of willow with large ob-lanceolate leaves like those of the peach, and white on their under surface. the timber on the islands is chiefly oak, no pine growing there. at about o'clock we overtook three men whom captain w. had sent ahead in a canoe and we all landed soon after on the beach and dined on a mess of salmon and peas which we had provided. we were under way again in the afternoon, and encamped at about sunset. we have as yet seen no suitable place for an establishment, and to-morrow we proceed to the falls of the river, about fifteen miles further. almost all the land in the vicinity is excellent and well calculated for cultivation, and several spots which we have visited, would be admirably adapted to the captain's views, but that there is not a sufficient extent unincumbered, or which could be fitted for the purposes of tillage in a space of time short enough { } to be serviceable; others are at some seasons inundated, which is an insurmountable objection. [ ] this large island across the mouth of the willamette valley was by lewis and clark named image-canoe, later wappato island. it is now known as sauvie for jean baptiste sauvé, who was for many years a faithful servant of the hudson's bay company, and maintained the dairy farm on this island.--ed. we embarked early the next morning, and at o'clock arrived at the falls, after encountering some difficulties from rapids, through which we had to warp our boat.[ ] there are here three falls on a line of rocks extending across the river, which forms the bed of the upper channel. the water is precipitated through deep abrazed gorges, and falls perhaps forty feet at an angle of about twenty degrees. it was a beautiful sight when viewed from a distance, but it became grand and almost sublime as we approached it nearer. i mounted the rocks and stood over the highest fall, and although the roar of the cataract was almost deafening, and the rays of the bright sun reflected from the white and glittering foam threatened to deprive me of sight, yet i became so absorbed in the contemplation of the scene, and the reflections which were involuntarily excited, as to forget every thing else for the time, and was only aroused by captain w. tapping me on the shoulder, and telling me that every thing was arranged for our return. while i visited the falls, the captain and his men had found what they sought for; and the object of our voyage being accomplished, we got on board immediately and shaped our course down the river with a fair wind, and the current in favor. [ ] the falls of willamette were not discovered by lewis and clark, who explored that river only to the site of portland. probably the first white men to visit them were a party led by franchère and william henry in ; see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. . mcloughlin staked out a claim around these falls in , and made some improvements. later ( ) his claims were contested, but in the land was laid off in lots and entitled oregon city. the falls are now passed by locks, in order to facilitate navigation on the upper willamette.--ed. about two miles below the cataract is a small village of klikatat indians.[ ] their situation does not appear different from what we have been accustomed to see in the neighborhood of the fort. they live in the same sort of miserable loose hovels, and are the same wretched, squalid looking people. although enjoying far more advantages, and having in a much greater degree the means of rendering themselves comfortable, yet their mode of living, their garments, their wigwams, and every thing connected with them, is not much better than the snakes and { } bannecks, and very far inferior to that fine, noble-looking race, the kayouse, whom we met on the _grand ronde_. [ ] the klikitat were a shahaptian tribe, near kin to the yakima. their habitat was on both sides of the cascade range, north of the columbia. early in the nineteenth century they made a futile attempt to settle in the willamette valley. they were probably the wahhowpums of lewis and clark.--ed. a custom prevalent, and almost universal amongst these indians, is that of flattening, or mashing in the whole front of the skull, from the superciliary ridge to the crown. the appearance produced by this unnatural operation is almost hideous, and one would suppose that the intellect would be materially affected by it. this, however, does not appear to be the case, as i have never seen, (with a single exception, the kayouse,) a race of people who appeared more shrewd and intelligent. i had a conversation on this subject, a few days since, with a chief who speaks the english language. he said that he had exerted himself to abolish the practice in his own tribe, but although his people would listen patiently to his talk on most subjects, their ears were firmly closed when this was mentioned; "they would leave the council fire, one by one, until none but a few squaws and children were left to drink in the words of the chief." it is even considered among them a degradation to possess a round head, and one whose _caput_ has happened to be neglected in his infancy, can never become even a subordinate chief in his tribe, and is treated with indifference and disdain, as one who is unworthy a place amongst them. the flattening of the head is practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country, the klikatats, kalapooyahs, and multnomahs, of the wallammet, and its vicinity;[ ] the chinooks, klatsaps, klatstonis, kowalitsks, katlammets, killemooks, and chekalis of the lower columbia and its tributaries, and probably by others both north and south.[ ] the tribe called flatheads, or _salish_, who reside near the sources of the oregon, have long since abolished this custom.[ ] [ ] for the kalapuya and multnomah tribes of the willamette valley, consult ross's _oregon settlers_, in our volume vii, p. , note , and franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note , respectively.--ed. [ ] consult franchère's _narrative_, notes , , , , , and ross's _oregon settlers_, pp. , , note .--ed. [ ] for the use of flathead as a generic term, consult franchère's _narrative_, p. , note . lewis and clark noted that instances of the custom of flattening the forehead by pressure diminished in frequency from the coast east: among the tribes of eastern oregon and washington, only an occasional female appeared with flattened head, while among the coast tribes the custom was universal for both sexes.--ed. the mode by which the flattening is effected, varies considerably with the different tribes. the wallammet indians place the infant, soon after birth, upon a board, to the edges of which { } are attached little loops of hempen cord or leather, and other similar cords are passed across and back, in a zig-zag manner, through these loops, enclosing the child, and binding it firmly down. to the upper edge of this board, in which is a depression to receive the back part of the head, another smaller one is attached by hinges of leather, and made to lie obliquely upon the forehead, the force of the pressure being regulated by several strings attached to its edge, which are passed through holes in the board upon which the infant is lying, and secured there. the mode of the chinooks, and others near the sea, differs widely from that of the upper indians, and appears somewhat less barbarous and cruel. a sort of cradle is formed by excavating a pine log to the depth of eight or ten inches. the child is placed in it on a bed of little grass mats, and bound down in the manner above described. a little boss of tightly plaited and woven grass is then applied to the forehead, and secured by a cord to the loops at the side. the infant is thus suffered to remain from four to eight months, or until the sutures of the skull have in some measure united, and the bone become solid and firm. it is seldom or never taken from the cradle, except in case of severe illness, until the flattening process is completed.[ ] [ ] see illustration in _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iv, p. .--ed. i saw, to-day, a young child from whose head the board had just been removed. it was, without exception, the most frightful and disgusting looking object that i ever beheld. the whole front of the head was completely flattened, and the mass of brain being forced back, caused an enormous projection there. the poor little creature's eyes protruded to the distance of half an inch, and looked inflamed and discolored, as did all the surrounding parts. although i felt a kind of chill creep over me from the contemplation of such dire deformity, yet there was something so stark-staring, and absolutely queer in the physiognomy, that i could not repress a smile; and when the mother amused the little object and made it laugh, it looked so irresistibly, { } so _terribly_ ludicrous, that i and those who were with me, burst into a simultaneous roar, which frightened it and made it cry, in which predicament it looked much less horrible than before. on the st of november we arrived at the brig. she was moored, head and stern, to a large rock near the lower mouth of the wallammet. captain lambert with his ship's company, and our own mountain men, were all actively engaged at various employments; carpenters, smiths, coopers, and other artisans were busy in their several vocations; domestic animals, pigs, sheep, goats, poultry, &c., were roaming about as if perfectly at home, and the whole scene looked so like the entrance to a country village, that it was difficult to fancy oneself in a howling wilderness inhabited only by the wild and improvident indian, and his scarcely more free and fearless neighbors, the bear and the wolf.[ ] an excellent temporary storehouse of twigs, thatched with grass, has been erected, in which has been deposited the extensive assortment of goods necessary for the settlement, as well as a number of smaller ones, in which the men reside. it is intended as soon as practicable, to build a large and permanent dwelling of logs, which will also include the store and trading establishment, and form the groundwork for an _american fort_ on the river columbia. [ ] the brig was the "may dacre;" captain lambert had been in command of wyeth's earlier vessel, the "sultana," which was wrecked on a south pacific reef. he later made many voyages in command of various vessels, the last of which sailed from hawaii to new bedford, massachusetts. he died at "sailor's snug harbor" on staten island. see f. h. victor, "flotsom and jetsom of the pacific," in _oregon historical society quarterly_, ii, pp. - .--ed. _ th._--mr. n. and myself are now residing on board the brig, and pursuing with considerable success our scientific researches through the neighborhood. i have shot and prepared here several new species of birds, and two or three undescribed quadrupeds, besides procuring a considerable number, which, though known to naturalists, are rare, and therefore valuable. my companion is of course in his element; the forest, the plain, the rocky hill, and the mossy bank yield him a rich and most abundant supply. { } we are visited daily by considerable numbers of chinook and klikatat indians, many of whom bring us provisions of various kinds, salmon, deer, ducks, &c., and receive in return, powder and shot, knives, paint, and _indian rum_, i. e. rum and water in the proportion of one part of the former to two of the latter. some of these indians would be handsome were it not for the abominable practice, which, as i have said, is almost universal amongst them, of destroying the form of the head. the features of many are regular, though often devoid of expression, and the persons of the men generally are rather symmetrical; their stature is low, with light sinewy limbs, and remarkably small delicate hands. the women are usually more rotund, and, in some instances, even approach obesity. the principal clothing worn by them is a sort of short petticoat made of strands of pine bark or twisted hempen strings, tied around the loins like a marro. this article they call a _kalaquarté_; and is often their only dress; some, however, cover the shoulders with a blanket, or robe made of muskrat or hare skins sewed together.[ ] [ ] see _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. - .--ed. a disease of a very fatal character is prevalent among these indians; many of them have died of it; even some of those in the neighborhood of the fort, where medical assistance was always at hand. the symptoms are a general coldness, soreness and stiffness of the limbs and body, with violent tertian ague. its fatal termination is attributable to its tendency to attack the liver, which is generally affected in a few days after the first symptoms are developed. several of the white people attached to the fort have been ill with it, but no deaths have occurred amongst them, the disease in their case having yielded to the simple tonic remedies usually employed at home. this i have no doubt would be equally the case with the indians, were they { } willing to submit to proper restrictions during the time of administering medicine. captain lambert informs me that on his first landing here the indians studiously avoided his vessel, and all kind of intercourse with his crew, from the supposition, (which they have since acknowledged) that the malady which they dread so much was thus conveyed. as in a short time it became desirable, on account of procuring supplies of provision, to remove this impression, some pains were taken to convince the indians of their error, and they soon visited the ship without fear. mr. n. and myself have been anxious to escape the wet and disagreeable winter of this region, and visit some other portion of the country, where the inclemency of the season will not interfere with the prosecution of our respective pursuits. after some reflection and consultation, we concluded to take passage in the brig, which will sail in a few weeks for the sandwich islands. we shall remain there about three months, and return to the river in time to commence our peregrinations in the spring. _ d._--at fort vancouver. a letter was received yesterday by dr. mcloughlin, from captain wyeth, dated walla-walla, stating that the twelve sandwich islanders whom he took with him a week since for a journey to fort hall, had deserted, each taking a horse. they had no doubt heard from some of their countrymen, whom they met at the fort, of the difficulties of the route before them, which were probably very much exaggerated. captain w. is on the alert to find them, and is sending men on their trail in every direction, but it is more than probable that they will not be overtaken, and the consequence will then be, that the expedition must be abandoned, and the captain return to the fort to spend the winter. _december d._--yesterday mr. n. and myself went down the river to the brig, and this morning early the vessel left her { } moorings, and with her sails unloosed stood out into the channel way. the weather was overcast, and we had but little wind, so that our progress during the morning was necessarily slow. in the afternoon we ran aground in one and a half fathoms water, but as the tide was low, we were enabled to get her clear in the evening. the navigation of this river is particularly difficult in consequence of numerous shoals and sand bars, and good pilots are scarce, the indians alone officiating in that capacity. towards noon the next day, a kowalitsk indian with but one eye, who said his name was _george_, boarded us, and showed a letter which he carried, written by captain mcneall, in the hudson's bay service, recommending said george as a capable and experienced pilot. we accepted his services gladly, and made a bargain with him to take us into baker's bay near the cape, for four bottles of rum; with the understanding, however, that every time the brig ran aground, one bottle of the precious liquor was to be forfeited.[ ] george agreed to the terms, and taking his station at the bow, gave his orders to the man at the wheel like one having authority, pointing with his finger when he wished a deviation from the common course, and pronouncing in a loud voice the single word _ookook_, (here.) [ ] for baker's bay, and the origin of its name, see franchère's _narrative_, our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. on the afternoon of the th, we passed along a bold precipitous shore, near which we observed a large isolated rock, and on it a great number of canoes, deposited above the reach of the tides. this spot is called _mount coffin_, and the canoes contain the dead bodies of indians. they are carefully wrapped in blankets, and all the personal property of the deceased, bows and arrows, guns, salmon spears, ornaments, &c., are placed within, and around his canoe. the vicinity of this, and all other cemeteries, is held so sacred by the indians, that they never approach it, except to make similar deposites; they will often even travel a considerable distance out of their course, in order to avoid intruding upon the sanctuary of their dead.[ ] [ ] for mount coffin see both franchère and ross, volume vi, p. , and volume vii, pp. , , respectively.--ed. { } we came to anchor near this rock in the evening, and captain lambert, mr. n., and myself visited the tombs. we were especially careful not to touch or disarrange any of the fabrics, and it was well we were so, for as we turned to leave the place, we found that we had been narrowly watched by about twenty indians, whom we had not seen when we landed from our boat. after we embarked, we observed an old withered crone with a long stick or wand in her hand, who approached, and walked over the ground which we had defiled with our sacrilegious tread, waving her enchanted rod over the mouldering bones, as if to purify the atmosphere around, and exorcise the evil spirits which we had called up. i have been very anxious to procure the skulls of some of these indians, and should have been willing, so far as i alone was concerned, to encounter some risk to effect my object, but i have refrained on account of the difficulty in which the ship and crew would be involved, if the sacrilege should be discovered; a prejudice might thus be excited against our little colony which would not soon be overcome, and might prove a serious injury. _ th._--the weather is almost constantly rainy and squally, making it unpleasant to be on deck; we are therefore confined closely to the cabin, and are anxious to get out to sea as soon as possible, if only to escape this. in the afternoon, the captain and myself went ashore in the long-boat, and visited several indian houses upon the beach. these are built of roughly hewn boards and logs, usually covered with pine bark, or matting of their own manufacture, and open at the top, to allow the smoke to escape. in one of these houses we found men, women, and children, to the number of fifty-two, seated as usual, upon the ground, around numerous fires, the smoke from which filled every cranny of the building, and to us was almost stifling, although the indians did not appear to suffer { } any inconvenience from it. although living in a state of the most abject poverty, deprived of most of the absolute necessaries of life, and frequently enduring the pangs of protracted starvation, yet these poor people appear happy and contented. they are scarcely qualified to enjoy the common comforts of life, even if their indolence did not prevent the attempt to procure them. on the afternoon of the th, we anchored off _fort george_, as it is called, although perhaps it scarcely deserves the name of a fort, being composed of but one principal house of hewn boards, and a number of small indian huts surrounding it, presenting the appearance, from a distance, of an ordinary small farm house with its appropriate outbuildings. there is but one white man residing here, the superintendent of the fort; but there is probably no necessity for more, as the business done is not very considerable, most of the furs being taken by the indians to vancouver. the establishment is, however, of importance, independent of its utility as a trading post, as it is situated within view of the dangerous cape, and intelligence of the arrival of vessels can be communicated to the authorities at vancouver in time for them to render adequate assistance to such vessels by supplying them with pilots, &c. this is the spot where once stood the fort established by the direction of our honored countryman, john jacob astor. one of the chimneys of old fort astoria is still standing, a melancholy monument of american enterprise and domestic misrule. the spot where once the fine parterre overlooked the river, and the bold stoccade enclosed the neat and substantial fort, is now overgrown with weeds and bushes, and can scarce be distinguished from the primeval forest which surrounds it on every side.[ ] [ ] compare franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. , note , and ross's _oregon settlers_, our volume vii, pp. - , . the fort had been abandoned in , but later was restored as a post of observation.--ed. captain lambert, mr. n. and myself visited the indian houses in the neighborhood. in one of them we saw a poor little boy about three years of age who had been blind from his birth. he { } was sitting on the ground near the fire, surrounded by a quantity of fish bones which he had been picking. our sympathy was very much excited for the poor little unfortunate, particularly as he was made a subject for the taunting jibes and laughter of a number of men and women, squatting around, and his mother sat by with the most cruel apathy and unconcern, and only smiled at the commiseration which we expressed for her innocent and peculiarly unhappy offspring. it seems difficult to believe that those who possess the form and countenance of human creatures, should so debase the natural good feelings which god has implanted in them: but these ignorant and gross wretches seemed to take credit to themselves in rendering this afflicted being unhappy, and smiled and looked at each other when we endeavored to infuse a little pity into them. the child had evidently been very much neglected, and almost starved, and the little articles which we presented it, (in the hope, that the indians on seeing us manifest an interest in it, would treat it more tenderly,) it put to its mouth eagerly, but finding them not eatable, threw them aside in disgust. oh! how i wished at that moment for a morsel of bread to give this little famished and neglected creature. we soon left the place, and returned to the brig, but i could think of nothing during the remainder of the evening but the little blind child, and at night i dreamed i saw it, and it raised its dim and sightless orbs, and stretched out its little emaciated arms towards me, as if begging for a crumb to prevent its starving. these people, as i have already said, do not appear to possess a particle of natural good feeling, and in their moral character, they are little better than brutes. in the case of the blind boy, they seemed to take pride in tormenting it, and rendering it miserable, and vied with each other in the skill and dexterity with which they applied to it the most degrading and insulting epithets. these circumstances, with others, in regard to their { } moral character, which i shall not even mention, have tended very considerably to lower the estimation in which i have always held the red man of the forest, and serve to strengthen the opinion which i had long since formed, that nothing but the introduction of civilization, with its good and wholesome laws, can ever render the indian of service to himself, or raise him from the state of wretchedness which has so long characterized his expiring race. the next morning, we ran down into baker's bay, and anchored within gunshot of the cape, when captain lambert and myself went on shore in the boat, to examine the channel, and decide upon the prospect of getting out to sea. this passage is a very dangerous one, and is with reason dreaded by mariners. a wide bar of sand extends from cape disappointment to the opposite shore,--called point adams,--and with the exception of a space, comprehending about half a mile, the sea at all times breaks furiously, the surges dashing to the height of the mast head of a ship, and with the most terrific roaring.[ ] sometimes the water in the channel is agitated equally with that which covers the whole length of the bar, and it is then a matter of imminent risk to attempt a passage. vessels have occasionally been compelled to lie in under the cape for several weeks, in momentary expectation of the subsidence of the dangerous breakers, and they have not unfrequently been required to stand off shore, from without, until the crews have suffered extremely for food and water. this circumstance must ever form a barrier to a permanent settlement here; the sands, which compose the bar, are constantly shifting, and changing the course and depth of the channel, so that none but the small coasting vessels in the service of the company can, with much safety, pass back and forth. [ ] for cape disappointment, and point adams, consult franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. , notes , .--ed. mr. n. and myself visited the sea beach, outside the cape, in the hope of finding peculiar marine shells, but although we { } searched assiduously during the morning, we had but little success. we saw several deer in the thick forest on the side of the cape, and a great number of black shags, or cormorants, flying over the breakers, and resting upon the surf-washed rocks. on the morning of the th, mr. hanson, the mate, returned from the shore, and reported that the channel was smooth; it was therefore deemed safe to attempt the passage immediately. while we were weighing our anchor, we descried a brig steering towards us, which soon crossed the bar, and ran up to within speaking distance. it was one of the hudson's bay company's coasters, and, as we were getting under way, a boat put off from her, and we were boarded by mr. ogden, a chief factor from one of the company's forts on the coast.[ ] he informed us that the brig left naas about the first of october, but had been delayed by contrary winds, and rough, boisterous weather.[ ] thus the voyage which usually requires but about eight days for its performance, occupied upwards of _two months_. they had been on an allowance of a pint of water per day, and had suffered considerably for fresh provision. mr. ogden remained with us but a short time, and we stood out past the cape. [ ] peter skeen ogden was the son of isaac, chief justice of the province of quebec--originally a loyalist from new york. early entering the fur-trade, young ogden was sent out to astoria, arriving after its transference to the british. he thereupon entered the north west company, and spent his life in the oregon country. a successful trapper and trader, he led for many years parties into the interior, where he explored the yellowstone and lewis river countries, and utah, giving his name to ogden's hole and the utah city therein. in he had a disastrous encounter with ashley, and from that time onward competition with american traders was keen. he followed jedidiah s. smith west to california, trapping on the upper sacramento and discovering ogden river--which frémont renamed humboldt. in ogden was appointed chief factor of new caledonia, and made his headquarters at fort st. james, on stuart lake. ogden married julia, daughter of a flathead chief, and her intrepidity and understanding of indian nature aided her husband's undertakings. he died at oregon city in , aged about sixty years.--ed. [ ] nass bay and harbor, in upper british columbia, near the alaska boundary.--ed. when we entered the channel, the water which had before been so smooth, became suddenly very much agitated, swelling, and roaring, and foaming around us, as if the surges were upheaved from the very bottom, and as [if] our vessel would fall in the trough of the sea, pitching down like a huge leviathan seeking its native depths, i could not but feel positive, that the enormous wave, which hung like a judgment over our heads, would inevitably engulph us; but the good ship, like a creature instinct with life, as though she knew her danger, gallantly rose upon it, and but dipped her bows into its crest, as if in scorn of its mighty and irresistible power. this is my first sea voyage, and every thing upon the great deep is of course novel and interesting to me. during the scene which i have just described, although i was { } aware of our imminent peril, and the tales that i had frequently heard of vessels perishing in this very spot, and in precisely such a sea, recurred to my mind with some force, yet i could not but feel a kind of secret and wild joy at finding myself in a situation of such awful and magnificent grandeur. i thought of the lines of shelley, and repeated them to myself in a kind of ecstasy. "and see'st thou, and hear'st thou, and fear'st thou, and fear'st thou, and ride we not free o'er the terrible sea, i and thou?" in about twenty minutes we had escaped all the danger, and found ourselves riding easily in a beautiful placid sea. we set the sails, which had been shortened on the bar, and the gallant vessel feeling the impulse of the wind, rushed ahead as if exulting in the victory she had achieved. chapter xii ... arrival at the columbia. { } on the th,[ ] the wind, which had for several days been light, began steadily to increase, until we were running ten knots by the log. in the afternoon, the atmosphere became thick and hazy, indicating our approach to the shores of the continent. in a short time, a number of the small auks,--of which we saw a few immediately after leaving the columbia,--were observed sporting in the waves, close under our bows; then several gulls of the species common on the river, and soon after large flocks of geese and canvass-back ducks. [ ] this date is april , . the interval between this and december , (the part omitted) was spent in a visit to the hawaiian islands. townsend returned on wyeth's vessel, the "may dacre."--ed. the sea gradually lost its legitimate deep blue color, and assumed a dirty, green appearance, indicating soundings. upon heaving the lead here, we got only eleven fathoms, and found that we had approached nearer than was prudent, having been misled by the haze. wore ship immediately, and soon saw land, bearing east, which we ascertained to be south of cape disappointment. stood off during the night, and the next morning at o'clock, the wind favoring us, we bore up for the cape, and at crossed the dangerous bar safely, and ran direct for the river. { } chapter xiii passage up the columbia--birds--a trip to the wallammet--methodist missionaries--their prospects--fort william--band-tail pigeons--wretched condition of the indians at the falls--a kallapooyah village--indian cemetery--superstitions--treatment of diseases--method of steaming--"making medicine"--indian sorcerers--an interruption of festivities--death of thornburg--an inquest--verdict of the jury--inordinate appetite for ardent spirits--misfortunes of the american company--eight men drowned--murder of two trappers by the banneck indians--arrival of captain thing--his meeting and skirmish with the blackfeet indians--massacre--a narrow escape. on the th, we anchored abreast of oak point.[ ] our decks were almost immediately crowded with indians to welcome us, and among them we recognised many faces with which we were familiar. _chinamus_, the chinook chief, was the principal of these, who, with his wife, _aillapust_, or _sally_, as she is called at the fort, paid us an early visit, and brought us red deer and sturgeon to regale upon after our voyage. [ ] for a brief account of oak point, see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. on the afternoon of the next day, we ran up to warrior's point, the brig's old mooring ground. the people here had been anxious to see us; extensive preparations had been made to prosecute the salmon fishery, and the coopers have been engaged the whole winter in making barrels to accommodate them. mr. walker, the missionaries' quondam associate, was in charge of the post, and he informed us that captain wyeth had returned only a few weeks since from the upper country, where he had been spending the winter, engaged in the arduous business of { } trapping, in the prosecution of which he had endured great and various hardships.[ ] [ ] captain wyeth returned to fort vancouver february , . the journal of his hardships during this trapping expedition is in his _oregon expeditions_, pp. - .--ed. _may th._--the rainy season is not yet over; we have had almost constant showers since we arrived, but now the weather appears settled. birds are numerous, particularly the warblers, (_sylvia_.) many of these are migratory, remaining but a few weeks: others breed here, and reside during the greater part of the summer. i have already procured several new species. _ th._--mr. wyeth, came down from walla-walla yesterday, and this morning i embarked with him in a large canoe, manned by kanakas, for a trip to the wallammet falls in order to procure salmon. we visited fort william, (wyeth's new settlement upon wappatoo island,) which is about fifteen miles from the lower mouth of the wallammet.[ ] we found here the missionaries, messrs. lee and edwards, who arrived to-day from their station, sixty miles above. they give flattering accounts of their prospects here; they are surrounded by a considerable number of indians who are friendly to the introduction of civilization and religious light, and who treat them with the greatest hospitality and kindness. they have built several comfortable log houses, and the soil in their vicinity they represent as unusually rich and productive. they have, i think, a good prospect of being serviceable to this miserable and degraded people; and if they commence their operations judiciously, and pursue a steady, unwavering course, the indians in this section of country may yet be redeemed from the thraldom of vice, superstition, and indolence, to which they have so long submitted, and above which their energies have not enabled them to rise. [ ] according to wyeth's statements, fort william was eight miles from vancouver, on the southwest side of the island. built in the spring of , it was upon wyeth's return to the united states ( ) left in charge of c. m. walker, who came out with jason lee. walker was given instructions to lease the place, but no tenant offering, it was soon abandoned, and the hudson's bay company established a dairy farm near the site.--ed. the spot chosen by captain w. for his fort is on a high piece of land, which will probably not be overflown by the periodical freshets, and the soil is the rich black loam so plentifully distributed through this section of country. the men now live in tents and temporary huts, but several log houses are constructing { } which, when finished, will vie in durability and comfort with vancouver itself. _ st._--the large band-tail pigeon (_colomba fasciata_) is very abundant near the river, found in flocks of from fifty to sixty, and perching upon the dead trees along the margin of the stream. they are feeding upon the buds of the balsam poplar; are very fat, and excellent eating. in the course of the morning, and without leaving the canoe, i killed enough to supply our people with provision for two days. _ th._-we visited the falls to-day, and while captain w. was inspecting the vicinity to decide upon the practicability of drawing his seine here, i strolled into the indian lodges on the bank of the river. the poor creatures were all living miserably, and some appeared to be suffering absolute want. those who were the best supplied, had nothing more than the fragments of a few sturgeons and lamprey eels, kamas bread, &c. to the roofs of the lodges were hung a number of crooked bladders, filled with rancid seal oil, used as a sort of condiment with the dry and unsavory sturgeon. on the klakamas river,[ ] about a mile below, we found a few lodges belonging to indians of the kalapooyah tribe. we addressed them in chinook, (the language spoken by all those inhabiting the columbia below the cascades,)[ ] but they evidently did not comprehend a word, answering in a peculiarly harsh and gutteral language, with which we were entirely unacquainted. however, we easily made them understand by signs that we wanted salmon, and being assured in the same significant manner that they had none to sell, we decamped as soon as possible, to escape the fleas and other vermin with which the interior of their wretched habitations were plentifully supplied. we saw here a large indian cemetery. the bodies had been buried under the ground, and each tomb had a board at its head, upon which was rudely painted some strange, uncouth figure. the { } pans, kettles, clothing, &c., of the deceased, were all suspended upon sticks, driven into the ground near the head board. [ ] clackamas river rises in the cascade range, between mounts hood and jefferson, and flows northwest through a county of the same name into the willamette, at the present oregon city.--ed. [ ] on the chinook jargon--the medium of communication between the whites and indians of the northwest coast--see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. _june th._--the indians frequently bring us salmon, and we observe that, invariably, before they part with them, they are careful to remove the hearts. this superstition, is religiously adhered to by all the chinook tribe. before the fish is split and prepared for eating, a small hole is made in the breast, the heart taken out, roasted, and eaten in silence, and with great gravity. this practice is continued only during the first month in which the salmon make their appearance, and is intended as a kind of propitiation to the particular deity or spirit who presides over the finny tribes. superstition in all its absurd and most revolting aspects is rife among this people. they believe in "black spirits, and white, blue spirits, and grey," and to each grizzly monster some peculiar virtue or ghastly terror is attributed. when a chief goes on a hunting or fishing excursion, he puts himself under the care of one of these good spirits, and if his expedition is unsuccessful, he affirms that the antagonist evil principle has gained the victory; but this belief does not prevent his making another, and another attempt, in the hope, each time, that his guardian genius will have the ascendency. in their treatment of diseases, they employ but few remedies, and these are generally simple and inefficacious. wounds are treated with an application of green leaves, and bound with strips of pine bark, and in some febrile cases, a sweat is administered. this is effected by digging a hole two or three feet deep in the ground, and placing within it some hemlock or spruce boughs moistened with water; hot stones are then thrown in, and a frame work of twigs is erected over the opening, and covered closely with blankets to prevent the escape of the steam. under this contrivance, the patient is placed; and after remaining { } fifteen or twenty minutes, he is removed, and plunged into cold water. their mode of "_making medicine_," to use their own term, is, however, very different from this. the sick man is laid upon a bed of mats and blankets, elevated from the ground, and surrounded by a raised frame work of hewn boards. upon this frame two "medicine men" (sorcerers) place themselves, and commence chaunting, in a low voice, a kind of long drawn, sighing song. each holds a stout stick, of about four feet long, in his hand, with which he beats upon the frame work, and keeps accurate time with the music. after a few minutes, the song begins to increase in loudness and quickness, (a corresponding force and celerity being given to the stick,) until in a short time the noise becomes almost deafening, and may well serve, in many instances, to accelerate the exit of him whom it is their intention to benefit. during the administration of the medicine, the relations and friends of the patient are often employed in their usual avocations in the same house with him, and by his bedside; the women making mats, moccasins, baskets, &c., and the men lolling around, smoking or conversing upon general subjects. no appearance of sorrow or concern is manifested for the brother, husband, or father, expiring beside them, and but for the presence and ear-astounding din of the medicine men, you would not know that anything unusual had occurred to disturb the tranquillity of the family circle. these medicine men are, of course, all impostors, their object being simply the acquisition of property; and in case of the recovery of the patient, they make the most exorbitant demands of his relations; but when the sick man dies, they are often compelled to fly, in order to escape the vengeance of the survivors, who generally attribute the fatal termination to the evil influence of the practitioner. { } _july th._--this morning was ushered in by the firing of cannon on board our brig, and we had made preparations for spending the day in festivity, when, at about o'clock, a letter was received from mr. walker, who has charge of the fort on wappatoo island, stating that the tailor, thornburg, had been killed this morning by hubbard, the gunsmith, and requesting our presence immediately, to investigate the case, and direct him how to act. our boat was manned without loss of time, and captain l. and myself repaired to the fort, where we found every thing in confusion. poor thornburg, whom i had seen but two days previously, full of health and vigor, was now a lifeless corpse; and hubbard, who was more to be pitied, was walking up and down the beach, with a countenance pale and haggard, from the feelings at war within. we held an inquest over the body, and examined all the men of the fort severally, for the purpose of eliciting the facts of the case, and, if warranted by the evidence, to exculpate hubbard from blame in the commission of the act. it appeared that, several weeks since, a dispute arose between hubbard and thornburg, and the latter menaced the life of the former, and had since been frequently heard to declare that he would carry the threat into effect on the first favorable opportunity. this morning, before daylight, he entered the apartment of hubbard, armed with a loaded gun, and a large knife, and after making the most deliberate preparations for an instant departure from the room, as soon as the deed should be committed, cocked his gun, and prepared to shoot at his victim. hubbard, who was awakened by the noise of thornburg's entrance, and was therefore on the alert, waited quietly until this crisis, when cocking his pistol, without noise, he took deliberate aim at the assassin, and fired. thornburg staggered back, his gun fell from his grasp, and the two combatants struggled hand to hand. the tailor, being wounded, { } was easily overcome, and was thrown violently out of the house, when he fell to the ground, and died in a few minutes. upon examining the body, we found that the two balls from the pistol had entered the arm below the shoulder, and escaping the bone, had passed into the cavity of the chest. the verdict of the jury was "justifiable homicide," and a properly attested certificate, containing a full account of the proceedings, was given to hubbard, as well for his satisfaction, as to prevent future difficulty, if the subject should ever be investigated by a judicial tribunal. this thornburg was an unusually bold and determined man, fruitful in inventing mischief, as he was reckless and daring in its prosecution. his appetite for ardent spirits was of the most inordinate kind. during the journey across the country, i constantly carried a large two-gallon bottle of whiskey, in which i deposited various kinds of lizards and serpents and when we arrived at the columbia the vessel was almost full of these crawling creatures. i left the bottle on board the brig when i paid my first visit to the wallammet falls, and on my return found that thornburg had decanted the liquor from the precious reptiles which i had destined for immortality, and he and one of his pot companions had been "happy" upon it for a whole day. this appeared to me almost as bad as the "tapping of the admiral," practised with such success by the british seamen; but unlike their commander, i did not discover the theft until too late to save my specimens, which were in consequence all destroyed. _ th._--mr. nuttall, who has just returned from the dalles, where he has been spending some weeks, brings distressing intelligence from above. it really seems that the "columbia river fishing and trading company" is devoted to destruction; disasters meet them at every turn, and as yet none of their schemes have prospered. this has not been for want of energy or exertion. captain w. has pursued the plans which seemed { } to him best adapted for insuring success, with the most indefatigable perseverance and industry, and has endured hardships without murmuring, which would have prostrated many a more robust man; nevertheless, he has not succeeded in making the business of fishing and trapping productive, and as we cannot divine the cause, we must attribute it to the providence that rules the destinies of men and controls all human enterprises. two evenings since, eight sandwich islanders, a white man and an indian woman, left the cascades in a large canoe laden with salmon, for the brig. the river was as usual rough and tempestuous, the wind blew a heavy gale, the canoe was capsized, and eight out of the ten sank to rise no more. the two who escaped, islanders, have taken refuge among the indians at the village below, and will probably join us in a few days. intelligence has also been received of the murder of one of wyeth's principal trappers, named abbot, and another white man who accompanied him, by the banneck indians. the two men were on their way to the columbia with a large load of beaver, and had stopped at the lodge of the banneck chief, by whom they had been hospitably entertained. after they left, the chief, with several of his young men, concealed themselves in a thicket, near which the unsuspicious trappers passed, and shot and scalped them both. these indians have been heretofore harmless, and have always appeared to wish to cultivate the friendship of the white people. the only reason that can be conceived for this change in their sentiments, is that some of their number may lately have received injury from the white traders, and, with true indian animosity, they determined to wreak their vengeance upon the whole race. thus it is always unsafe to travel among indians, as no one { } knows at what moment a tribe which has always been friendly, may receive ill treatment from thoughtless, or evil-designing men, and the innocent suffer for the deeds of the guilty. _august th._--this morning, captain thing (wyeth's partner) arrived from the interior. poor man! he looks very much worn by fatigue and hardships, and seven years older than when i last saw him. he passed through the snake country from fort hall, without knowing of the hostile disposition of the bannecks, but, luckily for him, only met small parties of them, who feared to attack his camp. he remarked symptoms of distrust and coolness in their manner, for which he was, at the time, unable to account. as i have yet been only an hour in his company, and as a large portion of this time was consumed in his business affairs, i have not been able to obtain a very particular account of his meeting and skirmish with the blackfeet last spring, a rumor of which we heard several weeks since. from what i have been enabled to gather, amid the hurry and bustle consequent upon his arrival, the circumstances appear to be briefly these. he had made a camp on salmon river, and, as usual, piled up his goods in front of it, and put his horses in a pen erected temporarily for the purpose, when, at about daybreak, one of his sentries heard a gun discharged near. he went immediately to captain t.'s tent to inform him of it, and at that instant a yell sounded from an adjacent thicket, and about five hundred indians,--three hundred horse and two hundred foot,--rushed out into the open space in front. the mounted savages were dashing to and fro across the line of the camp, discharging their pieces with frightful rapidity, while those who had not horses, crawled around to take them in the rear. notwithstanding the galling fire which the indians were constantly pouring into them, captain t. succeeded in driving his horses into the thicket behind, and securing them there, placing over them a guard of three men as a check to the savages who { } were approaching from that quarter. he then threw himself with the remainder of his little band, behind the bales of goods, and returned the fire of the enemy. he states that occasionally he was gratified by the sight of an indian tumbling from his horse, and at such times a dismal, savage yell was uttered by the rest, who then always fell back a little, but returned immediately to the charge with more than their former fury. at length the indians, apparently wearied by their unsuccessful attempts to dislodge the white men, changed their mode of attack, and rode upon the slight fortification, rapidly and steadily. although they lost a man or two by this (for them) unusually bold proceeding, yet they succeeded in driving the brave little band of whites to the cover of the bushes. they then took possession of the goods, &c., which had been used as a defence, and retired to a considerable distance, where they were soon joined by their comrades on foot, who had utterly failed in their attempt to obtain the horses. in a short time, a man was seen advancing from the main body of indians towards the scene of combat, holding up his hand as a sign of amity, and an intimation of the suspension of hostilities, and requested a "talk" with the white people. captain t., with difficulty repressing his inclination to shoot the savage herald down, was induced, in consideration of the safety of his party, to dispatch an interpreter towards him. the only information that the blackfeet wished to communicate was, that having obtained all the goods of the white people, they were now willing that they should continue their journey in peace, and that they should not again be molested. the indians then departed, and the white men struck back on their trail, towards fort hall. captain thing lost every thing he had with him, all his clothing, papers, journals, &c. but he should probably be thankful that he escaped with his life, for { } it is known to be very unusual for these hostile indians to spare the lives of white men, when in their power, the acquisition of property being generally with them only a secondary consideration. captain t. had two men severely, but not mortally, wounded. the indians had seven killed, and a considerable number wounded. _ th._--several days since a poor man came here in a most deplorable condition, having been gashed, stabbed, and bruised in a manner truly frightful. he had been travelling on foot constantly for fifteen days, exposed to the broiling sun, with nothing to eat during the whole of this time, except the very few roots which he had been able to find. he was immediately put in the hospital here, and furnished with every thing necessary for his comfort, as well as surgical attendance. he states that he left monterey, in california, in the spring, in company with seven men, for the purpose of coming to the wallammet to join mr. young, an american, who is now settled in that country.[ ] they met with no accident until they arrived at a village of _potámeos_ indians,[ ] about ten days journey south of this. not knowing the character of these indians, they were not on their guard, allowing them to enter their camp, and finally to obtain possession of their weapons.[ ] the indians then fell upon the defenceless little band with their tomahawks and knives, (having no fire arms themselves, and not knowing the use of those they had taken,) and, ere the white men had recovered from the panic which the sudden and unexpected attack occasioned, killed four of them. the remaining four fought with their knives as long as they were able, but were finally overpowered, and this poor fellow left upon the ground, covered with wounds, and in a state { } of insensibility. how long he remained in this situation, he has no means of ascertaining; but upon recovering, the place was vacated by all the actors in the bloody scene, except his three dead companions, who were lying stark and stiff where they fell. by considerable exertion, he was enabled to drag himself into a thicket near, for the purpose of concealment, as he rightly conjectured that their captors would soon return to secure the trophies of their treacherous victory, and bury the corpses. this happened almost immediately after; the scalps were torn from the heads of the slain, and the mangled bodies removed for interment. after the most dreadful and excruciating sufferings, as we can well believe, the poor man arrived here, and is doing well under the excellent and skilful care of doctor gairdner.[ ] i examined most of his wounds yesterday. he is literally covered with them, but one upon the lower part of his face is the most frightful. it was made by a single blow of a tomahawk, the point of which entered the upper lip, just below the nose, cutting entirely through both the upper and lower jaws and chin, and passing deep into the side of the neck, narrowly missing the large jugular vein. he says he perfectly recollects receiving this wound. it was inflicted by a powerful savage, who at the same time tripped him with his foot, accelerating his fall. he also remembers distinctly feeling the indian's long knife pass five separate times into his body; of what occurred after this he knows nothing. this is certainly by far the most horrible looking wound i ever saw, rendered so, however, by injudicious treatment and entire want of care in the proper apposition of the sundered parts; he simply bound it up as well as he could with his handkerchief, and his extreme anguish caused him to forget the necessity of accuracy in this respect. the consequence is, that the lower part of his face is dreadfully contorted, one side being considerably lower than the other. a union by the { } first intention has been formed, and the ill-arranged parts are uniting. [ ] this was a party arranged by john turner, who had previously visited oregon with jedidiah s. smith. for ewing young, see our volume xx, p. , note . the wounded man was dr. william j. bailey, an englishman who, after being educated for a physician, enlisted as a sailor, and after much roving had been a year or two in california. on recovering from his wounds, he settled in willamette valley, married margaret smith, a mission teacher, and had a large farm and an important practice. bailey became a man of note in early oregon history, was a member of the executive committee of the provisional government in , and died at champoeg in .--ed. [ ] called by the inhabitants of this country, the "_rascally indians_," from their uniformly evil disposition, and hostility to white people.--townsend. [ ] the loloten or tototen tribe of klamath indians. from their hostile and thievish disposition, their habitat was styled rogue river, and they are usually spoken of as rogue river indians. the river is in southwestern oregon, and the tribe related to those of northern california. trouble arose between this tribe and the miners, lasting from to , in which several battles were fought. there were in but fifty-two survivors, on grande ronde reservation, in western oregon.--ed. [ ] dr. gairdner was a young english physician and scientist who had studied with ehrenberg, in germany, and sir william hooker, in scotland. under the patronage of the latter he had come as physician to fort vancouver. he died in hawaii, whither he had gone for his health. his name is perpetuated in that of one of the columbia salmon.--ed. this case has produced considerable excitement in our little circle. the potámeos have more than once been guilty of acts of this kind, and some of the gentlemen of the fort have proposed fitting out an expedition to destroy the whole nation, but this scheme will probably not be carried into effect. { } chapter xiv indians of the columbia--their melancholy condition--departure of mr. nuttall and dr. gairdner--a new vocation--arrival of the rev. samuel parker--his object--departure of the american brig--swans--indian mode of taking them--a large wolf--an indian mummy--a night adventure--a discovery, and restoration of stolen property--fraternal tenderness of an indian--indian vengeance--death of waskéma, the indian girl--"busybody," the little chief--a village of kowalitsk indians--ceremony of "making medicine"--exposure of an impostor--success of legitimate medicines--departure from fort vancouver for a visit to the interior--arrival of a stranger--"cape horn"--tilki, the indian chief--indian villages--arrival at fort walla-walla--sharp-tailed grouse--commencement of a journey to the blue mountains. the indians of the columbia were once a numerous and powerful people; the shore of the river, for scores of miles, was lined with their villages; the council fire was frequently lighted, the pipe passed round, and the destinies of the nation deliberated upon. war was declared against neighboring tribes; the deadly tomahawk was lifted, and not buried until it was red with the blood of the savage; the bounding deer was hunted, killed, and his antlers ornamented the wigwam of the red man; the scalps of his enemies hung drying in the smoke of his lodge, and the indian was happy. now, alas! where is he?--gone;--gathered to his fathers and to his happy hunting grounds; his place knows him no more. the spot where once stood the thickly peopled village, the smoke curling and wreathing above the closely packed lodges, the lively children playing in the front, and their indolent { } parents lounging on their mats, is now only indicated by a heap of undistinguishable ruins. the depopulation here has been truly fearful. a gentleman told me, that only four years ago, as he wandered near what had formerly been a thickly peopled village, he counted no less than sixteen dead, men and women, lying unburied and festering in the sun in front of their habitations. within the houses all were sick; not one had escaped the contagion; upwards of a hundred individuals, men, women, and children, were writhing in agony on the floors of the houses, with no one to render them any assistance. some were in the dying struggle, and clenching with the convulsive grasp of death their disease-worn companions, shrieked and howled in the last sharp agony. probably there does not now exist one, where, five years ago, there were a hundred indians; and in sailing up the river, from the cape to the cascades, the only evidence of the existence of the indian, is an occasional miserable wigwam, with a few wretched, half-starved occupants. in some other places they are rather more numerous; but the thoughtful observer cannot avoid perceiving that in a very few years the race must, in the nature of things, become extinct; and the time is probably not far distant, when the little trinkets and toys of this people will be picked up by the curious, and valued as mementoes of a nation passed away for ever from the face of the earth. the aspect of things is very melancholy. it seems as if the fiat of the creator had gone forth, that these poor denizens of the forest and the stream should go hence, and be seen of men no more.[ ] [ ] when lewis and clark visited the columbia ( - ), they noted signs of a declining population, and thought it due to an epidemic of small-pox that a few years before had decimated the native population. in , shortly after the ground had been broken for a farm at fort vancouver, a form of intermittent fever broke out among both white men and indians. to the latter it proved deadly, and for three years raged without abatement. this epidemic had occasioned the desolation noted by townsend.--ed. in former years, when the indians were numerous, long after the establishment of this fort, it was not safe for the white men attached to it to venture beyond the protection of its guns without being fully armed. such was the jealousy of the natives towards them, that various deep laid schemes were practised to obtain possession of the post, and massacre all whom it had harbored; { } now, however, they are as submissive as children. some have even entered into the services of the whites, and when once the natural and persevering indolence of the man is worn off, he will work well and make himself useful. about two hundred miles southward, the indians are said to be in a much more flourishing condition, and their hostility to the white people to be most deadly. they believe that we brought with us the fatal fever which has ravaged this portion of the country, and the consequence is, that they kill without mercy every white man who trusts himself amongst them. _october st._--doctor gairdner, the surgeon of fort vancouver, took passage a few days ago to the sandwich islands, in one of the company's vessels. he has been suffering for several months, with a pulmonary affection, and is anxious to escape to a milder and more salubrious climate. in his absence, the charge of the hospital will devolve on me, and my time will thus be employed through the coming winter. there are at present but few cases of sickness, mostly ague and fever, so prevalent at this season. my companion, mr. nuttall, was also a passenger in the same vessel. from the islands, he will probably visit california, and either return to the columbia by the next ship, and take the route across the mountains, or double cape horn to reach his home. _ th._--several days since, the rev. samuel parker, of ithaca, n. york, arrived at the fort. he left his home last may, travelled to the rendezvous on the colorado, with the fur company of mr. fontinelle, and performed the remainder of the journey with the nez percé or cheaptin indians. his object is to examine the country in respect to its agricultural and other facilities, with a view to the establishment of missions among the indians.[ ] he will probably return to the states next spring, and report the { } result of his observations to the board of commissioners, by whose advice his pioneer journey has been undertaken.[ ] [ ] reverend samuel parker was born in new hampshire ( ); educated at williams and andover, he settled at ithaca, where he died in . at the meeting of the american board of commissioners for foreign missions ( ), the subject of an oregon mission was discussed and parker appointed to make investigations. arriving at st. louis too late for the annual brigade, he returned home, only to come out the succeeding year in company with marcus whitman. at the green river rendezvous, whitman went back for reinforcements, but parker pushed on, with nez percés as his sole companions, as far as fort walla walla, where he arrived october , . he remained in oregon until june, , then embarked for hawaii, reaching home in may, .--ed. [ ] mr. parker has since published an account of this tour, to which the reader is referred, for much valuable information, relative to the condition of the indians on our western frontier.--townsend. _comment by ed. the journal of an exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains_ (ithaca, ). five american editions and one english appeared. the popularity of the work was considerable, and it spread information concerning the oregon country. on the th, i embarked with this gentleman in a canoe, for a visit to the lower part of the river. we arrived at the american brig in the afternoon, on board of which we quartered for the night, and the next morning early, the vessel cast off from the shore. she has her cargo of furs and salmon on board, and is bound to boston, via the sandwich and society islands. mr. parker took passage in her to fort george, and in the afternoon i returned in my canoe to vancouver.[ ] [ ] this was wyeth's vessel, the "may dacre."--ed. _december st._--the weather is now unusually fine. instead of the drenching rains which generally prevail during the winter months, it has been for some weeks clear and cool, the thermometer ranging from ° to °. the ducks and geese, which have swarmed throughout the country during the latter part of the autumn, are leaving us, and the swans are arriving in great numbers. these are here, as in all other places, very shy; it is difficult to approach them without cover; but the indians have adopted a mode of killing them which is very successful; that of drifting upon the flocks at night, in a canoe, in the bow of which a large fire of pitch pine has been kindled. the swans are dazzled, and apparently stupefied by the bright light, and fall easy victims to the craft of the sportsman. _ th._--yesterday one of the canadians took an enormous wolf in a beaver-trap. it is probably a distinct species from the common one, (_lupus_,) much larger and stronger, and of a yellowish cinereous color.[ ] the man states that he found considerable difficulty in capturing him, even after the trap had been fastened on { } his foot. unlike the lupus, (which is cowardly and cringing when made prisoner,) he showed fight, and seizing the pole in his teeth, with which the man attempted to despatch him, with one backward jerk, threw his assailant to the ground, and darted at him, until checked by the trap chain. he was finally shot, and i obtained his skin, which i have preserved. [ ] probably an individual of what lewis and clark call the large brown wolf of the wooded regions of the columbia (_canis lupus occidentalis_).--ed. i have just had a visit from an old and intelligent indian chief, who lives near. it is now almost midnight, but for the last hour i have heard the old man wandering about like an unquiet spirit, in the neighborhood of my little mansion, and singing snatches of the wild, but sweetly musical songs of his tribe. it is a bitter night, and supposing the old man might be cold, i invited him to a seat by my comfortable fire. he says, "eighty snows have chilled the earth since _maniquon_ was born." maniquon has been a great warrior; he has himself taken twenty scalps between the rising and setting of the sun. like most old people, he is garrulous, and, like all indians, fond of boasting of his warlike deeds. i can sit for hours and hear old maniquon relate the particulars of his numerous campaigns, his ambushes, and his "scrimmages," as old hawk-eye would say. when he once gets into the spirit of it, he springs upon his feet, his old, sunken eyes sparkle like diamonds set in bronze, and he whirls his shrunken and naked arm around his head, as though it still held the deadly tomahawk. but in the midst of his excitement, seeming suddenly to recollect his fallen state, he sinks into his chair. "maniquon is not a warrior now--he will never raise his axe again--his young men have deserted his lodge--his sons will go down to their graves, and the squaws will not sing of their great deeds." i have several times heard him speak the substance of these words in his own language, and in one instance he concluded thus: { } "and who made my people what they are?" this question was put in a low voice, almost a whisper, and was accompanied by a look so savage and malignant, that i almost quailed before the imbecile old creature. i, however, answered quickly, without giving him time to reply to his own question. "the great spirit, maniquon," pointing with my finger impressively upwards. "yes, yes--it _was_ the great spirit; it was not the _white man_!" i could have been almost angry with the old indian for the look of deadly hostility with which he uttered these last words, but that i sympathized with his wounded pride, and pitied his sorrows too much to harbor any other feeling than commiseration for his manifold wrongs. _february d, ._--during a visit to fort william, last week, i saw, as i wandered through the forest, about three miles from the house, a canoe, deposited, as is usual, in the branches of a tree, some fourteen feet from the ground. knowing that it contained the body of an indian, i ascended to it for the purpose of abstracting the skull; but upon examination, what was my surprise to find a perfect, embalmed body of a young female, in a state of preservation equal to any which i had seen from the catacombs of thebes. i determined to obtain possession of it, but as this was not the proper time to carry it away, i returned to the fort, and said nothing of the discovery which i had made. that night, at the witching hour of twelve, i furnished myself with a rope, and launched a small canoe, which i paddled up against the current to a point opposite the mummy tree. here i ran my canoe ashore, and removing my shoes and stockings, proceeded to the tree, which was about a hundred yards from the river. i ascended, and making the rope fast around the body, lowered it gently to the ground; then arranging the fabric which had been displaced, as neatly as the darkness allowed, i descended, and taking the body upon my shoulders, bore it to my { } canoe, and pushed off into the stream. on arriving at the fort, i deposited my prize in the store house, and sewed around it a large indian mat, to give it the appearance of a bale of guns. being on a visit to the fort, with indians whom i had engaged to paddle my canoe, i thought it unsafe to take the mummy on board when i returned to vancouver the next day, but left directions with mr. walker to stow it away under the hatches of a little schooner, which was running twice a week between the two forts. on the arrival of this vessel, several days after, i received, instead of the body, a note from mr. walker, stating that an indian had called at the fort, and demanded the corpse. he was the brother of the deceased, and had been in the habit of visiting the tomb of his sister every year. he had now come for that purpose, from his residence near the "_tum-water_," (cascades,) and his keen eye had detected the intrusion of a stranger on the spot hallowed to him by many successive pilgrimages. the canoe of his sister was tenantless, and he knew the spoiler to have been a white man, by the tracks upon the beach, which did not incline inward like those of an indian. the case was so clearly made out, that mr. w. could not deny the fact of the body being in the house, and it was accordingly delivered to him, with a present of several blankets, to prevent the circumstance from operating upon his mind to the prejudice of the white people. the poor indian took the body of his sister upon his shoulders, and as he walked away, grief got the better of his stoicism, and the sound of his weeping was heard long after he had entered the forest. _ th._--several weeks ago the only son of ke-ez-a-no, the principal chief of the chinooks, died.[ ] the father was almost distracted with grief, and during the first paroxysm attempted to take the life of the boy's mother, supposing that she had exerted an evil influence over him which had caused his death. she { } was compelled to fly in consequence, and put herself under the protection of dr. mcloughlin, who found means to send her to her people below. disappointed in this scheme of vengeance, the chief determined to sacrifice all whom he thought had ever wronged his son, or treated him with indignity; and the first victim whom he selected was a very pretty and accomplished chinook girl, named waskéma, who was remarkable for the exceeding beauty of her long black hair. waskéma had been solicited by the boy in marriage, but had refused him, and the matter had been long forgotten, until it was revived in the recollection of the father by the death of his son. ke-ez-a-no despatched two of his slaves to fort william, (where the girl was at that time engaged in making moccasins for mr. w. and where i had seen her a short time previously,) who hid themselves in the neighborhood until the poor creature had embarked in her canoe alone to return to her people, when they suddenly rushed upon her from the forest which skirted the river, and shot two balls through her bosom. the body was then thrown into the water, and the canoe broken to pieces on the beach. [ ] this appears to be the chief mentioned by franchère in our volume vi, p. , and by ross in our volume vii, p. .--ed. tapeo the brother of waskéma delivered to me a letter from mr. w. detailing these circumstances, and amid an abundance of tears which he shed for the loss of his only and beloved sister, he denounced the heaviest vengeance upon her murderer. these threats, however, i did not regard, as i knew the man would never dare to raise his hand against his chief, but as expression relieves the overcharged heart, i did not check his bursts of grief and indignation. a few days after this, ke-ez-a-no himself stalked into my room. after sitting a short time in silence, he asked if i believed him guilty of the murder of waskéma. i replied that i did, and that if the deed had been committed in my country, he would be hanged. he denied all agency in the matter, and placing one hand upon his bosom, and pointing upwards with the other, called { } god to witness that he was innocent. for the moment i almost believed his asseverations; but calling to mind the strong and undeniable evidence against him, with a feeling of horror and repugnance, i opened the door and bowed him out of the house. _march st._--there is an amusing little indian living in this neighborhood, who calls himself, "_tanas tie_," (little chief,) and he is so probably in every sense of the term. in person, he stands about four feet six, in his moccasins; but no exquisite in the fashionable world, no tinselled dandy in high life, can strut and stamp, and fume with more dignity and self consequence. his name, he says, is quâlaskin; but in the fort, he is known by the cognomen of "_busy body_," from his restless anxiety to pry into every body's business, and his curiosity to know the english name of every article he sees; _ikata ookook?_--_ikata ookook?_ (what is this?--what is this?) _kahtah pasiooks yahhalle?_ (what is its english name?) are expressions which he is dinning in your ears, whenever he enters a room in the fort. if you answer him, he attempts the pronunciation after you, and it is often not a little ludicrous. he is evidently proud of the name the white people have given him, not understanding its import, but supposing it to be a title of great honor and dignity. if he is asked his indian name, he answers very modestly, quâlaskin, (muddy river,) but if his _pasiooks yahhalle_ is required, he puffs up his little person to its utmost dimensions, and tells you with a simper of pride and self complacency, that it is "_mizzy moddy_." _ th._--doctor w. f. tolmie, one of the surgeons of the hudson's bay company, has just arrived from fort langley, on the coast, and has relieved me of the charge of the hospital, which will afford me the opportunity of peregrinating again in pursuit of specimens.[ ] the spring is just opening, the birds are arriving, the plants are starting from the ground, and in a few weeks, the wide prairies of the columbia will appear like the richest flower gardens. [ ] dr. william fraser tolmie was born in inverness, educated at glasgow, and joined ( ) the hudson's bay company as a physician. the following spring he arrived at vancouver by way of cape horn, and was sent north to the puget sound region with a party engaged in planting a new post. there he remained until the return noted by townsend. he lived at fort vancouver and vicinity until . a visit to england ( - ) was made in the interest of the puget sound agricultural company, of which tolmie was superintendent at fort nisqually ( - ). upon the final cession of all the territory to the united states dr. tolmie removed to victoria, british columbia, where he was still living in . fort langley was founded in upon the left bank of the fraser river, about thirty miles above its mouth.--ed. { } _may th._--two days ago i left the fort, and am now encamped on a plain below warrior's point. near me are several large lodges of kowalitsk indians;[ ] in all probably one hundred persons. as usual, they give me some trouble by coming around and lolling about my tent, and importuning me for the various little articles that they see. my camp-keeper, however, (a klikatat,) is an excellent fellow, and has no great love for kowalitsk indians, so that the moment he sees them becoming troublesome, he clears the coast, _sans ceremonie_. there is in one of the lodges a very pretty little girl, sick with intermittent fever; and to-day the "medicine man" has been exercising his functions upon the poor little patient; pressing upon its stomach with his brawny hands until it shrieked with the pain, singing and muttering his incantations, whispering in its ears, and exhorting the evil spirit to pass out by the door, &c. these exhibitions would be laughable did they not involve such serious consequences, and for myself i always feel so much indignation against the unfeeling impostor who operates, and pity for the deluded creatures who submit to it, that any emotions but those of risibility are excited. [ ] for the habitat of this tribe, see franchère's _narrative_, in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. i had a serious conversation with the father of this child, in which i attempted to prove to him, and to some twenty or thirty indians who were squatted about the ground near, that the "medicine man" was a vile impostor, that he was a fool and a liar, and that his manipulations were calculated to increase the sufferings of the patient instead of relieving them. they all listened in silence, and with great attention to my remarks, and the wily conjurer himself had the full benefit of them: he stood by during the whole time, assuming an expression of callous indifference which not even my warmest vituperations could affect. finally i offered to exhibit the strongest proof of the truth of what i had been saying, by pledging myself to cure the child in three days, provided the "medicine man" was dismissed without delay. this, the father told me, required some consideration { } and consultation with his people, and i immediately left the lodge and took the way to my camp, to allow them an opportunity of discussing the matter alone. early next morning the indian visited me, with the information that the "medicine man" had departed, and he was now anxious that i should make trial of my skill. i immediately administered to the child an active cathartic, followed by sulphate of quinine, which checked the disease, and in two days the patient was perfectly restored. in consequence of my success in this case, i had an application to administer medicine to two other children similarly affected. my stock of quinine being exhausted, i determined to substitute an extract of the bark of the dogwood, (_cornus nuttalli_,) and taking one of the parents into the wood with his blanket, i soon chipped off a plentiful supply, returned, boiled it in his own kettle, and completed the preparation in his lodge, with most of the indians standing by, and staring at me, to comprehend the process. this was exactly what i wished; and as i proceeded, i took some pains to explain the whole matter to them, in order that they might at a future time be enabled to make use of a really valuable medicine, which grows abundantly every where throughout the country. i have often thought it strange that the sagacity of the indians should not long ago have made them acquainted with this remedy; and i believe, if they had used it, they would not have had to mourn the loss of hundreds, or even thousands of their people who have been swept away by the demon of ague and fever. i administered to each of the children about a scruple of the extract per day. the second day they escaped the paroxysm, and on the third were entirely well. _june th._--i left vancouver yesterday, with the summer brigade, for a visit to walla-walla, and its vicinity. the gentlemen { } of the party are, peter ogden, esq., chief factor, bound to new caledonia, archibald mcdonald, esq., for colville, and samuel black, esq., for thompson's river, and the brigade consists of sixty men, with nine boats.[ ] [ ] archibald mcdonald was a hudson's bay officer who had been in charge of forts in the thompson river district ( - ), when he became chief factor for kamloops. in he was chosen to accompany sir george simpson in a transmontane tour, and his diary thereof was published as _peace river: a canoe voyage from hudson bay to the pacific_ (ottawa, ). on this expedition he was left in charge of the newly-built fort langley, where he remained about eight years, constructing fort nisqually on puget sound ( ). in he was appointed to fort colville, where he remained for many years. this post was on the upper columbia, not far from kettle falls, in the present state of washington; built in , it was maintained by the hudson's bay company until the discovery of gold in that region ( ), whereupon the stockade was removed across the border into british columbia, to avoid united states customs duties. samuel black had been a north west company trader; but later was placed in charge of hudson's bay posts at fort dunveyan ( ) and at walla walla ( ). he commanded at fort kamloops (see our volume vii, p. , note ), on thompson's river for some years, before his murder ( ) by a neighboring native.--ed. _ th._--we arrived yesterday at the upper cascades, and made in the course of the day three portages. as is usual in this place, it rained almost constantly, and the poor men engaged in carrying the goods, were completely drenched. a considerable number of indians are employed here in fishing, and they supply us with an abundance of salmon. among them i recognise many of my old friends from below. _ th._--this morning the indian wife of one of the men gave birth to a little girl. the tent in which she was lying was within a few feet of the one which i occupied, and we had no intimation of the matter being in progress until we heard the crying of the infant. it is truly astonishing with what ease the parturition of these women is performed; they generally require no assistance in delivery, being fully competent to manage the whole paraphernalia themselves. in about half an hour after this event we got under way, and the woman walked to the boat, carrying her new born infant on her back, embarked, laughed, and talked as usual, and appeared in every respect as well as if nothing had happened. this woman is a most noble specimen of bone and muscle, and so masculine in appearance, that were she to cast the petticoat, and don the breeches, the cheat would never be discovered, and but few of the _lords of the creation_ would be willing to face the amazon. she is particularly useful to her husband. as he is becoming rather infirm, she can protect him most admirably. if he wishes to cross a stream in travelling without horses or boats, she plunges in without hesitation, takes him upon her back, and lands him safely and expeditiously upon the opposite bank. she can also kill and dress an elk, run down and shoot a buffalo, { } or spear a salmon for her husband's breakfast in the morning, as well as any man-servant he could employ. added to all this, she has, in several instances, saved his life in skirmishes with indians, at the imminent risk of her own, so that he has some reason to be proud of her. in the afternoon, we passed the bold, basaltic point, known to the _voyageurs_ by the name of "cape horn."[ ] the wind here blew a perfect hurricane, and but for the consummate skill of those who managed our boats, we must have had no little difficulty. [ ] cape horn is a high basaltic cliff towering two thousand five hundred feet above the river bank, not far above vancouver, in skamania county, washington. it was so named because boats were frequently wind-bound in passing this point.--ed. _ th._--we were engaged almost the whole of this day in making portages, and i had, in consequence, some opportunity of prosecuting my researches on the land. we have now passed the range of vegetation; there are no trees or even shrubs; nothing but huge, jagged rocks of basalt, and interminable sand heaps. i found here a large and beautiful species of marmot, (the _arctomys richardsonii_,) several of which i shot. encamped in the evening at the village of the indian chief, _tilki_. i had often heard of this man, but i now saw him for the first time. his person is rather below the middle size, but his features are good, with a roman cast, and his eye is deep black, and unusually fine. he appears to be remarkably intelligent, and half a century before the generality of his people in civilization. _july d._--this morning we came to the open prairies, covered with wormwood bushes. the appearance, and strong odor of these, forcibly remind me of my journey across the mountains, when we frequently saw no vegetation for weeks, except this dry and barren looking shrub. the indians here are numerous, and are now engaged in catching salmon, lamprey eels, &c. they take thousands of the latter, and they are seen hanging in great numbers in their lodges to dry in the smoke. as soon as the indians see us approach, they leave their wigwams, and run out towards us, { } frequently wading to their breasts in the water, to get near the boats. their constant cry is _pi-pi, pi-pi_, (tobacco, tobacco,) and they bring a great variety of matters to trade for this desirable article; fish, living birds of various kinds, young wolves, foxes, minks, &c. on the evening of the th, we arrived at walla-walla or nez percés fort, where i was kindly received by mr. pambrun, the superintendent. the next day the brigade left us for the interior, and i shouldered my gun for an excursion through the neighborhood. on the west side of the little walla-walla river, i saw, during a walk of two miles, at least thirty rattlesnakes, and killed five that would not get out of my way. they all seemed willing to dispute the ground with me, shaking their rattles, coiling and darting at me with great fury. i returned to the fort in the afternoon with twenty-two sharp-tailed grouse, (_tetrao phasianellus_,) the product of my day's shooting. _ th._--i mounted my horse this morning for a journey to the blue mountains. i am accompanied by a young half breed named baptiste dorion,[ ] who acts as guide, groom, interpreter, &c., and i have a pack horse to carry my little _nick-nackeries_. we shaped our course about n. e. over the sandy prairie, and in the evening encamped on the morro river,[ ] having made about thirty miles. on our way, we met two walla-walla indians driving down a large band of horses. they inform us that the snakes have crossed the mountain to commence their annual thieving of horses, and they are taking them away to have them secure. i shall need to keep a good look out to my own small caravan, or i shall be under the necessity of turning pedestrian. [ ] this is the son of old pierre dorion, who makes such a conspicuous figure in irving's "astoria."--townsend. _comment by ed._ consult bradbury's _travels_ in our volume v, p. , note ; also ross's _oregon settlers_, our volume vii, pp. - , wherein the murder of the elder dorion and the escape of his wife and children are related. [ ] the direction appears to be wrong, as a northeast course would be directly away from the blue mountains; moreover it would necessitate crossing walla walla river before reaching umatilla. it should therefore, obviously, be read "s. e. over the sandy prairie." morro river must be an upper affluent of walla walla (or umatilla).--ed. { } chapter xv a village of kayouse indians--their occupation--appearance and dresses of the women--family worship--its good effects--visit to the blue mountains--dusky grouse--return to walla-walla--arrival of mr. mcleod, and the missionaries--letters from home--death of antoine goddin, the trapper--a renegado white man--assault by the walla-walla indians--missionary duties--passage down the columbia--rapids--a dog for supper--prairies on fire--a nocturnal visit--fishing indians--their romantic appearance--salmon huts--the shoots--dangerous navigation--death of tilki--seals--indian stoicism and contempt of pain--skookoom, the strong chief--his death--maiming, an evidence of grief--arrival at fort vancouver--a visit to fort george--indian cemeteries--lewis and clarke's house--a medal--visit to chinook--hospitality of the indians--chinamus' house--the idol--canine inmates. _july th._--at noon, to-day, we arrived at the utalla, or emmitilly river, where we found a large village of kayouse indians, engaged in preparing kamas. large quantities of this root were strewed about on mats and buffalo robes; some in a crude state, and a vast quantity pounded, to be made into cakes for winter store. there are of the indians, about twelve or fifteen lodges. a very large one, about sixty feet long by fifteen broad, is occupied by the chief, and his immediate family. this man i saw when i arrived at walla-walla, and i have accepted an invitation to make my home in his lodge while i remain here. the house is really a very comfortable one; the rays of the sun are completely excluded, and the ground is covered with buffalo robes. there are in the chief's lodge about twenty women, all busy as usual; some pounding kamas, others making { } leathern dresses, moccasins, &c. several of the younger of these are very good looking,--i might almost say handsome. their heads are of the natural form,--not flattened and contorted in the horrible manner of the chinooks;--their faces are inclining to oval, and their eyes have a peculiarly sleepy and languishing appearance. they seem as if naturally inclined to lasciviousness, but if this feeling exists, it is effectually checked by their self-enacted laws, which are very severe in this respect, and in every instance rigidly enforced. the dresses of the women, (unlike the chinooks, they all _have_ dresses,) are of deer or antelope skin, more or less ornamented with beads and _hyquâs_.[ ] it consists of one piece, but the part covering the bust, projects over the lower portion of the garment, and its edges are cut into strings, to which a quantity of blue beads are generally attached. [ ] a long white shell, of the genus _dentalium_, found on the coast.--townsend. in the evening all the indians belonging to the village assembled in our lodge, and, with the chief for minister, performed divine service, or family worship. this, i learn, is their invariable practice twice every twenty-four hours, at sunrise in the morning, and after supper in the evening. when all the people had gathered, our large lodge was filled. on entering, every person squatted on the ground, and the _clerk_ (a sort of sub-chief) gave notice that the deity would now be addressed. immediately the whole audience rose to their knees, and the chief supplicated for about ten minutes in a very solemn, but low tone of voice, at the conclusion of which an amen was pronounced by the whole company, in a loud, swelling sort of groan. three hymns were then sung, several of the individuals present leading in rotation, and at the conclusion of each, another amen. the chief then pronounced a short exhortation, occupying about fifteen minutes, which was repeated by the clerk at his elbow in a voice loud enough to be heard by the whole assembly. at the { } conclusion of this, each person rose, and walked to one of the doors of the lodge, where, making a low inclination of his body, and pronouncing the words "_tots sekan_," (good night,) to the chief, he departed to his home. i shall hear this ceremony every night and morning while i remain, and so far from being irksome, it is agreeable to me. it is pleasant to see these poor degraded creatures performing a religious service; for to say nothing of the good influence which it will exert in improving their present condition, it will probably soften and harmonize their feelings, and render them fitter subjects for the properly qualified religious instruction which it is desirable they may some day receive. the next morning, my friend the chief furnished me with fresh horses, and i and my attendant, with two indian guides, started for a trip to the mountain. we passed up one of the narrow valleys or gorges which here run at right angles from the alpine land, and as we ascended, the scenery became more and more wild, and the ground rough and difficult of passage, but i had under me one of the finest horses i ever rode; he seemed perfectly acquainted with the country; i had but to give him his head, and not attempt to direct him, and he carried me triumphantly through every difficulty. immediately as we reached the upper land, and the pine trees, we saw large flocks of the dusky grouse, (_tetrao obscurus_,) a number of which we killed. other birds were, however, very scarce. i am at least two months too late, and i cannot too much regret the circumstance. here is a rich field for the ornithologist at the proper season. we returned to our lodge in the evening loaded with grouse, but with very few specimens to increase my collection. _ th._--early this morning our indians struck their lodges, and commenced making all their numerous movables into bales for packing on the horses. i admired the facility and despatch with which this was done; the women alone worked at it, the { } men lolling around, smoking and talking, and not even once directing their fair partners in their task. the whole camp travelled with me to walla-walla, where we arrived the next day. _sept. st._--mr. john m'leod, a chief trader of the hudson's bay company, arrived this morning from the rendezvous, with a small trading party.[ ] i had been anxiously expecting this gentleman for several weeks, as i intended to return with him to vancouver. he is accompanied by several presbyterian missionaries, the rev. mr. spalding and doctor whitman,[ ] with their wives, and mr. gray, teacher.[ ] doctor whitman presented me with a large pacquet of letters from my beloved friends at home. i need not speak of the emotions excited by their reception, nor of the trembling anxiety with which i tore open the envelope and devoured the contents. this is the first intelligence which i have received from them since i left the state of missouri, and was as unexpected as it was delightful.[ ] [ ] john mcleod had for some years been with the hudson's bay company. he was in charge at kamloops from to , and in the latter year built norway house. in he founded, in conjunction with michel la framboise, fort umpqua, the only establishment of the company south of the columbia. at the time townsend met him he appears to have headed the snake country brigade.--ed. [ ] henry h. spalding was born in bath county, new york, in . he studied at western reserve, and afterwards at lane theological seminary, which latter school he left to join dr. whitman ( ) in a mission to oregon. settled at lapwai, in western idaho, among the nez percés, he maintained the mission at that place until the whitman massacre in . narrowly escaping therefrom, he accepted in , at the solicitation of the missionary board, the position of united states indian agent, and served also as commissioner of schools ( - ). in he returned to lapwai to re-commence mission work, and died among the nez percés in . dr. marcus whitman was born in rushville, new york, in . graduating as a physician he was appointed to the oregon mission in , actually reaching his station in september, , as townsend narrates--see note , p. , _ante_. he established his mission at waiilatpu among the cayuse, and there labored until , when news from the mission board, advising abandonment of his station, caused his return to the united states. this was the journey regarding which so much controversy has arisen. according to some writers, whitman's object was to awaken the united states authorities to the necessity of occupying oregon, and how "marcus whitman saved oregon" to the united states has been much discussed. recently exceptions have been taken to this view, and eminent historical scholars have minimized whitman's national services. the first stage of the controversy began about . see myron eells, _marcus whitman, m. d., proofs of his work in saving oregon to the united states_ (portland, ). later professor edward g. bourne took up the subject and presented a paper at the american historical association meeting of (published in _american historical review_, vii, pp. - ); this has been expanded into "the legend of marcus whitman" in _essays in historical criticism_ (new york, ). william i. marshall of chicago, discussed professor bourne's paper (see american historical association _report_ for , i, pp. - ) offering additional evidence. marshall has since published _history vs. the whitman saved oregon story_ (chicago, ). myron eells also issued _a reply to professor bourne's "the whitman legend"_ (walla walla, ). william a. mowry essays a defense in _marcus whitman and the early days of oregon_ (new york, ) which contains a good bibliography. see also additional evidence in articles by william e. griffis and others, contributed to the _sunday school times_, philadelphia, august , november , , , , , december , ; january , , . whitman returned to his mission, and despite threatening aspects, remained at waiilatpu until , when suddenly in october the cayuse arose and massacred most of the members of the mission, including both dr. whitman and his wife.--ed. [ ] william h. gray (born in utica, new york, in ) joined dr. whitman as business manager and agent of the expedition. in he went east for reinforcements, and married mary augusta dix, with whom he returned to oregon in september, . they labored at lapwai and waiilatpu until , when gray resigned and retired to the willamette, where he was instrumental in establishing the provisional government. in gray went to california during the gold excitement, but returned to oregon, settling first at clatsop plains, and later in astoria, where he died in . his _history of oregon_ (portland, san francisco, and new york, ) is a main source for the early decades.--ed. [ ] see reference to this fact and to the meeting with townsend, in mrs. whitman's "journal," published in oregon pioneer association _transactions_ ( ), pp. , .--ed. mr. m'leod informed me of the murder of antoine goddin, the half-breed trapper, by the blackfeet indians, at fort hall.--a band of these indians appeared on the shore of the portneuf river, opposite the fort, headed by a white man named bird.--this man requested goddin, whom he saw on the opposite side of the river, to cross to him with a canoe, as he had beaver which he wished to trade. the poor man accordingly embarked alone, and landing near the indians, joined the circle which they had made, and _smoked the pipe of peace with them_. while goddin was smoking in his turn, bird gave a sign to the indians, and a volley was fired into his back. while he was yet living, bird himself tore the scalp from the poor fellow's head, and deliberately cut captain wyeth's initials, n. j. w. in large letters upon his forehead. he then hallooed to the fort people, telling them to bury the carcass if they wished, and immediately went off with his party. { } this bird was formerly attached to the hudson's bay company, and was made prisoner by the blackfeet, in a skirmish several years ago. he has since remained with them, and has become a great chief, and leader of their war parties. he is said to be a man of good education, and to possess the most unbounded influence over the savage people among whom he dwells. he was known to be a personal enemy of goddin, whom he had sworn to destroy on the first opportunity. we also hear, that three of captain wyeth's men who lately visited us, had been assaulted on their way to fort hall, by a band of walla-walla indians, who, after beating them severely, took from them all their horses, traps, ammunition, and clothing. they were, however, finally induced to return them each a horse and gun, in order that they might proceed to the interior, to get fresh supplies. this was a matter of policy on the part of the indians, for if the white men had been compelled to travel on foot, they would have come immediately here to procure fresh horses, &c., and thus exposed the plunderers. mr. pambrun is acquainted with the ringleader of this band of marauders, and intends to take the first opportunity of inflicting upon him due punishment, as well as to compel him to make ample restitution for the stolen property, and broken heads of the unoffending trappers. i have had this evening, some interesting conversation with our guests, the missionaries. they appear admirably qualified for the arduous duty to which they have devoted themselves, their minds being fully alive to the mortifications and trials incident to a residence among wild indians; but they do not shrink from the task, believing it to be their religious duty to engage in this work. the ladies have borne the journey astonishingly; they look robust and healthy.[ ] [ ] mrs. narcissa prentice whitman was a native of pittsburgh, steuben county, new york, and married dr. whitman just before his journey across the plains ( ). she was of much assistance to him in the mission work, and perished in the massacre of . see her letters and "journal" in oregon pioneer association _transactions_ ( ). she and mrs. spalding were the first white women to cross the plains to oregon. mrs. spalding (_née_ eliza hart) was born in connecticut ( ) and reared in ontario county, new york. she was less strong than mrs. whitman, and her journey at first fatigued her so greatly that it was feared she would not reach its end. her health improved after passing the mountains, and she was an efficient aid in the mission, learning the indian languages with great aptitude. after the whitman massacre she never recovered from the shock, and died in .--ed. _ d._--mr. m'leod and myself embarked in a large batteau, with six men, and bidding farewell to mr. pambrun and the missionaries, were soon gliding down the river. we ran, to-day, { } several rapids, and in the evening encamped about fifteen miles below the mouth of the utalla river. this running of rapids appears rather a dangerous business to those unaccustomed to it, and it is in reality sufficiently hazardous, except when performed by old and skilful hands. every thing depends upon the men who manage the bow and stern of the boat. the moment she enters the rapid, the two guides lay aside their oars taking in their stead paddles, such as are used in the management of a canoe. the middle-men ply their oars; the guides brace themselves against the gunwale of the boat, placing their paddles edgewise down her sides, and away she goes over the curling, foaming, and hissing waters, like a race horse. we passed to-day several large lodges of indians, from whom we wished to have purchased fish, but they had none, or were not willing to spare any, so that we were compelled to purchase a _dog_ for supper. i have said _we_, but i beg leave to correct myself, as i was utterly averse to the proceeding; not, however, from any particular dislike to the quality of the food, (i have eaten it repeatedly, and relished it.) but i am always unwilling, unless when suffering absolute want to take the life of so noble and faithful an animal. our hungry oarsmen, however, appeared to have no such scruples. the indian called his dog, and he came to him, _wagging his tail_! he sold his companion for ten balls and powder! one of our men approached the poor animal with an axe. i turned away my head to avoid the sight, but i heard the dull, _sodden_ sound of the blow. the tried friend and faithful companion lay quivering in the agonies of death at its master's feet. we are enjoying a most magnificent sight at our camp this evening. on the opposite side of the river, the indians have fired the prairie, and the whole country for miles around is most brilliantly illuminated. here am i sitting cross-legged on the { } ground, scribbling by the light of the vast conflagration with as much ease as if i had a ton of oil burning by my side; but my eyes are every moment involuntarily wandering from the paper before me, to contemplate and admire the grandeur of the distant scene. the very heavens themselves appear ignited, and the fragments of ashes and burning grass-blades, ascending and careering about through the glowing firmament, look like brilliant and glorious birds let loose to roam and revel amid this splendid scene. it is past midnight: every one in the camp is asleep, and i am this moment visited by half a dozen indian fishermen, who are peering over my shoulders, and soliciting a smoke, so that i shall have to stop, and fill my calamet. _ th._--the indians are numerous along the river, and all engaged in fishing; as we pass along, we frequently see them posted upon the rocks overhanging the water, surveying the boiling and roaring flood below, for the passing salmon. in most instances, an indian is seen entirely alone in these situations, often standing for half an hour perfectly still, his eyes rivetted upon the torrent, and his long fish spear poised above his head. the appearance of a solitary and naked savage thus perched like an eagle upon a cliff, is sometimes,--when taken in connexion with the wild and rugged river scenery,--very picturesque. the spear is a pole about twelve feet in length, at the end of which a long wooden fork is made fast, and between the tines is fixed a barbed iron point. they also, in some situations, use a hand scoopnet, and stand upon scaffolds ingeniously constructed over the rapid water. their winter store of dried fish is stowed away in little huts of mats and branches, closely interlaced, and also in _caches_ under ground. it is often amusing to see the hungry ravens tearing and tugging at the strong twigs of the houses, in a vain attempt to reach the savory food within. in the afternoon, we passed john day's river,[ ] and encamped about sunset at the "shoots." here is a very large village of { } indians, (the same that i noticed in my journal, on the passage down,) and we are this evening surrounded by some scores of them. [ ] for the pioneer in whose honor this river was named, see bradbury's _travels_ in our volume v, p. , note . the john day river rises in the blue mountains and flows west and northwest, entering the columbia a few miles above the falls. it is an important stream for central oregon, forming the boundary, in part, of several counties.--ed. _ th._--we made the portage of the shoots this morning by carrying our boat and baggage across the land, and in half an hour, arrived at one of the upper _dalles_. here mr. m'leod and myself debarked, and the men ran the dall. we walked on ahead to the most dangerous part, and stood upon the rocks about a hundred feet above to observe them. it really seemed exceedingly dangerous to see the boat dashing ahead like lightning through the foaming and roaring waters, sometimes raised high above the enormous swells, and dashed down again as if she were seeking the bottom with her bows, and at others whirled around and nearly sucked under by the whirlpools constantly forming around her. but she stemmed every thing gallantly, under the direction of our experienced guides, and we soon embarked again, and proceeded to the lower dalles. here it is utterly impossible, in the present state of the water, to pass, so that the boat and baggage had to be carried across the whole portage. this occupied the remainder of the day, and we encamped in the evening at a short distance from the lower villages. the indians told us with sorrowful faces of the recent death of their principal chief, tilki. well, thought i, the white man has lost a friend, and long will it be before we see his like again! the poor fellow was unwell when i last saw him, with a complaint of his breast, which i suspected to be pulmonary. i gave him a few simple medicines, and told him i should soon see him again. well do i remember the look of despondency with which he bade me farewell, and begged me to return soon and give him more medicine. about two weeks since he ruptured a blood vessel, and died in a short time. we see great numbers of seals as we pass along. immediately { } below the dalles they are particularly abundant, being attracted thither by the vast shoals of salmon which seek the turbulent water of the river. we occasionally shoot one of them as he raises his dog-like head above the surface, but we make no use of them; they are only valuable for the large quantity of oil which they yield. we observe on the breasts and bellies of many of the indians here, a number of large red marks, mostly of an oval form, sometimes twenty or thirty grouped together. these are wounds made by their own hands, to display to their people the unwavering and stoical resolution with which they can endure pain. a large fold of the skin is taken up with the fingers, and sliced off with a knife; the surrounding fibre then retreats, and a large and ghastly looking wound remains. many that i saw to-day are yet scarcely cicatrized. there is a chief here who obtained the dignity which he now enjoys, solely by his numerous and hardy feats of this kind. he was originally a common man, and possessed but one wife; he has now _six_, and any of the tribe would think themselves honored by his alliance. he is a most gigantic fellow, about six feet four inches in height, and remarkably stout and powerful. the whole front of his person is covered with the red marks of which i have spoken, and he displays with considerable pride the two scars of a bullet, which entered the left breast, and passed out below the shoulder blade. this wound he also made with his own hand, by placing the muzzle of his gun against his breast, and pressing the trigger with his toe; and by this last, and most daring act, he was raised to the chief command of all the indians on the north side of the river. now that tilki is no more, he will probably be chosen chief of all the country from the cascades to walla-walla. i asked him if he felt no fear of death from the wound in his chest, at the time it was inflicted. he said, no; that his heart was strong, and that a bullet could never kill him. he told me that he was entirely { } well in a week after this occurrence, but that for two days he vomited blood constantly. he is named by the indians "_skookoom_," (the strong.) about six weeks after, mr. m'leod, who again returned from a visit to walla-walla, informed me that the strong chief was dead. a bullet, (or rather two of them,) killed him at last, in spite of his supposed invulnerability. he was shot by one of his people in a fit of jealousy. _skookoom_ had assisted mr. m'leod with his boats across the portage, and, being a chief, he of course received more for the service than a common man. this wretch, who was but a serf in the tribe, chose to be offended by it, and vented his rage by murdering his superior. he fired a ball from his own gun into his breast, which brought him to the ground, and then despatched him with a second, which he seized from another. so poor skookoom has passed away, and such is the frail tenure upon which an indian chief holds his authority and his life. the murderer will no doubt soon die by the hand of some friend or relative of the deceased; he in his turn will be killed by another, and as usual, the bloody business will go on indefinitely, and may even tend to produce an open war between the rival parties. i saw an old man here, apparently eighty years of age, who had given himself three enormous longitudinal gashes in his leg, to evince his grief for the loss of tilki. from the sluggishness of the circulation in the body of the poor old creature, combined with a morbid habit, these wounds show no disposition to heal. i dressed his limb, and gave him a strict charge to have it kept clean, but knowing the universal carelessness of indians in this respect, i fear my directions will not be attended to, and the consequence will probably be, that the old man will die miserably. i spoke to him of the folly of such inflictions, and took this opportunity of delivering a short lecture upon the same subject to the others assembled in his lodge. { } at o'clock next day we arrived at the cascades, where we made the long portage, and at nine in the evening encamped in an ash grove, six miles above _prairie de thé_. on the th, reached vancouver, where we found two vessels which had just arrived from england. on the th, i embarked in a canoe with indians for fort george, and arrived in two days. here i was kindly received by the superintendent, mr. james birnie,[ ] and promised every assistance in forwarding my views. [ ] james birnie was a native of aberdeen, scotland. coming early to america he entered the north west company's employ and was on the columbia before , when he was in charge of the post at the dalles. he was then retained by the hudson's bay company, and given command at fort george (astoria) where he remained many years. later he became a naturalized american, and resided at cathlamet.--ed. _ th._--i visited to-day some cemeteries in the neighborhood of the fort, and obtained the skulls of four indians. some of the bodies were simply deposited in canoes, raised five or six feet from the ground, either in the forks of trees, or supported on stakes driven into the earth. in these instances it was not difficult to procure the skulls without disarranging the fabric; but more frequently, they were nailed in boxes, or covered by a small canoe, which was turned bottom upwards, and placed in a larger one, and the whole covered by strips of bark, carefully arranged over them. it was then necessary to use the utmost caution in removing the covering, and also to be careful to leave every thing in the same state in which it was found. i thought several times to-day, as i have often done in similar situations before:--now suppose an indian were to step in here, and see me groping among the bones of his fathers, and laying unhallowed hands upon the mouldering remains of his people, what should i say?--i know well what the indian would _do_. he would instantly shoot me, unless i took the most effectual measures to prevent it; but could i have time allowed me to temporize a little, i could easily disarm his hostility and ensure his silence, by the offer of a shirt or a blanket; but the difficulty in most cases would be, that in a paroxysm of rage he would put a bullet through your head, and then good bye to temporizing. luckily for my pursuits in this way, there are at present but few indians here, and i do not therefore incur { } much risk; were it otherwise, there would be no little danger in these aggressions. the corpses of the several different tribes which are buried here, are known by the difference in the structure of their canoes; and the _sarcophagi_ of the chiefs from those of the common people, by the greater care which has been manifested in the arrangement of the tomb. _october th._--i walked to-day around the beach to the foot of young's bay,[ ] a distance of about ten miles, to see the remains of the house in which lewis and clark's party resided during the winter which they spent here. the logs of which it is composed, are still perfect, but the roof of bark has disappeared, and the whole vicinity is overgrown with thorn and wild currant bushes.[ ] [ ] for young's bay, see franchére's _narrative_, our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this is an interesting description of the place, seen thirty years later, where the explorers passed the dismal winter months of - . for a ground plan of the fort, known as fort clatsop, see thwaites, _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. , , .--ed. one of mr. birnie's children found, a few days since, a large silver medal, which had been brought here by lewis and clark, and had probably been presented to some chief, who lost it. on one side was a head, with the name "th. jefferson, president of the united states, ." on the other, two hands interlocked, surmounted by a pipe and tomahawk; and above the words, "peace and friendship."[ ] [ ] a close description of the medals carried by the expedition. see engraving in o. d. wheeler, _on the trail of lewis and clark_ (new york, ), ii, pp. , .--ed. _ th._--this afternoon i embarked in a canoe with _chinamus_, and went with him to his residence at chinook.[ ] the chief welcomed me to his house in a style which would do no discredit to a more civilized person. his two wives were ordered to make a bed for me, which they did by piling up about a dozen of their soft mats, and placing my blankets upon them, and a better bed i should never wish for. i was regaled, before i retired, with sturgeon, salmon, wappatoos, cranberries, and every thing else that the mansion afforded, and was requested to ask for any thing i wanted, and it should be furnished me. whatever may be said derogatory to these people, i can testify that inhospitality is not among the number of their failings. i never went into the { } house of an indian in my life, in any part of the country, without being most cordially received and welcomed. [ ] the site of this chinook village opposite astoria, was probably that of the present fort columbia, built to protect the entrance to the river.--ed. the chief's house is built in the usual way, of logs and hewn boards, with a roof of cedar bark, and lined inside with mats. the floor is boarded and matted, and there is a depression in the ground about a foot in depth and four feet in width, extending the whole length of the building in the middle, where the fires are made. in this, as in almost every house, there is a large figure, or idol, rudely carved and painted upon a board, and occupying a conspicuous place. to this figure many of the indians ascribe supernatural powers. chinamus says that if he is in any kind of danger, and particularly, if he is under the influence of an evil spell, he has only to place himself against the image, and the difficulty, of whatever kind, vanishes at once. this certainly savors of idolatry, although i believe they never address the uncouth figure as a deity. like all other indians, they acknowledge a great and invisible spirit, who governs and controls, and to whom all adoration is due. attached to this establishment, are three other houses, similarly constructed, inhabited by about thirty indians, and at least that number of dogs. these, although very useful animals in their place, are here a great nuisance. they are of no possible service to the indians, except to eat their provisions, and fill their houses with fleas, and a stranger approaching the lodges, is in constant danger of being throttled by a legion of fierce brutes, who are not half as hospitable as their masters. i remained here several days, making excursions through the neighborhood, and each time when i returned to the lodge, the dogs growled and darted at me. i had no notion of being bitten, so i gave the indians warning, that unless the snarling beasts were tied up when i came near, i would shoot every one of them. the threat had the effect desired, and after this, whenever { } i approached the lodges, there was a universal stir among the people, and the words, "_iskam kahmooks, iskam kahmooks, kalak'alah tie chahko_," (take up your dogs, take up your dogs, the _bird chief_ is coming,) echoed through the little village, and was followed by the yelping and snarling of dozens of wolf-dogs, and "curs of low degree," all of which were gathered in haste to the cover and protection of one of the houses. { } chapter xvi northern excursion--large shoals of salmon--indian mode of catching them--house near the beach--flathead children--a storm on the bay--loss of provision--pintail ducks--simple mode of killing salmon--return to chinook--indian garrulity--return to fort george--preparations for a second trip to the sandwich islands--detention within the cape.... _october th._--i left chinook this morning in a canoe with chinamus, his two wives, and a slave, to procure shell-fish, which are said to be found in great abundance towards the north. we passed through a number of narrow _slues_ which connect the numerous bays in this part of the country, and at noon debarked, left our canoe, took our blankets on our shoulders, and struck through the midst of a deep pine forest. after walking about two miles, we came to another branch, where we found a canoe which had been left there for us yesterday, and embarking in this, we arrived in the evening at an indian house, near the seaside, where we spent the night. in our passage through some of the narrow channels to-day, we saw vast shoals of salmon, which were leaping and curvetting { } about in every direction, and not unfrequently dashing their noses against our canoe, in their headlong course. we met here a number of indians engaged in fishing. their mode of taking the salmon is a very simple one. the whole of the tackle consists of a pole about twelve feet long, with a large iron hook attached to the end. this machine they keep constantly trailing in the water, and when the fish approaches the surface, by a quick and dexterous jerk, they fasten the iron into his side, and shake him off into the canoe. they say they take so many fish that it is necessary for them to land about three times a day to deposit them. the house in which we sleep to-night is not near so comfortable as the one we have left. it stinks intolerably of salmon, which are hanging by scores to the roof, to dry in the smoke, and our bed being on the dead level, we shall probably suffer somewhat from fleas, not to mention another unmentionable insect which is apt to inhabit these dormitories in considerable profusion. there are here several young children; beautiful, flat-headed, broad-faced, little individuals. one of the little dears has taken something of a fancy to me, and is now hanging over me, and staring at my book with its great goggle eyes. it is somewhat strange, perhaps, but i have become so accustomed to this universal deformity, that i now scarcely notice it. i have often been evilly disposed enough to wish, that if in the course of events one of these little beings should die, i could get possession of it. i should like to plump the small carcass into a keg of spirits, and send it home for the observation of the curious. _ th._--last night the wind rose to a gale, and this morning it is blowing most furiously, making the usually calm water of these bays so turbulent as to be dangerous for our light craft. notwithstanding this disadvantage, the indians were in favor of starting for the sea, which we accordingly did at an early hour. soon after we left, in crossing one of the bays, about three-quarters { } of a mile in width, the water suddenly became so agitated as at first nearly to upset our canoe. a perfect hurricane was blowing right ahead, cold as ice, and the water was dashing over us, and into our little bark, in a manner to frighten even the experienced chief who was acting as helmsman. in a few minutes we were sitting nearly up to our waistbands in water, although one of the women and myself were constantly bailing it out, employing for the purpose the only two hats belonging to the party, my own and that of the chief. we arrived at the shore at length in safety, although there was scarcely a dry thread on us, and built a tremendous fire with the drift-wood which we found on the beach. we then dried our clothes and blankets as well as we could, cooked some ducks that we killed yesterday, and made a hearty breakfast. my stock of bread, sugar, and tea, is completely spoiled by the salt water, so that until i return to fort george, i must live simply; but i think this no hardship: what has been done once can be done again. in the afternoon the women collected for me a considerable number of shells, several species of _cardium_, _citherea_, _ostrea_, &c., all edible, and the last very good, though small. the common pintail duck, (_anas acuta_,) is found here in vast flocks. the chief and myself killed _twenty-six_ to-day, by a simultaneous discharge of our guns. they are exceedingly fat and most excellent eating; indeed all the game of this lower country is far superior to that found in the neighborhood of vancouver. the ducks feed upon a small submerged vegetable which grows in great abundance upon the reedy islands in this vicinity. the next day we embarked early, to return to chinook. the wind was still blowing a gale, but by running along close to the shore of the stormy bay, we were enabled, by adding greatly to our distance, to escape the difficulties against which we contended { } yesterday, and regained the slues with tolerably dry garments. at about o'clock, we arrived at the portage, and struck into the wood, shouldering our baggage as before. we soon came to a beautiful little stream of fresh water, where we halted, and prepared our breakfast. in this stream, (not exceeding nine feet at the widest part,) i was surprised to observe a great number of large salmon. beautiful fellows, of from fifteen to twenty-five pounds weight, darting and playing about in the crystal water, and often exposing three-fourths of their bodies in making their way through the shallows. i had before no idea that these noble fish were ever found in such insignificant streams, but the indians say that they always come into the rivulets at this season, and return to the sea on the approach of winter. our slave killed seven of these beautiful fish, while we made our hasty breakfast, his only weapon being a light cedar paddle. we reached chinook in the evening, and as we sat around the fires in the lodge, i was amused by the vivid description given to the attentive inhabitants by chinamus and his wives, of the perils of our passage across the stormy bay. they all spoke at once, and described most minutely every circumstance that occurred, the auditors continually evincing their attention to the relation by a pithy and sympathizing _hugh_. they often appealed to me for the truth of what they were saying, and, as in duty bound, i gave an assenting nod, although at times i fancied they were yielding to a propensity, not uncommon among those of christian lands, and which is known by the phrase, "drawing a long bow." _ st._--the wind yesterday was so high, that i did not consider it safe to attempt the passage to fort george. this morning it was more calm, and we put off in a large canoe at sunrise. when we had reached the middle of young's bay, the wind again rose, and the water was dashing over us in fine style, so that we { } were compelled to make for the shore and wait until it subsided. we lay by about an hour, when, the water becoming more smooth, we again got under way, and arrived at fort george about noon. on the th of november, i returned to vancouver, and immediately commenced packing my baggage, collection, &c., for a passage to the sandwich islands, in the barque columbia, which is now preparing to sail for england. this is a fine vessel, of three hundred tons, commanded by captain royal; we shall have eight passengers in the cabin; captain darby, formerly of this vessel, r. cowie, chief trader, and others. on the st, we dropped down the river, and in two days anchored off the cape. we have but little prospect of being able to cross the bar; the sea breaks over the channel with a roar like thunder, and the surf dashes and frets against the rocky cape and drives its foam far up into the bay. i long to see blue water again. i am fond of the sea; it suits both my disposition and constitution; and then the reflection, that now every foot i advance will carry me nearer to my beloved home, is in itself a most powerful inducement to urge me on. but much as i desire again to see home, much as i long to embrace those to whom i am attached by the strongest ties, i have nevertheless felt something very like regret at leaving vancouver and its kind and agreeable residents. i took leave of doctor mcloughlin with feelings akin to those with which i should bid adieu to an affectionate parent; and to his fervent, "god bless you, sir, and may you have a happy meeting with your friends," i could only reply by a look of the sincerest gratitude. words are inadequate to express my deep sense of the obligations which i feel under to this truly generous and excellent man, and i fear i can only repay them by the sincerity with which i shall always cherish the recollection of his kindness, and the ardent prayers i shall breathe for his prosperity and happiness. { } _ th._--at daylight this morning, the wind being fair, and the bar more smooth, we weighed anchor and stood out. at about o'clock we crossed the bar, and in a few minutes were hurrying along on the open sea before a six-knot breeze. we are now out, and so good bye to cape disappointment and the columbia, and now for _home_, dear home again! * * * * * transcriber's note: the section "narrative of a journey across the rocky mountains, to the columbia river" does not include a chapter xi in the table of contents on page , or in the book itself. there are numbers within the text represented like { }. these are page references to the original manuscripts. in the book these are enclosed in square brackets [ ] rather than curly brackets. minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed. the cover for the ebook version of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain. ( st-hand-history.org) [illustration: astoria in .] a history of oregon, - , drawn from personal observation and authentic information. by w. h. gray, of astoria. published by the author for subscribers. portland, oregon: harris & holman. san francisco: h. h. bancroft & co. new york: the american news company. . corrections: first letter. th page, nd line from bottom, after the word horror, read _at_. th page, nd line from bottom, " quote. th page, end of paragraph, ". rd page, in place of , page . th page, after zealous priest of, read _the_. th page, th line, for missionaries, read _missions_. second letter. th page, first word, for abrogate, read _arrogate_. th page, in this letter, read in _his_ letter. rd page, for unmbers, read _numbers_. th page, st paragraph, for dispersing, read _dispensing_. th page, nd paragraph, for barely, read _basely_ betrayed. nd page, for mith, read _with_ many thanks. entered according to act of congress, in the year , by w. h. gray, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the district of oregon. introductory. the reader will observe that when we commenced furnishing the historical articles for the _marine gazette_, we did not know that they would be of sufficient interest to justify arranging them in book form; but few articles had been given, however, before there was a call for back numbers of the paper, which were not on hand. it was then decided to continue the articles, giving an opportunity to correct errors in statement of historical facts, and collect such as were printed, with all just criticisms, review the whole, and complete the manuscript for publication. as will be seen, we have endeavored to narrate events in plain language, and as nearly in the order of occurrence as possible. we make no claim to literary merit or attractive style; the facts we have collected, the proofs we are able to give of the policy and practices of one of the most gigantic frauds ever continued for a series of years by one professedly civilized and christian nation upon another, in chartering and continuing to license a monster monopoly; and the manner in which they have sought for a series of years to prevent american trade and settlement of the western portion of our country, is contained in the following pages. we can only give the principal events, which in the future may be better arranged in an interesting and authentic history, which we must leave for others to write. the reader will find in the following pages:-- i. the american history of the hudson's bay and puget sound agricultural companies. ii. the causes of failure of the protestant missions, the causes of indian wars, and the causes that must tend to the utter destruction of the indian race on the american continent. iii. the adverse influences that the early settlers had to contend with in coming to and settling in the country, fully explained. iv. a concise history of the early settlement of the country, a short sketch of many of the public men in it, their public character and proceedings, and the organization of the provisional government. v. the mining and agricultural interests of the country. there are two grounds upon which every fact is based:-- . personal knowledge, observation, and participation in what is stated for one-third of a century. . the written and printed statements of others, so compared that conclusions are intended to be without a possibility of truthful contradiction; thus making this a standard history of the country for the time included within the period from its discovery by captain robert gray to . contents. chapter i. first discovery of the river.--natives friendly.--british ship.--brig _jennet_.--snow _sea otter_.--the _globe_.-- _alert._--_guatimozin._--_atahualpa._--lewis and clarke.-- vancouver.--hamilton.--derby.--_pearl._--_albatross._--first house built in .--astor's settlement.--the _tonquin._-- astor's company betrayed to the northwest company. page chapter ii. the country restored.--the order.--description of astoria.-- different parties.--northwest fur company.--astor's plan.--conflict of the two british fur companies.--the treaties.--the selkirk settlement.--its object.--the company asserts chartered rights as soon as united. page chapter iii. english hudson's bay effort to secure oregon.--british claim to oregon.--dr. mclaughlin's relation to the company.-- treatment of red river settlers.--a mistake.--sir edward belcher.--duplicity of the hudson's bay company.--a noble man.--an englishman's opinion of the hudson's bay company.--sir james douglas's testimony.--j. ross browne.--duty of an historian.--cause and effect. page chapter iv. care of great britain for her fur companies.--columbia fur company.--astor's second fur company.--major pilcher's fur company.--loss of the ship _isabel_.--captain bonneville's expedition.--cause of his failure.--captain wyeth's, .--indians ask for missionaries in .--methodist mission.--fort hall established.--fort boise. page chapter v. extent and power of hudson's bay company.--number of forts.--location.--policy.--murder of mr. black.--mckay.-- manner of dealing with indians.--commander of fort kills an indian.--necessity of such a course.--hudson's bay company not responsible for what their servants do. page chapter vi. murder of john mclaughlin, jr.--investigation by sir george simpson and sir james douglas. page chapter vii. treatment of indians.--influence of hudson's bay company.--rev. mr. barnley's statement.--first three years.--after that.--treatment of jesuits.--of protestants.-- of indians.--not a spade to commence their new mode of life.--mr. barnley's statement.--disappointed.--his mistake.--hudson's bay company disposed to crush their own missionaries. page chapter viii. petition of red river settlers.--their requests, from to .--names.--governor christie's reply.--company's reply.--extract from minutes.--resolutions, from to .--enforcing rules.--land deed.--its condition.--remarks. page chapter ix. puget sound agricultural company.--its original stock.--a correspondence.--no law to punish fraud.--a supposed trial of the case.--article four of the treaty.--the witnesses.--who is to receive the puget sound money.--dr. tolmie, agent of the company.--the country hunted up.--difficult to trace a fictitious object.--statement of their claim.--result of the investigation. page chapter x. case of the hudson's bay company v. the united states.-- examination of mr. mctavish.--number of witnesses.--their ignorance.--amount claimed.--original stock.--value of land in oregon.--estimate of hudson's bay company's property.--remarks of author. page chapter xi. quotation from mr. swan.--his mistake.--general gibbs' mistake.--kamaiyahkan.--indian agent killed.--j. j. stevens misjudged. page chapter xii. review of mr. greenhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company.--schools and missionaries.--reasons for giving extracts from mr. greenhow's work.--present necessity for more knowledge about the company. page chapter xiii. occupants of the country.--danger to outsiders.--description of missionaries. page chapter xiv. missionary outfit.--on the way.--no roads.--an english nobleman.--a wagon taken along.--health of mrs. spalding.--meeting mountain men and indians.--a feast to the indians. page chapter xv. arrival at american rendezvous.--an indian procession.-- indian curiosity to see white women.--captain n. wyeth.-- mccleod and t. mckay.--description of mountain men.--their opinion of the missionaries. page chapter xvi. missionaries travel in company with hudson's bay company party.--the lawyer's kindness.--arrival at fort hall.--description of the country.--the salmon indians.--the hudson's bay company's tariff. page chapter xvii. an explanation.--instructions of company.--their tyranny.--continuation of journey.--fording rivers.--arrival at boise.--dr. whitman compelled to leave his wagon. page chapter xviii. arrival at fort wallawalla.--reception.--the fort in .-- voyage down the columbia river.--portage at celilo.--at dalles.--a storm.--the flatheads.--portage at the cascades. page chapter xix. fort vancouver in .--an extra table.--conditions on which cattle were supplied to settlers.--official papers.--three organizations. page chapter xx. settlers in .--wallamet cattle company.--what good have the missionaries done?--rev. j. lee and party.--the hudson's bay company recommend the wallamet--rev. s. parker arrives at vancouver. page chapter xxi. arrival of rev. mr. beaver and wife.--his opinion of the company.--a double-wedding.--mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman at vancouver.--men explore the country and locate stations.--their opinion of the country.--indian labor.--a winter trip down snake river. page chapter xxii. the french and american settlers.--hudson's bay company's traveling traders.--the flatheads.--their manner of traveling.--marriage.--their honesty.--indian fight and scalp dance.--fight with the sioux.--at council bluffs. page chapter xxiii. re-enforcement to the methodist mission.--re-enforcement to the mission of the american board. page chapter xxiv. arrival of jesuit missionaries.--toupin's statement about rev. a. b. smith.--death of mrs. jason lee.--first express.--jesuits at work.--the first printing-press.--the catholic tree. page chapter xxv. independent missionaries arrive.--their troubles.--conversion of indians at the dalles.--their motives.--emigrants of .--blubber-mouth smith.--re-enforcement of the methodist mission in .--father de smet.--rev. harvey clark and associates.--ewing young.--names of missionaries and settlers. page chapter xxvi. .--petition to congress of united states.--british subjects amenable to the laws of canada.--mr. douglas as justice of the peace.--mr. leslie as judge. page chapter xxvii. death of ewing young.--first public attempt to organize a provisional government.--origin of the provisional government.--first oregon schooner. page chapter xxviii. lee and hines explore the umpqua river.--mr. hines tells a story.--massacre and plunder of smith's party by the indians.--sympathy of the hudson's bay company.--extract from the san francisco _bulletin_. page chapter xxix. missionaries leaving.--hudson's bay company's gold exchange.--population in .--whitman and lovejoy start for the states.--the red river emigration.--american merchants.-- settlers not dependent on the hudson's bay company.--milling company.--the oregon institute.--dr. elijah white.-- proceedings at a public meeting.--correspondence with the war department. page chapter xxx. dispatch of dr. white to the commissioner of indian affairs.--he praises the hudson's bay company.--his account of the indians.--indian outrages.--dr. white's expedition to the nez percés.--indian council.--speeches.--electing a chief.--laws of the nez percés.--visit to the cayuses.-- doings of the missionaries.--drowning of mr. rogers and family.--george geere.--volcanoes.--petition against governor mclaughlin. page chapter xxxi. letter of h. h. spalding to dr. white.--account of his mission among the nez percés.--schools.--cultivation.-- industrial arts.--moral character.--arable land.--letter of commissioner of indian affairs to the secretary of war. page chapter xxxii. dr. e. white's letter to the secretary of war.--excitement among the indians.--visit to nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--destitution and degradation of the coast indians.--dr. white eulogizes governor mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company.--schools and missions.--mr. jess applegate.--dr. white's second letter.--letters of peter h. hatch and w. h. wilson.--seizure of a distillery.--search for liquor.--letter of james d. saules.--fight with indians.-- death of cockstock.--description and character of him.--the molallos and klamaths.--agreement with the dalles indians.-- presents to cockstock's widow.--dr. white's third letter.-- letter of rev. g. hines to dr. white.--letter of w. medill. page chapter xxxiii. first council to organize a provisional government.--library founded.--origin of the wolf association.--the methodist mission influence.--dr. white exhibits his credentials.--first "wolf meeting."--proceedings of the second "wolf meeting."-- officers.--resolutions.--bounties to be paid.--resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.--names of the members of the committee. page chapter xxxiv. first meeting of the committee of twelve.--all invited to participate.--the rev. j. lee and mr. abernethy ridicule the organization.--mr. lee tells a story.--letter from governor abernethy.--the main question at issue.--drowning of cornelius rogers and party.--conduct of dr. white.--methodist mission.--catholic boasts of conversions. page chapter xxxv. meetings to oppose organization.--address of the french-canadians.--criticisms on it by the author.--the jesuits.--jesuit oath.--article from cincinnati _beacon_. page chapter xxxvi. the meeting at champoeg.--tactics of the jesuit party.-- counter-tactics of the americans.--a division and its result.--public record.--opposition to clergymen as legislators.--mr. hines as an historian.--his errors.-- importance of mr. hines' history.--difficulty among the indians.--cause of the difficulty. page chapter xxxvii. whitman's visit to washington.--a priest's boast.--a taunt, and whitman's reply.--arrival in washington.--interview with secretary webster.--with president tyler.--his return.-- successful passage of the rocky mountains with two hundred wagons.--his mill burned during his absence. page chapter xxxviii. petition of the citizens of oregon in .--complaints against the hudson's bay company.--the milling company.-- kicking the half-bushel.--land claims of dr. mclaughlin.-- names of the signers.--reasons for not signing.--notice, deed, and bond of john mclaughlin.--claim of alvin f. waller. page chapter xxxix. extracts from mr. hines' history.--attempt to capture an indian horse-thief.--dr. mclaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition.--excitement in the settlement.--interview with dr. mclaughlin at vancouver. page chapter xl. a combination of facts.--settlers alive to their danger.--mr. hines' disparagement of the methodist mission.--indians want pay for being whipped.--indian honesty.--mr. hines' opinion of the indians' religion.--mr. geiger's advice.--dr. mclaughlin's answer to yellow serpent.--baptiste doreo.--four conflicting influences. page chapter xli. governor simpson and dr. whitman in washington.--interviews with daniel webster and president tyler.--his cold reception in boston by the american board.--conducts a large emigration safely across the rocky mountains into oregon.--the "memorial half-century volume."--the oregon mission ignored by the american board.--dr. mclaughlin.--his connection with the hudson's bay company.--catholic cayuses' manner of praying.--rev. c. eells.--letter from a. l. lovejoy.-- description of whitman's and lovejoy's winter journey from oregon to bent's fort on the arkansas river. page chapter xlii. assembly of the nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--mock fight.--council with the indians.--speeches by yellow serpent, tilokaikt, the prince, and illutin.--the secret of the whole difficulty.--john, the kanaka.--a cow for a horse.--killing of a medicine woman. page chapter xliii. the legislative committee of nine.--hon. robert moore, chairman.--description of the members.--minutes of their proceedings.--dr. r. newell, his character.--two specimens of his speeches.--the dark clouds. page chapter xliv. fourth of july, .--oration by mr. hines.--meeting of july .--debate on the land law.--how the jesuits and the hudson's bay company secured their land claims.--speech of the rev. g. hines against the proposed executive committee.--the committee supported by o'neil, shortess, and lee.--w. h. gray closes the debate.--the report of the committee adopted.--committee appointed to report to congress, another to make a digest of territorial laws, and a third to prepare and administer an oath of office. page chapter xlv. organic laws.--resolutions.--districts.--militia law.--land claims.--certificate. page chapter xlvi. description of the state house.--conduct of the french settlers.--arrival of dr. whitman's party of immigrants.-- prosperity of the settlers.--change in the policy of the hudson's bay company.--their exorbitant claims. page chapter xlvii. actions speak louder than words.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to discourage immigration.--account of the two jesuits, f. n. blanchet and p. j. de smet.--protestant missionaries discouraged.--important position of the rev. g. hines.--recall of the rev. jason lee.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to prevent emigration to the territory.--statement of general palmer.--indian combinations.--the donner party.--extent of oregon at this time. page chapter xlviii. .--the settlements alarmed.--indian attack.--death of g. w. la breton.--meeting at mr. la chapelle's.--volunteer company formed.--the _modeste_ in the columbia river.--the legislative assembly.--names of the members.--peter h. burnett.--mr. david hill.--oregon social standard.--m. m. mccarver.--"old brass gun."--a. l. lovejoy.--daniel waldo.--thomas d. keizer.--black act.--prohibitory liquor law. page chapter xlix. message of the executive committee.--observations on the message.--generosity of the hudson's bay company.--the methodist mission.--the oregon printing-press association.--george abernethy, esq. page chapter l. dr. white's report.--seizure and destruction of a distillery.--homicide of joel turnham.--state of the territory.--trials of dr. white.--the liquor law.--revenue act.--case of the negro saul.--the indians kill an ox.--other indian difficulties.--indian expedition to california.--death of the indian elijah.--state of the territory.--claim of the hudson's bay company on the north bank of the columbia.-- letter of peter h. burnett.--the nez percés and cayuses.--extract from the report of the united states senate. page chapter li. .--public meetings to elect delegates to convention.-- candidates for governor.--members elected to the legislative committee.--oath of office.--mr. applegate's announcement.-- dr. mclaughlin's amphibiousness.--description of the members of the legislative committee.--business of the session.-- ermatinger's election contested.--mr. garrison's resolutions.--anti-slavery resolution.--organic law revised.--improvements and condition of the country. page chapter lii. .--second session of the legislative committee.--mr. mccarver removed from the office of speaker.--mr. applegate's resolutions.--protest of gray, foisy, and straight.--a legislative incident.--law against dueling.--dr. white addresses the legislature.--resolutions.--dr. white denies the right of the settlers to organize a provisional government.--mccarver signs documents without authority.-- resolutions by the house on the subject.--impertinent letter from dr. white to the house.--white cornered by president polk.--incidents in white's temperance movements.--proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts.--the currency act.--adjournment of the legislature in august.--meets again in december.--proposal to locate the capital. page chapter liii. the liquor law.--amended act of .--message of the governor on the same.--repeal of the prohibitory and passage of the license law.--letter of james douglas.--reply of mr. samuel parker.--dr. tolmie's resolution on the judiciary.-- the governor's veto of the license law.--immigration for oregon and california in .--arrival of the brig _henry_.--the oregon printing association.--the _spectator_, the first newspaper in oregon.--w. g. t. vault, first editor.--h. a. g. lee, second editor.--g. l. curry, third editor.--judge wait, fourth editor. page chapter liv. the whitman massacre.--narratives of, by j. b. a. brouillet and j. ross browne.--extract from the new york _evangelist_.--statements of father brouillet criticised.-- testimony of john kimzey.--dr. whitman at umatilla.--returns home. page chapter lv. occupations of the victims immediately before the massacre.--description of the mission buildings.--the doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered.--joe lewis, the leader in the massacre.--the scene outside.--the doctor's house plundered.--mrs. whitman shot.--brutalities to the dead and dying.--escape of some and murder of others.--safety of the french papists and the servants of the hudson's bay company.--fate of joe lewis. page chapter lvi. comments on vicar-general brouillet's arguments against the whitman massacre being the act of catholics.--joe stanfield: brouillet's story in his favor.--murders on the second day.--deposition of daniel young.--more murders. page chapter lvii. how the country was saved to the united states.--article from the new york _evening post_.--ingratitude of the american board.--deposition of elam young.--young girls taken for indian wives.--statement of miss lorinda bewley.--sager, bewley, and sales killed. page chapter lviii. vicar-general brouillet's statement.--statement of istacus.--the priest finds the poison.--statement of william geiger, jr.--conduct of mr. mcbean.--influence of the jesuit missions. page chapter lix. continuation of miss bewley's evidence.--the priests refuse her protection.--forcibly taken from the bishop's house by five crows.--brouillet advises her to remain with her indian violator.--indecent question by a priest.--mr. brouillet attempts to get a statement from her.--two questions.--note from mrs. bewley.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy.--comments on the jesuits' proceedings.--grand council at the bishop's.--policy in forcing miss bewley to five crows' lodge.--speeches by camaspelo and tilokaikt.-- killing of elijah and the nez percé chief commented on.--the true story told.--dr. white's report.--the grand council again.--review of brouillet's narrative.--who were the real authors of the massacre. page chapter lx. the hudson's bay company's and the priests' part in the massacre.--mcbean's messenger.--plot divulged to hinman, ogden, and douglas.--douglas's remark to hinman.--mcbean's letter.--his perversion of facts.--comments.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--his sandwich islands letter.--its falsehood and absurdity.--mr. hinman's letter to governor abernethy.--the dates.--assertion of robert newell.--hudson's bay company _v._ united states. page chapter lxi. preliminary events of the cayuse war.--message of governor abernethy.--journal of the house.--resolutions.--assembling of the people at the call of the governor.--enlisting of men.--names of the volunteers.--names of the officers.--their flag.--their departure.--letter to sir james douglas.--his reply.--commissioners return.--address to the citizens.-- public meeting.--report of commissioners to the legislature.--messenger sent to washington.--memorial to congress.--champoeg county tax.--strength of the settlement called for.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy. page chapter lxii. the cayuse war.--letter of captain lee.--indians friendly with the hudson's bay company.--conduct of mr. ogden.--his letters to mr. walker and mr. spalding.--note of rev. g. h. atkinson.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--a rumor.--the governor's reply.--another letter from sir james.--mr. ogden.--extraordinary presents to the indians of arms and ammunition.--colonel gilliam's campaign.--indian fight.--property captured.--the des chutes indians make peace.--captain mckay's company of british subjects join the army.--a nuisance.--"veritas."--nicholas finlay gives the signal for battle.--running fight.--captain mckay's company.--council held by the peace commissioners with the indians.--governor abernethy's address.--speeches of the indians camaspelo, joseph, jacob, old james, red wolf, timothy, richard, and kentuck.--letters of joel palmer, r. newell, james douglas, and william mcbean.--who is responsible for the cayuse war? page chapter lxiii. letter to general lovejoy.--call for men and ammunition.-- yankama chief.--his speech.--small supply of ammunition.-- letter of joseph cadwallader.--claim and a girl.--combined indian tribes.--ladies of oregon.--public meeting.--a noble address.--vote of thanks.--address of the young ladies.-- death of colonel gilliam.--his campaign.--colonel waters' letter.--doubtful position of indians.--number at fort wallawalla.--results of the war.--jesuit letters.--fathers hoikin and de smet.--the choctaws.--indian confederacy.--last hope of the indian.--jesuit policy.--the irish in the war of the rebellion.--father hecker.--boasts of the jesuits.-- letter of lieutenant rogers.--priests supply the indians with arms and ammunition.--ammunition seized.--oregon _argus_.-- discovery of gold.--no help for the indian.--withdrawal of the hudson's bay company to vancouver.--the smooth-tongued jesuits yet remain. page chapter lxiv. missions among the western indians.--the coeur d'alêne mission.--protestant and catholic missions compared.--what the american protestant missionaries have done for the country and the indians.--extent of their influence, progress, and improvements.--patriotism of dr. whitman. page chapter lxv. description of the face of the country.--agricultural and mining productions.--timber.--the wallamet.--columbia.-- dalles.--upper columbia.--mountains.--rivers.--mineral wealth.--climate.--the northern pacific railroad.-- conclusion. page history of oregon. chapter i. first discovery of the river.--natives friendly.--british ship.--brig _jennet_.--snow _sea otter_.--the _globe_.-- _alert._--_guatimozin._--_atahualpa._--lewis and clarke. --vancouver.--hamilton.--derby.--_pearl._--_albatross._--first house built in .--astor's settlement.--the _tonquin_.--astor's company betrayed to the northwest company. in all countries it is difficult to trace the history of their early discovery and settlement. that of oregon is no exception. the spanish claim, and it is generally conceded, that they were the discoverers of the coast, and gave names to the principal capes and to fuca's straits. no evidence can be found in national archives, or among the native tribes of the country, that gives the discovery of the columbia river to any civilized people but to the bostons (americans); so that, so far as civil history or national testimony is concerned, we are without any, except the conjectures of men as ignorant as ourselves. hence we are left to the alternative of searching the old logs of vessels and such old books as have been written, and, in connection with the legends and statements of the aborigines of the country, form an opinion as to its discovery, and from such dates and conclusions commence its civil history. that of oregon begins eight years previous to the commencement of the present century. a ship, owned by messrs. barrell, bulfinch & co., of boston, and commanded by captain robert gray, discovered and entered the mouth of the third great river upon the american continent. it then had no name known to the civilized world. this unselfish american, instead of following the example of many contemporary british navigators by giving his own name to the majestic river he had discovered, gave it that of his noble ship, _columbia_. on the th of may, , he discovered and ran in abreast of cape hancock, and anchored, and on the th ran ten miles up this river on the north side, which is now known as a little above chinook point, and at p.m. they came to anchor. on the th they weighed anchor and ran, according to the ship's log, fifteen miles, which would bring them up abreast of tongue point, where their ship grounded upon a sand bar for a short time, but they backed her off into three fathoms of water and anchored. by sounding they discovered that there was not sufficient water to pass up the river in their present channel. having filled all their water-casks, repaired, painted, and calked the ship, and allowed the vast numbers of indians that thronged around them in the most peaceable and friendly manner, to visit and traffic with them, on the th of may, , they went to sea again. on the th of october of this year, the _chatham_, commanded by captain broughton, of the british navy, entered the river. he grounded his ship on what is now called the sulphur spit, and found in the bay the brig _jennet_, captain baker, from bristol, rhode island. captain broughton explored the river in his small boat as high up as the present site of vancouver, and left the river with his ship on the th of november. in , five years later, the snow _sea otter_, captain hill, from boston, visited the river. in , the ship _hazard_, swift, master, owned by perkins, lamb & co., boston, visited the river. this same ship visited the river again in . in , this same boston company sent the ship _globe_, magee, master, to the river. during the year , a brisk, and something like a permanent american trade appears to have been in contemplation by this boston company. they sent the ship _caroline_, derby, master, from boston, and the ship _manchester_, brice, master, from philadelphia. in , lamb & company sent the ship _alert_, ebbets, master; also the ship _vancouver_, brown, master. this year, the ship _juno_, kendricks, master, from bristol, rhode island, owned by de wolf, entered the columbia river for trade. in the year , theodore lyman sent the ship _guatimozin_, bumsted, master, from boston. the perkins company sent the ship _hazard_, swift, master, to the river the same year. in , lyman & company sent the ship _atahualpa_, o. potter, master, from boston. lamb & company sent the ship _caroline_, sturges, master, from the same place. on the th of november, , lewis and clarke, with their party, having crossed the rocky mountains under the direction of president jefferson, of the united states, arrived at cape hancock; remaining but a few days, they crossed the columbia river and encamped near the mouth of a small river still bearing the name of these two explorers. they left their encampment in march, , and returned across the continent and reported the result of their expedition to the government. this expedition consisted of one hundred and eighty soldiers or enlisted men. on arriving at the mandan village, on the missouri river, in , they encountered the influence of the northwest british fur company, who, on learning their object, at once made arrangements to follow and get possession of the country at the mouth of the columbia river. in , soon after lewis and clarke left their encampment on their return to the united states, the ship _vancouver_, brown, master, entered the river, having been sent out by thomas lyman, of boston, in expectation of meeting lewis and clarke's party at the mouth of the river. the lamb company sent the ship _pearl_ the same year, under the command of captain ebbets. lyman, in addition to the _vancouver_, sent the brig _lydia_, hill, master, to the river, making three american ships from boston in the year . in , the ship _hamilton_ arrived in the river, sent by thomas lyman, of boston, l. peters, master. the perkins company sent the _hazard_, smith, master. in , the ship _derby_, swift, master, sent by the perkins company. lyman sent the ship _guatimozin_, glanville, master; both made successful trips in and out of the river. in , the perkins company sent the ships _pearl_ and _vancouver_ into the river, the former commanded by smith, the latter by whittimore. in , the ship _albatross_, from boston, t. winship, master, entered the river and sailed as high up as oak point, where the captain erected a house, cleared a piece of land for cultivation, and planted a garden. this year, john jacob astor, of new york, organized the pacific fur company, in connection with wilson price hunt, of new jersey. these two gentlemen admitted as partners in the fur trade, messrs. mckay, mcdougal, and david and robert stewart. these four last-mentioned partners, with eleven clerks and thirteen canadian voyageurs, and a complete outfit for a fort, with cannon and small-arms, stores, shops, and houses, with five mechanics, were all embarked on the ship _tonquin_, captain jonathan thorn, master, in september, , and sailed for the columbia river, where they arrived, march , . the present site of the town of astoria was selected as the principal depot for this american fur company, and called by them, in honor of the originator of the company, astoria. this establishment was soon in full operation. the timber and thick undergrowth within musket range of the establishment were cleared away, and a kitchen-garden planted outside the stockade. in the highly-interesting narrative of gabriel franchere, we read that, "in the month of may, , on a rich piece of land in front of our establishment [at astoria], we put into the ground twelve potatoes, so shriveled up during the passage from new york that we despaired of raising any from the few sprouts that still showed signs of life. nevertheless, we raised one hundred and nineteen potatoes the first season. and, after sparing a few plants to our inland traders, we planted fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year ." they were cultivated at astoria, by the old northwest and hudson's bay companies, in their little fort gardens. a few indian chiefs were presented with the seed, but no general distribution was made among them, as they were considered as the bostons' root, and no better than those of the indians, abounding in the country, which required less labor to cultivate. up to the time of the arrival of the american missionaries, there never was an extra supply of potatoes in the country. in other words, the potato was a luxury enjoyed by none except the highest grades of the fur company's servants and distinguished visitors; its cultivation was not generally encouraged by the company. in october, , after dispatching the _tonquin_, mr. astor fitted out the ship _beaver_, twenty guns, captain sowles, master, with mr. clark, six clerks, and a number of other persons, to join the establishment at astoria. the ship touched at the sandwich islands; mr. clark engaged twenty-six kanakas as laborers for the establishments on the columbia river, where the ship arrived, may , . on the th of july, , mr. david thompson, under the direction of the northwest canadian british company, arrived at astoria. i use the word canadian, as applied to the northwest fur company, that was established by the charter of louis xiii. of france, , in what was then called acadia, or new france, forty years before charles of england gave his charter to the hudson's bay company. this northwest fur company, in the transfer of the sovereignty of acadia, or new france, to england, in , at the treaty of utrecht, was acknowledged as having a legal existence, by both nations, and was allowed to transfer its allegiance and continue its trade under the protection of the british sovereign, as it had done under that of france. as soon as the government and people of the united states entered upon active measures to explore and occupy the country west of the rocky mountains, this canadian northwest fur company dispatched mr. thompson to explore the columbia river, and make an establishment at its mouth; but, on account of delays and mistaking the course of the various rivers through which the party traveled, mr. thompson did not arrive at mr. astor's american establishment till in july, ; his object was to forestall mr. astor in the settlement of the country. he was received, kindly treated, and furnished with such goods and supplies as he and his party required, by mr. mcdougal, who was then in charge of fort astor, and, in company with david stewart, returned as high up the columbia as the spokan,--mr. greenhow says okanagon,--and established a trading-post, while mr. thompson went among the kootenai and flathead tribes, and established a trading-hut. it is due to those parties to state that as late as , a square, solid, hewed log bastion, erected by stewart's party, was still standing at spokan, while no vestige of the thompson huts could be found in the flathead country. at spokan, garden vegetables were produced about the fort, which the indians in that vicinity learned to appreciate, and continued to cultivate after the fort was abandoned in , having been occupied by the northwest and hudson's bay companies till that time. in the spring of , the chief agent of the pacific fur company, mr. hunt, with other partners, crooks, mckenzie, and mcclellen, with a party of sixty men, started across the continent. they were extremely annoyed by the opposition fur traders on their route, and also by hostile indians. such of the party as did not perish by famine and hostile indians, and british fur traders, arrived at astoria on the th of january, . on the th of may following the arrival of mr. hunt's party, the ship _beaver_ arrived with the third installment of traders, clerks, and kanaka laborers. in consequence of the loss of the ship _tonquin_, and all on board except the indian interpreter, in the cliquot bay, near the entrance of the straits of fuca, by the treachery of the indians in the vicinity, mr. hunt embarked in the _beaver_ for the russian establishment in august, , effected an arrangement of trade with them, and dispatched the ship to china. he continued in her till she reached the sandwich islands, where he remained until june, , when the ship _albatross_ arrived from canton, and brought the news of the war between the united states and great britain, and also that the ship _beaver_ was blockaded at canton by a british ship of war. mr. hunt at once chartered the _albatross_ and sailed for the columbia river, where he arrived on the th of august, . on his arrival at astoria he learned that it was the intention of his partners, all of whom claimed to be british subjects (mcdougal and mckenzie having formerly been in the employ of the northwest company), to sell to mctavish, of that company. hunt embarked in the _albatross_ for the sandwich islands, and from thence to the washington islands, where he learned from commodore porter, then at those islands, in the frigate _essex_, of the design of the british to seize all american property on the pacific coast. from thence he returned to the sandwich islands, and chartered the brig _pedler_, and arrived at astoria in february, , and learned that soon after his departure in the _albatross_, in august, , mctavish, with a party of the servants of the northwest company, had arrived at astoria, and, in connection with mcdougal, mckenzie, and clarke, on the part of the american pacific fur company, and mctavish and alexander stewart, on the part of the canadian northwest company, had completed the sale of astoria to that company, and secured for themselves important positions in the service of the latter company. as a matter of fact and general historical interest, the amount and value of property thus transferred is here given: eighteen thousand one hundred and seventy and one-fourth pounds of beaver, at two dollars per pound, selling in canton at that time at from five to six dollars per pound; nine hundred and seventy otter skins, at fifty cents each, selling at that time in canton for five and six dollars per skin. the expense of building mr. astor's establishment at astoria, including those at okanagon and spokan, with boats, _bateaux_, tools, cannon, munitions, goods, transportation and salaries of clerks and men, etc., etc., was near two hundred thousand dollars, for which he received in bills on montreal about forty thousand, including the appraised value of the furs at the fort, which was thirty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty-five dollars and fifty cents; this would leave less than three thousand one hundred and sixty-four dollars and fifty cents for the improvements, boats, munitions, cannon, etc., for which the hudson's bay company, in , claims of our government, for the old, rotten, and abandoned post at okanagon, nineteen thousand four hundred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents; the post at colville, still held in place of the one built by astor's company at spokan, eighty thousand three hundred dollars; the post at fort george (astoria), abandoned in , four thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents; in all, for the three establishments, one hundred and three thousand nine hundred and three dollars and thirty-four cents--quite a contrast between the valuation of american property when in possession of british fur traders, having been used for forty years by british subjects, and abandoned as of little or no use to their trade, and that of american property but lately brought into the country. it will be remembered that mr. astor's pacific fur company was commenced in ; that at the time it was betrayed into the possession of this canadian northwest fur company it had been in operation but two years, hence was new, and but just ready to commence a profitable trade in the country. the contract transferring this valuable property from american to british owners, was signed on the th day of october, , by duncan mcdougal, j. g. mctavish, and j. stewart, and witnessed by the principal clerks of the establishment. on the st of december following, the british sloop of war _raccoon_, captain black, arrived in the river, and proceeded to take formal possession of astoria, by lowering the american flag and hoisting that of great britain in its place, and changing the name of the fort to that of fort george. previous to the landing of the british soldiers, or king george's warriors, an interview took place (as related by ross cox) between the indian warriors, with concomly, their chief, at their head, and mcdougal and mctavish. on the arrival of the british war vessel in baker's bay, the indians, having learned that there was war between the king george people and bostons (americans), they said, as they had always found the bostons friendly and liberal toward them, they were their friends, and were ready to fight for them, to prevent the king george men from making them slaves. they proposed to conceal themselves behind the rocks and trees outside of the fort and to kill the king george soldiers with their arrows and spears, while the men of the fort fought the ship and small boats which they came in, with their big guns and rifles. mcdougal assured them that the king george warriors would not hurt them, and advised them to be friendly with them, as they would do the people of the fort no harm. concomly and his warriors were only convinced that the bostons would not be made slaves by the king george warriors when they saw the sloop leave the river without taking any of them away as prisoners or slaves. the treachery of the canadian part of astor's company, which was not known to mr. astor, but provided for by the northwest canadian company before the party left montreal, and consummated by mcdougal and his associates, in the absence of the american partners from the post, is proved by journals, letters, and facts still extant. chapter ii. the country restored.--the order.--description of astoria.--different parties.--northwest fur company.--astor's plan.--conflict of the two british fur companies.--the treaties.--the selkirk settlement.--its object.--the company asserts chartered rights as soon as united. as stated in our first chapter, the english government, by its canadian northwest fur company, and the arrival of the british sloop of war, _raccoon_, during the war of - , took possession of oregon, and held it as british territory till it was formally restored to the united states on the th of october, , in these words:-- we, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article of the treaty of ghent, restore to the government of the united states, through its agent, j. p. provost, esq., the settlement of fort george, on the columbia river. given under our hands in triplicate, at fort george (columbia river), this th day of october, . f. hickey, captain h. m. ship _blossom_. j. keith, of the n. w. co. the order from the prince regent of england to the northwest company to deliver up the country to the american government, was issued on january , , and complied with as above. on the th of april, , the canadian northwest fur company's ship, _isaac todd_, reached astoria, called fort george. according to the description sent to washington by mr. provost, it consisted of a stockade made of fir-logs, twenty feet high above the ground, inclosing a parallelogram of one hundred and fifty by two hundred and fifty feet, extending in its greatest length from northwest to southeast, and defended by bastions, or towers, at two opposite angles. within this inclosure were all the buildings of the establishment, such as dwelling-houses, magazines, storehouses, mechanics' shops, etc. the artillery were two heavy -pounders, six -pounders, four -pounders, two -pound coehorns, and seven swivels, all mounted. the number of persons attached to the place besides the few native women and children, was sixty-five; of whom twenty-three were white, twenty-six kanakas, and the remainder of mixed blood from canada. of the party that crossed the rocky mountains with mr. hunt in - , six remained in the country, and but five returned to the united states; the remaining forty-five that started with him in his first expedition were mostly destroyed by the influence of the two british fur companies acting upon the indians for that object. these men, as independent trappers and petty traders among the indians, were considered by those companies as intruders and trespassers upon their french and british chartered rights; hence none were allowed to remain in the country but such as were under their control, or subject to their rule. from the time the northwest fur company took possession of the country, with few exceptions, we have no authentic account of the number of vessels of any nation that visited the river, but we have reason to believe that they would average two each year; and, from known facts, we conclude that as soon as the post at astoria was betrayed into the possession of the canadian northwest fur company by mcdougal and associates, and the british government had taken formal possession of the country, this northwest company, with mcdougal and others equally prominent, commenced to instill into the minds of the indians a strong hatred of american traders by sea or land, and to change as much, and as fast as possible, the friendly feeling of the former toward the latter, so as to continue to hold the permanent and absolute sovereignty of the country, and make the indians subservient to their commercial interests. mr. astor says: "the plan by me adopted was such as must materially have affected the interests of the northwest and hudson's bay companies, and it was easy to be foreseen that they would employ every means to counteract my operations, and which, as my impression, i stated to the executive of your department as early as february, ." this hatred of americans had been so assiduously impressed upon the minds of the indians, that one of their own vessels arriving in the river, being cast away on sand island, all on board were murdered by the indians, who mistook them for americans. the company sent a vessel from vancouver (to which place they had removed their stores and principal depot) to punish the indians, who had secured most of the wrecked property. the vessel came down and sent shell and grapeshot into the indian village, destroying men, women, and children, landed their men and took such of their goods as they could find, having gained satisfactory evidence of the murder of the crew of the ship. this view of the policy and practice of this northwest and hudson's bay company, is further sustained by the inquiries which mr. keith felt it incumbent on him to make of mr. provost, on the restoration of astoria to the americans by the british authorities. mr. keith was anxious to learn the extent of the rights of his company to remain and trade in the country. it would seem, from the whole history of these companies, that they felt their rights in the country to be but temporary, that they were trespassers upon american interests, and shaped all their arrangements accordingly. it is an admitted historical fact that, while the northwest fur company of montreal was extending its trade across the rocky mountains and supplanting the american pacific fur company of mr. astor, the hudson's bay company, with the assistance of lord selkirk's red river settlement, was cutting off their communication with these western establishments, and that, in consequence of this red river interference with their trade, a deadly feud sprang up between the rival companies, in which both parties enlisted all the men and indians over whom they had any influence, and frequently met in drunken and deadly strife, till they had quite destroyed all profits in their trade, and rendered the indians hostile alike to friend and foe of the white race. so that, in , the british parliament was compelled to notice their proceedings, and, on the d of july, , in an act bearing date as above, says of them:-- "whereas, the competition in the fur trade between the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, and certain associations of persons trading under the name of the northwest company of montreal, has been found, for some years past, to be productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only to the said company and association, but to the said trade in general, and also of _great injury to the native indians_, and of other persons subjects of _his majesty_; and whereas, the _animosities_ and _feuds_ arising from such competition have also, for some years past, kept the interior of america, to the northward and westward of the provinces of upper and lower canada, and of the _territories of the united states of america_, in a state of _continual disturbance_; and whereas, many breaches of the peace and violence extending to the _loss of lives_ and considerable destruction of property have continually occurred therein," etc. (see greenhow's history of oregon, p. .) the broad policy of british fur traders is here stated in plain language by their own government in a manner not to be mistaken. their influence upon the indians was injurious. their policy toward each other was war and destruction to all opponents. the life and property of an opposing trader must not come in competition with the profits of their trade with indians in any country. how absurd it is for our government to spend millions of dollars to form treaties with indians who are constantly visited by these foreign indian traders and teachers, emissaries of a foreign power, who never breathed an honest breath or spoke a truthful word! feeble and insignificant as they were, from to the whole indian country of north america fell under their blighting and withering influence. divided as they were, they were able to crush all honest competition, and _combine_ in deadly combat against their own countrymen for the supremacy of the indian trade. have they lost their power and influence by uniting the elements of opposition in one vast fur monopoly? nay, verily, as we shall see. to gain a correct understanding of the foreign policy relative to the western portion of our country, it will be necessary to refer to the early history of the two fur companies, and trace their connection with france and england, which, notwithstanding the english government had given up the country to france in in the treaty of ryswick, and no reservation was made on account of the hudson's bay company--as they did oregon to the united states in the treaty of ghent, in , and made no reservation on account of the northwest fur company--still the hudson's bay company held on to a single post, called albany, on the southwest part of james bay, for twenty-six years, as the northwest and hudson's bay fur companies did to astoria and oregon for forty-nine years. in the wording of the treaty of utrecht, in , in which the country was given back to england by france, there is one proviso that is not to be overlooked, viz.: "it is, however, provided, that it may be entirely free for the company of quebec, and all others the subjects of the most christian king whatsoever, to go, by land or by sea, whithersoever they please, out of the lands of the said bay, together with all their goods, merchandise, arms, and effects, of what nature or condition soever, except such things as are above reserved in this article," etc., the exceptions referring to forts, cannon, and permanent war materials. this french stipulation in the treaty of utrecht, in , is repeated by the english diplomatist upon the americans, in the third article of the treaty of june , , forming the basis of the claim urged against our government in the treaty of . in the treaty stipulations between france and england in , the commercial rights of the french company of quebec were secured to them. from that time forward, the aggressive and oppressive policy of the british hudson's bay company was brought into collision, not only with the french northwest fur company, but with the united states and all american fur companies and missionary and commercial enterprises coming within their fur-trade influence. it will be remembered that the hudson's bay company, who claim their existence and privileges from the charter of charles ii., as early as , had, in forty-four years' time, only established (as mr. fitzgerald says) "four or five insignificant forts on the shores of hudson's bay to carry on a trade in furs with those indians who resorted thither;" while the french, for many years previous, had carried on an active trade with the indians, and had explored the country and extended their posts up to the shores of the saskatchewan, and over the rocky mountains, on to the waters of the columbia. the french carried on the traffic by way of the st. lawrence and the lakes to fort william, on lake superior, and through the lake of the woods into lake winnipeg, or further south along the plains, crossing the course of the red river; this being the direct and only line of posts kept up by the french northwest company, by which their food, goods, and furs were transported. the hudson's bay company carried theirs by way of hudson's straits, around the coast of labrador. in order to destroy and cut off as much as possible the trade of this northwest company, lord selkirk, in - , became a shareholder, and was allowed to claim, through the directors of the company, sixteen thousand square miles of territory in the red river country, for the professed purpose of colonization. this colony was planted directly in the line of the fur traffic of the northwest company, against which the hudson's bay company had encouraged and carried on the most bitter hostility, enlisting both men and indians in a deadly feud between the two rival companies. our english writer remarks on page : "to those who had read the mutual recriminations that had been bandied between these two bodies, it was a strange sight to see the names of messrs. mcgillivray and edward ellice associated with that of the hudson's bay company,--to see men going hand-in-hand who had openly accused one another of the foulest crimes, _of wholesale robbery, of allowing their servants to instigate the indian tribes to_ murder _the servants of their rivals_,--this was a strange sight. and to see gentlemen who had publicly denied the validity of the company's charter, who had taken the opinion of the leading counsel of the day against it, who had tried every means, lawful and unlawful, to overthrow it, to see these same men range themselves under its protection, and, asserting all that they had before denied, proclaim its validity as soon as they were admitted to share its advantages; who, without its pale, asserted the rights of british subjects against its monopoly, and, within its pale, asserted its monopoly against the rights of british subjects,--this, too, was a strange sight. yet to all this did the hudson's bay company submit, rather than subject their charter and their claims to the investigation of a court of law." the hudson's bay company, one hundred and fifty years from the date of its charter, asserted its right to the country, and, by virtue of the privileges conferred in that charter, seized the supplies and goods of the northwest french canadian company, and confiscated them to its own use. this resulted in a deadly war between the two companies, and was carried on, neither party applying to the courts of the mother country for a settlement of their difficulties; in fact, as has been shown by reference to the charter of the hudson's bay company, they had no legal rights, because none were in existence at the date of their charter; but, from the maneuvering of the company and the plausible efforts of lord selkirk to colonize, civilize, and settle the red river country, they entered into his schemes, in order to crush the rival company and secure the whole country to themselves. it is unnecessary to detail any accounts of the horrid murders and infamous transactions that were put on foot and perpetrated by these two companies. after a furious contention, carried on for several years, "they bribed rivals whom they could not defeat, and the two companies united and agreed to carry on the fur trade together, to the exclusion of all others." the selkirk settlement was soon made to feel the withering influence of the company that had located it in the country for a specific purpose, _neither, however, was there any compromise_ till its inhabitants had been driven from their homes, its governor (semple) and seventeen of his followers killed. then a compromise was effected between the rival companies, and they were united by an act of parliament, under the title of honorable hudson's bay company, in ,--a license given to messrs. william and simon mcgillivray, of the northwest company, and edward ellice, of the hudson's bay company. these corporate members and their associates "were to share the profits arising from the fur trade, not only from the indian territories, but also from the hudson's bay company's proper territories of rupert's land." the privileges of this company were limited to seven years. this carried them forward to , in which year their license (called a charter) was renewed for ten years. our indian missionary and american history commences in , six years before this combined northwest and hudson's bay company's license of exclusive privileges to trade in british indian territory, and, jointly, in the oregon territory, would expire. our english historian and sir edward belcher are both mistaken when they attribute to the company the asking for, or in any way encouraging, the american missionaries to come to the country. this was an event wholly unknown to them, and brought about by the indians themselves, by sending a delegation of four of their number to st. louis, in , to ask of the american people a religious teacher. lee, parker, and whitman heard the request, and volunteered to make the effort to establish missions among them. these missionaries all came across the rocky mountains unasked and uninvited by any one in the service of that company. chapter iii. english hudson's bay effort to secure oregon.--british claim to oregon.--dr. mclaughlin's relation to the company.--treatment of red river settlers.--a mistake.--sir edward belcher.--duplicity of the hudson's bay company.--a noble man.--an englishman's opinion of the hudson's bay company.--sir james douglas's testimony.--j. ross browne.--duty of an historian.--cause and effect. since commencing this work we have, by the kindness of friends who have taken a deep interest in all that relates to this country, been furnished with many valuable and important statements, documents, pamphlets, papers, and books, all relating to its early history. of the whole catalogue, the most valuable information is contained in a work entitled "an examination of the charter and proceedings of the hudson's bay company, with reference to the grant of vancouver's island. by james edward fitzgerald. london." published in . the author of this book, though not having the personal knowledge of the company, the indians, and the country about which he writes requisite to a complete history, has shown a correctness of statistical facts, a comprehensive knowledge of his subject, an enlarged view of the british colonial system, and a correct idea of the debasing practices and utterly false positions of the hudson's bay company not found in any other writer. up to the time that this book of pages fell into my hands, i did not know that any writer entertained similar views with myself in relation to this monstrous imposition upon the british and american people. mr. fitzgerald has fortified his statements by his knowledge of the english people, their laws and usages, and the casual outcroppings of a system of unparalleled selfishness and despotism, carried on under the guise of a christian commercial company, whose professed object was to extend commerce, and civilize and christianize the savage tribes of north america, yet who have invariably held up their christian chartered privileges for the sole purpose of carrying on the most degrading and inhuman practices with not only the savages, but with all civilized and christian men who have attempted to expose or even investigate their conduct. as we proceed with our history, we feel confident that we shall be able to enlighten our readers on many dark subjects and transactions, and to fully prove every statement we have made, or may yet make. mr. fitzgerald has given us clearly and truthfully the english side of our history as connected with this hudson's bay company. the american part of it the writer is gathering up, and, in giving it to the public, will discard every statement that does not bear the impress of truth. the reader will notice that our subject is extensive, that england and america, commerce and christianity, civilization and savagism, are all involved and interested in it, and that oregon, california, and british and russian america have all participated in it during the past and present century; that we are tracing cause and effect and bringing to light influences that, while producing their legitimate results, were strange and unaccountable, because always kept under the selfish and unscrupulous policy of this english corporation of fur traders. by referring to the charter of the hudson's bay company, we find that it was given by charles ii., in , granting to the "governor and company and their successors the exclusive right to trade, fish, and hunt in the waters, bays, rivers, lakes, and creeks entering into hudson's straits, together with all the lands and territories not already occupied or granted to any of the king's subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state." forty years previous to the giving of this charter by charles ii., of england, louis xiii., of france, gave a charter to a french company, who occupied the country called acadia, or new france. in , charles i., of england, resigned to louis xiii., of france, the sovereignty of the country then called acadia, or new france. forty years after louis xiii., of france, had given his charter, and thirty-eight years after charles i., of england, had given up his right to the country, charles ii., of england, imitating the example of him who wished to give the world and all its glory to obtain the worship of the saviour of mankind, gave to the hudson's bay company what he had not the shadow of a title to, as in the treaty of ryswick, in , twenty-seven years after this charter of the hudson's bay company had been given, the whole country was confirmed to france, and no reservation made on account of the hudson's bay company. mr. fitzgerald, on his th page, says: "it has often been asserted, and is to a great extent believed, because there is very little general information on this subject, that the _claim which great britain made to the oregon territory was dependent upon, or, at any rate, strengthened by, the settlement of the hudson's bay company on the columbia river_. "those who hold such an opinion will be surprised to learn that there are many, and they well acquainted with the country itself, who assert that the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company in the oregon territory formed the chief part of the title which the united states had to the country, which was gratuitously given to her by the settlement of the boundary. what the united states owe to the company for its policy on the west side of the rocky mountains is a question to which the english public will some day demand a satisfactory answer. "dr. mclaughlin was formerly an agent in the northwest fur company of montreal; he was one of the most enterprising and active in conducting the war between that association and the hudson's bay company. in the year , when the rival companies united, dr. mclaughlin became a factor of the hudson's bay company. but his allegiance does not appear to have been disposed of along with his interests, and his sympathy with any thing other than british, seems to have done justice to his birth and education, which were those of a french canadian. this gentleman was appointed governor of all the country west of the rocky mountains, and is accused, by those who have been in that country, of having uniformly encouraged the emigration of settlers from the united states, and of having discouraged that of british subjects. _while the company in this country (england) were asserting that their settlements on the columbia river were giving validity to the claim of great britain to the oregon territory_, it appears that their chief officer on the spot was doing all in his power to facilitate the operations of those whose whole object it was to annihilate that claim altogether." mr. fitzgerald has given us in the above statement an important fact, and one that reveals to an american the deep-laid schemes of the english government, which, by the influence of the hudson's bay company, sought to secure the oregon territory to itself. he also explains the conduct of dr. mclaughlin in his treatment of emigrants, as well as the relation he sustained to that company. while, as americans, we can admire and applaud the conduct of a noble and generous "_canadian-born_" _citizen_, we at the same time can see the low, debasing, and mean spirit of the englishman, as manifested in the attempt to deprive the american republic of its rightful domain. we shall have occasion to refer to the bringing into oregon of the red river settlers, and as the result of that move, the unparalleled effort of dr. whitman to defeat the british designs upon the country. mr. fitzgerald explains that matter so well, that we could not do justice to the truth of history not to quote him. he says, on the th page of his work: "there is one story told, about which it is right that the truth should be ascertained. it is said that a number of half-breeds from the red river settlement were, in the year of - , induced by the company's officers to undertake a journey entirely across the continent, with the object of becoming settlers on the columbia river. it appears that a number went, but on arriving in the country, so far from finding any of the promised encouragement, the treatment they received from dr. mclaughlin was such, that, after having been nearly starved under the paternal care of that gentleman, they all went over to the american settlement in the wallamet valley." this statement, while it affirms an important fact, gives a false impression as regards dr. mclaughlin. he, to our certain knowledge, extended to the red river settlers every facility within his power, and all of those emigrants to this day speak of his kindness in the highest terms. but not so of other leading or controlling members, who really represented the english part and policy of that company. those settlers complained of the domineering and tyrannical treatment of their english overseers, which was the cause of their leaving what they supposed would eventually be the english part of oregon territory. they also became sensible that the hudson's bay company in oregon was a different concern from the hudson's bay company in rupert's land; that, however small their privileges were there, they were less on puget sound; and being near an american settlement, they naturally sought its advantages and protection. mr. fitzgerald informs us that "these emigrants became citizens of the united states, and it is further said were the first to memorialize congress to extend the power of the united states over the oregon territory. for the truth of these statements we do not, of course vouch, but we do say they demand inquiry." this statement of mr. fitzgerald entitles him to be considered a candid and fair writer, and one who is seeking for truth in reference to the subject he is investigating. he has naturally imbibed the feelings of an englishman against dr. mclaughlin, under the strong effort made by the english hudson's bay company to suppress and supersede the french canadian influence in it. he says, on page : "dr. mclaughlin's policy was so manifestly american that it is openly canvassed in a book written by mr. dunn, one of the servants of the company, and written for the purpose of praising their system and policy." sir edward belcher also alludes to this policy. he says: "some few years since, the company determined on forming settlements on the rich lands situated on the wallamet and other rivers, and for providing for their retired servants, by allotting them farms, and further aiding them by supplies of cattle, etc. that on the wallamet was a field too inviting for missionary enthusiasm to overlook, but instead of selecting a british subject to afford them spiritual assistance, recourse was had to americans, a course pregnant with evil consequences, and particularly in the political squabble pending, as will be seen by the result. no sooner had the american and his allies fairly squatted (which they deem taking possession of the country), than they invited their brethren to join them, and called on the american government for laws and protection." the american reader will smile at sir edward's little fling at the _squatters_ in oregon. he asserts a great truth in the same sentence that he utters a positive falsehood. no member of the hudson's bay company, nor the whole company together, ever encouraged a single american missionary to come to the country. revs. lee and parker and dr. whitman came without their invitation or aid. they were entirely independent of the company, and were only suffered to remain, the company not daring to drive them from the country on their first arrival, as they all held the protection of the american government, as indian teachers, under the great seal of the secretary of war. this english fling at their own company is evidence of a jealousy existing which could not be satisfied short of the utter extermination of all american influence on this coast, and is further illustrated by this same sir edward belcher, in contrasting the treatment of captain wilkes and his party with that of his own. he says (vol. , p. ): "the attention of the chief to myself and those immediately about me, particularly in sending down fresh supplies, previous to my arrival, i feel fully grateful for; but i can not conceal my disappointment at the want of accommodation exhibited toward the crews of the vessels under my command in a _british possession_." we old oregonians are amused at sir edward's ignorance of the hudson's bay company's treatment of the _crews_ of vessels, and servants of the company. we all know his crew were allowed to associate freely with the native women in the country and to distribute their rations of rum, and any other supplies they might have, without any remonstrance from the company. sir edward continues: "we certainly were not distressed, nor was it imperatively necessary that fresh beef and vegetables should be supplied, or i should have made a formal demand. but as regarded those who might come after, and not improbably myself among the number, i inquired in direct terms what facilities her majesty's ship of war might expect, in the event of touching at this port for bullocks, flour, vegetables, etc. i certainly was extremely surprised at the reply that they were not in a condition to supply. as any observation here would be useless, and i well knew this point could be readily settled where authority could be referred to, i let the matter rest. but having been invited to inspect the farm and dairy, and been informed of the quantity of grain, and the means of furnishing flour, and notwithstanding the profusion of cattle and potatoes, no offer having been made for our crew, i regretted that i had been led into the acceptance of private supplies; although, at that time, the other officers of the establishment had told my officers that supplies would of course be sent down." mr. fitzgerald says "_the american policy of the hudson's bay company_ would seem, from the above facts, to be more than a matter of suspicion," while we americans are only disposed to regard them as a part of the _duplicity_ of that company in their effort _to deceive their own countrymen_ as to the value of the country over which they had ruled so long. they had been too successful in deceiving all american writers to allow their own countrymen to understand their secret policy. sir edward belcher and our english historian were equally misled in relation to the _american policy of the hudson's bay company_. it is true that dr. mclaughlin, though he was a french canadian subject, had not lost his american soul. the british iron had not driven the last noble sentiment of humanity from his heart, nor his connection with that polluted corporation of iniquity which pervades half the continent of north america; for when he found that this hudson's bay company was utterly lost to humanity, he tells them to their teeth: "_gentlemen, i will serve you no longer_." no true american historian will allow, without contradiction, that corrupt company to hand down to future infamy the name of a noble and generous servant, because their infamous policy was defeated by the establishment of the american missions in the country. dr. mclaughlin did all that he could, honorably, to comply with their "system of iniquity." our english author says, on page , in reference to the conduct of the company: "they are convictions which have strengthened and deepened at every step of the inquiry; convictions that the hudson's bay company has entailed misery and destruction upon thousands throughout the country which is withering under its curse; that it has cramped and crippled the energies and enterprise of england, which might have found occupation in the directions from which they are now excluded; that it has stopped the extension of civilization, and has _excluded the light of religious truth_; that it has alienated the hearts of all under its oppression, and made them hostile to their country; above all, that the whole and entire fabric is built upon utterly false and fictitious grounds; that it has not one shadow of reality in law or in justice; that there is not the smallest legal authority for any one of the rights which this corporation claims. it is this conviction which has urged me to submit the statements and arguments contained in the following pages to the consideration of the public; and to arraign before that tribunal, from which in these days there is no escape,--the judgment of public opinion,--_a corporation who, under the authority of a charter which is invalid in law_, hold a monopoly in commerce, and exercise _a despotism in government, and have so used that monopoly and wielded that power as to shut up the earth from the knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of god_." with the statements and convictions of this english author before us, we will add a statement of sir james douglas, given in answer to interrogatory in the case of hudson's bay company's claim v. united states, to give the reader a better idea of the power and influence of that company in oregon, in . sir james says: "the honorable hudson's bay company had fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men. the company having a large, active, and experienced force of servants in their employ, and holding establishments judiciously situated in the most favorable portions for trade, forming, as it were, a net-work of posts aiding and supporting each other, _possessed an extraordinary influence with the natives_, and in practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade in the country west of the rocky mountains, north and south of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude. the profits of their trade," says this witness, "from to were at least seven thousand pounds sterling annually." the fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men of the company, with their eight hundred half-breeds, and the indians they could command by the judicious position of their respective posts, were deemed by them sufficient security for their trade, and a substantial reason why they should not give up the country without making another direct effort to drive the missionary and american settlements from it, notwithstanding all their pretension to join in the provisional government organized by the pioneer americans in . the reader is referred to the discussion on the liquor question between judge sir james douglas and mr. samuel parker, as found in the tenth and eleventh numbers, first volume, of the _spectator_, published june and , , and in another chapter of this work, and requested to keep all these facts before the mind, so as not to lose sight of the commanding influence, or, in other words, the commander, when we enter upon the preliminary and immediate causes of the whitman massacre, and the indian war that followed. we have before us the original depositions in reference to the facts stated, and also the attempt to excuse the principal actors in that horrible transaction, as given by brouillet in justification of the course pursued by the jesuit missionaries. we have also the superficial and bombastic report of j. ross browne, special agent of the treasury department, dated december , , containing a copy of this jesuit history of the murder of dr. whitman. in his remarks previous to giving brouillet's history, he says: "in view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any testimony coming from the citizens of the territories, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practicable, _unprejudiced statements_, i did not permit myself to be governed by any representations unsupported by reliable historical data."----"the fact also is shown that, as far back as , the indians west of the rocky mountains protested against the taking away of their lands by the white race. that this was one of the alleged causes of the murder of dr. whitman and family." there are sixty-six pages in this report. twelve of them are mr. browne's, one page of official acknowledgment, and fifty-three from the parties implicated. the statements of mr. browne, of mr. fitzgerald, and the oath of mr. douglas, are sufficient to show the ignorance, stupidity, and falsehood incorporated in his report, were there no other historical facts to convict him of ignorance in allowing such representations to be made in an official document. in the proper place we will bring this report into our history, with both sides of the question. were we to express an opinion of mr. j. ross browne's report, with our personal knowledge of what he pretends to relate, we would say he ignored the people, the country, and the government whose agent he claimed to be, and was reporting for the special benefit of the roman religion and british government, as these are extensively quoted as historical data from which his report and conclusions are drawn. the reader will understand our main object to be to give a full history of all influences and prominent transactions and events that have occurred in oregon from to . to understand cause and effect, and the true history of the country, we have to examine the facts as connected with actions, and also to trace back the history of the actors, in order to see how far they may be made responsible for the result of their actions. oregon, from the time of its discovery, has been a field where all the influences of which we are writing have been living, active influences; and they are by no means inactive or dead at the present time. some of them are more active now than they were in . a full knowledge of the past will enable us to guard the present and the future. our english writer has gathered his facts and drawn his conclusions in london. we, upon this, our western coast, are witnesses of the cause and results of his conclusions, and any statement he makes we feel ourselves abundantly able to corroborate or correct. as we proceed with our history we shall have frequent occasion to quote mr. fitzgerald, as the best english evidence, in favor of our american statements or positions. since writing the above we have noticed a lengthy article in the edinburgh _westminster review_ for july, , giving a concise history of the hudson's bay company, under the heading, "the last great monopoly." in that article the author has shown extensive historical knowledge of the operations and influences of that monopoly in that portion of our continent over which they have held exclusive control. he regards them as a blight upon the country, and an "incubus" to be removed by national legislation. if our work had been published, we should conclude that he must have drawn many of his facts from our own observations. but this is not the case; hence the value to us of his corroboration of the facts we affirm from personal knowledge. chapter iv. care of great britain for her fur companies.--columbia fur company.--astor's second fur company.--major pilcher's fur company.--loss of the ship _isabel_.--captain bonneville's expedition.--cause of his failure.--captain wyeth's, .--indians ask for missionaries in .--methodist mission.--fort hall established.--fort boise. by reference to the act of the british parliament of june , , it will be seen that the affairs of the north american british fur companies were in a fair way to defeat all british interests in america. to suppress these feuds among their own people became a matter of national importance and policy. to accomplish so desirable an object, parliament, in the act above referred to, extended the civil and criminal jurisdiction of canada over all the territories of the hudson's bay company; in the thirteenth article of the act, and in the fourteenth, repealed all that was before taken away from that company, and confirmed absolutely all the rights supposed to have been given by the original charter, as follows:-- section . "and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall be taken or construed to affect any right or privilege, authority or jurisdiction, which the governor and company of adventurers trading to hudson's bay are by law entitled to claim and exercise under their charter; but that all such rights, privileges, authorities, and jurisdictions, shall remain in as full force, virtue, and effect, as if this act had never been made; any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding." this act, however just it may have been considered, certainly embodied a large amount of national prejudice against the people of french or canadian birth, in exempting the territory of the hudson's bay company from its influence. it had a twofold effect: the one, to check feuds among british subjects; the other, to unite them in one vast indian monopoly,--to license this united company to go forward with their indian political arrangements unmolested,--to punish and dispose of all intruders upon their supposed, or asserted rights, as they might deem for the interest of their trade, which, according to the charter of charles ii., bearing date may , , they were "at all times hereafter to be personable and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdiction, franchises, and hereditaments of what kind, nature, or quality soever they be, to them and their successors." the whole trade, fisheries, navigation, minerals, etc., of the countries, are granted to the company exclusively; all other of the king's subjects being forbidden to _visit_, _hunt_, _frequent_, _trade_, _traffic_, or _adventure_ therein, under heavy penalties; and the company is moreover empowered to send _ships_, and to build _fortifications_ for the defense of its possessions, as well as to _make war or peace with all nations or peoples_ not christian, inhabiting those territories, _which are declared to be hence-forth reckoned_ and _reputed_ as one of _his majesty's_ plantations or colonies in america, called rupert's land. it will be remembered that as early as , a question arose between the united states and great britain, as to which was the rightful owner of the oregon country. the northwest fur company were the only subjects of great britain that had competed with the american fur companies in the discovery or trade of the country. to ignore that company altogether would weaken the british claim to oregon by right of prior discovery and occupancy. hence, by uniting the two companies under an ancient english charter, combining their united capital and numerical strength, discarding all doubtful subjects, and confirming the absolute power of their own british company, they could easily secure oregon as british territory. the wisdom and effect of this policy will be developed as we proceed. by the third article of the convention between the united states and great britain, signed october , , "it is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of america, westward of the stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." this convention secured at that time the northwest fur company's existence in the country, by the act uniting the two british fur companies three years later. in , the privileges here secured were transferred and confirmed to the hudson's bay company, who at once took the most active and efficient measures to guard against any future competition, by assessing and setting apart ten per cent. on their capital stock, which was counted at £ , , as a sinking fund for the special purpose of opposing all competition in the fur trade by land or water. the convention above referred to shows that great britain held a watchful eye over her fur traders in this distant country; and the act of her parliament in , that she was disposed, in a direct manner, to secure to her own people, as traders, the absolute sovereignty of the country. while great britain was protecting and strengthening her fur traders in north america, the american government was simply asserting its prior rights to the oregon country, founded upon its discovery and subsequent purchase in what is termed the louisiana purchase, from france; the treaties and conventions only serving to encourage and strengthen the british claim, while they used their influence, capital, and power against all american competition and settlement in the country. in , as was to be expected by the union of the two great british fur companies, under the license of the british parliament, and absolute charter of charles ii., many of the servants, and especially such as were found favorable to the american fur traders, or violently opposed to the hudson's bay company, were thrown out of employment. they naturally sought to continue their wild indian trade and habits, and formed a company under the name of the columbia fur company, extending their operations up the mississippi, missouri, and yellowstone rivers. in , they transferred their interests to astor's second north american fur company, of which john jacob astor was the head. this company appears to have been commenced or organized in connection with mr. w. h. ashley, in , and under his direction extended its trade to the south and west, along the platte river, and passed into the rocky mountains as far as green river, being the first to discover its sources, making a successful trading expedition that year. in , another expedition under mr. ashley explored the rocky mountains as far south as salt lake, and built a fort on the borders of a small lake, to which he gave his own name. in , mr. ashley transported a -pound cannon to his establishment near salt lake, through what has since been termed fremont's, or the south pass of the rocky mountains, in a wagon. this establishment had in its employ over one hundred men, and was remarkably successful and profitable to the partners. in , mr. ashley sold all his interest to the rocky mountain fur company, composed of smith, jackson, and subleth, who extended their trade into california, and as far north as the umpqua river, in oregon; where smith and his party were met by a professedly friendly party of indians, who murdered his men, seized his furs, and delivered them to a party of men sent by the hudson's bay company, under mr. john mcleod and thomas mckay, to receive the furs and pay the indians for their services--as learned by the writer from eye-witnesses. during this same year, , major pilcher, with forty-five men, crossed the rocky mountains, and, in - , traversed the western portion of them as far north as fort colville. this fort had been established, and farming operations commenced, in . this party of major pilcher were all cut off but two men, besides himself; his furs, as stated by himself to the writer, found their way into the forts of the hudson's bay company. in , the brig _owyhee_, captain demenses, and the schooner _cowrey_, captain thompson, entered and remained nearly a year in the columbia river, trading with the indians. they were owned in boston. in , the british ship _isabel_ was lost on sand island--the second known to have been wrecked on the bar, or in attempting to enter the river. the crew were all saved, and it was the opinion of the company at vancouver that, had the crew remained with the ship, no great loss would have been sustained. in , captain bonneville, of the united states army, on furlough, started, with over one hundred men, on an expedition into the rocky mountains. he crossed the mountains, and reached the wallawalla valley, on the columbia river; but, through the influence of the hudson's bay company, his men were nearly all induced to leave him, so that he was obliged to abandon his property, and his expedition was a total failure, except the little scientific knowledge of the country gained by it. to charge the failure of captain bonneville directly to the hudson's bay company would not be strictly true; but their great influence over the indians was sufficient to prevent them from furnishing his party with food or horses, while he was within reach of their forts. hence, many of his men became dissatisfied, and left him, till his party became too weak to effect their return to the states with their valuable furs and property. these eventually were lost, or fell into the hands of the indians, and through them, his furs reached the hudson's bay traders' establishments. this same year, , captain nathaniel wyeth, of massachusetts, started on an exploring expedition to the mouth of the columbia river, with a view of establishing a permanent trade in the oregon country. he traveled across the continent and gathered all the information requisite for the undertaking, and returned to boston in ; and in , having completed his arrangements, chartered the brig _may dacre_, and dispatched her with his own, and the goods of the methodist mission, for the columbia river. the same year, some flathead indians, from a tribe in the midst of the rocky mountains, went to st. louis, and, through mr. catlin, an american artist, made known their object, which was to know something more of the white man's god and religion. through the representations of these indians, the methodist episcopal society in the united states established their missions in oregon, and the american board sent their missionaries among the nez percés, which, as will be seen, was the commencement of the permanent settlement of the country. it appears from the facts, briefly stated, that there had been eleven different trading expeditions and companies, besides the northwest and hudson's bay companies, that had sought for wealth by making fur-trading establishments in oregon. all of them, including the northwest and hudson's bay companies, have retired from it, but the american missionaries are residents of the country, and their influence and labors are felt, notwithstanding other influences have partially supplanted and destroyed the good impressions first made upon the natives of the country by them. still civilization, education, and religion, with all the improvements of the age, are progressing, and the old pioneer missionaries and settlers that were contemporary with them, with a few exceptions, are foremost in every laudable effort to benefit the present and rising generation. in the month of march, , a japanese junk was wrecked near cape flattery, in the then territory of oregon, and all on board, except three men, were lost. those three were received by captain mcneal on board the british ship _lama_; taken to vancouver, and thence sent to england. rev. mr. parker gives this, and another similar wreck on the sandwich islands, as evidence of the origin of the natives of those countries. but we give it for another object. the three japanese were taken to england, and, during their stay, learned the english language, were sent back to macao, and became the assistant teachers of mr. gutzlaff, the english missionary at that place, and were the means of opening their _own_ country to missionary and commercial relations with other nations. captain wyeth, with revs. jason and daniel lee, cyrus shepard, and p. l. edwards, the first missionary party, together with doctor nutall, a naturalist, and j. k. townsend, an ornithologist, sent out by a literary society in philadelphia, all under the escort furnished by captain wyeth, crossed the mountains and reached the plain formed by the portneuf and snake rivers. at their junction captain wyeth stopped, and established fort hall, while the missionaries and scientific men of his party, in company with an englishman by the name of captain stewart, and a party of hudson's bay traders, under the direction of mr. mcleod and mckay, proceeded to fort nez percés (present name, wallula). thence they traveled in hudson's bay _bateaux_ to vancouver. captain wyeth established his post on the snake river, by erecting a stockade of logs, and quarters for his men, and then proceeded to the lower columbia to receive his goods, which arrived in the _may dacre_, captain lambert, from boston, about the time he reached fort william, on what is now known as sauvies island, a few miles below the mouth of the multnomah river, now called the wallamet. rev. mr. lee and party made their first location about sixty miles from the mouth of the wallamet, near what is now called wheatland, ten miles below salem. captain wyeth received his goods, and commenced his trading establishment, but found that, notwithstanding he was personally treated by the principal officers of the hudson's bay company with great courtesy, yet it was evident that every possible underhanded and degrading device was practiced, both with the indians and with his men, to destroy, as much as was possible, the value and profits of his trade. in the spring and summer of he supplied his fort hall establishment with goods. during the year , the hudson's bay company erected a temporary post about twelve miles up the boise river, designed to counteract and destroy as much as possible the american fur trade established by captain wyeth, who continued his efforts less than three years; and, having lost of the two hundred men who had been in his employ _one hundred and sixty_ (as stated to rev. samuel parker), and finding himself unable to compete with this powerful english company, he accepted dr. mclaughlin's offer for his establishments, and left the country in . in , the american board of commissioners for foreign missions sent rev. samuel parker and dr. marcus whitman to explore the oregon country, with a view of establishing missions among the indians west of the rocky mountains. these two missionaries reached the american rendezvous on green river, in company with the rocky mountain fur company's traders, under the direction of captains drips and fitzpatrick. from the american rendezvous mr. parker continued his explorations in company with, and under the protection of the nez percé indians, till he reached old fort wallawalla, now called wallula; thence he continued in canoes to vancouver, while dr. whitman returned to the united states to procure associates to establish the nez percé mission. chapter v. extent and power of hudson's bay company.--number of forts.--location.--policy.--murder of mr. black.--mckay.--manner of dealing with indians.--commander of fort kills an indian.--necessity of such a course.--hudson's bay company not responsible for what their servants do. having briefly traced the operations of the two foreign fur companies in oregon, a knowledge of the location of their several trading establishments will enable the reader to comprehend their power and influence in the country. fort umpqua was located in the extreme southwestern part of oregon, near the mouth of the river bearing that name. it was a temporary stockade built of logs, overlooking a small farm in its immediate vicinity, was generally occupied by a clerk and from four to eight frenchmen. fort george (astoria) already described. they had a farm and small establishment at the mouth of the cowlitz, and a more extensive farm some twenty-five miles up that river. fort vancouver,--a stockade, six miles above the mouth of the multnomah, or wallamet river. this fort was the general depot for the southwestern department, at which their goods for indian trade were landed, and their furs and peltries collected and shipped to foreign markets. there was also a trading-house at champoeg, some thirty-five miles up the wallamet river. on the left bank of the columbia river, near the ° of north latitude, stood fort nez percés, called wallawalla, now wallula,--a stockade, accidentally burned in , and rebuilt with adobes in - . on the left bank of the south branch of the columbia, or snake river, at the junction of the boise, was located fort boise, built formerly, in , with poles; later, with adobes. continuing up snake river to the junction of the portneuf, on its left bank we find fort hall, built by captain wyeth; a stockade in ; rebuilt by the hudson's bay company, with adobes, in . thence up the columbia, fort okanagon, at the mouth of okanagon river, formerly a stockade, latterly a house or hut; and up the spokan some twenty miles, was the old spokan fort, built by astor's company, a stockade with solid bastions. continuing up the columbia to kettle falls, and two miles above, on the left bank is fort colville, formerly a stockade, still occupied by the hudson's bay company. thence up the columbia to the mouth of the kootanie river, near the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, is the trading establishment called kootanie house. thence returning south, and ascending the flathead (clark's) and kootanie rivers, into what is now montana territory, is, or was, the hut called flathead house. still higher up on the columbia was a small establishment, called the boat encampment, or mountain house. entering the country by the straits of juan de fuca and puget sound, we find fort nasqualla, formerly a stockade. proceeding up frazer river to near the forty-ninth parallel, upon the left or south bank of the river is fort langley, an extensive stockade. thence up that river about ninety miles, half a mile below the mouth of the coquehalla, is fort hope, a stockade. on the right bank of the frazer, sixteen miles above, is fort yale, a trading-house. thence proceeding up the frazer, and on to the waters of thompson river, is fort kamloops; still further north and east, extending into new caledonia, are forts alexander, william, garey, and abercrombie. on the southeastern part of vancouver island is fort victoria, formerly a stockade. on the north side of the island is fort rupert, a stockade, still in good repair. on the mainland, near portland channel, is fort simpson. at the mouth of the stiken river, on dundas island, was formerly fort wrangle, a stockade. recently the establishment has been removed some sixty miles up the stiken river, and called fort stiken. this, as will be seen, gives the company twenty-three forts and five trading-stations. in addition to these they had trading-parties extending south to california, southeast to fort hall and into utah and arizona, east into the blackfoot country (montana) and the rocky mountains, and north into new caledonia and along the northwestern watershed of the rocky mountains. they also had two steamers, the _beaver_ and _otter_, to enter all the bays, harbors, rivers, and inlets along the western coast of our country, from mexico on the south, to russian america on the north, employing fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men, all bound, under the strictest articles of agreement, to subserve the interests of that company under all circumstances; being strictly forbidden to acquire any personal or real estate outside of their stipulated pay as servants of the company, and were subject to such punishment for deficiency of labor or neglect of duty as the officer in charge might see fit to impose, having no appeal to any source for redress, as the original charter of charles ii., confirmed by act of parliament in , clearly conferred on the company absolute control over the country they occupied, and all in it. as a matter of romance and adventure, many statements are made of conflicts with indians and with wild animals, all terminating favorably to the interests of the company, confirming and strengthening their absolute power over all their opponents; but as they do not properly belong to a work of this character, they will be omitted, except where they may be brought to illustrate a fact, or to prove the principles and policy of the company. as in the case of mr. black, a chief trader at fort kamloops, who had offended an indian, the indian disguised his resentment, entered the fort as a friend, and while mr. black was passing from the room in which the indian had been received, he was deliberately shot by him, and fell dead. the indian fled, and the fort was closed against the tribe. not a single article of trade or supplies was allowed to the tribe till the murderer was given up, and hung by the company's men, when the fort was opened and trade resumed. in another case, near the mouth of the columbia, a trader by the name of mckay was killed in a drunken row with the indians at a salmon fishery. a friendly indian gave information at head-quarters, when an expedition was fitted out and sent to the indian camp. the murderer, with a few other indians, was found in a canoe, but escaped to shore. they were fired at, and one woman was killed and others wounded. dr. mclaughlin, being in command of the party, informed the indians that if the murderer was not soon given up, he would punish the tribe. they soon placed the murderer in the hands of the party, who were satisfied of the guilt of the indian, and at once hung him, as an example of the punishment that would be inflicted upon murderers of white men belonging to the company. one other instance of daring and summary punishment is related as having been inflicted by mr. douglas, while in charge of a fort in the midst of a powerful tribe of indians. a principal chief had killed one of the company's men. mr. douglas, learning that he was in a lodge not far from the fort, boasting of his murderous exploit, armed himself, went to the lodge, identified the murdering chief, and shot him dead; then walked deliberately back to the fort. a compliance with licensed parliamentary stipulations would have required the arrest of the murderers in all these cases, and the testimony and criminals to be sent to canada for conviction and execution. these cases illustrate, whether just or otherwise, the absolute manner of dealing with indians by the company. the following chapter gives us the particulars of an aggravated case of brutal murder of the person in charge of one of their extreme northwestern forts by the men under his charge. chapter vi murder of john mclaughlin, jr.--investigation by sir george simpson and sir james douglas. very different was the course pursued by sir george simpson and mr. (now sir james) douglas in the case of conspiracy and murder of john mclaughlin, jr., at fort wrangle, near the southern boundary of russian america. in this case, sir george simpson went into a partial examination of the parties implicated, and reported that dr. john mclaughlin, jr., was killed by the men in self-defense. this report, from the known hostility of sir george to the father and son, was not satisfactory, and esquire douglas was dispatched to fort wrangle, and procured the following testimony, which, in justice to the murdered man and the now deceased father, we will quote as copied from the original documents by rev. g. hines. pierre kanaquassee, one of the men employed in the establishment at the time of the murder, and in whose testimony the gentlemen of the company place the utmost reliance, gives the following narrative, in answer to questions proposed by james douglas, esq., the magistrate that examined him:-- q. where were you on the night of the murder of the late mr. john mclaughlin? a. i was in my room, in the lower part of the main house, where i lived with george heron, in an apartment in the lower story, immediately under the kitchen. my door opened into the passage which led to the apartment of mr. john mclaughlin in the second story. q. what occurred on the night of the murder? a. i will tell you the whole story, to the best of my recollection. a few days preceding the murder, five indians from tako, with letters from dr. kennedy, arrived at the fort about midnight. the watchmen, hearing the knocking, called mr. john. when he got up, he mustered a few hands to defend the gates, in case of any treacherous attack from the indians, whom they did not, as yet, know. they were then admitted into the fort, delivered up their arms, according to custom, and were lodged in a small room in the lower story of the main house. a day or two after this, he beat, and put one of these indians, a native of nop, in irons, as peter was told, for having committed some theft in tako. about eight o'clock of the evening of the th of april, mr. john gave liquor to the indians, and made them drunk; after which he called the white men, viz., laperti, pripe, lulaire, heroux, bellinger, simon, fleury, mcpherson, smith, and antoine kawanope. during this time, peter was in his own, which was the adjoining room, lying awake in bed, and overheard all that passed. he heard mr. john say to mcpherson, "peter is not among us. where is he?" mcpherson replied, that he was in bed, and he was sent for him by mr. john. peter, in consequence, went into the room, and saw all the men seated in a ring, on the floor, around a number of bottles standing within the ring, and the indians lying dead drunk on another part of the floor, mr. john himself was standing outside of the ring, and mcpherson placed himself on the opposite side of the ring; neither of them appeared to be partaking of the festivities of the evening but were looking on, and forcing the people to drink. antoine kawanope was seated on his bed, apart from the other men, perfectly sober, as he told peter afterward. mr. john had ordered him not to drink, observing, "you are not to drink at this time, as i am going to die to-night, and you will help me in what i am going to do." on entering the room, mr. john told peter to sit down with the other people, and ordered his servant, fleury, to give him a good dram, which he did, in a tin pan. peter could not drink the whole, and was threatened by mr. john with violence if he did not finish it. he succeeded in emptying the pan, by allowing the liquor to run into the bosom of his shirt. mr. john, in doing this, did not appear to be angry, but in a half-playful mood. peter remained there about a quarter of an hour, during which time he was careful not to drink too much, as a few hours previously antoine had called at his room and said, "my uncle, take care of yourself to-night; the master is going to die." peter said, "who is going to kill him?" and antoine said, "the bluemen," meaning the kanakas, "are going to kill him." this, peter thought, was likely to be the case, as the men, some time before christmas preceding, had agreed among themselves to murder him, and had signed a paper, which mcpherson drew up, to that effect. every one of the men of the place agreed to the commission of this deed, smith and heron as well as the others. peter's name was signed by mcpherson, and he attested it by his cross. this paper was signed in urbaine's house, where the men severally repaired by stealth for the purpose, as mr. john kept so vigilant a watch upon them, that they were afraid he might suspect their intentions if they were there in a body. the same impression made him also remark, in a low tone of voice, to laperti, on his first entering the room, when he observed mr. john forcing the people to drink, "i really believe our master feels his end near, as he never used to act in this manner." as above mentioned, after peter had been about fifteen minutes in the room where the men were drinking, mr. john retired, followed by antoine. mr. john had not on that occasion drank any thing with the men, neither did he (peter) ever see him, at any time preceding, drink in their company. he, however, supposed that he must have taken something in his own room, as he appeared flushed and excited, but not sufficiently so as to render his gait in the least unsteady. mcpherson also did not taste any thing in the room. as soon as mr. john was gone, peter also left the room, and went to bed in his own room. peter was informed by antoine that mr. john, on leaving the room where the men were drinking, went up-stairs to his own apartment, and he heard him say to his wife, "i am going to die to-night." and he and his wife both began to cry. mr. john soon rallied, and observed, "very well; if i die, i must fall like a man." he then told antoine to load his rifles and pistols, and ordered him also to arm himself with his own gun. he and antoine then went out, and peter thinks he heard the report of more than fifteen shots. antoine afterward told peter that mr. john fired at laperti, but missed him, and afterward ordered antoine to fire at laperti. antoine refused to do so, until his own life was threatened by mr. john, when he fired in the direction, without aiming at laperti. he also told the kanakas to kill the canadians, and it was in part they who fired the shots that he (peter) had heard. peter then got up and placed himself behind his door, and saw mr. john come in and go up-stairs with antoine, when he took the opportunity of going out, armed with his gun and a stout bludgeon, and found the men standing here and there on the gallery watching an opportunity to shoot mr. john. laperti's position on the gallery was fronting the door of the main house, toward which he had his gun pointed; when peter saw him, he was on his knees, the small end of the gun resting on the top rail of the gallery, in readiness to fire. laperti exclaimed, on seeing peter, "i must kill him now, as he has fired two shots at me." peter objected to this, and proposed to take and tie him. nobody answered him. at that moment, smith came up to laperti and told him to hide himself or he would certainly be killed. laperti said, "where can i hide myself?" and smith said, "come with me and i will show you a place in the bastion where you can hide yourself," and they went off together in the direction of the bastion at the corner of urbaine's house. peter, after a few minutes' stay on the gallery, returned to his house, as he had previously agreed upon with george hebram, who was lying sick in bed, and who had entreated him not to leave him alone. at the door of the main house, he met mr. john coming out, followed by antoine, who was carrying a lamp. mr. john said to peter, "have you seen laperti?" peter answered, "no, i have not seen him;" and then mr. john said, "have you seen urbaine?" and peter again answered that he had not. the minute before this, as he (peter) was returning from the gallery, he had seen urbaine standing at the corner of the main house, next to urbaine's own dwelling, in company with simon. urbaine said, "i don't know what to do; i have no gun, and do not know where to hide myself." simon said, "i have a gun, if he comes i will shoot him, and will be safe." mr. john, after peter passed him, said to antoine, "make haste, and come with the lamp," and proceeded with a firm step to urbaine's house, as peter, who continued watching at the door, saw. after he saw them go to urbaine's house, he proceeded toward his own room, and he and antoine called out, "fire! fire!" the report of several shots, probably five, immediately followed, and he heard antoine exclaiming, "stop! stop! stop! he is dead now." antoine afterward related to peter, that on reaching urbaine's house, mr. john ordered him to go round by one corner, while he went round by the other, directing antoine to shoot any of the canadians he might meet. mr. john then proceeded in a stooping position, looking very intently before him, when a shot was fired from the corner of the house toward which he was going, which caused his death, the ball having entered at the upper part of the breast-bone, a little below the gullet, and come out a little below the shoulder, having broken the spine in its passage. peter was also told by one of the kanakas, that as soon as mr. john fell, urbaine sprung forward from the corner of the house within a few paces of the body, and put his foot savagely on his neck, as if to complete the act, should the ball have failed in causing death. the kanakas immediately asked urbaine who had killed the master. urbaine replied, "it is none of your business who has killed him!" peter, who during this time had removed to his house, seeing heron go out without his gun, went out round the body, and said, "my friend, we have now done what we long intended to do; let us now carry the body back to the house." urbaine, laperti, bellinger, and other white men who were present replied, "when we kill a dog, we let him lie where we kill him." and antoine told him they had previously given him the same reply to a similar proposition from him. peter then approached the body, and, with one hand under the neck, raised the head and trunk, when a deep expiration followed, which was the last sign of animation. he had previously perceived no signs of life, nor did he hear any one say that any appeared after the deceased fell. the white men being unwilling to assist him, he carried the body, with the aid of the kanakas, into the main house, where he had it stripped, washed clean, decently dressed, and laid out. in doing so he received no help from any but the kanakas. the wounds made by the balls were very large, both openings being circular, and severally three inches in diameter. the body bled profusely, there being a deep pool of blood found around it, which was washed away afterward by the kanakas. peter never heard that he spoke or moved after he fell. there was a perpendicular cut on the forehead, skin-deep, in a line with the nose, which peter thinks was caused by his falling on the barrel of his rifle, though urbaine said that he had received it from an indian with his dog. it was, as peter supposes, about eleven o'clock, p.m., when he had done washing and laying out the body; the watches had not then been changed, therefore he thinks it could not be midnight. the people continued coming and going during the night, to see the body, and peter proposed praying over the body, as is customary in canada; but they objected, saying they did not wish to pray for him. he did sit up with the body all night, having soon after gone, first to urbaine's and then to lulaire's house, who each gave him a dram, which he took, saying, "there is no need of drinking now; they might drink their fill now." he soon afterward went to bed. he inquired of martineau, who also lived in the same room, if he had fired at the deceased. he replied, that he had fired twice. he then asked him if it was he that had killed him, and he said, "i do not know if it was me or not." he (peter) put the same question to several of the other men whom he saw afterward; they all said that they had not shot him, and martineau afterward said that he had not directed his gun at him, but had fired in the air. the following morning he asked antoine kawanope if he knew who had killed the deceased. he replied, "i know who killed him, but i am not going to tell you, or any one else. when the governor comes, i will tell him." he asked antoine why he would not tell; he said he was afraid it might cause more quarrels, and lead to other murders. he then advised antoine not to conceal it from him, as he would tell no one. antoine then said, he thought it was urbaine who had done the deed. peter observed that urbaine had no gun. antoine replied, "i think it was urbaine, because as soon as the deceased fell, urbaine rushed out from his lurking-place at the corner of the house, where, i was informed by the people, he always kept his gun secreted, with the intention of shooting the deceased." peter says laperti, urbaine, and simon were all concealed in the corner whence the shot came, and he thinks it to be one of the three who fired it. urbaine always denied having committed the murder, and said, "i am going to the russian fort for trial, and will be either banished or hung. i will let the thing go to the end, and will then inform upon the murderers." simon always said that he was never in the corner from whence the shot was fired, and knew nothing about the matter; but peter thinks that he must have been there, as he saw him, as before related, at the corner of the main house, when he promised to protect urbaine; and from the situation of the fort, he must have passed that spot with urbaine, as there was no other passage from the place where they had been standing. laperti also said he never fired at all. when peter, as before related, went upon the gallery after the first firing had ceased, while mr. john and antoine had gone into the house, he saw all the men on the gallery, except pripe, lulaire, and mcpherson, and he asked each of them, respectively, if they were going to shoot the master that night, and they all answered (as well as himself), they would do so at the first chance, except pehou, a kanaka, who would not consent to the murder. smith was then without a gun. before the christmas preceding, peter put the question to smith, how he should like to see him kill mr. john? he replied, "i should like it very well; i would have no objection, because his conduct is so very bad that he can never expect to be protected by the company." peter manifree says that mr. john appeared to be aware of the plot formed by the men against his life; as he supposes, through the information of fleury, his servant, who was aware of every thing that passed among them. mr. john had often said to the men, "kill me, if you can. if you kill me, you will not kill a woman--you will kill a man." and he kept antoine as a sentinel to watch his room. one evening george heron proposed taking his life, and said if he could find a man to go with him, he would be the first to shoot him. peter refused to go, and heron watched a great part of the night in the passage leading to mr. john's room, holding his gun pointed toward its door, with the object of shooting mr. john if he appeared, as he usually did at night when going to visit the watchmen; but he did not go out that night, or peter thinks that he would have been shot by heron. the following morning peter asked antoine if he would defend mr. john were he attacked by the people. antoine said he would not, and would be the first man to seize or shoot him, should any attempt be made against his life or liberty. he put the same question to mcpherson; but mcpherson said, "no, do not kill him till the governor comes, by and by, and then we shall have redress." peter also says that all the unmarried men were in the habit of secretly going out of the fort at night, contrary to order, to visit the indian camp, and that one evening, when he wished to go out, he met george heron on the gallery, who showed him where a rope was slung to the picket, by which he might let himself down to the ground outside of the fort, saying, "this is the way i and others get out, and you may do the same without fear of detection." on the morning after the murder he went into urbaine's and lulaire's house and got a dram in each of them, out of two bottles of rum which he saw there. he said, "now mr. john is dead, i shall go out of the fort and spend the day with my wife." urbaine replied, "no: no one shall go out of the fort. we keep the keys, and we shall keep the gates shut." peter was angry at this, and said to antoine, "when mr. john was alive, he kept us prisoners, and would not allow us to run after women; and now that we have killed him, the canadians wish to keep us as close as he did. i see we must raise the devil again with these canadians, before we can get our liberty." peter also says that one principal cause of their dislike to john, and their plots against his life, was the strictness with which he prevented their sallying from the fort in quest of women; that he flogged martineau for having given his blanket to a woman with whom he maintained illicit commerce, and he also flogged lamb and kakepe for giving away their clothes in the same manner. this, peter says, exasperated the men. the day after the murder many of the men went up to mr. john's room to see the body, and mcpherson remarked to them, that when the master was living they were not in the habit of coming up there; but they did so now that he was dead. on hearing this, peter and urbaine went away and never returned. on their way to their own house, they met pripe and bellinger. urbaine told them what mcpherson had said, and in a threatening manner said, "mcpherson is getting as proud as the other, and will be telling tales about us. we will not murder him, but we will give him a sound thrashing." and peter says that he soon after went to smith and told him to put mcpherson on his guard, as the canadians intended to attack him. smith asked peter what he would do, now the master was dead, and peter said he would obey mcpherson's orders. smith replied, "that is good, peter. if we do not do so, we shall lose all our wages." all the canadians, and, he thinks, simon, continued drinking the whole of the day following the murder; the other men of the fort did not drink. he thinks it was the remains of the liquor they had been drinking the preceding night. peter also says that, for a month previous to the murder, urbaine, laperti, and simon, were in the habit of getting drunk every night on rum purchased from the indians. peter told them to take care of themselves, because mr. john would be angry if he knew it. mr. john took no notice of their conduct, because, as peter thinks, he knew of the plot against his life, and felt intimidated. he also says that laperti was excited against mr. john on account of a suspected intrigue which he carried on with his wife. the night following the murder, they all went to bed quietly. the next day all was also quiet, and all work suspended, except watching the indians, which they did very closely, as they were afraid they might be induced to attack the fort, on learning that the master was no more. they continued watching, turn about. the second day a coffin was made, and the corpse removed from the main house to the bath, when mcpherson gave the men a dram. the third day the corpse was buried and the men had another dram. he does not know whether the men asked for the dram, or whether mcpherson gave it of his own accord. the corpse was carried to the grave by laperti, pripe, lulaire, and some kanakas, but urbaine did not touch it; does not think it was through fear. peter often heard laperti say, "i wish the governor was here, to see what he would do." he also says there was no quarrel in the room where they were drinking on the night of the murder; but he thinks there might have been a quarrel after they left, as pripe was put in irons after that time. he also says that the canadians must have fixed on that night to murder him, and that fleury told him so, which accounts for his apparent dejection of mind, and of his having shed tears in presence of his wife and antoine, when he said, "i know that i am going to die this night." he also thinks this might have led to the outbreak, but of this he is not sure. it is a mere matter of opinion. mr. john was a little in liquor, but knew perfectly well what he was about. he never saw him so far gone with liquor as not to be able to walk actively about, except on one occasion, the preceding christmas eve, when he appeared to walk unsteady, but nevertheless could mount the gallery. they only knew he had tasted liquor from the excitement and changed appearance of his countenance. he does not know who first suggested the idea of murdering mr. john. since the above disclosures were made, a few other facts have come to light, which, however, do not materially affect the character of these atrocities. mr. john mclaughlin, jr., was doubtless intemperate, reckless, and tyrannical, and often unnecessarily cruel in the punishments inflicted upon his men; but he was surrounded by a set of desperadoes, who, for months before the arrival of the night, during the darkness of which the fatal shot ushered him into the presence of his judge, had been seeking an opportunity to rob him of life. some time before this event, he flogged peter for the crime of stealing fish. peter was exceedingly angry, and resolved upon the destruction of his master. at a time to suit his purpose, he went to the bastion, where were fire-arms, loaded to his hands, and rung the bell of alarm, with the intention of shooting mr. mclaughlin when he should make his appearance. a man by the name of perse came out to see what was the matter, instead of the intended victim, when peter fired, but missed him, the ball hitting a post near his head. for this offense, peter was again seized, put in irons, and subsequently severely flogged, and liberated. nearly all the men had been flogged from time to time, for various offenses, and all conspired against the life of their master. as might have been expected, when the case was examined by sir george simpson, the murderers attempted to cast all the odium upon mr. mclaughlin, doubtless for the purpose of exculpating themselves, in which attempt they but too well succeeded, in the estimation of sir george. whether the persons who procured his death would be pronounced, by an intelligent jury, guilty of willful murder, or whether, from the mitigating circumstances connected with these transactions, the verdict should assume a more modified form, is not for me to determine. but it can not be denied by any one, that the circumstances must be indeed extraordinary that will justify any man, or set of men, to cut short the probation of an immortal being, and usher him, with all his unrepented sins, into the presence of his god. this account illustrates english and hudson's bay company's dealings with indians, and their treatment of men and murderers, both among the indians and their own people. we are forced to acknowledge that we can not see the correctness of moral principle in mr. hine's conclusions. there was unquestionably a premeditated and willful murder committed by the men at that fort. we can understand the motives of sir george simpson and mr. douglas, in allowing those men to escape the penalty of their crime, from the amount of pecuniary interests involved, and the personal jealousy existing against dr. mclaughlin and his sons, in the company's service. we know of jealousies existing between mr. simpson and john mclaughlin, jr., on account of statements made in our presence at the breakfast-table, that were only settled temporarily, while at vancouver. these statements, and the placing of this young son of the doctor's at that post, we are satisfied had their influence in acquitting his murderers, if they did not in bringing about the murder, which to us appears plain in the testimony; and we so expressed our opinion, when the father requested us (while in his office) to examine a copy of those depositions. we have no hesitancy in saying, that we believe it to have been a malicious murder, and should have sent the perpetrators to the gallows. we have never been able to learn of the trial of any one implicated. chapter vii. treatment of indians.--influence of hudson's bay company.--rev. mr. barnley's statement.--first three years.--after that.--treatment of jesuits.--of protestants.--of indians.--not a spade to commence their new mode of life.--mr. barnley's statement.--disappointed.--his mistake.--hudson's bay company disposed to crush their own missionaries. rev. mr. beaver says of them: "about the middle of the summer of , and shortly before my arrival at fort vancouver, six indians were wantonly and gratuitously murdered by a party of trappers and sailors, who landed for the purpose from one of the company's vessels, on the coast somewhere between the mouth of the river columbia and the confines of california. having on a former occasion read the particulars of this horrid massacre, as i received them from an eye-witness, before a meeting of the aborigines society, i will not repeat them. to my certain knowledge, the circumstance was brought officially before the authorities of vancouver, by whom no notice was taken of it; and the same party of trappers, with the same leader, one of the most infamous murderers of a murderous fraternity, are annually sent to the same vicinity, to perform, if they please, other equally tragic scenes. god alone knows how many red men's lives have been sacrificed by them since the time of which i have been speaking. _he also knows that i speak the conviction of my mind, and may he forgive me if i speak unadvisedly when i state my firm belief that_ the life of an indian was never yet, by a trapper, put in competition with a beaver's skin." one other case we will give to illustrate the conduct and treatment of this company toward the indians under their "_mild and paternal care_," as given, not by a chaplain, or missionary, but by lieut. chappel, in his "voyage to hudson's bay in h. m. s. _rosamond_." he relates that on one occasion, an english boy having been missed from one of the establishments in hudson's bay, the company's servants, in order to recover the absent youth, made use of the following stratagem:-- "two esquimaux indians were seized and confined in separate apartments. a musket was discharged in a remote apartment, and the settlers, entering the room in which one of the esquimaux was confined, informed him by signs that his companion had been put to death for decoying away the boy; and they gave him to understand at the same time that he must prepare to undergo the same fate, unless he would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. the esquimaux naturally promised every thing, and, on being set at liberty, made the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never afterward heard of. they kept the other a prisoner for some time. at length he tried to make his escape by boldly seizing the sentinel's fire-lock at night; but the piece going off accidentally, he was so terrified at the report, that they easily replaced him in confinement; yet either the loss of liberty, a supposition that his countryman had been murdered, or that he was himself reserved for some cruel death, deprived the poor wretch of reason. as he became exceedingly troublesome, the settlers held a conference as to the most eligible mode of getting rid of him; _and it being deemed good policy to deter the natives from similar offenses by making an example, they accordingly shot the poor maniac in cold blood_, without having given themselves the trouble to ascertain whether he was really guilty or innocent" (p. ). we have quoted these two examples, from two british subjects, to show the hudson's bay company's manner of treating the indians, who were under their absolute control from the mouth of the umpqua river, in the extreme southwestern part of oregon, to the extreme northern point on the coast of labrador, including a country larger in extent than the whole united states. this country had for two hundred and thirty years been in possession of these two powerful and equally unprincipled companies, who had kept it, as mr. fitzgerald says, "_so us to shut up the earth from the knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of god_." but, we are asked, what has this to do with the history of oregon, and its early settlement? we answer, it was this influence, and this overgrown combination of iniquity and despotism--this monster monopoly, which england and america combined had failed to overcome,--that was at last, after a conflict of thirty years, forced to retire from the country, by the measures first inaugurated by lee, whitman, and the provisional government of oregon; and now this same monopoly seeks to rob the treasury of our nation, as it has for ages robbed the indians, and the country of its furs. they may succeed (as they have heretofore, in obtaining an extension of their licensed privileges with the english government), and obtain from the american government what they now, by falsehood, fraud, and perjury, claim to be their just rights. if they do, we shall be satisfied that we have faithfully and truly stated facts that have come to our knowledge while moving and living in the midst of their operations, and that we are not alone in our belief and knowledge of the events and influences of which we write. before closing this chapter we will quote one other witness (a british subject), the rev. mr. barnley, a missionary at moose factory, on the southwestern part of james bay, to show the full policy of that company toward british missionaries, and also to prove the assertion we make that the hudson's bay company, as such, is, in a measure, guilty of and responsible for the whitman and frazer river massacres, and for the indian wars and the murder of american citizens contiguous to their territory. the missionary above referred to says: "my residence in the hudson's bay territory commenced in june, , and continued, with the interruption of about eight months, until september, ." the whitman massacre was in november, . mr. barnley continues: "my letter of introduction, signed by the governor of the territory, and addressed 'to the gentlemen in charge of the honorable hudson's bay company's districts and posts in north america,' in one of its paragraphs ran thus: 'the governor and committee feel the most lively interest in the success of mr. barnley's mission, and i have to request you will show to that gentleman every personal kindness and attention in your power, and facilitate by every means the promotion of the very important and interesting service on which he is about to enter;' and, consequently, whatsoever else i might have to endure, i had no reason to anticipate any thing but cordial co-operation from the officers of the company. "_for the first three years_ i had no cause of complaint. the interpretation was, in many cases, necessarily inefficient, and would have been sometimes a total failure, but for the kindness of the wives of the gentlemen in charge, who officiated for me; but i had the best interpreters the various posts afforded, the _supply of rum_ to indians was restricted, and the company, i believe, fulfilled both the spirit and the letter of their agreement with us, as far as that fulfillment was then required of them, and their circumstances allowed. "in giving, however, this favorable testimony, so far as the first three years are concerned, i must say, that in my opinion we should have been informed, before commencing our labors, that the interpreters at some of the posts would be found so inefficient as to leave us dependent on the kindness of private individuals, and reduce us to the very unpleasant necessity of taking mothers from their family duties, that they might become the only available medium for the communication of divine truth. "but after the period to which i have referred, a very perceptible change, _i.e._, in , took place. [the company had decided to introduce the roman jesuits to aid them in expelling all protestant missionaries and civilization from the indian tribes.] there was no longer that hearty concurrence with my views, and co-operation, which had at first appeared so generally. the effect was as if the gentleman in charge of the southern department had discovered that he was expected to afford rather an external and professed assistance than a real and cordial one; and, under his influence, others, both of the gentlemen and servants, became cool and reluctant in those services of which i stood in need, until at length the letter as well us the spirit of the company's engagement with me failed." the reader will remember that while mr. barnley was receiving this treatment at the hudson's bay company's establishment at moose factory, james douglas and his associates were combining and training the indians in oregon for the purpose of relieving, or, to use the language of the jesuit de smet, "to rescue oregon from protestant and american influence." mr. barnley continues: "i was prohibited from entertaining to tea two persons, members of my congregation, who were about to sail for england, because i happened to occupy apartments in the officer's residence, and was told that it could not be made a rendezvous for the company's servants and their families." p. j. de smet, s. j., on the th page of his book, says: "_the canadian-french and half-breeds who inhabit the indian territory treat all the priests who visit them with great kindness and respect._" on page , he says of the hudson's bay company, just about this time: "in what manner can we testify our gratitude in regard to the two benefactors [douglas and ogden] who so generously charged themselves with the care of _transporting and delivering_ to us our cases, without consenting to accept the slightest recompense?--how noble the sentiments which prompted them gratuitously to burden themselves and their boats with the charitable gifts destined by the faithful to the destitute missionaries of the indians!" these last quotations are from letters of jesuit missionaries, who were brought to the indian country by this same hudson's bay company, and furnished transportation and every possible facility to carry on their missions among the indians all over the american indian country. these missionaries have made no attempt to improve the condition of the indians, but have impressed upon their ignorant minds a reverence for themselves and their superstitions. see bishop blanchet's reply to cayuse indians, november , , page of brouillet's "protestantism in oregon;" also pages - , executive doc. no. , j. ross browne, as given below:-- "the bishop replied that it was the pope who had sent him; that he had not sent him to take their land, but only for the purpose of saving their souls; that, however, having to live, and possessing no wealth, he had asked of them a piece of land that he could cultivate for his support; that in his country it was the faithful who maintained the priests, but that here he did not ask so much, _but only a piece of land_, and that the priests themselves would do the rest. he told them that he would not make presents to indians, that he would give them nothing for the land he asked; that, in case they worked for him, he would pay them for their work, and no more; that he would assist them neither in plowing their lands nor in building houses, nor would he feed or clothe their children," etc. at moose factory, mr. barnley says: "a plan which i had devised for educating and training to some acquaintance with _agriculture_ native children _was disallowed_, but permission was given me by the governor in council to collect seven or eight boys from various parts of the surrounding country, to be clothed, and at the company's expense. a proposal made for forming a small indian village near moose factory _was not acceded to_; and, instead, permission only given to attempt the location of one or two old men who were no longer fit for engaging in the chase, _it being very carefully and distinctly stated by sir george simpson that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life_. when at length a young man was found likely to prove serviceable as an interpreter, every impediment was interposed to prevent his engaging in my service, although a distinct understanding existed that neither for food nor wages would he be chargeable to the company. and the pledge that i should be at liberty to train up several boys for future usefulness, though not withdrawn, was treated as if it had never existed at all; efforts being made to produce the impression on the mind of my general superintendent that i was, most unwarrantably, expecting the company to depart from their original compact, when i attempted to add but two of the stipulated number to my household.---- "at moose factory, where the resources were most ample, and where was the seat of authority in the southern department of rupert's land, the hostility of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to themselves) was most manifest. "the indians were compelled, in opposition to their convictions and desires, to labor on the lord's day. they were not permitted to purchase the food required on the sabbath, that they might rest on that day while voyaging, although there was no necessity for their proceeding, and their wages would have remained the same.---- "at length, _disappointed, persecuted, myself and wife broken in spirit_, and almost ruined in constitution by months of anxiety and suffering, a return to england became the only means of escaping a premature grave; and we are happy in fleeing from the _iron hand of oppression_, and bidding farewell to that which had proved to us a land of darkness and of sorrow. "from the above statements you will perceive that if true in some cases, it is not all, that the company have furnished the 'means of conveyance from place to place.' they have not done so, at all events, in the particular case mentioned, nor would they let me have the canoe, lying idle as it was, when they knew that i was prepared to meet 'the expense.' "and equally far from the truth is it, that the missionaries have been '_boarded, lodged, provided with interpreters and servants free of charge_.'" in this last statement, mr. barnley is mistaken, for, to our certain knowledge, and according to the voluntary statement of the roman jesuits, revs. bishop blanchet, demer, p. j. de smet, brouillet, and many other jesuit missionaries, they received from the hudson's bay company _board and lodging, and were provided with interpreters_, catechist, transportation, and even houses and church buildings. the only mistake of mr. barnley was, that he was either an episcopal or wesleyan missionary or chaplain, like mr. beaver, at fort vancouver, and he, like mr. beaver, was a little too conscientious as to his duties, and efforts to benefit the indians, to suit the policy of that company. the roman jesuitical religion was better adapted to their ideas of indian traffic and morals; hence, the honorable company chose to get rid of all others, as they had done with all opposing fur traders. what was a civilized indian worth to that company? not half as much as a common otter or beaver skin. as to the soul of an indian, he certainly could have no more than the gentlemen who managed the affairs of the honorable company. chapter viii. petition of red river settlers.--their requests, from to .--names.--governor christie's reply.--company's reply.--extract from minutes.--resolutions, from to .--enforcing rules.--land deed.--its condition.--remarks. before closing this subject we must explain our allusion to the red river settlement, and in so doing illustrate and prove beyond a doubt the settled and determined policy of that organization to crush out their own, as well as american settlements,--a most unnatural, though true position of that company. it will be seen, by the date of the document quoted below, that, four years previous, that company, in order to deceive the english government and people in relation to the settlement on the columbia river, and also to diminish the number of this red river colony, had, by direction of sir george simpson, sent a part of it to the columbia department. the remaining settlers of rupert's land (the selkirk settlement) began to assert their right to cultivate the soil (as per selkirk grant), as also the right to trade with the natives, and to participate in the profits of the wild animals in the country. the document they prepared is a curious, as well as important one, and too interesting to be omitted. it reads as follows:-- "red river settlement,} "august , .} "sir,--having at this moment a very strong belief that we, as natives of this country, and as half-breeds, have the right to hunt furs in the hudson's bay company's territories whenever we think proper, and again sell those furs to the highest bidder, likewise having a doubt that natives of this country can be prevented from trading and trafficking with one another, we would wish to have your opinion on the subject, lest we should commit ourselves by doing any thing in opposition either to the laws of england or the honorable company's privileges, and therefore lay before you, as governor of red river settlement, a few queries, which we beg you will answer in course. "_query_ . has a half-breed, a settler, the right to hunt furs in this country? " . has a native of this country, not an indian, a right to hunt furs? " . if a half-breed has the right to hunt furs, can he hire other half-breeds for the purpose of hunting furs? can a half-breed sell his furs to any person he pleases? " . is a half-breed obliged to sell his furs to the hudson's bay company at whatever price the company may think proper to give him? " . can a half-breed receive any furs, as a present, from an indian, a relative of his? " . can a half-breed hire any of his indian relatives to hunt furs for him? " . can a half-breed trade furs from another half-breed, in or out of the settlement? " . can a half-breed trade furs from an indian, in or out of the settlement? " . with regard to trading or hunting furs, have the half-breeds, or natives of european origin, any rights or privileges over europeans? " . a settler, having purchased lands from lord selkirk, or even from the hudson's bay company, without any conditions attached to them, or without having signed any bond, deed, or instrument whatever, whereby he might have willed away his right to trade furs, can he be prevented from trading furs in the settlement with settlers, or even out of the settlement? " . are the limits of the settlement defined by the municipal law, selkirk grant, or indian sale? " . if a person can not trade furs, either in or out of the settlement, can he purchase them for his own and family use, and in what quantity? " . having never seen any official statements, nor known, but by report, that the hudson's bay company has peculiar privileges over british subjects, natives, and half-breeds, resident in the settlement, we would wish to know what those privileges are, and the penalties attached to the infringement of the same. "we remain your humble servants, "james sinclair, alexis gaulat, baptist la roque, louis letende de batoche, thomas logan, william mcmillan, john dease, antoine morran, bat. wilkie, john anderson, john vincent, thomas mcdermot, william bird, adall trottier, peter garioch, charles hole, henry cook, joseph monkman, john spence, baptist farman. "alexander christie, esq., "governor of red river settlement." governor christie's reply to these inquiries was so mild and conciliatory that it will not add materially to our knowledge of the company to give it. but the eight rules adopted by the company in council let us into the secret soul of the _monstrosity_, and are here given, that americans may be informed as to its secret workings, and also to show what little regard an englishman has for any but an aristocratic or moneyed concern. * * * * * "_extracts from minutes of a meeting of the governor and council of rupert's land, held at the red river settlement, june , ._ "_resolved_, st, that, once in every year, any british subject, if an actual resident, and not a fur trafficker, may import, whether from london or from st. peter's, stores free of any duty now about to be imposed, on declaring truly that he has imported them at his own risk. " d. that, once in every year, any british subject, if qualified as before, may exempt from duty, as before, imports of the local value of ten pounds, on declaring truly that they are intended exclusively to be used by himself within red river settlement, and have been purchased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the aforesaid settlement, exported in the same season, or by the latest vessel, at his own risk. " d. that once in every year, any british subject, if qualified as before, who may have personally accompanied both his exports and imports, as defined in the preceding resolution, may exempt from duty, as before, imports of the local value of fifty pounds, on declaring truly that they are either to be consumed by himself, or to be sold by himself to actual consumers within the aforesaid settlement, and have been purchased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the settlement, carried away by himself in the same season, or by the latest vessel, at his own risk. " th. that all other imports from the united kingdom for the aforesaid settlement, shall, before delivery, pay at york factory a duty of twenty per cent. on their prime cost; provided, however, that the governor of the settlement be hereby authorized to exempt from the same all such importers as may from year to year be reasonably believed by him to have neither trafficked in furs themselves, since the th day of december, , nor enabled others to do so by illegally or improperly supplying them with trading articles of any description. " th. that all other imports from any part of the united states shall pay all duties payable under the provisions of and vict., cap. , the imperial statute for regulating the foreign trade of the british possessions in north america; provided, however, that the governor-in-chief, or, in his absence, the president of the council, may so modify the machinery of the said act of parliament, as to adapt the same to the circumstances of the country. " th. that, henceforward, no goods shall be delivered at york factory to any but persons duly licensed to freight the same; such licenses being given only in cases in which no fur trafficker may have any interest, direct or indirect. " th. that any intoxicating drink, if found in a fur trafficker's possession, beyond the limits of the aforesaid settlement, may be seized and destroyed by any person on the spot. "whereas the intervention of middle men is alike injurious to the honorable company and to the people; it is resolved, " th. that, henceforward, furs shall be purchased from none but the actual hunters of the same. "fort garry, july , ." _copy of license referred to in resolution ._ "on behalf of the hudson's bay company, i hereby license a. b. to trade, and also ratify his having traded in english goods within the limits of red river settlement. this ratification and this license to be null and void, from the beginning, in the event of his hereafter trafficking in furs, or generally of his usurping any whatever of all the privileges of the hudson's bay company." it was to save oregon from becoming a den of such oppressors and robbers of their own countrymen, that whitman risked his life in - , that the provisional government of the american settlers was formed in , that five hundred of them flew to arms in , and fought back the savage hordes that this same hudson's bay company had trained, under the teaching of their half-breeds and jesuit priests, to sweep them from the land. is this so? let us see what they did just across the rocky mountains with their own children, as stated by their own witnesses and countrymen. sir edward fitzgerald says of them, on page :-- "but the company do not appear to have trusted to paper deeds to enforce their authority. "they were not even content with inflicting fines under the form of a hostile tariff; but, as the half-breeds say, some of the fur traders were imprisoned, and all the goods and articles of those who were _suspected of an intention to traffic in furs_ were seized and confiscated. "but another, and even more serious attack, was made on the privileges of the settlers. "the company being, under their charter, nominal owners of the soil, dispose of it to the colonists in any manner they think best. a portion of the land in the colony is held from lord selkirk, who first founded the settlement. "now, however, the company drew up a new _land deed_, which all were compelled to sign who wished to hold any land in the settlement." this new land deed, above referred to, is too lengthy and verbose to be given entire; therefore we will only copy such parts as bind the settlers not to infringe upon the supposed chartered rights of the hudson's bay company. the first obligation of the person receiving this deed was to settle upon the land within forty days, and, within five years, cause one-tenth part of the land to be brought under cultivation. the second: "he, his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not, directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, _violate_ or _evade_ any of the chartered or licensed privileges of the said governor and company, or any restrictions on trading or dealing with indians or others, which have been or may be imposed by the said governor and company, or by any other competent authority, _or in any way enable_ any person or persons to _violate or evade_, or to persevere in violating or evading the same; and, in short, _shall obey all such laws and regulations_ as within the said settlement now are, or hereafter may be in force"----here are enumerated a long list of political duties pertaining to the citizen. the deed in its third condition says: "and also that he [the said receiver of the deed], his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not nor will, without the license or consent of the said governor and company for that purpose first obtained, carry on or establish, in _any part_ of north america, any trade or traffic in, or relating to, any kind of skins, furs, peltry, or _dressed leather_, nor in any manner, directly or indirectly, aid or abet any person or persons in carrying on such trade or traffic."----here follows a long lingo, forbidding the settler to buy, make, or sell liquors in any shape on his lands, and requiring him, under pain of forfeiture of his title, _to prevent others from doing so_, and binding the settler, under all the supposed and unsupposed conditions of obligation, _not to supply_ or allow to be supplied any articles of trade to any unauthorized (by the company) person supposed to violate their trade, including companies "corporate or incorporate, prince, power, potentate, or state whatsoever, who shall infringe or violate, or who shall set about to infringe or violate the exclusive rights, powers, privileges and immunities of commerce, trade, or traffic, or all or any other of the exclusive rights, powers, privileges, and immunities of, or belonging, or in any wise appertaining to, or held, used or enjoyed by the said governor and company, and their successors, under their charter or charters, without the license or consent of the said governor and company and their successors, for the time being, first had and obtained. "and, lastly,"--here follows a particular statement asserting that for the violation of any one of the thousand and one conditions of that deed, the settler forfeits to the company his right to the land, which reverts back to the company. our country delights to honor the sailor and soldier who performs a good, great, or noble act to save its territory from becoming the abode of despotism, or its honor from the taunt of surrounding nations. in what light shall we regard the early american missionaries and pioneers of oregon? it is true they heard the call of the oppressed savage for christian light and civilization. they came in good faith, and labored faithfully, though, perhaps, mistaking many of the strict duties of the christian missionary; and some, being led astray by the wiles and cunning of an unscrupulous fur monopoly, failed to benefit the indians to the extent anticipated; yet they formed the nucleus around which the american pioneer with his family gathered, and from which he drew his encouragement and protection; and a part of these missionaries were the leaders and sustainers of those influences which ultimately secured this country to freedom and the great republic. the extracts from the deed above quoted show what oregon would have been, had the early american missionaries failed to answer the call of the indians, or had been driven from the country; or even had not whitman and his associates separated, the one to go to washington to ask for delay in the settlement of the boundary question, the others to the wallamet valley to aid and urge on the organization of the provisional government. chapter ix. puget sound agricultural company.--its original stock.--a correspondence.--no law to punish fraud.--a supposed trial of the case.--article four of the treaty.--the witnesses.--who is to receive the puget sound money.--dr. tolmie, agent of the company.--the country hunted up.--difficult to trace a fictitious object.--statement of their claim.--result of the investigation. the puget sound agricultural company, now claiming of our government the sum of $ , , , was first talked of and brought into existence at vancouver in the winter of , in consequence of, and in opposition to, the wallamet cattle company, which was got up and successfully carried through by the influence and perseverance of rev. jason lee, superintendent of the methodist mission. this nasqualla and puget sound company was an opposing influence to mr. lee and his mission settlement, and was also to form the nucleus for two other british settlements in oregon, to be under the exclusive control of the hudson's bay company. the original stock of the company was nominally £ , . the paid-up capital upon this amount was supposed to be ten per cent., which would give £ , , or $ , , at $ . per pound. from the most reliable information we can get, this amount was taken from a sinking fund, or a fund set apart for the purpose of opposing any opposition in the fur trade. about the time this puget sound company came into existence, the american fur companies had been driven from the country, and the fund was considered as idle or useless stock; and as the question of settlement of the country would in all probability soon come up, rev. mr. lee having taken the first step to the independence of his missionary settlement in the wallamet, this puget sound company was gotten up to control the agricultural and cattle or stock interests of the country. it was in existence in name some two years before its definite arrangements were fixed by the hudson's bay company, through the agency of dr. w. f. tolmie, who went to london for that purpose, and by whom they were concluded, "with the consent of the hudson's bay company, who stipulated that an officer connected with the fur-trade branch of the hudson's bay company should have supreme direction of the affairs of the puget sound company in this country. it was also stipulated that the puget sound company should be under bonds _not to permit any of its employés_ to be in any way concerned in the fur trade, in opposition to the hudson's bay company." it is easy to be seen by the above-stated condition, that the hudson's bay company were not willing to allow the least interference with their fur trade by any one over whom they had any control or influence; that their design and object was to control the trade of the whole country, and that they had no intention in any way to encourage any american settlement in it, as shown by the arrangements made as early as . there had been a correspondence with the managing directors of the company in london previous to dr. tolmie's visit. the directors had discouraged the proposed enlargement of their business, but it seems from the statement of dr. tolmie, and the arrangements he made, that they acceded to his plans, and constituted him their special agent. there was at the time a question as to a separate charter for that branch of their business. it was finally conceded that a separate charter would enable this agricultural and cattle company to become independent of the fur branch, and thus be the means of establishing an opposition by the use of the funds appropriated to prevent any thing of this kind, and decided that as the company had stipulated that they were to have the "_supreme direction_ of the puget sound agricultural company," no charter was necessary, and hence any arrangements to that effect were withdrawn. it was from a knowledge of the fact that that company had not even the parliamentary acknowledgment of its separate existence from the hudson's bay company, that all their land claims were at once taken; and upon that ground they have not dared to prosecute their claims, only under the wording of the treaty with the united states, which is the only shadow of a legal existence they have, and which, there is no question, would have been stricken from the treaty, except through the fur influence of the company to increase the plausibility of their claims against our government. if there was any law to punish a fraud attempted to be committed by a foreign company upon a friendly nation, this would be a plain case; as the hudson's bay company, they claim $ , , . ; as the puget sound company, $ , , . the original stock of the hudson's bay company was £ , , or $ , . in the dividends upon this capital invested were so enormous that the company voted to treble their stock, which was declared to be £ , , or $ , . in the capital was again declared trebled, and to be £ , , or $ , , while the only amount paid was £ , , or $ , . it was then proposed to add three times as much to its capital stock by subscription; each subscriber paying £ was to receive £ of stock, so that the nominal stock should amount to £ , , or $ , , --the real additional sum subscribed being £ , , and the amount of real stock added or paid but £ , . in , the hudson's bay company and northwest company, of montreal, were united. the hudson's bay company called £ on each share of its stock, thus raising it nominally to £ , , or $ , . the northwest company called theirs the same. the two companies combined held a nominal joint stock of £ , , or $ , , , while we have reason to suppose that the original stock of the two companies, admitting that the northwest french company had an equal amount of original capital invested, would give £ , , or $ , , as the capital upon which they have drawn from our country never less than ten per cent. per annum, even when counted at £ , , or $ , , ; and what, we would ask, has america received in return for this enormous drain of her wealth and substance? have the indians in any part of the vast country occupied by that company been civilized or bettered in their condition? have the settlements under their fostering care been successful and prosperous? have they done any thing to improve any portion of the country they have occupied, any further than such improvements were necessary to increase the profits of their fur trade? to every one of these questions we say, emphatically, no, not in a single instance. on the contrary, they have used their privileges solely to draw all the wealth they could from the country, and leave as little as was possible in return. the british author, from whose book we have drawn our figures of that company's stock, says of them: "to say, then, that the trade of this country (england) has been fostered and extended by the monopoly enjoyed by the company, is exactly contrary to the truth." we come now to learn all we can of a something that has assumed the name of puget sound agricultural company, and under that name, through the paternal influence of a bastard corporation, presumes to ask an immense sum of the american government, whose country they have used all their power and influence to secure to themselves, by acting falsely to their own. we do not claim to be learned in the law of nations, therefore we can only express such an opinion in this case as we would were the case argued before a learned court and we one of the jurors, giving our opinion as to the amount the parties were entitled to receive. we will suppose that the lawyers have made their pleas, which would, when printed, with the testimony on both sides, make a volume of the usual size of law books of one thousand pages. of course the fourth article of the treaty would be read to us by both the lawyers, and explained by the judge, who would doubtless say to the jury the first question to decide is, whether there is sufficient evidence to convince you that the company claiming this name have any legal existence outside the wording of the fourth article of this treaty. our answer would be: "your honor, there is not the least word in a single testimony presented before us to show that they ever had any existence, only as they assumed a name to designate the place a certain branch of the hudson's bay company's business, outside of its legitimate trade; that this being a branch legitimately belonging to a settlement of loyal citizens of the country, we find that this hudson's bay company, in assuming the _supreme direction_, as per testimony of dr. tolmie, superseded and usurped the prerogatives of the state; that the claim of this company, as set up in the wording of the treaty, is for the benefit of a company having no natural or legal right to assume _supreme direction_ of the soil or its productions. hence any improvement made, or stock destroyed, was at the risk of the individual owning, or making, or bringing such stock or improvements into the country, and subject exclusively to the laws of the country in which the trespass occurred. the claiming a name belonging to no legal body cannot be made legal by a deception practiced upon the persons making the treaty, as this would be equivalent to pledging the nation to the payment of money when no cause could be shown that money was justly due, as neither nation (except by a deception brought to bear upon commissioners forming the treaty by the mere assertion of an interested party) acknowledged the reported existence of such a corporation, thereby creating a corporate body by the wording of a treaty." this, to a common juror, we confess, would look like removing the necessity of a common national law, in relation to all claims of foreigners who might feel disposed to come over and trespass upon our national domain. a word in this treaty does not settle the matter, and the claim should not be paid. the article above referred to is commented upon by mr. day as follows:-- "that by article four of the treaty concluded between the united states of america and great britain, under date of the th day of june, , it was provided that the farms, lands, and other property, of every description, belonging to the puget sound agricultural company, on the north side of the columbia river [they should have included those in the french possession, and added another million to their claim; but we suppose they became liberal, and consented to take half of the country their servants had settled upon], should be confirmed to the said company; but that in case the situation of those farms and lands should be considered by the united states to be of public and political importance, and the united states government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or of any part thereof, the property so required should be transferred to the said government at a proper valuation, to be agreed upon between the parties. "that the government of the united states has not, at any time, signified to the company a desire that any of the said property should be transferred to the said government at a valuation as provided by the treaty, nor has any transfer thereof been made [this was a great misfortune. uncle sam had so much land of his own he did not want to buy out this bastard company right away after the treaty was made]; but the company have ever since continued to be the rightful owners of the said lands, farms, and other property, and entitled to the free and undisturbed possession and enjoyment thereof. [true; so with all bastards. they live and die, and never find a father to own them, except they come up with a big pile of money, which in your claim is a case of _clonas_ (don't know.)] "that, by a convention concluded between the two governments on the st day of july, , it was agreed that all questions between the united states authorities on the one hand, and the puget sound agricultural company on the other, with respect to the rights and claims of the latter, should be settled by the transfer of such rights and claims to the government of the united states for an adequate money consideration. "and the claimants aver that the rights and claims of the puget sound agricultural company, referred to and intended in and by the said convention, are their rights and claims in and upon the said lands, farms, and other property of every description which they so held and possessed within the said territory, and which, by reason of the said treaty of the th of june, , and according to the terms of the fourth article thereof, the united states became and were bound to confirm. and of the said farms and other property, they now submit to the honorable the commissioners a detailed statement and valuation, as follows." there have been twenty-seven witnesses examined to prove the claims above set forth, and not a single one of them testified or gave the least intimation that there ever was any such company as here set forth in existence, only as connected with and subject to the control and management of the hudson's bay company, the same as their farming operations at vancouver or colville, or any other of their posts. the claim is so manifestly fictitious and without foundation, that the learned attorney for the company bases his whole reliance upon the wording of the treaty, and in consequence of the wording of that treaty, "and according to the terms of the fourth article thereof, he says the united states _became_ and _were bound_ to confirm." so we suppose any other monstrous claim set up by a band of foreign fur traders having influence enough to start any speculation on a nominal capital in our country and failing to realize the profits anticipated, must apply for an acknowledgment of their speculation, be mentioned in a treaty, and be paid in proportion to the enormity of their demands. we are inclined to the opinion that so plain a case of fraud will be soon disposed of, and the overgrown monster that produced it sent howling after the indians they have so long and so successfully robbed, as per their own admission, of £ , , sterling. (see mr. m. martin's hudson's bay company's territory, etc., p. .) there is another question arising in this supposed puget sound concern. suppose, for a moment, the commissioners decide to pay the whole or any part of this demand, who will be the recipients of this money? we doubt whether the learned commissioners or the counsel of the supposed company could tell, unless it is to be his fee for prosecuting the case. doctor william fraser tolmie and mr. george b. roberts are the only two witnesses that appear to know much about the matter, and mr. roberts' information seems to be derived from the same source as our own, so that the writer, though not a member of the company, has about as good a knowledge of its object and organization as mr. roberts, who was connected with the hudson's bay company, and also an agent of this puget sound company. dr. tolmie says: "the puget sound company _acquired_, or purchased from the hudson's bay company, all its improvements at cowlitz and nasqualla, with its lands, live stock, and agricultural implements, all of which were transferred, in or , by the hudson's bay company to the puget sound company." as we understand this matter, it amounts to just this, and no more: the hudson's bay company had consented to enlarge their business by employing an outside capital or sinking fund they had at their disposal; they instructed dr. tolmie, their special agent for that purpose, to receive all the property at the two stations or farms named, to take possession of them, and instead of opening an account with their opposition sinking fund, they called it the puget sound agricultural company. this explains the ten per cent. paid stock into that company. now, if this venture is profitable, nothing is lost; if it is not, it does not interfere with the legitimate business of the fur company--hence the distinct claim under this name. "the puget sound company charged the hudson's bay company for all supplies furnished, and paid the hudson's bay company for all goods received from them." this was exactly in the line of the whole business done throughout the entire hudson's bay company, with all their forts, and other establishments. "were not the accounts of the puget sound company always forwarded to the hudson's bay company's depot?" "_they were_," says dr. tolmie; and so were all the accounts of all the posts on this coast sent to the depot at vancouver, and thence to head-quarters on the other side of the rocky mountains. we have shown, by reference to the capital stock of the hudson's bay company, that, in , it was counted at £ , . from this sum ten per cent., or £ , , was set apart as a sinking fund to oppose any fur company or traders on the west side of the mountains, and an equal sum for the same purpose on the east. this western amount, being placed under the direction of dr. tolmie and his successors, produced in seven years £ , sterling, equal to $ , . this transaction does not appear, from the testimony adduced in the case, to have interfered in the least with the fur trade carried on at these stations, and by the same officers or clerks of the hudson's bay company; hence, we are unable, from the whole catalogue of twenty-seven witnesses in the case, to find out who is to receive this nice little sum of $ , , or £ , --only £ , more than the mother had to trade upon when she produced this beautiful full-grown child, the puget sound agricultural company,--having had an abortion on the other side of the continent in the loss, without pay, of a large portion of the red river or selkirk country. uncle sam was ungenerous there. this is truly an acre of wonders, and this hudson's bay company and its productions are entitled to some consideration for their ingenuity, if not for their honesty. it will be interesting to look at our british cousins and see what is said about this "_itself_ and _its other self_." mr. fitzgerald says, page : "it is a matter of importance to know whether the hudson's bay company is about to submit itself and _its other self_--the puget sound association--to the same regulations which are to be imposed on other settlers of vancouver island and british columbia." on page , he further states: "the oregon territory was peopled, under the influence of the company, with subjects of the united states. (since writing the former chapter, i have heard this account given of the conduct of the hudson's bay company, in regard to the oregon boundary, which offers still stronger ground for inquiry. the country south of the th parallel, it seems, was hunted up--therefore the posts of the hudson's bay company were become of no value at all. by annexing all that country to the united states, and inserting in the treaty a clause that the united states should pay the company for all its posts if it turned them out, the company were able to obtain from the americans a large sum of money for what would have been worth nothing had the territory remained british.) that lost us the boundary of the columbia river. that is one specimen of the colonization of the hudson's bay company. the boundary westward from the lake of the woods, we have seen, gave to the united states land from which the company was engaged, at the very time, in driving out british subjects, on the plea that it belonged to the company; and now that the boundary has been settled only a few years, we learn that the settlers on our side are asking the united states to extend her government over that country." if this does not show a clear case of abortion on the part of that _honorable_ hudson's bay company east of the rocky mountains, tell us what does. but it is interesting to trace a little further the british ideas and pretensions to this pacific coast. our british author says, page :-- "make what lines you please in a map and call them boundaries, but it is mockery to do so as long as the inhabitants are alienated from your rule, as long as you have a company in power whose policy erases the lines which treaties have drawn. "forasmuch, then, as these things are so, it becomes this country [great britain] to record an emphatic protest against the recent policy of the colonial office in abandoning the magnificent country on the shores of the pacific ocean to the hudson's bay company. "the blindest can not long avoid seeing the immense importance of vancouver island to great britain. those who, two years ago [ ], first began to attract public attention to this question, are not the less amazed at the unexpected manner and rapidity with which their anticipations have been realized. "six months ago it was a question merely of colonizing vancouver island; now it is a question involving the interests of the whole of british north america, and of the empire of great britain in the pacific ocean." it is always more or less difficult to trace the course of a false or fictitious object. it becomes peculiarly so when two objects of the same character come up; the one, by long practice and experience, assuming a fair and honorable exterior, having talent, experience, and wealth; the other, an illegitimate production, being called into existence to cripple the energies of two powerful nations, and living under the supreme control of the body, having acquired its position through the ignorance of the nations it seeks to deceive. it is out of the question to separate two such objects or associations. the one is the child of the other, and is permitted to exist while the object to be accomplished remains an opponent to the parent association. the opposition to the fur monopoly having ceased west of the rocky mountains, a new element of national aggrandizement and empire comes within the range of this deceitful and grasping association. its child is immediately christened and set to work under its paternal eye. we have the full history of the progress made by this _mr. puget sound agricultural company_ in the testimony of the twenty-seven witnesses summoned to prove his separate existence from that of the _hudson's bay company_. we find, in tracing the existence of these two children of the british empire in north america, that they have established themselves in an island on the pacific coast called vancouver. in this island they are more thrifty and better protected than they were in the dominions of uncle samuel. notwithstanding they are comfortably located, and have secured the larger part of that island and the better portion of british columbia, there is occasionally a british subject that grumbles a little about them in the following undignified style:-- "if the company were to be destroyed to-morrow, would england be poorer? would there not rather be demanded from the hands of our own manufacturers ten times the quantity of goods which is sent abroad, under the present system, to purchase the skins?" my dear sir, this would make the indians comfortable and happy. "we boast [says this englishman] that we make no slaves, none at least that can taint our soil, or fret our sight; but we take the child of the forest, whom god gave us to civilize, and commit him, bound hand and foot, to the most iron of all despotisms--_a commercial monopoly_. "nor, turning from the results of our policy upon the native population, to its effect upon settlers and colonists, is there greater cause for congratulation. "the system which has made the native a slave is making the settler a rebel. "restrictions upon trade, jealousy of its own privileges, interference with the rights of property, exactions, and all the other freaks in which monopoly and despotism delight to indulge, have, it appears, driven the best settlers into american territory, and left the rest, as it were, packing up their trunks for the journey." this, so far as relates to the proceedings, policy, and influence of that company upon the settlement of vancouver island and british columbia, is verified by the facts now existing in those british colonies. their whole system is a perfect mildew and blight upon any country in which they are permitted to trade or to do business. we have little or no expectation that any thing we may write will affect in the least the decision of the commissioners, whose business it is to decide this puget sound company's case; but, as a faithful historian, we place on record the most prominent facts relating to it, for the purpose of showing the plans and schemes of an english company, who are a nuisance in the country, and a disgrace to the nation under whose charters they profess to act. up to the time we were permitted to examine the testimony they have produced in support of their monstrous claims, we were charitable enough to believe there were some men in its employ who could be relied upon for an honest and truthful statement of facts in relation to the property and improvements for which these claims are made; but we are not only disappointed, but forced to believe the truth is not in them,--at least in any whose testimony is before us in either case. our english author says:-- "it does not appear that the interposition of '_an irresponsible company_' can be attended with benefit to the colony.----a company whose direction is in london, and which is wholly _irresponsible_, either to the colonists or to the british parliament.----there is ample evidence in the foregoing pages that it would be absurd to give this company credit for _unproductive patriotism_.----considering the identity existing between this association [the puget sound association] and the hudson's bay company, in whose hands the whole management of the colonization of vancouver island is placed, there is a very strong reason to fear that the arrangements which have been made will, for some years at any rate, utterly ruin that country as a field for colonial enterprise. there is a strong inducement for the company to grant all the best part of the island to themselves, under the name of the puget sound association; and to trust to the settlements which may be formed by that association as being sufficient to satisfy the obligation to colonize which is imposed by the charter. "there is a strong inducement to discourage the immigration of independent settlers; first, because when all the colonists are in the position of their own servants, they will be able much more readily to prevent interference with the fur trade; and secondly, _because the presence of private capital in the island could only tend to diminish their own gains, derived from the export of agricultural produce._ "and, on the other hand, there will be every possible discouragement to emigrants of the better class to settle in a colony where a large part of the country will be peopled only by the lowest order of workmen, where they may have to compete with the capital of a wealthy company, and that company not only their rival in trade, but at the same time possessed of the supreme power, and of paramount political influence in the colony. "there is a reason, more important than all, why the hudson's bay company will never be able to form _a colony_. an agricultural settlement they may establish; a few forts, where scotchmen will grumble for a few years before they go over to the americans, but never a community that will deserve the name of a british colony. they do not possess public confidence. "but the hudson's bay company--the colonial office of this unfortunate new colony--_has positive interests_ antagonistic to those of an important settlement. "it is a body whose history, tendency, traditions, and prospects are _equally and utterly opposed_ to the existence, within its hunting-grounds, of an active, wealthy, independent, and flourishing colony," (we americans say settlements) "with all the destructive consequences of ruined monopoly and wide-spread civilization." need we stop to say the above is the best of british testimony in favor of the position we have assumed in relation to a company who will cramp and dwarf the energies of their own nation to increase the profits on the paltry capital they have invested. have the americans any right to believe they will pursue any more liberal course toward them than they have, and do pursue toward their countrymen? as this writer remarks, "civilization ruins their _monopoly_." the day those two noble and sainted women, mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman, came upon the plains of the columbia, they could do no less than allow england's banner to do them reverence, for god had sent and preserved them, as emblems of american civilization, religious light, and liberty upon this coast. one of them fell by the ruthless hand of the sectarian savages, pierced by hudson's bay balls from hudson's bay guns. the other was carried, in a hudson's bay boat, to the protecting care of the american settlement; and for what purpose? that the savage might remain in barbarism; that the monster monopoly might receive its profits from the starving body and soul of the indian; that civilization and christianity, and the star of empire might be stayed in their westward course. not yet satisfied with the blood of sixteen noble martyrs to civilization and christianity, quick as thought their missives are upon the ocean wave. wafted upon the wings of the wind, a foul slander is sent by the representatives of that monopoly all over the earth, to blast her (mrs. whitman's) christian and missionary character with that of her martyred husband. and why? because that husband had braved the perils of a winter journey to the capital of his country, to defeat their malicious designs, to shut up the country and forever close it to american civilization and religion. and now, with an audacity only equaled by the arch-enemy of god and man, they come to our government and demand five millions of gold for facilitating the settlement of a country they had not the courage or power to prevent. this, to a person ignorant of the peculiar arrangements of so monstrous a monopoly, will appear strange--that they should have an exclusive monopoly in trade in a country, and have not the courage or power to prevent its settlement, especially when such settlement interferes with its trade. so far as american territory was concerned, they were only permitted to have a joint occupancy in trade. the sovereignty or right of soil was not settled; hence, any open effort against any settler from any country was a trespass against the rights of such settler. they could only enforce their chartered privileges in british territory. the country, under these circumstances, afforded them a vast field in which to combine and arrange schemes calculated to perpetuate their own power and influence in it. the natives of the country were their trading capital and instruments, ready to execute their will upon all opponents. the protestant missionaries brought an influence and a power that at once overturned their licensed privileges in trade, because with the privilege of trade, they had agreed, in accepting their original charter, to civilize and christianize the natives of the country. this part of their compact the individual members of the company were fulfilling by each taking a native woman, and rearing as many half-civilised subjects as was convenient. this had the effect to destroy their courage in any investigation of their conduct. as to their power, as we have intimated above, it was derived from the capacity, courage, prejudices, and ignorance of the indians, which the american missionary, if let alone, would soon overcome by his more liberal dealings with them, and his constant effort to improve their condition, which, just in proportion as the indians learned the value of their own productions and labor, would diminish the profits in the fur trade. this increase of civilization and settlement, says chief-trader anderson, "had been foreseen on the part of the company, and to a certain extent provided for. the cession of oregon, under the treaty of , and the consequent negotiations for the transfer to the american government of all our rights and possessions in their territory, retarded all further proceedings." in this statement of mr. anderson, and the statement of mr. roberts, an old clerk of the company, and from our own observations, this "foreseeing" on the part of the company was an arrangement with the indians, and such as had been half civilized by the various individual efforts of the members and servants of the company, to so arrange matters that an exterminating war against the missionary settlements in the country should commence before the mexican difficulty with the united states was settled. this view of the question is sustained by the reply of sir james douglas to mr. ogden, by mr. ogden's course and treatment of the indians on his way up the columbia river, his letters to revs. e. walker and spalding, his special instructions to the indians, and payment of presents in war materials for their captives, and the course pursued by sir james douglas in refusing supplies to the provisional troops and settlers, and the enormous supplies of ammunition furnished to the priests for the indians during the war of - . we are decidedly of the same opinion respecting that company as their own british writer, who, in conclusion, after giving us a history of pages, detailing one unbroken course of oppression and cruelty to all under their iron despotism, says:-- "the question at issue is a serious one,--whether a valuable territory shall be given up to an _irresponsible corporation_, to be colonized or not, as it may suit their convenience; or whether that colonization shall be conducted in accordance with any principles which are recognized as sound and right?" we can easily see the connection in the principle of right in paying any portion of either of the monstrous claims of that company, which never has been responsible to any civilized national authority. "the foregoing exposure of the character and conduct of the company has been provoked. when doubts were expressed whether the company were qualified for fulfilling the tasks assigned to them by the colonial minister, and when they appealed to their character and history, it became right that their history should be examined, and their character exposed. "the investigation thus provoked has resulted in the discovery that their _authority is fictitious, and their claims invalid_. as their power is illegal, so the exercise of it has been mischievous; it has been mischievous to great britain, leaving her to accomplish, at a vast national expense, discoveries which the company undertook, and were paid to perform; and because our trade has been _contracted_ and crippled, without any advantage, political or otherwise, having been obtained in return; it has been mischievous to the native indians, cutting them off from all communication with the rest of the civilized world, depriving them of the fair value of their labor, keeping them in a condition of slavery, and leaving them in the same state of poverty, misery, and paganism in which it originally found them; it has been mischievous to the settlers and colonists under its influence, depriving them of their liberties as british subjects, frustrating, by exactions and arbitrary regulations, their efforts to advance, and, above all, undermining their loyalty and attachment to their mother country, and fostering, by bad government, a spirit of discontent with their own, and sympathy with foreign institutions." this writer says: "this is the company whose power is now [in ] to be strengthened and consolidated!--to whose dominion is to be added the most important post which great britain possesses in the pacific, and to whom the formation of a new colony is to be intrusted." and, we add, this is the power that has succeeded in forcing their infamous claims upon our government to the amount above stated, and by the oaths of men trained for a long series of years to rob the indian of the just value of his labor, to deceive and defraud their own nation as to the fulfillment of chartered stipulations and privileges. the facts developed by our history may not affect the decision of the commissioners in their case, but the future student of the history of the settlement of our pacific coast will be able to understand the influences its early settlers had to contend with, and the english colonist may learn the secret of their failure to build up a wealthy and prosperous colony in any part of their vast dominion on the north american continent. chapter x. case of the hudson's bay company _v._ the united states.--examination of mr. mctavish.--number of witnesses.--their ignorance.--amount claimed.--original stock.--value of land in oregon.--estimate of hudson's bay company's property.--remarks of author. i have carefully reviewed all the testimony in the above case, on both sides, up to may , . on april , the counsel on the part of the united states having already spent twenty-five days in cross-examining chief-factor mctavish, so as to get at the real expenditures of the hudson's bay company, and arrive at a just conclusion as to the amount due them,--mr. mctavish having frequently referred to accounts and statements which he averred could be found on the various books of the company,--gave notice to the counsel of the company in the following language:-- "the counsel for the united states require of mr. mctavish, who, as appears from his evidence, is a chief factor of the hudson's bay company, and its agent in the prosecution of this claim, to produce here for examination by the united states or their counsel, all accounts, account-books, and letter-books of said company, together with the regulations under which their books were kept, and the various forms of contracts with servants of the company, all of which books, rules, and forms contain evidence pertinent to the issue in this case, as appears from the cross-examination of mr. mctavish, and suspends the further cross-examination of this witness until he shall produce such books, accounts, rules, and forms." on the st of may mr. mctavish's examination was resumed. _int. ._--"will you please produce here for examination by the united states or their counsel, all accounts, account-books, and letter-books of the hudson's bay company which were kept at the various posts of that company south of the th parallel of north latitude during their occupation by the company, together with the regulations under which their books were kept, and the regular forms of contracts with the company's servants?" _ans._--"i can not say whether i will produce them or not." (the above question was objected to as incompetent, and as asking the witness, not as to what he knows of the subject, but as to what his future course of action will be, over which, as witness, he can have no control.) during the examination of mr. mctavish it was evident that he was the main prosecuting witness, and considerably interested in the results of the claim, or suit. it would doubtless be interesting to most of our readers to see a review of the testimony, or at least a summary of the evidence presented on both sides in this case. there are now printed about one thousand pages of documents and depositions. that relating particularly to the hudson's bay company comprises about two-thirds of the whole amount. the balance relates more particularly to the puget sound agricultural company's claim. this claim, the company have not been able, by any testimony yet presented, to separate from that of the hudson's bay company; so that there is no prospect of their receiving one dollar on that account. there have been examined on the part of the puget sound company, to prove its separate existence from the hudson's bay company, thirty witnesses; on the part of the united states, twenty-one. on the part of the hudson's bay company's claim as separate from the puget sound company, nineteen witnesses; on the part of the united states, thirty. on both sides not far from forty-five witnesses have been called upon the stand to testify in this important case. the company in london have been requested to furnish evidence of the separate organization or independent existence of the two companies; and with all this evidence produced, nothing definite or certain is shown, except that the concern was gotten up to deceive the english people and rob the american government, and to counteract and oppose the american settlement of this country. as a looker-on and an observer of events in this country, i must confess my astonishment at the ignorance, perverseness, and stupidity of men whom i have ever heretofore regarded as honorable and truthful. from the testimony before me of the twenty odd english witnesses, it really appears as though they felt that all they had to do was to ask their pay, and our government would give it to them; or, in other words, they, as englishmen and british subjects, are prepared to compel the payment of any sum they demand. there are many interesting developments brought out in this case relative to the early history of this country, which renders the depositions in the case, though voluminous and tedious in the main, yet interesting to the close and careful student of our history. if time and opportunity is given, i will review this whole testimony as a part of the history of this country, and, in so doing, will endeavor to correct an erroneous impression that will result from the testimony as now before us. the amount claimed in this case is four million nine hundred and ninety thousand thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents, or, nine hundred and eighty-five thousand three hundred and fifty pounds sterling, in gold coin. i now have before me, including the hudson's bay company's memorial, eleven hundred and twenty-six pages of printed documents and depositions relating to this case. i also have what may properly be termed british testimony, bearing directly upon this case, which is entitled to its full weight in a proper and just decision as to the amount of compensation this hudson's bay company is entitled to receive from our government. i do not propose to review all the one thousand four hundred and nineteen pages of statements and depositions in detail; that would be too tedious, though i might be able to make it interesting to the general reader, as it develops the whole history of that portion of our continent that has for one hundred and ninety-seven years been under the exclusive jurisdiction of a monopoly that effectually closed it to all outside influences up to the year a.d. . according to our british testimony, it was originally £ , . in , in consequence of the enormous profits upon this small capital, it was increased threefold, making it £ , . in it was declared to be £ , . in this year the stock was (as is termed) _watered_. the then proprietors each subscribed £ , and received £ of stock, calling the whole nominal stock £ , , while the actual subscription was but £ , , and only £ , was paid. the stock was ordered to reckon at £ , , while the actual total amount paid was but £ , . in , there was another "watering" of the stock, and a call of £ per share on the proprietors, which raised their capital to £ , . the northwest fur company joined the hudson's bay company in this year, and the joint stock was declared to be £ , . we are ready to admit, in fact, the testimony in the case goes to prove, that the french northwest company brought into the concern an equal amount of capital with that of the hudson's bay company. this would give the present hudson's bay company a real capital of £ , , a nominal capital of £ , . by reference to the memorial of the company, we find they claim, on the th of april, , of our government:-- for the right to trade, of which the settlement of the country and removal of indians to reservations has deprived them, £ , . for the right of the free navigation of the columbia river, £ , . for their forts, farms, posts, and establishments, with the buildings and improvements, £ , , making, in all, £ , , or $ , , . , or £ , more than the whole amount of nominal stock which they claim to have invested in their entire trade. we will not stop to speak of the morality of this claim; it is made in due form, and this with the claim as set forth in the same document, to wit: for lands, farms, forts, and improvements, £ , ; loss of live stock and other losses, £ , ; total, £ , --equal to $ , , , to be paid in gold. in british money these two sums amount to £ , , sterling, in american dollars to $ , , . ; or £ , sterling money more than their nominal stock, and £ , sterling more than all their real stock invested. it will be remembered that this demand is simply on account of the settlement of oregon by the americans. a part of the posts for which this demand is made are still in their undisputed possession, and a large portion of the claim is set up in consequence of the loss of the profits of the fur trade, of that portion of their business as conducted in territory that originally belonged to the united states, and was actually given up to them by the treaty of december , . the reader will bear in mind, that in the review or discussion of this hudson's bay company's claim on our government, we only refer to that part of their trade, and the rights or privileges they were permitted to enjoy, jointly with americans, in what is now absolutely american territory. over two-thirds of their capital has always been employed in territory that the american has not been permitted to enter, much less to trade and form a settlement of any kind. the witnesses on the part of the hudson's bay company have been forty-one in number. of this number fifteen are directly interested in the results of the award. fourteen were brought to the country by, and remained in the service of the company till they left the country; and were all british, though some of them have become naturalized american citizens. twelve are american citizens, and are supposed to have no particular interest in the results of the case; in fact, their statements are all of a general and very indefinite character. having come to the country since , they know but little or nothing about the hudson's bay company, its rights, policy, or interests there. not one of them appears, from the testimony given, to understand the justness of the company's claim, or the injustice there would be in allowing any part of it. their testimony appears to be given under the impression that because the treaty stipulated that the possessory rights of the company were acknowledged and to be respected, that therefore full payment must be paid the company for the right of trade, and the prospective profits in trade, and the increased value of assessable property for an indefinite period in the future. as, for example, a witness is asked:-- "what is the present value per acre of the company's claims at cowlitz and nasqualla, for farming and grazing purposes?" _ans._--"supposing both claims to belong to the same person or company, having a clear and undisputed title, and perfectly exempt from molestation in the transaction of business, i think the cowlitz claim worth to-day thirty dollars an acre, and the nasqualla claim five dollars an acre, for farming and grazing purposes." the fifteen interested witnesses all testify to about the same thing, asserting positively as to the real value of the company's supposed rights. one of the chief factors, in answer to the interrogatory, "state the value of the post at vancouver, as well in as since, until the year ; give the value of the lands and of the buildings separately; and state also what was the value of the post in relation to the other posts, and as a center of trade," said:-- "it being the general depot for the trade of the company west of the rocky mountains, in the establishment at vancouver, with its out-buildings, was in thorough order, having been lately rebuilt; taking into account this post" (a notorious fact that but two new buildings were about the establishment and in decent repair), "together with the various improvements at the mill, on the mill plain, on the lower plain, and at sauvies island, i should estimate its value then to the company at from five to six hundred thousand dollars." the value of the land used by the company, at fort vancouver, in , say containing a frontage of twenty-five miles on the columbia, by ten miles in depth, in all two hundred and fifty square miles, or about , acres, i should calculate as being worth then, on an average, from $ . to $ an acre (at $ . would give us $ , ); this, with the improvements, say $ , , gives us, at this witness's lowest estimate, $ , for the company's possessory rights. this witness goes into an argument stating surrounding and probable events, and concludes in these words: "i am clearly of opinion that had the company entire control to deal with it as their own, without any question as to their title, from the year and up to , when i left there, taking the fort as a center point, the land above and below it, to the extent of three square miles, or , acres, with frontage on the columbia river, could have been easily disposed of for $ per acre ($ , ). the remainder of the land claim of the company at vancouver is more or less valuable, according to its locality; thus, i consider the land on the lower plain, having frontage on the river for a distance of five miles, or , acres, as worth $ per acre ($ , ). below that, again, to the cathlapootl, a distance of probably ten miles, with a depth of two miles, or , acres, is worth $ an acre ($ , ). going above the fort plain, and so on to the commencement of the claim, two miles above the saw-mill on the columbia river, say a distance of six or seven miles and back three miles, or about , acres, should be worth from $ to $ per acre" ($ , , at $ , his lowest estimate). "the remainder of the claim is worth from $ . to $ per acre." it being , acres, at $ . per acre, $ , . this would make for the vancouver property, as claimed, and several witnesses have sworn the value to amount, as per summary of a chief factor's testimony-- for the fort, buildings, farm and mill improvements $ , " , acres of land about the fort at $ per acre , " , " below the fort, at $ " " , " , " on lower plain, at $ " " , " , " above the saw-mill, at $ " " , " , " balance of claim, at $ . " " , this gives us the sum of $ , , in gold coin, as the value of the possessory rights of the honorable the hudson's bay company to fort vancouver and its immediate surroundings. this chief factor's oath and estimate of the property is sustained by the estimates and oaths of three other chief factors, amounting to about the same sum. this one, after answering in writing, as appears in his cross-examination, twenty sworn questions affirming to the facts and truth of his knowledge of the claims and business of the company, etc., is cross-questioned (interrogatory ), by the counsel for the united states, as follows: "can you not answer the last interrogatory more definitely?" the th interrogatory was: "have you not as much knowledge of what the company claimed in this direction as any other?" the answer to the th interrogatory is: "referring to my answer to the last interrogatory, it will be at once seen that _i have no personal knowledge_ as to what land the company actually claimed on that line _or any other_, as regards the land in the neighborhood of fort vancouver. this answer embraces even the present time." there are several american witnesses introduced to prove this monstrous claim, and to show the reasonableness and justness of their demand. i will give a specimen of an answer given by one of them. after estimating the amount of land in a similar manner to the witness above referred to, calculating the land in four divisions, at $ , $ , and $ . per acre, and , acres amounting to $ , , without any estimate upon the buildings or improvements, the following question was put to him: "have you any knowledge of the market value of land in the vicinity of vancouver, at any time since ?" _ans._--"i only heard of one sale, which was near the military reserve; i think this was of acres, and i understand brought $ an acre. i heard of this within the last few months, but nothing was said, that i remember, about the time when the sale was made." from the intelligence and official position of this american witness, we are forced to the conclusion that the enriching effects of old hudson's bay rum must have made him feel both wealthy and peculiarly liberal in estimating the possessory rights of his hudson's bay company friends. there is one noticeable fact in relation to quite a number of the witnesses called, and that have testified in behalf of the company's claim. it is their ignorance--we may add, total ignorance--of the general business, profits, and policy of the company. this remark will apply to every witness whose deposition has been taken, including their bookkeepers and clerks in london, and their chief factors in oregon. dr. mclaughlin seems to have been the only man upon this coast that knew, or that could give an intelligent account of its policy or its proceedings. the whole hudson's bay company concern appears like a great barrel, bale, or box of goods, put up in london, and marked for a certain district, servants and clerks sent along with the bales, and boxes, and barrels of rum, to gather up all the furs and valuable skins they can find all over the vast country they occupy, then bale up these furs and skins and send them to london, where another set of clerks sell them and distribute the profits on the sale of the furs. as to the value of the soil, timber, minerals, or any improvements they have ever seen or made in the country, they are as ignorant as the savages of the country they have been trading with. _this ignorance is real or willful._ the oaths of the two witnesses to which i have referred show this fact beyond a doubt, they having been the longest in the service, and attained a high position, and should know the most of its business and policy. there is one other american witness that has given his testimony in the case of puget sound agricultural company _v._ united states. he came to this country in . in cross-interrogatory , he is asked: "in your opinion, did not the agents of this company afford great protection to the first settlers of this section of country by the exercise of their influence over the different indian tribes?" _ans._--"in my opinion, the officers of the company, being _educated gentlemen_, have always exerted whatever influence they might have had with the indians to protect the whites of all nations in the early settlement of the country." this opinion is expressed by a gentleman having no knowledge of the policy and proceedings of the company in relation to all american settlers previous to his arrival in the country. he concludes that because he, in his official transactions, having no occasion to ask or receive the company's protection, was treated kindly, all others must have been, as the company's officers were, in his opinion, "educated gentlemen." in answer to this last official american gentleman and his officious opinion, as expressed on oath in this case, i will quote a statement, under oath, of one of our old _bed-rock_ settlers, who came on to the west side of the rocky mountains in , twenty-four years previous to the last witness, who pretends to know so much. _int. ._--"what influence did the hudson's bay company exercise over the indians in the section where you operated, with reference to the american trappers and traders? state such facts as occur to you in this connection." _ans._--"the hudson's bay company exercised a great influence over the western indians; that is, the cayuses, nez percés, flatheads, and spokans, and others through these; they had no influence over the indians east of the rocky mountains at all, and away south they could do almost any thing with the indians. i know of one party that was robbed by order of one of the hudson's bay company men, the commander of fort wallawalla (wallula); the party was robbed, and the fur brought back to the fort and sold. i was not with the party; that was my understanding about the matter; and that was what the indians said, and what the whites said that were robbed." (a fact known to the writer.) _int. ._--"was it not generally understood among the american trappers that the hudson's bay company got a very large quantity of jedediah smith's furs, for which he and they failed to account to the company to which they belonged?" (objected to, because it is leading, immaterial, and hearsay.) _ans._--"it used to be said so among the trappers in the mountains," (and admitted by the company, as no correct account was ever rendered.) _int. ._--"if you remember, state the quantity which was thus reported." (objected to as before.) _ans._--"it was always reported as about forty packs." _int. ._--"give an estimate of the value of forty packs of beaver at that time." _ans._--"forty packs of beaver at that time, in the mountains, was worth about $ , . i do not know what they would be worth at vancouver." _int. ._--"state whether the dispute about this matter was the cause of the dissolution of the firm of smith, jackson & sublet, to which you refer in your cross-examination." (objected to as above.) _ans._--"i do not know; that was the report among mountain men." with these specimens of testimony on both sides, i will venture a general statement drawn from the whole facts developed. about the time, or perhaps one year before, the notice that the joint occupancy of the country west of the rocky mountains was given by the american government to that of the british, the hudson's bay company, as such, had made extensive preparations and arrangements to hold the country west of the rocky mountains. this arrangement embraced a full and complete organization of the indian tribes under the various traders and factors at the various forts in the country. the probability of a mexican war with the united states, and such influences as could be brought to bear upon commissioners, or the treaty-making power of the american government, would enable them to secure this object. in this they failed. the mexican war was successfully and honorably closed. the hudson's bay company's claims are respected, or at least mentioned as in existence, in the treaty of , that the th parallel should be the boundary _of the two national dominions_. on the strength of their supposed possessory right, they remain quietly in their old forts and french pig-pens, take a full inventory of their old indian salmon-houses, and watch the progress of american improvement upon this coast, till , when the american people are in the midst of a death struggle for its civil existence. they then for the third time "water" this monstrosity under the name of "'the international financial society, limited,' are prepared to receive subscriptions for the issue at par of capital stock in the hudson's bay company, incorporated by royal charter, ," fixing the nominal stock of the hudson's bay company at £ , , ; and taking from this amount £ , , , they offer it for sale under this new title in shares of £ each, claiming as belonging to them [_i.e._, the hudson's bay company] , , square miles, or upward of , , acres of land, and, after paying all expenses, an income of £ , in ten years, up to the st of may--over four per cent. on the £ , , . this vast humbug is held up for the english public to invest in,--a colonization scheme to enrich the favored shareholders of that old english aristocratic humbug chartered by charles ii. in . in the whole history of that company there has never been any investigation of its internal policy so thorough as in the present proceedings. in fact, this is the first time they have ventured to allow a legal investigation into their system of trade and their rights of property. they have grown to such enormous proportions, and controlled so vast a country, that the government and treasury of the united states has become, in their estimation, a mere appendage to facilitate their indian trade and financial speculations. from our recent purchases of russian territory, it becomes an important question to every american citizen, and especially our statesmen, to make himself familiar with so vast an influence under the british flag, and extending along so great an extent of our northern frontier. should they establish, by their own interested and ignorant testimony, their present claims, there will be no end to their unreasonable demands, for they have dotted the whole continent with their trading-posts. they claim all that is supposed to be of any value to savage and civilized man. the english nation without its hudson's bay company's old traps and hunting-parties would have no claim west of the rocky mountains, yet, for the sake of these, it has almost ventured a third war with our american people in sending from its shores, instead of land pirates, under the bars and stars, the red flag of the hudson's bay company. the two flags should be folded together and laid up in the british museum, as a lasting monument of british injustice. i apprehend, from a careful review of all this testimony of the forty-one witnesses who were on the part of the hudson's bay company, and the forty-two on the part of the united states, that the whole policy of the company has been thoroughly developed; yet, at the same time, without a long personal acquaintance with their manner of doing business, it would be difficult to comprehend the full import of the testimony given, though i apprehend the commissioners will have no very difficult task to understand the humbuggery of the whole claim, as developed by the testimony of the clerks in london and the investigation at head-quarters. as to the amount of award, i would not risk one dollar to obtain a share in all they get from our government. on the contrary, a claim should be made against them for damages and trespass upon the american citizens, as also the lives of such as they have caused to be murdered by their influence over the indians. the telegraph has informed us that the commissioners have awarded to the hudson's bay company, $ , , and to the puget sound concern, $ , . we have no change to make in our opinion of the commissioners previously expressed, as they must have known, from the testimony developed in the puget sound concern, that that part of the claim was a fictitious one, and instituted to distract the public and divide the pretensions to so large an amount in two parts. that the commissioners should allow it can only be understood upon the principle that the hudson's bay company were entitled to that amount as an item of costs in prosecuting their case. no man at all familiar with the history of this coast, and of the hudson's bay company, can conscientiously approve of that award. our forefathers, in , said "millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute," which we consider this award to be,--for the benefit of english duplicity and double-dealing, in the false representations they made at the making of the treaty, and the perjury of their witnesses. chapter xi. quotation from mr. swan.--his mistake.--general gibbs' mistake.--kamaiyahkan.--indian agent killed.--i. i. stevens misjudged. the gigantic fraud of slavery fell, in our own land, in the short space of four years; but that of this company--holding and destroying as many lives as the african slave trade--holds its own, and still lifts its head, under the patronage of a professed christian nation; and claims to be an honorable company, while it robs and starves its unnumbered benighted indians, and shuts up half of north america from civilization. at the same time it has obtained $ , for partially withdrawing its continued robberies of the american indians within the united states, after implanting in the savage mind an implacable hatred against the american people. while we have our own personal knowledge on this point, we will give a quotation from mr. swan's work, written in , page , showing his views of the subject, which are mostly correct; but, in speaking of the trade of the americans and of the hudson's bay company, he says: "the indians preferred to trade with the americans, for they kept one article in great demand, which the hudson's bay people did not sell, and that was whisky." in this mr. swan is entirely mistaken. the hudson's bay people always had liquor, and let the indians have all they could pay for, as proved by their own writer, mr. dunn. (see th chapter.) mr. s. continues: "reckless, worthless men, who are always to be found in new settlements, would give or sell whisky to the indians, and then, when drunk, abuse them. if the injury was of a serious nature, the indian was sure to have revenge; and should he kill a white man, would be certainly hanged, if caught; but, although the same law operated on the whites, i have never known an instance where a white man has been hanged for killing an indian." this has been my experience, mr. swan, for more than thirty years, with the hudson's bay company, or english. when a white man kills an indian, the tribe, or his friends, are satisfied with a present, instead of the life of the murderer. it has been invariably the practice with the hudson's bay company to pay, when any of their people kill an indian, and to kill the indian murderer; not so when an american is killed. says mr. swan: "the ill-feelings thus engendered against the americans, by this, and other causes, was continually _fanned and kept alive by these half-breeds and old servants of the company_, whose feelings were irritated by what they considered an unwarrantable assumption on the part of these settlers, in coming across the mountains to squat upon lands they considered theirs by right of prior occupancy. _the officers of the company_ also sympathized with their old servants in this respect, and a _deadly feeling of hatred had existed_ between these officers and the american emigrant, for their course in taking possession of the lands claimed by the puget sound agricultural company, and other places on the sound and the columbia river; and there is not a man among them who would not be glad to have had every american emigrant driven out of the country." it is unnecessary to add examples of this kind to prove to any reasonable mind the continued hostility of that company, and all under its influence, to the american government and people. can their friendship be bought by paying them the entire sum they claim? we think not. whatever sum is given will go to enrich the shareholders, who will rejoice over their success, as an indian would over the scalp of his enemy. the _implacable hatred will remain_, and nothing but extermination, or a complete absorption of the whole continent into the american republic, will close up the difficulty, and save a remnant of the indian tribes. this, to some, may not be desirable; but humanity and right should, and will, eventually, prevail over crime, or any foreign policy. the american people are taunted by the roman jesuits and english with having driven the indian from his lands, and having occupied it themselves; but how is it with the english? while the american has attempted to gather the indians into convenient communities, and spent millions of dollars to civilize and better their condition, the english nation, as such, has never given one dollar, but has chartered company after company of merchants, traders, and explorers, who have entered the indian country under their exclusive charters, or license to trade, and shut it up from all others. they have, in the profitable prosecution of their trade, so managed as to exterminate all surplus and useless indians, and reduce them to easy and profitable control. should one of their half-breed servants, or a white man, attempt to expose their system, or speak of their iniquitous policy, a great hue and cry is raised against him, both in england and america, and he must fall, either by a misinformed public or by savage hands, while they triumphantly refer to the ease with which they exercise absolute control over the indians in their jurisdiction, as a reason why they should be permitted to continue their exclusive occupation and government of the country. thus, for being forced partially to leave that portion of oregon south of the th parallel, they presumed to make a claim against our government three times larger than the whole capital stock of the two companies combined. this hue and cry, and the public sentiment they have continued to raise and control, has its double object. the one is to continue their exclusive possession of, and trade in the country, the other is to obtain all the money they can from the american government for the little part of it they have professedly given up. it will be remembered that in the investigation of their claims, and the depositions given, it was stated that forts okanagon, colville, kootanie, and flathead, were still in their possession in ; that wallawalla, fort hall, and boise were given up because they were prohibited by the government from trading ammunition and guns to the indians. this means simply that the last-named posts were too far from their own territory to enable them to trade in these prohibited articles, and escape detection by the american authorities. the northern posts, or those contiguous to the th parallel, are still occupied by them. from these posts they supply the indians, and send their emissaries into the american territory, and keep up the "_deadly hatred_," of which mr. swan speaks, and about which general gibbs, in his letter explaining the causes of the indian war, is so much mistaken. there is one fact stated by general gibbs, showing the continued combination of the roman priests with the hudson's bay company, which we will give in this connection. he says: "the yankamas have always been opposed to the intrusion of the americans." this is also a mistake of mr. gibbs, as we visited that tribe in the fall of , and found them friendly, and anxious to have an american missionary among them. at that time there had been no priest among them, and no combined effort of the company to get rid of the american missionary settlements. kamaiyahkan, the very chief mentioned by general gibbs as being at the head of the combination against the americans, accompanied us to dr. whitman's station, to urge the establishment of an american mission among his people. general gibbs says, that, "as early as , kamaiyahkan had projected a war of extermination. father pandosa, the priest at atahnam (yankama) mission, in the spring of that year, wrote to father mesplie, the one at the dalls, desiring him to inform major alvord, in command at that post, of the fact. major alvord reported it to general hitchcock, then in command on this coast, hitchcock _censured_ him as an _alarmist_, and pandosa was _censured_ by his superiors, who forthwith placed a priest of higher rank over him." the next year, indian agent bolon was killed, and the war commenced. how did general hitchcock learn that pandosa, a simple-hearted priest, and major alvord were alarmists? the fact of the censure, and placing a priest of higher rank over pandosa at the yankama station (the very place we selected in for an american station), is conclusive evidence on this point. "the war of extermination," that general gibbs, in his mistaken ideas of hudson's bay policy and indian character, attributes to the policy of governor i. i. stevens, was commenced in . at that time, it was supposed by james douglas, mr. ogden, and the ruling spirits of that company, that all they had to do was to withhold munitions of war from the americans, and the indians would do the balance for them. the indian wars that followed, and that are kept up and encouraged along our borders, and all over this coast, are the legitimate fruits of the "deadly hatred" implanted in the mind and soul of the indian by the hudson's bay company and their allies, the priests. there is an object in this: while they teach the indians to believe that the americans are robbing them of their lands and country, they at the same time pretend that they do not want it. like bishop blanchet with the cayuses, they "only want a small piece of land to raise a little provisions from," and they are continually bringing such goods as the indians want; and whenever they are ready to join their forces and send their war-parties into american territory, this company of _honorable english fur traders_ are always ready to supply them with arms and ammunition, and to purchase from them the goods or cattle (including scalps, in case of war between the two nations) they may capture on such expeditions. the more our government pays to that company, or their fictitious agent, the more means they will have to carry on their opposition to american commerce and enterprise on this coast. should they obtain but one-third of their outrageous claim, it is contemplated to invest it, with their original stock, in a new company, under the same name, honorable hudson's bay company, and to extend their operations so as to embrace not only the fur, but gold and grain trade, over this whole western coast. will it be for the interests of this country to encourage them? let their conduct and proceeding while they had the absolute control of it answer, and prove a timely warning to the country before such vampires are allowed to fasten themselves upon it. chapter xii. review of mr. greenhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company.--schools and missionaries.--reasons for giving extracts from mr. greenhow's work.--present necessity for more knowledge about the company. as stated by general gibbs, mr. greenhow has given us a complete history of the discovery of oregon. at the point where he leaves us the reader will observe our present history commences. we did not read mr. greenhow's very elaborate and interesting history till ours had been completed in manuscript. on reading it, we found abundant proof of statements we have made respecting the policy of the british government to hold, by the influence of her hudson's bay company, the entire country west of the rocky mountains that was not fully occupied by the russian and spanish governments. this fact alone makes our history the more important and interesting to the american reader. mr. greenhow, upon pages and of his work, closes the labors of the eleven different american fur companies with the name of captain nathaniel wyeth, and upon these two pages introduces the american missionaries, with the roman jesuits, though the latter did not arrive in the country till four years after the former. on his th page, after speaking of various transactions relative to california, the sandwich islands, and the proceedings in congress relative to the oregon country, he says: "in the mean time, the hudson's bay company had been doing all in its power to extend and confirm its position in the countries west of the rocky mountains, from which its governors felicitated themselves with the idea that they had expelled the americans entirely." page . "the object of the company was, therefore, to place a large number of british subjects in oregon within the shortest time, and, of course, to exclude from it as much as possible all people of the united states; so that when the period for terminating the convention with the latter power should arrive, great britain might be able to present the strongest title to the possession of the whole, on the ground of actual occupation by the hudson's bay company. to these ends the efforts of that company had been for some time directed. the immigration of british subjects was encouraged; the americans were by all means excluded; _and the indians were brought as much as possible into friendship with, and subject to, the company, while they were taught to regard the people of the united states as enemies!_" in a work entitled "four years in british columbia," by commander r. c. mayne, r. n., f. r. g. s., page , this british writer says: "i have also spoken of the intense hatred of them all for the boston men (americans). this hatred, although nursed chiefly by the cruelty with which they are treated by them, is also owing in a great measure to the system adopted by the americans of removing them away from their villages when their sites become settled by whites. the indians often express dread lest we should adopt the same course, and have lately petitioned governor douglas on the subject." commander mayne informs us, on his d page, that in the performance of his official duties among the indians, "recourse to very strong expressions was found necessary; and they were threatened with the undying wrath of mr. douglas, whose name always acts as a talisman with them." we shall have occasion to quote statements from members of the hudson's bay company, and from jesuit priests, further confirming the truth of mr. greenhow's statement as above quoted. it would be gratifying to us to be able, from our long personal experience and observations relative to the policy and conduct of the hudson's bay company, to fully confirm the very plausible, and, if true, honorable treatment of the aborigines of these countries; but truth, candor, observation, our own and other personal knowledge, compel us to believe and know that mr. greenhow is entirely mistaken when he says, on his th page, speaking of the hudson's bay company:-- "in the treatment of the aborigines of these countries, the hudson's bay company _admirably combined and reconciled humanity with policy_. in the first place, its agents were strictly prohibited from furnishing them with ardent spirits; and there is reason to believe that the prohibition has been carefully enforced. "sunday, march , ," says mr. dunn, one of their own servants, "indians remained in their huts, perhaps praying, or more likely singing over the _rum_ they had traded with us on saturday.----tuesday, april .--great many indians on board.----traded a number of skins. they seem to like _rum_ very much.----may .--they were all _drunk_; went on shore, made a fire about o'clock; being then all drunk began firing on one another.----june .--the indians are bringing their blankets--their skins are all gone; they seem very fond of _rum_.----july .--they traded a quantity of _rum_ from us." the kingston _chronicle_, a newspaper, on the th of september, , says: "the hudson's bay company have, in some instances _with their rum_, traded the goods given in presents to the indians by the canadian government, and afterward so traded the same with them at an advance of little short of a thousand per cent." question asked by the parliamentary committee: "are intoxicating liquors supplied in any part of the country--and where?" the five witnesses answered:-- st. "at every place where he was." d. "all but the mandan indians were desirous to obtain intoxicating liquor; _and the company supply them with it freely_." d. "at jack river i saw liquor given for furs." th. "at york factory and oxford house." th. the fifth witness had seen liquor given "at norway house only." the writer has seen liquor given and sold to the indians at every post of the company, from the mouth of the columbia to fort hall, including fort colville, and by the traveling traders of the company; so that whatever pretensions the company make to the contrary, the proof is conclusive, that they traffic in liquors, without any restraint or hinderance, all over the indian countries they occupy. that they charge this liquor traffic to renegade americans i am fully aware; at the same time i know they have supplied it to indians, when there were no americans in the country that had any to sell or give. in the narrative of the rev. mr. king, it is stated that "the agents of the hudson's bay company are not satisfied with putting so insignificant value upon the furs, that the more active hunters only can gain a support, which necessarily leads to the death of the more aged and infirm by starvation and cannibalism, but they encourage the intemperate use of ardent spirits." says mr. alexander simpson, one of the company's own chief traders: "that body has assumed much credit for the discontinuance of the sale of spirituous liquors at its trading establishments, but i apprehend that in this matter it has both claimed and received more praise than is its due. the issue of spirits has not been discontinued by it on principle, indeed it has not been discontinued at all when there is a possibility of diminution of trade through the indians having the power to resent this deprivation of their accustomed and much-loved annual jollification, by carrying their furs to another market." this means simply that mr. greenhow and all other admirers of the hudson's bay company's manner of treating indians have been humbugged by their professions of "_humanity and policy_." we are inclined to return mr. greenhow's compliment to the rev. samuel parker in his own language, as found on the st page of his work. he says: "mr. samuel parker, whose journal of his tour beyond the rocky mountains, though highly interesting and instructive, would have been much more so had he confined himself to the results of his own experience, and not wandered into the region of history, diplomacy, and cosmogony, in all of which he is evidently a stranger." so with mr. greenhow, when he attempts to reconcile the conduct of the hudson's bay company with "_humanity_," and admires their policy, and gives them credit for honorable treatment of "indians, missionaries, and settlers," he leaves his legitimate subject of history and diplomacy, and goes into the subject of the hudson's bay company's moral _policy_, to which he appears quite as much a "stranger" as mr. samuel parker does to those subjects in which mr. greenhow found him deficient. but, notwithstanding we are inclined to return mr. greenhow's compliment in his own language, his historical researches and facts are invaluable, as developing a deep scheme of a foreign national grasping disposition, to hold, by a low, mean, underhanded, and, as mr. greenhow says, "false and malicious course of misrepresentation, the country west of the rocky mountains." there are a few pages in mr. greenhow's history that,--as ours is now fully written, and we see no reason to change a statement we have made,--for the information of our readers, and to correct what we conceive to be an erroneous impression of his relative to our early settlements upon this coast, we will quote, and request our readers to observe our corrections in the history or narration of events we have given them. "schools for the instruction of their children, and hospitals for their sick, were established at all their principal trading-posts; each of which, moreover, afforded the means of employment and support to indians disposed to work in the intervals between the hunting seasons." says the rev. mr. barnley, a wesleyan missionary at moose factory, whose labors commenced in june, , and continued till september, : "a plan which i had devised for educating and turning to some acquaintance with agriculture, native children, was disallowed,----it being very distinctly stated by sir george simpson, that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life." says mr. greenhow: "_missionaries of various sects were encouraged to undertake to convert these people to christianity, and to induce them to adopt the usages of civilized life_, so far as might be consistent with the nature of the labors in which they are engaged; care being at the same time taken to instill into their minds due respect for the company, and for the sovereign of great britain; and attempts were made, at great expense, though with little success, to collect them into villages, or tracts where the soil and climate are favorable to agriculture." mr. barnley says: "at moose factory, where the resources were most ample, and where was the seat of authority in the southern department of rupert's land, the _hostility_ of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to themselves) was most manifest." another of the english missionaries writes in this manner: "when at york factory last fall ( ), a young gentleman boasted that he had succeeded in starting the christian indians of rossville off with the boats on a sunday. thus every effort we make for their moral and spiritual improvement is frustrated, and those who were, and still are, desirous of becoming christians, are kept away; the pagan indians desiring to become christians, but being made drunk on their arrival at the fort, 'their good desires vanish.' the indians professing christianity had actually exchanged one keg of rum for tea and sugar, at one post, but the successive offers of liquor betrayed them into intoxication at another." the rev. mr. beaver, chaplain of the company at fort vancouver, in , writes thus to the aborigines protection society, london, tract , page :-- "for a time i reported to the governor and committee of the company in england, and to the governor and the council of the company abroad, the result of my observations, with a view to a gradual amelioration of the wretched degradation with which i was surrounded, by an immediate attempt at the introduction of civilization and christianity, among one or more of the aboriginal tribes; but my earnest representations were neither attended to nor acted upon; no means were placed at my disposal for carrying out the plan which i suggested." mr. greenhow says, page : "particular care was also extended to the education of the half-breed children, the offspring of the marriage or the concubinage of the traders with the indian women, who were retained and bred as much as possible among the white people, and were taken into the service of the company, whenever they were found capable. there being few white women in those countries, it is evident that these half-breeds must, in time, form a large, if not an important portion of the inhabitants; and there is nothing to prevent their being adopted and recognized as british subjects. "the conduct of the hudson's bay company, in these respects, is worthy of _commendation_; and may be contrasted most favorably with that pursued at the present day by civilized people toward the aborigines of all other new countries." it is a most singular fact, that while mr. greenhow was writing the above high commendation of the conduct and policy of the hudson's bay company, in relation to their treatment of indians and missionaries under their absolute control, that that company were driving from their posts at moose factory and vancouver, their own wesleyan and episcopal missionaries, and doing all they could to prevent the settlement or civilization of the indians, or allowing any missionary intercourse with them, except by foreign roman jesuits, and were actually combining the indians in oregon to destroy and defeat civil and christian efforts among the indians and american settlements then being established in the country. page , mr. greenhow further says: "the course pursued by the hudson's bay company, with regard to american citizens in the territory west of the rocky mountains, was equally _unexceptionable_ and _politic_. the missionaries and immigrants from the united states, or from whatever country they might come, were received at the establishments of the company with the utmost kindness, and were aided in the prosecution of their respective objects, _so far and so long as those objects were not commercial_; but no sooner did any person, unconnected with the company, attempt to hunt, or trap, or trade with the indians, than all the force of the body was turned against him." the statement in the last part of the foregoing paragraph can be attested by more than one hundred american hunters and traders, who have felt the full force of that company's influence against them; as also by missionaries and settlers on first arriving in the country. but mr. greenhow says: "there is no evidence or reason to believe that violent measures were ever employed, either directly or indirectly, for this purpose; nor would such means have been needed while the company enjoyed advantages over all competitors, such as are afforded by its wealth, its organization, and the skill and knowledge of the country, and of the natives, possessed by its agents." this is simply an assertion of mr. greenhow, which our future pages will correct in the mind of any who have received it as truth. it is unnecessary to pursue mr. greenhow's history of the hudson's bay company respecting their treatment of american or english missionaries or american settlers; the statements we have quoted show fully his want of a correct knowledge of the practices of that company in dealing with savage and civilized men. we only claim for ourselves close observation and deeply interested participation in all that relates to oregon since , having been permitted to be present at the forming of its early civil settlement and political history. this work of mr. greenhow's appears to be peculiarly political as well as strongly national, and in the passages we have quoted, with many other similar ones, he seems to us to have written to catch the patronage of this foreign english corporation, which, according to his own showing, has been an incubus upon the english, and, so far as possible, the americans also. while he shows his utter ignorance of their internal policy and history, his researches in the history of the early discoveries on this western coast are ample and most useful as vindicating our american claim to the country. but as to its settlement and civilization, or its early moral or political history, as he says of mr. samuel parker, "in all of which he is evidently a stranger." our reasons for giving the extracts from mr. greenhow's work are-- st. that the reader may the better understand what follows as our own. d. to avoid a future collision or controversy respecting statements that may be quoted from him to contradict or controvert our own, respecting the policy and practices of the hudson's bay company, which, mr. greenhow says, page , "did no more than they were entitled to do. if the americans neglected or were unable to avail themselves of the benefits secured to both nations by the convention, the fault or the misfortune was their own, and they had no right to complain." if this is true, as against the american, what right has the hudson's bay company to complain and ask pay for what had been rendered worthless to them by the american settlement of the country? "the hospitable treatment extended to them [american citizens] by the agents of the hudson's bay company was doubtless approved by the directors of that body; and all who know messrs. mclaughlin and douglas, the principal managers of the affairs of that body on the columbia, unite in testifying that the humanity and generosity of those gentlemen have been always carried as far as their duties would permit. that their conduct does not, however, meet with universal approbation among the servants of the company in that quarter, sufficient evidence may be cited to prove." he quotes john dunn's book, chap. . mr. greenhow wrote his history with the light then existing, _i.e._, in . about that time dr. mclaughlin was called to an account by the directors of the hudson's bay company, in london. he explained to them his position, and the condition of the americans, who came to this country both naked and hungry, and that, as a man of common humanity, he could do no less than he did. the directors insisted upon the enforcement of their stringent rule, which was, to starve and drive every american from the country. he then told them: "_if such is your order, gentlemen, i will serve you no longer._" as to mr. douglas, we have no such noble sentiment to record in his behalf; he belonged to that english party called by mr. greenhow "_patriots_." he says: "there were two parties among the british in oregon, the _patriots_ and the _liberals_, who, while they agreed in holding all americans in utter detestation, as _knaves_ and _ruffians_, yet differed as to the propriety of the course pursued with regard to them by the company. the _patriots_ maintained, that kindness showed to the people of the united states was thrown away, and would be badly requited; that it was merely nurturing a race of men, who would soon rise from their weak and humble position, as grateful acknowledgers of favors, to the bold attitude of questioners of the authority of great britain, and her right, even to vancouver itself; that if any attempts were made for the conversion of the natives to christianity, and to the adoption of more humanized institutions (which they limited to british institutions), a solid and permanent foundation should be laid; and for that purpose, if missionaries were to be introduced, they should come within the direct control of the dominant power, that is, the british power, and should be the countrymen of those who actually occupied oregon, etc. the _liberals_, while admitting all that was said on the other side, of the character of the americans, nevertheless charitably opined that those people should not be excluded, as they possessed some claim, 'feeble, but yet existing,' to the country, and until 'these were quashed or confirmed, it would be unjust and impolite' to prevent them from all possession; _that these missionaries, though bad_, were better than none; and that good would grow out of evil in the end, for the americans, by their intercourse with the british, _would become more humanized, tolerant, and honest_." as most of the above sentiment relative to the two english parties in the country appears to be quoted by mr. greenhow from some author, it would be interesting to know who he is; still, the fact is all that is essential to know, and we have reason to believe and know that the sentiments expressed were entertained by the controlling authority of the company in london and in oregon; and that messrs. douglas and ogden, and the roman priests under their patronage, acted fully up to them as roman and british jesuits, there is no question; and under such circumstances, it is not surprising that the immigration from the united states in , ' , and ' , should increase that feeling of hostility and hatred of the american settlement and civilization in the country. we do not propose at present to speak of the action of the american congress relative to oregon, but, as will be seen, to connect and bring into our own history such allusions of mr. greenhow as serve to illustrate and prove the several propositions we have stated respecting the early history of its settlement, and also to prepare the reader to understand in a manner the combined influences that were ready to contest any claim or effort any american company or citizen might make for the future occupation of the country. it will be seen that no company of settlers or traders could have succeeded, having arrived in advance of the american missionaries. they were unquestionably the only nucleus around which a permanent settlement could have been formed, eleven different american fur companies having commenced and failed, as will be shown; and although mr. greenhow seems to regard and treat the american missionary effort with contempt, yet impartial history will place them in the foreground, and award to them an honorable place in counteracting foreign influences and saving the country to its rightful owners. it will be seen by the preliminary and following remarks and narrative of events, and by a careful study of all the histories and journals to which we have had occasion to refer, or from which we have quoted a statement, that the forming, civilizing, and political period in our oregon history is all a blank, except that the hudson's bay company were the patron saints, the noble and generous preservers of the "_knaves_" and "_ruffians_" that came to this country to rob them of their pious and humane labors to civilize their accomplished native "concubines." that, according to their ideas, the missionaries, such as came from the united states, "_though bad_," could become "_humanized_, _tolerant_," and even "_honest_," by associating with such noble, generous, tolerant, virtuous, and pure-minded traders as controlled the affairs of that company, under the faithfully-executed and stringent rules of the honorable directors in london. at the present time there is an additional important reason for a better understanding and a more thorough knowledge of the influences and operations of this british monopoly than formerly. notwithstanding they have been driven from oregon by its american settlement, they have retired to british columbia, and, like barnacles upon a ship's bottom, have fastened themselves all along the russian and american territories, to repeat just what they did in oregon; and, with the savage hordes with whom they have always freely mingled, they will repeat their depredations upon our american settlements, and defeat every effort to civilize or christianize the natives over whom they have any influence. six generations of natives have passed away under their system of trade and civilization. the french, english, and indians before our american revolution and independence could not harmonize. the french were driven from their american possessions and control over the indians, and peace followed. the indians, english, and americans can not harmonize; they never have, and they never will; hence, it becomes a question of vast moment, not only to the indian race, but to the american people, as to the propriety and expediency of allowing the english nation or british or foreign subjects to further exercise any influence among our american indians. mr. a. h. jackson estimates the expense of our indian wars, since to the present time, at one thousand millions of dollars and thirty-seven thousand lives of our citizens, not counting the lives of indians destroyed by our american wars with them. if the reader will carefully read and candidly judge of the historical facts presented in the following pages, we have no fears but they will join us in our conclusions, that the monroe doctrine is irrevocably and of necessity fixed in our american existence as a nation at peace with all, which we can not have so long as any foreign sectarian or political organizations are permitted to have a controlling influence over savage minds. a frenchman, an englishman, a mormon, a roman priest, any one, or all of them, fraternizing as they do with the indian, can work upon his prejudices and superstitions and involve our country in an indian war--which secures the indian trade to the british fur company. this is the great object sought to be accomplished in nearly all the wars our government has had with them. one other remarkable fact is noted in all our indian wars, the american or protestant missionaries have been invariably driven from among those tribes, while the roman jesuit missionaries have been protected and continued among the indians, aiding and counseling them in the continuance of those wars. it is no new thing that ignorance, superstition, and sectarian hate has produced such results upon the savage mind, and our oregon history shows that a shrewd british fur company can duly appreciate and make use of just such influences to promote and perpetuate their trade on the american continent. chapter xiii. occupants of the country.--danger to outsiders.--description of missionaries. in , this entire country, from the russian settlement on the north to the gulf of california on the south, the rocky mountains on the east to the pacific ocean on the west, was under the absolute and undisputed control of the honorable hudson's bay company; and the said company claimed and exercised exclusive civil, religious, political, and commercial jurisdiction over all this vast country, leaving a narrow strip of neutral territory between the united states and their assumed possessions, lying between the rocky mountains and the western borders of missouri. its inhabitants were gentlemen of the hudson's bay company,--their clerks, traders, and servants,--consisting mostly of canadian-french, half-breeds, and natives. occasionally, when a venturesome yankee ship or fur trader entered any of the ports of the aforesaid country for trade, exploration, or settlement, this honorable company asserted its licensed and exclusive right to drive said vessel, trader, explorer, or settler from it. should he be so bold as to venture to pass the trained bands of the wild savages of the mountains, or, even by accident, reach the sacred trading-ground of this company, he was helped to a passage out of it, or allowed to perish by the hand of any savage who saw fit to punish him for his temerity. while this exclusive jurisdiction was claimed and exercised by the company, four wild, untutored indians of the flathead tribe learned from an american trapper, who had strayed into their country, that there was a supreme being, worthy of worship, and that, by going to his country, they could learn all about him. four of these sons of the wilderness found their way to st. louis, missouri, in . mr. catlin, a celebrated naturalist and artist, i believe not a member of any religious sect, learned the object that had brought these red men from the mountains of oregon, and gave the fact to the religious public. this little incident, though small in itself, resulted in the organization, in , of the missionary board of the methodist episcopal church, the appointment of rev. jason lee and associates, to the establishment of the methodist mission in the wallamet valley in , the appointment of rev. samuel parker and dr. marcus whitman, by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, to explore the country in , and the establishment of a mission by said board in . rev. jason lee, of stansted, canada east, a man of light hair, blue eyes, fair complexion, spare habit, above ordinary height, a little stoop-shouldered, with strong nerve and indomitable will, yet a meek, warm-hearted, and humble christian, gaining by his affable and easy manners the esteem of all who became acquainted with him, was the first to volunteer. rev. daniel lee, a nephew of jason, was the second;--the opposite of the former in every particular--of medium height. the general impression of outsiders was, that his moral qualities were not of the highest order, yet it is not known that any specific charges were ever brought against him. cyrus shepard, a lay member, was a devoted christian, and a faithful laborer for the advancement of the objects of the mission and the general welfare of all in the country. we have never learned that he had an enemy or a slanderer while he lived in it. on his first arrival he taught the hudson's bay company's school at vancouver, consisting of children belonging to persons in the employ of the company, till the mission buildings were ready, when he gathered a large school of indian and french half-breed children, and was quite successful in teaching the rudiments of an english education. rev. d. lee and mr. shepard were from new england. mr. p. l. edwards, of missouri, also a lay member, was of the company. but little is known of him; the inducements to become a permanent settler in the country do not appear in his case. rev. samuel parker, of ithaca, new york, a man of good education and refinement, and exceedingly set in his opinions and conclusions of men and things, came to explore the country, and report to the american board as to the feasibility of establishing missions among the indians, one of the missionaries of the american board, from the sandwich islands, having visited the coast in an american ship, several years previous, and made an unfavorable report on account of the fur-trade influence against american traders, giving the impression that american missionaries would not be tolerated in the country. mr. parker was inclined to self-applause, requiring his full share of ministerial approbation or respect, though not fully qualified to draw it cheerfully from an audience or his listeners; was rather fastidious. dr. marcus whitman, of rushville, new york, sent in company with mr. parker to explore the country. a man of easy, _don't-care_ habits, that could become all things to all men, and yet a sincere and earnest man, speaking his mind before he thought the second time, giving his views on all subjects without much consideration, correcting and changing them when good reasons were presented, yet, when fixed in the pursuit of an object, adhering to it with unflinching tenacity. a stranger would consider him fickle and stubborn, yet he was sincere and kind, and generous to a fault, devoting every energy of his mind and body to the welfare of the indians and objects of the mission; seldom manifesting fears of any danger that might surround him, at times he would become animated and earnest in his argument or conversation. in his profession he was a bold practitioner, and generally successful. he was above medium height; of spare habit; peculiar hair, a portion of each being white and a dark brown, so that it might be called iron-gray; deep blue eyes, and large mouth. the peculiarities of messrs. parker and whitman were such, that, when they had reached the rendezvous on green river, in the rocky mountains, they agreed to separate; not because dr. whitman was not willing and anxious to continue the exploring expedition, in company with mr. parker, but because mr. p. could not "put up" with the off-hand, careless, and, as he thought, slovenly manner in which dr. whitman was inclined to travel. dr. w. was a man that could accommodate himself to circumstances; such as dipping the water from the running stream with his hand, to drink; having but a hunter's knife (without a fork) to cut and eat his food; in short, could _rough it_ without qualms of stomach. rev. mr. parker had left a refined family circle, and his habits had become somewhat delicate from age and long usage in comfortable and agreeable society; hence his peculiar habits were not adapted to rocky mountain travel in those early days. still, the great object on which they were sent must not be lost sight of. their sense of moral obligation was such, that a reason must be given why dr. whitman returns to the states, and mr. parker proceeds alone on his perilous journey to this then unknown country. here again the wild indian comes in, by instinct, order, or providence (as the unbeliever may choose to call it), and offers to take charge of this delicate old gentleman, and carries him in triumph through the rocky mountains, and all through his country, and, in indian pomp and splendor, delivers this rev. "_black coat_" to p. c. pambrun, esq., chief clerk of the honorable hudson's bay company, at old fort wallawalla, supplying his every want on the journey, caring for his horses and baggage, not asking or receiving any thing, except such presents as mr. parker chose to give them on the way and at parting. dr. whitman, it will be remembered, was associated with mr. parker, under the direction of the american board. they had arrived at the rendezvous in the rocky mountains; most of the nez percés were at the american rendezvous. ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, a young nez percé indian (named by the american trappers, _lawyer_, on account of his shrewdness in argument, and his unflinching defense of american against british and foreign influences), having learned of their arrival, came to them and settled matters quite satisfactorily to both, by requesting mr. parker to go with them to their country, they having heard of rev. mr. lee and party going to settle near the _husus-hai-hai_ (white head), as the natives called dr. john mclaughlin, in the wallamet valley. they consented to let the doctor take two of their boys. to ites he gave the name of john; tuetakas he called richard. dr. whitman was to go to the states, report to the american board, and procure associates and the material to establish a mission in the nez percé country. the nez percés were to take charge of mr. parker, and carry him forward in his explorations, and meet dr. w., on his return next year, at the place of rendezvous in the mountains, to conduct him and his party to the place mr. parker might select for a mission establishment. rev. s. parker, in company with the indians, went on, and dr. whitman, with his two indian boys, with the american fur company, capts. fitzpatrick, bridger, and others, started on their way to the states, or "home from the rocky mountains." dr. whitman, by his off-hand, easy manner of accommodating himself to circumstances, and by his kind-heartedness and promptness to relieve all who needed his professional skill, had won the esteem of all with whom he traveled, so that the gentlemen of the american fur company cheerfully supplied his wants on his return trip to the states, where he arrived in due time, made his report to the american board, who decided to establish the mission, as per arrangement with parker and whitman, on separating in the rocky mountains. mrs. whitman, formerly miss narcissa prentiss, of prattsburg, steuben county, new york, was a lady of refined feelings and commanding appearance. she had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, and light blue eyes. her features were large, her form full and round. at the time she arrived in the country, in the prime of life, she was considered a fine, noble-looking woman, affable and free to converse with all she met. her conversation was animated and cheerful. firmness in her was natural, and to some, especially the indians, it was repulsive. she had been brought up in comparative comfort, and moved in the best of religious society in the place of her residence. she was a good singer, and one of her amusements, as well as that of her traveling companions, was to teach the doctor to sing, which she did with considerable success,--that is, he could sing the native songs without much difficulty. the american board appointed rev. h. h. spalding and wife to accompany dr. whitman and wife, to aid in establishing the nez percé mission. mr. spalding and wife had just completed their preparatory course of education in lane seminary, near cincinnati, ohio. the first impression of the stranger on seeing h. h. spalding is, that he has before him an unusual countenance. he begins to examine, and finds a man with sharp features, large, brown eyes, dark hair, high, projecting forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head nearly bald. he is of medium size, stoop-shouldered, with a voice that can assume a mild, sharp, or boisterous key, at the will of its owner; quite impulsive, and bitter in his denunciations of a real, or supposed enemy; inclined in the early part of his missionary labors to accumulate property for the especial benefit of his family, though the practice was disapproved of and forbidden by the regulations of the american board. in his professional character he was below mediocrity. as a writer or correspondent he was bold, and rather eloquent, giving overdrawn life-sketches of passing events. his moral influence was injured by strong symptoms of passion, when provoked or excited. in his labors for the indians, he was zealous and persevering, in his preaching or talking to them, plain and severe, and in his instructions wholly practical. for instance, to induce the natives to work and cultivate their lands, he had mrs. spalding paint a representation of adam and eve, as being driven from the garden of eden by an angel,--adam with a hoe on his shoulder, and eve with her spinning-wheel. he taught the natives that god commanded them to work, as well as pray. had he been allowed to continue his labors with the tribe, undisturbed by sectarian and anti-religious influences, he would have effected great good, and the tribe been now admitted as citizens of the united states. as a citizen and neighbor he was kind and obliging; to his family he was kind, yet severe in his religious observances. he was unquestionably a sincere, though not always humble, christian. the loss of his wife, and the exciting and savage massacre of his associates, produced their effect upon him. charity will find a substantial excuse for most of his faults, while virtue and truth, civilization and religion, will award him a place as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful missionary. mrs. spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial farmer, by the name of hart, of oneida county, new york. she was above the medium height, slender in form, with coarse features, dart brown hair, blue eyes, rather dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of mind, and quick in understanding language. in fact she was remarkable in acquiring the nez percé language, so as to understand and converse with the natives quite easily by the time they reached their station at lapwai. she could paint indifferently in water-colors, and had been taught, while young, all the useful branches of domestic life; could spin, weave, and sew, etc.; could prepare an excellent meal at short notice; was generally sociable, but not forward in conversation with or in attentions to gentlemen. in this particular she was the opposite of mrs. whitman. with the native women mrs. spalding always appeared easy and cheerful, and had their unbounded confidence and respect. she was remarkable for her firmness and decision of character in whatever she or her husband undertook. she never appeared to be alarmed or excited at any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to the indian life around her. she was considered by the indian men as a brave, fearless woman, and was respected and esteemed by all. though she was frequently left for days alone, her husband being absent on business, but a single attempted insult was ever offered her. understanding their language, her cool, quick perception of the design enabled her to give so complete and thorough a rebuff to the attempted insult, that, to hide his disgrace, the indian offering it fled from the tribe, not venturing to remain among them. in fact, a majority of the tribe were in favor of hanging the indian who offered the insult, but mrs. spalding requested that they would allow him to live, that he might repent of his evil designs and do better in future. in this short sketch of mrs. spalding the reader is carried through a series of years. we shall have occasion, as we progress in our sketches, to refer to these two ladies. they are not fictitious characters,--they lived; came over the rocky mountains in ; they are dead and buried, mrs. spalding near the callapooya, in the wallamet valley. mrs. whitman's remains, such portions of them as could be found, are buried not far from the place of her labors among the cayuses. the last time we passed the ground not even a common board marked the place. we noticed a hollow in the ground, said to be the place where the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, says "the bodies were all deposited in a common grave which had been dug the day previous by joseph stanfield, and, before leaving, i saw that they were covered with earth, but i have since learned that the graves, not having been soon enough inclosed, had been molested by the wolves, and that some of the corpses had been devoured by them." bear this statement in mind, reader, as we proceed. we will tell you just how much he knows of the why and wherefore such things occurred in those early times. a part of the facts are already in history. messrs. whitman and spalding, with their wives, and a reinforcement for the pawnee mission, made their way to liberty landing, on the missouri river. at that place they were joined by a young man by the name of w. h. gray, from utica, new york, who was solicited by the agents of the american board to join this expedition as its secular agent. chapter xiv. missionary outfit.--on the way.--no roads.--an english nobleman.--a wagon taken along.--health of mrs. spalding.--meeting mountain men and indians.--a feast to the indians. the mission party had brought with them a full supply of all the supposed _et cæteras_ for a life and residence two thousand miles from any possible chance to renew those supplies when exhausted, having the material for a blacksmith shop, a plow, and all sorts of seeds, clothing, etc., to last for two years. gray found his hands full in making calculations for the transportation of this large amount of baggage, or goods, as the trader would say. in a few days wagons, teams, pack-mules, horses, and cows, were all purchased in the county of liberty, missouri, the goods all overhauled, repacked, loaded into the two mission wagons, and an extra team hired to go as far as fort leavenworth. spalding and gray started with the train, three wagons, eight mules, twelve horses, and sixteen cows, two men, two indian boys, and the man with the extra team. dr. whitman, having the ladies in charge, was to come up the missouri river in the first boat, and await the arrival of the train having the greater portion of the goods with it. boats on the missouri river not being so numerous as at the present time, the doctor and party did not reach leavenworth till the train had arrived. they rearranged their goods, discharged the extra team, held a consultation, and concluded that the doctor and ladies would keep the boat to council bluffs, the point from which the american fur company's caravan was to start that year. learning that the company was to start in six days, the conclusion was that the cattle and goods had better proceed as fast as possible. the third day, in the morning, some forty miles from fort leavenworth, as we were about starting, a white boy, about sixteen years old, came into camp, having on an old torn straw hat, an old ragged fustian coat, scarcely half a shirt, with buckskin pants, badly worn, but one moccasin, a powder-horn with no powder in it, and an old rifle. he had light flaxen hair, light blue eyes, was thin and spare, yet appeared in good health and spirits. he said he had started for the rocky mountains; he was from some place in iowa; he had been without food for two days; he asked for some ammunition; thought he could kill some game to get along; the rain the night previous had wet him quite effectually; he was really cold, wet, nearly naked, and hungry. he was soon supplied from our stores with all he wanted, and advised to return to his friends in iowa. to this he objected, and said if we would allow him he would go with us to council bluffs, and then go with the fur company to the mountains. he agreed to assist all he could in getting along. he was furnished a horse, and made an excellent hand while he remained with the party, which he did till he reached fort hall, on snake river. there he joined a party that went with the bannock indians, and became a member of that tribe, and, as near as we can learn, married a native woman (some say three), and is using his influence to keep the tribe at war with the united states. of this we have no positive knowledge, though if such is the fact he may have been a deserter from fort leavenworth. his name was miles goodyear. within thirty miles of council bluffs a messenger overtook the missionary caravan, and stated that mrs. satterley, of the pawnee mission, was dead; that dr. whitman and ladies were left at fort leavenworth; that they were coming on as fast as possible, with extra teams, to overtake us. our party went into camp at once; the two wagons with horse teams started back to meet and bring up the balance of the party; wait two days at omaha; fix one of the wagon boxes for a ferry-boat; doctor and party arrive; cross all safe; get to camp late in the night. there was a slight jar in the feelings of some on account of haste, and slowness of movement, in others. however, as the fur company, with whom the mission party was to travel, was to start on a certain day, haste was absolutely necessary, and no time to be lost. useless baggage overhauled and thrown away, cows started, mules and wagons loaded; gray in charge of mules and cows, spalding driver for a two-horse light wagon, whitman the four-horse farm wagon. on goes the caravan; in two hours a message goes forward to gray that spalding has driven his wagon into a mud stream and broken his axletree; gray goes back; soon repairs axletree by a new one; on platte river; rains as it only can on that river, cold and almost sleet; nothing but a skin boat, that could carry but two trunks and one lady at a time; all day swimming by the side of the boat to get goods over; swim cattle, mules, and horses all over safe to north side. overhaul and lighten our baggage; rev. mr. dunbar for pilot, three men, and two indian boys, we hasten on to overtake fur company's caravan. second day, met one hundred pawnee warriors on their way to council bluff agency. mr. dunbar being the missionary of the pawnees, and understanding their language, we had no difficulty with them. traveling early and late, we came up to the fur company at the pawnee village, some two hours after their caravan had arrived and camped. at this point the missionary menagerie was first exhibited, not that they attempted to make any display, or posted any handbills, or charged any fee for exhibiting, but the strange appearance of two white ladies in a caravan consisting of rough american hunters, canadian packers with indian women, with all the paraphernalia of a wild mountain expedition, drew the attention of all. the mission party had with them some fine cows, good horses and mules, and were tolerably well fitted out for their expedition, except a superabundance of useless things, causing much perplexity and hard labor to transport over the rough plains in . it will be borne in mind that at that early time there was no road,--not even a trail or track, except that of the buffalo; and those made by them were invariably from the river, or watering-places, into the hills or bluffs. their trails being generally deep, from long use by the animal, made it quite severe and straining upon our teams, wagons, and the nineteen carts the fur company carried their goods in that year. the caravan altogether consisted of nineteen carts, with two mules to each, one in the shafts and one ahead, one light dearborn wagon, two mules and two wagons belonging to an english nobleman, his titles all on, sir william drummond, k. b., who had come to the united states to allow his fortune to recuperate during his absence. he had been spending his winters in new orleans with the southern bloods, and his bankers in england complained that his income was not sufficient to meet his large expenditures; he was advised to take a trip to the rocky mountains, which would occupy him during the summer and sickly season, during which time he could only spend what he had with him, and could have a fine hunting excursion. this english nobleman with his party consisted of himself and a young english blood. i did not learn whether he was of the first, second, third, or fourth grade in the scale of english nobility; be that as it may, sir william d., k. b., messed and slept in the same tent with this traveling companion of his, who, between them, had three servants, two dogs, and four extra fine horses, to run and hunt the buffalo. occasionally, they would give chase to that swiftest of mountain animals, the antelope, which, in most instances, would, especially where the grass was short, leave them in the distance, when sir william and his companion would come charging back to the train, swearing the antelope could outrun a streak of lightning, and offering to bet a thousand pounds that if he had one of his english 'orses he could catch 'em. the english nobleman, as a matter of course, was treated with great respect by all in the caravan; while in the presence of the ladies he assumed quite a dignified carriage, being a man (excuse me, your honor), a lord of the british realm, on a hunting excursion in north america, in the rocky mountains, in the year a.d. . he was about five feet nine inches high. his face had become thin from the free use of new orleans brandy, rendering his nose rather prominent, showing indications of internal heat in bright red spots, and inclining a little to the rum blossom, that would make its appearance from the sting of a mosquito or sand-fly, which to his lordship was quite annoying. though his lordship was somewhat advanced in years, and, according to his own account, had traveled extensively in the oriental countries, he did not show in his conversation extensive mental improvement; his general conversation and appearance was that of a man with strong prejudices, and equally strong appetites, which he had freely indulged, with only pecuniary restraint. his two wagons, one with two horses, the other with four mules, with drivers, and a servant for cook and waiter, constituted his train--as large as his means would permit on that trip. all of the carts and wagons were covered with canvas to protect the goods from storms. sir william traveled under the _alias_ of captain stewart. the order of march was as follows: cattle and loose animals in advance in the morning, coming up in rear at night; fur company and captain stewart's teams in advance; mission party in rear till we reached fort laramie. all went smoothly and in order. at the pawnee village the fur company was short of meat or bacon. arrangements were made to slaughter one of the mission cows, and replace it at laramie. two days from pawnee village the hunters brought into camp some bull buffalo meat; next day cow buffalo meat in abundance. not far from scott's bluff, passed some hunters on their way down platte river in boats; arrive at fort laramie, just above the mouth of that river; cross the platte in two dug-outs, lashed together with sticks and poles, so as to carry the goods and carts all over to the fort. at that establishment the company and captain stewart leave all their wagons and carts except one, deeming it impracticable to proceed further with them. on account of the ladies, dr. whitman insisted on taking one of the mission wagons along. the fur company concluded to try the experiment with him, and took one of their carts along. overhaul all the baggage, select out all, that, with the knowledge any one had of the future wants of the mission party, could be dispensed with; put the balance up in packages of one hundred pounds each; for the top packs, fifty pounds; for mules, two hundred and fifty pounds; for horses, in proportion to strength. about the first of june, , the caravan started from laramie. all the goods on pack animals, wagon and cart light, gray in charge of mission pack-train, with two men and one boy, two pack animals each; spalding of cows, loose animals, and ladies, with the two indian boys to assist in driving; dr. whitman in charge of the wagon train, consisting of the fur company's cart and mission wagon; but one man in the cart and one in the wagon. on we go; the first day from laramie had some difficulty in getting through a cotton-wood bottom on the river, on account of fallen timber in the trail. whitman came into the camp puffing and blowing, in good spirits, all right side up, with only one turn over with the wagon and two with the cart. the fur company being interested in exploring a wagon route to green river, next day gave the doctor two additional men to assist in exploring and locating the road, and getting the wagon and cart over difficult places. second day all right; train moves on; hunters in advance; cattle usually traveling slower than the train, were started in the morning in advance of the train, which usually passed them about one hour before reaching camp at night; at noon they usually all stop together. at the crossing of platte below red buttes, in the black hills, kill buffalo, took hides, made willow frames for boats, sewed the hides together to cover the frames, used tallow for pitch, dried the skin boats over a fire, the rain having poured down all the time we were getting ready to cross. however, as fortune always favors the brave, as the saying is, it did us this time, for in the morning, when our boats were ready, it cleared up, the sun came out bright and clear, so that we had a fine time getting all things over. next day on we moved, over the hills, through the valleys, around and among the salt pits to a willow grove to camp. with the company was a gentleman from st. louis, a major pilcher. he usually rode a fine white mule, and was dressed in the top of hunting or mountain style, such as a fine buckskin coat trimmed with red cloth and porcupine quills, fine red shirt, nice buckskin pants, and moccasins tinged and nicely trimmed; he was, in fact, very much of a gentleman in all his conversation and deportment. the major was also considerable of a gallant (as i believe most titled gentlemen are). he was proceeding around one of those clay salt pits, and explaining to the ladies their nature and danger, when suddenly mule, major and all dropped out of sight, except the mule's ears and the fringe on the major's coat. instantly several men were on hand with ropes, and assisted the major and mule out of the pit. _such a sight!_ you may imagine what you please, i will not attempt to describe it. however, no particular harm was done the major, only the thorough saturation of his fine suit of buckskin, and mule, with that indescribably adhesive mud. he took it all in good part, and joined in the jokes on the occasion. no other remarkable incident occurred till we arrived at rock independence. on the south end of that rock nearly all the prominent persons of the party placed their names, and date of being there. later wagon trains and travelers have complained, and justly, of sage brush and the difficulties of this route. whitman and his four men opened it as far as they could with a light wagon and a cart. to him must be given the credit of the first practical experiment, though ashtley, bonneville, and bridger had taken wagons into the rocky mountains and left them, and pronounced the experiment a failure, and a wagon road impracticable. whitman's perseverance demonstrated a great fact--the practicability of a wagon road over the rocky mountains. you that have rolled over those vast plains and slept in your concord coaches or pullman palace cars, have never once imagined the toil and labor of that old off-hand pioneer, as he mounted his horse in the morning and rode all day in the cold and heat of the mountains and plains, to prove that a wagon road was practicable to the waters of the columbia river. even fremont, seven years after, claims to be the discoverer of the passes through which whitman took his cart and wagon, and kept up with the pack-train from day to day. from rock independence the health of mrs. spalding seemed gradually to decline. she was placed in the wagon as much as would relieve her, and changed from wagon to saddle as she could bear, to the american rendezvous on green river. from rock independence information was sent forward into the mountains of the arrival of the caravan, and about the time and place they expected to reach the rendezvous. this information reached not only the american trapper and hunter in the mountains, but the snake, bannock, nez percé, and flathead tribes, and the traders of the hudson's bay company. two days before we arrived at our rendezvous, some two hours before we reached camp, the whole caravan was alarmed by the arrival of some ten indians and four or five white men, whose dress and appearance could scarcely be distinguished from that of the indians. as they came in sight over the hills, they all gave a yell, such as hunters and indians only can give; whiz, whiz, came their balls over our heads, and on they came, in less time than it will take you to read this account. the alarm was but for a moment; our guide had seen a white cloth on one of their guns, and said, "don't be alarmed, they are friends," and sure enough, in a moment here they were. it was difficult to tell which was the most crazy, the horse or the rider; such hopping, hooting, running, jumping, yelling, jumping sage brush, whirling around, for they could not stop to reload their guns, but all of us as they came on gave them a salute from ours, as they passed to the rear of our line and back again, hardly stopping to give the hand to any one. on to camp we went. at night, who should we find but old takkensuitas and ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats (lawyer), with a letter from mr. parker, which informed the party that he had arrived safely at wallawalla, and that the indians had been kind to him, and from what he had seen and could learn of them, they were well disposed toward all white men. mr. parker, as his journal of that trip and observations will show, was a man of intelligence, and a close observer of men and things. he soon learned, on arriving at wallawalla, that there was a bitter anti-american feeling in the country, and that, notwithstanding he had arrived in it uninvited, and without the aid of the _honorable_ hudson's bay company, he was in it, nevertheless, as the guest of the nez percé indians. they had found him in the rocky mountains; they brought him to wallawalla; they had received him, treated him kindly, and proved to him that they were not only friendly, but anxious to have the american influence and civilization come among them. rev. jason lee and party were in the country. abundance of unasked advice was given to him by hudson's bay company's men; his caution prevailed; he was to let dr. whitman, or the mission party that might be sent across the mountains, hear from him by the indians. feeling certain that any advice or information he might attempt to communicate to his missionary friends would in all probability be made use of to their detriment, and perhaps destroy the mission itself, he did not deem it prudent to write or to give any advice. should any party come on before he could reach them, his note was sufficient to inform them of the fact of his safe arrival and the friendly treatment he had received of the indians; further than this he did not feel safe to communicate--not for want of confidence in the indians, but from what he saw and learned of the feelings of the hudson's bay company. yet he felt that, notwithstanding they were showing him outwardly every attention, yet they evidently did not wish to see the american influence increase in any shape in the country. rev. mr. parker's letter, short and unsatisfactory as it was, caused considerable expression of unpleasant feeling on the part of those who considered they had a right to a more full and extended communication. but mr. parker was at vancouver, or somewhere else; they might and they might not meet him; he may and he may not have written more fully. at supper time old takkensuitas (rotten belly) and ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats were honored with a place at the missionary board. with your permission, ladies and gentlemen, i will give you the bill of fare on this memorable occasion. place--by the side of a muddy stream called sandy, about thirty miles south of wind river mountain. this mountain, you will remember, is about as near the highest point of the north american continent as can be. this fact is established, not from geographical or barometrical observations, but from the simple fact that water runs from it by way of the missouri, colorado, and columbia rivers into the eastern, southern, and western oceans, and but a short distance to the north of this mountain commences the waters of the saskatchewan river, running into hudson's bay and the northern ocean. there are doubtless many other mountains whose peaks ascend higher into the clouds, but none of them supply water to so vast an extent of country, and none of them are so decidedly on top of the continent as this one. of course our little party is in a high altitude, and in sight of this mountain, which may or may not have been ten thousand feet higher to its snow-capped peaks. date--about the th day of july, . our table was the grass beside this muddy stream; cloth--an old broken oil-cloth badly used up; plates--when the company started were called tin, but from hard usage were iron in all shapes; cups--ditto; knives--the common short-bladed wooden-handled butcher knife; forks--a stick each cut to suit himself, or, if he preferred the primitive mode of conveying his food to its proper destination, he was at liberty to practice it; food extra on this occasion--a nice piece of venison, which the indians had presented to the ladies, a piece of broiled and roast buffalo meat, roasted upon a stick before the fire, seasoned with a little salt, with a full proportion of sand and dirt. dr. whitman was inclined to discard the use of salt entirely; as to dirt and sand it was a matter upon which he and mr. parker differed on the trip the year previous, though mrs. whitman took sides with mr. parker against the doctor, and with the assistance of mrs. spalding, the doctor was kept in most cases within reasonable distance of comfortable cleanliness. on this occasion tea, with sugar, was used; the supply of bread was limited; we will not trouble the reader with an extra list of the dessert. of this feast these sons of the wilderness partook with expressions of great satisfaction. the lawyer, twenty-seven years after, spoke of it as the time when his heart became one with the _suapies_ (americans). chapter xv. arrival at american rendezvous.--an indian procession.--indian curiosity to see white women.--captain n. wyeth.--mccleod and t. mckay.--description of mountain men.--their opinion of the missionaries. in two days' easy travel we arrived at the great american rendezvous, held in an extensive valley in the forks formed by horse creek and green river, on account of the abundance of wood, grass, and water all through the valley. each party selected their own camp grounds, guarding their own animals and goods, as each felt or anticipated the danger he might be exposed to at the time. we will pass through this city of about fifteen hundred inhabitants--composed of all classes and conditions of men, and on this occasion two classes of women,--starting from a square log pen by , with no doors, except two logs that had been cut so as to leave a space about four feet from the ground two feet wide and six feet long, designed for an entrance, as also a place to hand out goods and take in furs. it was covered with poles, brush on top of the poles; in case of rain, which we had twice during our stay at the rendezvous, the goods were covered with canvas, or tents thrown over them. lumber being scarce in that vicinity, floors, doors, as well as sash and glass, were dispensed with. the spaces between the logs were sufficient to admit all the light requisite to do business in this primitive store. at a little distance from the store were the camps of the fur company, in which might be seen the pack-saddles and equipage of the mules, in piles to suit the taste and disposition of the men having them in charge. the trading-hut was a little distance from the main branch of green river, so situated that the company's mules and horses could all be driven between the store and the river, the tents and men on either side, the store in front, forming a camp that could be defended against an attack of the indians, in case they should attempt any thing of the kind. green river, at the point where our city in the mountains is situated, is running from the west due east. west of the fur company's camp or store were most of the camps of the hunters and trappers; east of it, close to the river, was the missionary camp, while to the south, from one to three miles distant along horse creek, from its junction with green river, where the snake and bannock indians were camped, to six miles up that stream, were the camps of the flatheads and nez percés. all these tribes were at peace that year, and met at the american rendezvous. the indian camps were so arranged in the bends of the creek that they could defend themselves and their horses in case of any attack from the neighboring tribes, and also guard their horses while feeding in the day-time. the whole city was a military camp; every little camp had its own guards to protect its occupants and property from being stolen by its neighbor. the arrow or the ball decided any dispute that might occur. the only law known for horse-stealing was death to the thief, if the owner or the guard could kill him in the act. if he succeeded in escaping, the only remedy for the man who lost his horse was to buy, or steal another and take his chances in escaping the arrow or ball of the owner, or guard. it was quite fashionable in this city for all to go well armed, as the best and quickest shot gained the case in dispute. of the number assembled, there must have been not far from one hundred americans,--hunters and trappers; about fifty french, belonging principally to the caravan; some five traders; about twenty citizens, or outsiders, including the mission party. the snakes and bannocks mustered about one hundred and fifty warriors; the nez percés and flatheads, about two hundred. by arrangement among themselves they got up a grand display for the benefit of their white visitors, which came off some six days after our american caravan had arrived at the rendezvous. the procession commenced at the east or lower end of the plain in the vicinity of the snake and bannock camps. the nez percés and flatheads, passing from their camps down the horse creek, joined the snake and bannock warriors, all dressed and painted in their gayest uniforms, each having a company of warriors in war garb, that is, naked, except a single cloth, and painted, carrying their war weapons, bearing their war emblems and indian implements of music, such as skins drawn over hoops with rattles and trinkets to make a noise. from the fact that no scalps were borne in the procession, i concluded this must be entirely a peace performance, and gotten up for the occasion. when the cavalcade, amounting to full five (some said six) hundred indian warriors (though i noticed quite a number of native belles covered with beads), commenced coming up through the plain in sight of our camps, those of us who were not informed as to the object or design of this demonstration began to look at our weapons and calculate on a desperate fight. captain stewart, our english nobleman, and major pilcher waited on the mission ladies and politely informed them of the object of the display; they assured them there would be no danger or harm, and remained at their tents while the cavalcade passed. mrs. whitman's health was such that she could witness most of the display. mrs. spalding was quite feeble, and kept her tent most of the time. all passed off quietly, excepting the hooting and yelling of the indians appropriate to the occasion. the display over, the mission camp around the tent was thronged. on first hearing the war-whoop, the savage yell, and the sound of the indian war drum, all parties not in the secret of this surprise party, or native reception for their missionaries, at once drove in their animals, and prepared for the worst; hence the mission cows, horses, and camp, were all together. major pilcher and captain stewart enjoyed the surprise of the party, and were equally delighted with the effect and surprise manifested by the indians, as they approached the mission camp. the wagon, and every thing about their camp, was examined. the indians would pass and repass the tent, to get a sight of the two women belonging to the white men. mrs. spalding, feeble as she was, seemed to be the favorite with the indian women; possibly from that fact alone she may have gained their sympathy to some extent. the lawyer and takkensuitas were constant visitors at the tent. their indian wives were with them, and showed a disposition to do all in their power to assist the missionaries. mrs. spalding's rest from the fatigues of the journey soon enabled her to commence a vocabulary of the indian language. mrs. whitman also commenced one with her, but she was often interrupted by the attentions thought necessary to be paid to gentlemen callers. excuse me, whoever believes that thirty-three years since there were no gentlemen on top of the rocky mountains. i can assure you that there were, and that all the refined education and manners of the daughter of judge prentiss, of prattsburg, steuben county, n. y., found abundant opportunity to exhibit the cardinal ornaments of a religious and civilized country. no one, except an eye-witness, can appreciate or fully understand the charm there was in those early days in the sight of the form and white features of his mother. the rough veteran mountain hunter would touch his hat in a manner absolutely ridiculous, and often fail to express a designed compliment, which the mischief or good-humor of mrs. whitman sometimes enjoyed as a good joke. in consequence of these attentions or interruptions, she did not acquire the native language as fast as mrs. spalding, who showed but little attention to any one except the natives and their wives. the indian curiosity had not fully subsided before the company were introduced to, and cordially greeted by, captain wyeth, who had been to the lower columbia on a trading expedition. he had conducted rev. jason lee and party to fort hall, where he had established a trading-post; thence he had gone to the lower country, received his goods from the brig _may dacre_, made arrangements with the hudson's bay company, sold his goods and establishment at fort hall to the hudson's bay company, and was then on his way back to the states. captain wyeth, in all his motions and features, showed the shrewd yankee and the man of business. he politely introduced the mission party to messrs. john mcleod and thomas mckay, of the hudson's bay company. after the usual etiquette of introduction and common inquiries, messrs. mcleod and mckay having retired to their camps, captain w. entered into a full explanation of the whys and wherefores of rev. mr. parker's short note, confirming the observations and suspicions of mr. parker, in reference to the treatment the missionaries might expect, giving a full statement of the feelings and efforts of the hudson's bay company to get rid of all american influence, and especially traders. turning, with a smile, upon the ladies, but addressing the gentlemen, he said, "you gentlemen have your wives along; if i do not greatly mistake the feelings of the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, they will be anxious to have their influence in teaching their own wives and children, and you will meet with a different reception from any other american party that has gone into the country." it would be useless to add in this sketch that the advice of captain w. was of incalculable value in shaping the policy and conduct of the mission of the american board in their necessary transactions and intercourse with the hudson's bay company. captain w. had fallen in with rev. s. parker, but could give no definite information about him or his plans, except that he was on his return to the united states, by way of the sandwich islands. as we have never seen a description of these semi-civilized men, that in youth had left their native countries, and found themselves thousands of miles away, in the midst of the rocky mountains, surrounded on all sides by wild, roving bands of savages, cut off from communication with civilization, except by the annual return of the fur company's traders, or occasional wandering to some distant trading-post, a thousand or five hundred miles from the borders of any state or settlement, we will at this time introduce to the reader several men as we found them at this american rendezvous, most of them finding their way eventually into the settlement of oregon, and becoming active and prominent men in the organization of the provisional government, as also good citizens. among these veteran rocky mountain hunters was a tall man, with long black hair, smooth face, dark eyes (inclining to turn his head a little to one side, as much as to say, "i can tell you all about it"), a harum-scarum, don't-care sort of a man, full of "life and fun in the mountains," as he expressed it. he came and paid his respects to the ladies, and said he had been in the mountains several years; he had not seen a white woman for so long he had almost forgotten how they looked. he appeared quite fond of telling "yarns." in the conversation, mrs. whitman asked him if he ever had any difficulty or fights with the indians. "that we did," said he. "one time i was with bridger's camp; we were traveling along that day, and the blackfeet came upon us. i was riding an old mule. the indians were discovered some distance off, so all the party put whip to their horses and started to get to a place where we could defend ourselves. my old mule was determined not to move, with all the beating i could give her, so i sung out to the boys to stop and fight the indians where we were; they kept on, however. soon, my old mule got sight of the blackfeet coming; she pricked up her ears, and on she went like a streak, passed the boys, and away we went. i sung out to the boys, as i passed, 'come on, boys, there is no use to stop and fight the indians here.'" fun and firmness were the two prominent characteristics of this young mountain hunter. he expressed a wish and a determination to visit and settle in lower oregon (as the wallamet valley was then called). he had a native wife, and one son, just beginning to speak a few words. the father seemed, on my first noticing him, to be teaching this son of his to say "god d----n you," doubtless considering this prayer the most important one to teach his son to repeat, in the midst of the wild scenes with which he was surrounded. though, to his credit be it said, this same wild, youthful mountaineer has become a good supporter of religious society, and has a respectable family, in an interesting neighborhood, near forest grove, in oregon. we will call these mountain hunters by numbers, for convenience, as we shall refer to them in our future political sketches, in which they participated. no. . a man of medium height, black hair, black whiskers, dark-brown eyes, and very dark complexion; he was formerly from kentucky. (i am not positive.) he was quite fond of telling yarns; still, as he was not considered very truthful, we will only give the story as we have it of the manner in which he and the one we will give as no. obtained their titles. and were traveling together; was from cincinnati, ohio. they had reached independence, mo.; says to , "titles are very necessary here in missouri, what titles shall we take?" "well," says , "i will take _major_." says, "i will take _doctor_." very good. they rode up to the best hotel in the place and called for lodgings. . "well, doctor, what shall we have for supper?" . "i don't care, major, so as we get something to eat." the major and the doctor enjoyed their supper and have borne their titles to the present time. the major has never been, from all i could learn of him, a very truthful man or reliable citizen. he spent several years in oregon and in the mountains, and found his way back to missouri. the doctor is now a resident of idaho. the most remarkable trait in his composition is story-telling, or yarns, and a disposition to make friends of all political parties, or join all religious sects--something of a good lord and good devil order. he appeared in those early times to belong to that party that paid him the best. he was first in the employ of the american fur company, but appeared to lend his influence to the hudson's bay company. he also had a native wife of the nez percé tribe, and was considered by the hudson's bay company a useful man to divide the american influence in trade with the indians in the mountains, and equally useful to distract and divide the political influence of the early settlers. by his connection with the natives in marriage, the hudson's bay company in trade, and good lord and good devil principles, he could adapt himself to the protestant or catholic religion, and in this manner become a kind of representative man, something like _strong lye and aquafortis mixed_, and just about as useful as such a mixture would be. he succeeded, by political maneuvering, or as the sailors say, "boxing the compass," to fill a place and draw a salary from uncle sam; carrying out the principles he has acted upon in his whole life, his efforts have been to neutralize what good others might do. no. . a young man from ohio, of a serious turn of mind; at least i concluded this to be the case, from the fact that he asked of the ladies if they had any books to sell, or that they could spare. a nice pocket-bible was given him, for which he politely expressed his thanks, after offering to pay for it. the pay, of course, was declined, as a few bibles were brought along for distribution. this young man, in a few years, followed the mission party and became a settler and a prominent man in the provisional government. no. . a wild, reckless, don't-care sort of a youth, with a nez percé wife, so thoroughly attached to indian ideas and customs that he has felt it beneath his dignity to turn from the ancient habits of the indian to a "more recent invention" of religion and civilization. his curiosity was a little excited, which induced him to pay his respects to the missionaries, on account of their wives. he called on them, and spoke of some day finding his way somewhere down about where the missionaries might be located; as he had bought him a nez percé wife, she might want to go and see her people, and he might make up his mind to go and settle. this man, from his utter disregard for all moral and civilized social relations, has coiled himself up in the tribe he adopted, and spit out his venomous influence against all moral and civil improvement, training his children so that the better portion of the natives treat them with contempt. for a time he had considerable influence in shaping government policy toward the tribe and securing his own personal indian position, to the injury of all other interests. i am unable to say how he obtained his title of colonel, unless it was from the influence he once pretended to have with the indians, and a disposition on the part of those of his countrymen to title those who aspire to such honors. no. . what the miners nowadays would call a "plain, honest farmer," with a native wife and one child. he called on the party, took a look at their cattle, and some four years afterward, after going into mexico and taos, found his way to the wallamet as a settler, with a few head of cattle, which he managed to get through. this man is a quiet and good citizen, and has a respectable family of half-native children. the accursed influence of slavery in his neighborhood has borne heavily upon his children. whether they will be able to rise above it and stand as examples of good citizens remains for them to demonstrate. no. . a short, thick-set man, with a nez percé wife; a good honest farmer; has done credit to himself and family in giving them every possible advantage for education and society, though the aquafortis mixture has been strong in his neighborhood; his family are respected; his indian wife he considers as good as some of his neighbors', that don't like her or her children. in this opinion all who are not saturated with our _cultus_ mixture agree with him. his title in the mountains was squire, but i think it has been improved since he came to the settlements by adding the e to it, he having been duly elected to fill the office under the provisional, territorial, and state government. i have learned, with much regret, that the squire of the rocky mountains, who had courage and strength to meet and overcome all the dangers and trials of early times, has not the courage to resist the approaches of false friends and bad whisky, which will ultimately bring himself and his family to that certain destruction that follows the debasing habit of using liquor in any shape. no. . a fair, light-haired, light-complexioned, blue-eyed man, rather above the medium height, with a nez percé wife, came about the camp, had little or nothing to say. i am not quite certain that he had his native wife at that time, still he had one when he came into the settlement. he has a good farm, and if he avoids his false friends and the fatal habits of his neighbors, he may have a good name, which will be of more value to his children than his present social and vicious habits. doctor marcus whitman, they considered, on the whole, was a good sort of a fellow; he was not so hide-bound but what he could talk with a common man and get along easily if his wife did not succeed in "_stiffening_," starching him up; he would do first-rate, though there appeared considerable doubt in their minds, whether, from her stern, commanding manner, she would not eventually succeed in stiffening up the doctor so that he would be less agreeable. mrs. whitman, they thought, was a woman of too much education and refinement to be thrown away on the indians. "she must have had considerable romance in her disposition to have undertaken such an expedition with such a common, kind, good-hearted fellow as the doctor. as to spalding, he is so green he will do to spread out on a frog-pond; he may do to preach to indians, but mountain men would have to be fly-blown before he could come near them. mrs. spalding is a first-rate woman; she has not got any starch in her; it is strange she ever picked up such a greenhorn as she has for a husband; she will do first-rate to teach the indians, or anybody else; she has got good common sense, and doesn't put on any frills. as to gray, he is young yet, is not quite so green as spalding; he seems inclined to learn a little; by the time he goes to the columbia river and travels about more, he will know a good deal more than he does now. he may do well in his department if he 'keeps his eye skinned.'" i suppose by this expression was meant a sharp look out for swindlers, rogues, and thieves, to see that they do not lie, cheat, and steal, every opportunity they may have, or at least that you do not allow them to take your property under false pretenses. be that as it may, the general conclusion was, that, as this mission party had succeeded in getting thus far on their journey, they might get still further, and perhaps (most were certain) make a failure, either by being sent out of the country by the hudson's bay company, or destroyed by the indians. good wishes and hopes that they might succeed were abundant from all, as was plainly expressed, and a disposition, in case the mission succeeded in establishing themselves, to find their way down into the columbia river valley with their native families, and become settlers about the mission stations. lightly as these frank, open expressions of good wishes and future ideas of the mountain hunter may appear, the missionaries saw at once there was the germ of a future people to be gathered in the columbia river valley, probably of a mixed race. these men had all abandoned civilization and home for the wild hunter life in the midst of the mountains. they had enjoyed its wild sports, felt its fearful dangers and sufferings, and become, most of them, connected with native women--a large proportion of them with the nez percé and flathead tribes. their family, at least, could be benefited by education, and taught the benefits of civilization and christianity. the men had expressed kind wishes, good feelings, and treated them kindly; why should they not include this class of men and their families in their efforts to benefit the indians in the valleys of the columbia river. as before stated, the mission party had been introduced by captain wyeth to mr. john mcleod, a gentleman holding the rank of chief trader in the hudson's bay company. he had frequent interviews and conversations with the mission party while at rendezvous, and as often as any of these mountain men met him at the mission camp, he would leave without ceremony. there appeared a mutual dislike, a sort of hatred between them. this chief trader of the hudson's bay company, in the conversations had with him, informed the mission party that it was not the wish of the company to encourage any of these mountain hunters and trappers to go to the columbia river to settle, or to have any thing to do with them, assigning as a reason that they would cause trouble and difficulties with the indians. he also gave them to understand that should they need manual labor, or men to assist them in putting up their houses and making their improvements, the company would prefer to furnish it, to encouraging these men in going into the country. this intimation was distinctly conveyed to the party, with the advice and intimations received from captain wyeth, who had seen and understood all the policy of the hudson's bay company, and had been compelled to sell his improvements at fort hall to this same mcleod, and his goods designed for the trade to dr. mclaughlin, soon after their arrival in the country. these facts and statements, with the decided manner of mr. mcleod, compelled the mission party to defer any effort for these mountain men, but subsequently they advised the sending of a man to travel with their camps. chapter xvi. missionaries travel in company with hudson's bay company's party.--the lawyer's kindness.--arrival at fort hall.--description of the country.--the salmon indians.--the hudson's bay company's tariff. letters all written to friends, and everybody supposed to have any particular interest in the person or individual who wrote them; the letters placed in the hands of captain wyeth; mission camp overhauled and assorted; all goods supposed unnecessary, or that could be replaced, such as irons for plows, blacksmith's tools, useless kettles, etc., etc., disposed of. (all articles left, the party were careful to learn, could be had at vancouver of the hudson's bay company, or methodist mission, at reasonable prices.) tents struck; good-byes said; over the party goes to horse creek, not far from the nez percé camp, where we found that of mcleod and mckay. soon after we reached camp, along comes dr. whitman with his wagon, notwithstanding all parties and persons, except the indians, advised him to leave it. he was literally alone in his determination to get his old wagon through on to the waters of the columbia, and to the mission station that might be established no one knew where. the man that says dr. whitman is fickle-minded, knows nothing of his character and less of his moral worth. next day, all camps, including those of the flathead and nez percé indians, were "raised," as the expression is, and on we went; the hudson's bay company and mission camp, or caravan, together, dr. whitman in charge of his wagon, with some indians to help him. they seemed rather to get the doctor's ideas of this _chick-chick-shauile-kai-kash_ (iron rolling carriage), and hunted a road around the bad places, and helped him along when he required their assistance. our route was nearly the same as the great overland route to bear river and soda springs. two days before we reached soda springs one of the mission party became quite unwell, and unable to sit upon his horse. he was left, at his own request, on a little stream, while the caravan passed on some six miles further to camp. after remaining alone and resting some two hours, the lawyer and an indian companion of his came along, picked up the sick man, put him upon a strong horse, got on behind him, and held him on till they reached camp. dr. whitman gave him a prescription, which relieved him, so that next day he was able to continue the journey with the camp. this transaction has always been a mystery to the writer. the place where the sick man was left was a beautiful stream, and a good place for a camp for the whole caravan. the sick man was wholly unable to proceed; did not ask the caravan to stop and bury him, but simply informed them he could proceed no further; his strength was gone; they could leave him to die alone if they chose. a word from mcleod would have stopped the caravan. should the mission party remain with him? he said: "no; go on with the caravan and leave me; you will be compelled to seek your own safety in continuing with the caravan; i am but an individual; leave me to my fate." he requested a cup that he might get some water from the stream, close to the side of which he wished them to place him. dr. whitman remained with him as long as was deemed safe for him, and passed on to overtake the caravan. the lawyer and his companion came along two or three hours afterward, picked up the dying or dead man (for aught the caravan knew), and brought him into camp. my impression of this transaction has always been that mcleod wished to get rid of this young american, who was then in the service of the mission party. "that d----d indian, lawyer," as the hudson's bay company's men called him, by his kindness of heart and determination not to let an american die if he could help it, defeated the implied wish of these hudson's bay company's men in this case. the lawyer says the sick man vomited all the way into camp, and called for water, which his young man got for him. from the soda springs the indian camps went north into the mountains for buffalo. the hudson's bay company and mission party continued their journey through the spurs of the mountains over on to the waters of the portneuf to fort hall. it is due to dr. whitman to say that notwithstanding this was the most difficult route we had to travel, yet he persevered with his old wagon, without any particular assistance; from soda springs to fort hall his labor was immense, yet he overcame every difficulty and brought it safe through. i have thrice since traveled the same route, and confess i can not see how he did it, notwithstanding i was with him, and know he brought the wagon through. fort hall, in , was a stockade, made of cotton-wood logs, about twelve feet long, set some two feet in the ground, with a piece of timber pinned near the top, running entirely around the stockade, which was about sixty feet square. the stores and quarters for the men were built inside with poles, brush, grass, and dirt for covering, stamped down so as to partially shed rain, and permit the guards to be upon the tops of the quarters and see over the top of the stockade. it is situated on an extensive level plain or flat, with spurs of the rocky mountains on the east, at the distance of thirty miles, high ranges of barren sage hills on the south, some eight miles distant. as you leave the flat level bottom formed by the snake and portneuf rivers, all along its banks it is skirted with a fine growth of cotton-wood, relieving the landscape and forming a beautiful contrast to the high barren plains beyond. to the west is the valley of the snake river, from thirty to sixty miles wide, a high, sandy, and barren sage plain. this valley is bounded on the south by a low range of hills, running from northwest to southeast. on the north side of fort hall is an extensive high plain; this plain is, from fort hall, across it, full forty miles. the only objects that meet the eye on this extensive plain are three high basaltic buttes or mountains thrown up near its center. at the foot of the one a little to the south and west of the two rounder and equally prominent ones, is a fine spring of water. in , the writer, in his explorations of the country, was anxious to learn more than was then known of the character of this great basin in the mountains, having the year previous entered it by way of soda springs and portneuf. this time he came into it from the north by codie's defile, and concluded he would take a straight course and pass between the two northeastern buttes, and reach snake river near fort hall. his indian guide objected; still, as we had good horses, and were traveling light, we took the precaution to water our animals before entering this plain. we were twenty-six hours on horseback, having stopped but six hours to rest; we tied our horses to the sage brush, to prevent them from leaving us to hunt for water. not a drop did we find on our route till we reached snake river, thirty-two hours from the time we left running water on the north and west sides of this plain. in our course we found nothing but barren, basaltic rock, sand, and sage. it is possible, had we turned to the right or left, we might have found water, but i saw nothing that gave indications that water was near; on the contrary, i noticed that the fine stream at which we watered our animals sank into the rocks, leaving no marks of a channel to any great distance. in fact, my impression was, after twelve hours' ride, that it was useless to spend our time and strength to hunt for water, and kept our course. jaded and fatigued as our animals were, as we approached snake river every nerve seemed strung to the utmost; our animals became frantic and unmanageable; they rushed forward at full speed and plunged into the first water they saw. fortunately for them and the riders, the water was only about three feet deep; water appeared to be preferred to air; they plunged their heads deep in and held their breaths till their thirst was relieved. this plain is bounded on the north and east by spurs of the rocky and bear river mountains; on the south and west by the high plains of portneuf and snake river valleys. there is a range of mountains commencing on the northwest of this plain, extending west and north along snake river, dividing the waters of the snake and la rivière aux bois (the wooded river.) this whole plain has the appearance of having been one vast lake of lava, spread over the whole surrounding country, appearing to have issued from the three basaltic mountains in the midst of it. i noticed, as we passed between the two, which were probably not more than ten miles apart, that we appeared to be on higher rock than in any direction around us. from this fact i concluded that the three must have been pouring out their volcanic lava at the same time and ceased together, leaving the country comparatively level. the small amount of soil found upon the surface, as well as the barrenness of the rock, indicated no distant period of time when this volcanic plain had been formed. at fort hall we had another overhauling and lightening of baggage. the doctor was advised to take his wagon apart and pack it, if he calculated to get it through the terrible cañons and deep, bottomless creeks we must pass in going down snake plains. miles goodyear, the boy we picked up two days from fort leavenworth, who had been assigned to assist the doctor, was determined, if the doctor took his wagon any further, to leave the company. he was the only one that could be spared to assist in this wild, and, as all considered, crazy undertaking. miles was furnished a couple of horses, and the best outfit the mission party could give him for his services, and allowed to remain or go where he might choose. in his conclusions, he was influenced by the stories he heard about the treatment he might expect should he reach the lower columbia. his idea of liberty was unlimited. restraint and obedience to others was what he did not like at home; he would try his fortune in the mountains; he did not care for missionaries, hudson's bay men, nor indians; he was determined to be his own man, and was allowed to remain at fort hall. this loss of manual strength to the mission party compelled the doctor to curtail his wagon, so he made a cart on two of the wheels, placed the axletree and the other two wheels on his cart, and about the st of august, , our camp was again in motion. as we reached camp on portneuf the first night, in passing a bunch of willows, mrs. spalding's horse, a kind and perfectly gentle animal, was stung by a wasp, causing him to spring to one side. mrs. s. lost her balance; her foot hung fast in the stirrup; the horse made but a single bound from the sting of the wasp, and stopped still till mrs. s. was relieved from what appeared almost instant death. next day we continued on down the river till we reached salmon falls, on snake river. we found a large number of the salmon and digger indians at their fishing stations. their curiosity was excited, and overcame all the fears that had been attributed to them by former travelers. all of them came about the camp, and appeared quite friendly, furnishing to the party all the fresh and dried salmon they wanted, at the most reasonable rates, say a fine fresh salmon for two fish-hooks; four for a common butcher-knife; ten dried ones for a shirt; in fact, receiving only such pay or presents for their fish and roots, as the hudson's bay company's traders saw fit, or would _allow_ the missionary party to give them. it will be remembered that, in the conversation with captain wyeth, the party had been cautioned as to dealing with the indians, or in any way interfering with the indian trade, or tariff, as the hudson's bay company gentlemen call the prices they were in the habit of giving to the indians, for any article of property they might have to dispose of, or that the company might want. if the indian would part with it at all, he must receive the price or the article they chose to give him, not as an equivalent for his article, but as a condescension on the part of the trader, in allowing him the honor of making the exchange. the indian's property or article, whatever it might be, was of no consequence to the trader, but the article he gave or furnished to him was of great value. the indian knew no other system of trade; it was that or nothing; hence the wealth of this arrogant and overgrown company, claiming exclusive trading privileges, as also the right to occupy the country in such a manner, and for such purposes as they chose. as a matter of course, the mission party were not in a condition to vary or change this system of trade; neither were they allowed to encourage the indians in the expectation of any future change, except as to the religious instructions they were at liberty to impart to them. the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company were frank with the mission in giving them their tariff: for a salmon at salmon falls, two awls or two small fish-hooks; one large hook for two salmon; for a knife, four salmon; for one load of powder and a charge of shot, or a single ball, one salmon. at wallawalla the tariff was nearly double, say two balls and powder for one large-sized salmon; a three-point blanket, a check shirt, a knife, five or ten balls and powder, from half a foot to three feet of trail-rope tobacco, the price of a good horse. in short, there was but one single object the indian could live for; that was to contribute his little mite of productive labor to enrich the honorable hudson's bay company, and to assist them, when required, to relieve the country of intruders. that they were in a state of absolute subjection to the control of the company no one that traveled in it at that early day can doubt for a moment. speak of improving the condition of the indians to gentlemen of the company, they would insist that it only made them more insolent, demand higher prices for their produce, and be less inclined to hunt for the furs necessary to supply the goods furnished for their use. the idea of improving the condition of the indian, and raising him in the scale of civilization, and by that means increase his natural wants, and encourage him with a fair compensation for his labor, was no part of their chartered privileges. they found the indian as he was; they would leave him no better. the country and all in it was theirs; they could not allow any interference with their trade. "if you missionaries wish to teach them your religion, we have no particular objection, so long as you confine yourselves to such religious instruction; as to trade, gentlemen, we will not object to your receiving from the indians what you may require for your own personal use and subsistence, provided you do not pay them more for the article you buy of them than the company does. we will give you our tariff, that you may be governed by it in your dealings with the indians. you will readily perceive, gentlemen, that it is necessary for us to insist on these conditions, in order to protect our own interests, and secure our accustomed profits." chapter xvii. an explanation.--instructions of company.--their tyranny.--continuation of journey.--fording rivers.--arrival at boise.--dr. whitman compelled to leave his wagon. it may be asked why the writer gives this explanation of trade and intercourse with the indians and missionaries before they have reached the field of their future labors? for the simple reason that the party, and the writer in particular, commenced their education in the rocky mountains. they learned that in the country to which they were going there was an overgrown, unscrupulous, and exacting monopoly that would prevent any interference in their trade, or intercourse with the indians. this information was received through the american fur traders, and from captain wyeth, who was leaving the country; and from mr. john mcleod, then in charge of our traveling caravan. it is true, we had only reached salmon falls, on snake river, and we only wished to buy of the miserable, naked, filthy objects before us, a few fresh salmon, which they were catching in apparent abundance; and as is the case with most american travelers, we had many articles that would be valuable to the indian, and beneficial to us to get rid of. but this overgrown company's interest comes in. "you must not be liberal, or even just, to these miserable human or savage beings; if you are, it will spoil our trade with them; we can not control them if they learn the value of our goods." this supreme selfishness, this spirit of oppression, was applied not only to the digger indians on the barren snake plains and the salmon fisheries of the columbia river, but to the miserable discharged, and, in most cases, disabled, canadian-french. this policy the hudson's bay company practiced upon their own servants, and, as far as was possible, upon all the early settlers of the country. in proof of this, hear what messrs. ewing young and carmichael say of them on the thirteenth day of january, , just three months after our mission party had arrived, and had written to their friends and patrons in the united states glowing accounts of the kind treatment they had received from this same hudson's bay company. how far the methodist mission joined in the attempt to coerce mr. young and compel him to place himself under their control, i am unable to say. the hudson's bay company, i know, from the statement of dr. mclaughlin himself, had an abundance of liquors. i also know they were in the habit of furnishing them freely to the indians, as they thought the interest of their trade required. mr. young's letter is in answer to a request of the methodist mission, signed by j. and d. lee, c. shepard, and p. l. edwards, not to erect a distillers on his land claim in yamhill county (nealem valley). the methodist mission was made use of on this occasion, under the threat of the hudson's bay company, that in case mr. young put up his distillery the hudson's bay company would freely distribute their liquors, and at once destroy all moral restraint, and more than probable the mission itself. lee and party offered to indemnify mr. young for his loss in stopping his distillery project. the hudson's bay company held by this means the exclusive liquor trade, while the mission were compelled to use their influence and means to prevent and buy off any enterprise that conflicted with their interests. mr. young says, in his reply:-- "gentlemen, having taken into consideration your request to relinquish our enterprise in manufacturing ardent spirits, we therefore do agree to stop our proceedings for the present: but, gentlemen, the reasons for first beginning such an enterprise were the _innumerable difficulties_ placed in our way by, and the _tyrannizing oppression_ of, the hudson's bay company, here under the absolute authority of dr. mclaughlin, who has treated us with more disdain than any american's feelings could support; but, gentlemen, it is not consistent with our feelings to receive any recompense whatever for our expenditures, but we are thankful to the society for their offer." the writer of the above short paragraph has long since closed his labors, which, with his little property, have done more substantial benefit to oregon than the hudson's bay company, that attempted to drive him from the country, which i will prove to the satisfaction of any unprejudiced mind as we proceed, i am fully aware of the great number of pensioned satellites that have fawned for hudson's bay company pap, and would swear no injustice was ever done to a single american, giving this hypocritical, double-dealing smooth-swindling, called honorable, hudson's bay company credit for what they never did, and really for stealing credit for good deeds done by others. the company insisted that the mission party should, as a condition of being permitted to remain in the country, comply with their ideas of indian trade and justice in dealing with the natives. the utmost care and attention was given to impress this all-important fact upon the minds of these first missionaries. they were told: "gentlemen, your own pecuniary interests require it; the good--_yes, the good_--of the natives you came to teach, requires that you should observe our rules in trade." and here, i have no doubt, lies the great secret of the partial failure of all the protestant missions. but, thank god, the country is relieved of a curse, like that of slavery in the southern states. an overgrown monopoly, in using its influence with catholicism to destroy protestantism in oregon and the american settlements, has destroyed itself. priestcraft and romanism, combined with ignorance and savagism, under the direction of the honorable hudson's bay company traders, is a kind of mixture which mr. ewing young says "is more than any american citizen's feelings could support;" yet for six years it was submitted to, and the country increased, not so much in wealth, but in stout-hearted men and women, who had dared every thing, and endured many living deaths, to secure homes, and save a vast and rich country to the american republic. was the government too liberal in giving these pioneers three hundred and twenty acres of land, when, by their toil and patient endurance they had suffered every thing this arrogant, unscrupulous, overgrown monopoly could inflict, by calling to its aid superstition and priestcraft, in the worst possible form, to subdue and drive them from the country? is there an american on this coast who doubts the fact of the tyrannical course of the company? listen to what is said of them in , ' , in their absolute government of vancouver island and british columbia, by a resident. he says:-- "in my unsophisticated ignorance, i foolishly imagined i was entering a colony governed by british institutions; but i was quickly undeceived. it was far worse than a venetian oligarchy; a squawtocracy of skin traders, ruled by men whose lives have been spent in the wilderness in social communion with indian savages, their present daily occupation being the sale of tea, sugar, whisky, and the usual _et cæteras_ of a grocery, which (taking advantage of an increased population) they sold at the small advance of five hundred per cent.; by men, who, to keep up the _entente cordiale_ with the red-skins, scrupled not (and the iniquitous practice is still continued) to supply them with arms and ammunition, well knowing that the same would be used in murderous warfare. i found these 'small fry' claiming, under some antediluvian grant, not only vancouver island, but a tract of country extending from the pacific to the atlantic ocean, from british columbia to hudson's bay--a territory of larger area than all europe. the onward march of civilization was checked; all avenues to the mineral regions were closed by excessive, unauthorized, and illegal taxation; and a country abounding with a fair share of nature's richest productions, and which might now be teeming with a hardy and industrious population, was crushed and blasted by a set of unprincipled autocrats, whose selfish interests, idle caprices, and unscrupulous conduct, sought to gratify their petty ambition by trampling on the dearest rights of their fellow-men. in victoria and british columbia the town lots, the suburban farms, and the water frontage were theirs,--the rocks in the bay, and the rocks on the earth; the trees in the streets, which served as ornaments to the town, were cut down by their orders and sold for fire-wood; with equal right (presumption or unscrupulousness is the appropriate term) they claimed the trees and dead timber of the forests, the waters of the bay, and the fresh water on the shores; all, all was theirs;--nay, i have seen the water running from the mountain springs denied to allay the parched thirst of the poor wretches whom the _auri sacra fames_ had allured to these inhospitable shores. they viewed with a jealous eye all intruders into their unknown kingdom, and every impediment was thrown in the way of improving or developing the resources of the colony. the coal mines were theirs, and this necessary article of fuel in a northern climate was held by them at thirty dollars per ton. the sole and exclusive right to trade was theirs, and the claim rigidly enforced. the gold fields were theirs likewise, and a tax of five dollars on every man, and eight dollars on every canoe or boat, was levied and collected at the mouth of the cañon before either were allowed to enter the sacred portals of british columbia. this amount had to be paid hundreds of miles from the place where gold was said to exist, whether the party ever dug an ounce or not. they looked upon all new arrivals with ill-subdued jealousy and suspicion, and distrusted them as a prætorian band of robbers coming to despoil them of their ill-gotten wealth." was this the case in ? show me the man who denies it, and i will show you a man devoid of moral perception, destitute of the principle of right dealing between man and man; yet this same hudson's bay company claim credit for saving the thousands of men they had robbed of their hard cash, in not allowing a few sacks of old flour and a quantity of damaged bacon to be sold to exceed one hundred per cent. above prime cost. "their goods were very reasonable," says the apologist; "their trade was honorable." has any one ever before attempted to claim honorable dealing for companies pursuing invariably the same selfish and avaricious course? this company is not satisfied with the privilege they have had of robbing the natives of this coast, their french and half-native servants, the american settlers, and their own countrymen, while dependent upon them; but now, when they can no longer rob and steal from half a continent, they come to our government at washington and make a demand for five millions of dollars for giving up this barefaced open robbery of a whole country they never had the shadow of a right to. it is possible the honorable commissioners may admit this arrogant and unjust claim. if they do,--one single farthing of it,--they deserve the curses due to the company who have robbed the native inhabitants of all their labor, their own servants they brought to it, the country of all they could get from it that was of any value to them, and the nation upon whom they call for any amount, be it great or small. i have not time, and it would be out of place, to say more upon this subject, at this rime, in the historical sketches we propose to give. be assured we do not write without knowing what we say, and being prepared to prove our statements with facts that have come under our own observation while in the country. we will leave the hudson's bay company and return to our mission party. after getting a full supply of salmon for a tin whistle, or its equivalent, a smell of trail-rope tobacco, we came to the ford at the three islands in snake river, crossed all safe, except a short swim for dr. whitman and his cart on coming out on the north side or right bank of the river. as nothing serious occurred, we passed on to camp. the next day, in passing along the foot hills of the range of mountains separating the waters of the snake river and la rivière aux bois, we came to the warm springs, in which we boiled a piece of salmon. then we struck the main boise river, as it comes out of the mountain, not far below the present location of boise city; thence, about ten miles down the river, and into the bend, where we found a miserable pen of a place, at that time called fort boise. it consisted of cotton-wood poles and crooked sticks set in a trench, and pretended to be fastened near the top. the houses or quarters were also of poles, open; in fact, the whole concern could hardly be called a passable corral, or pen for horses and cattle. i think, from appearances, the fort had been used to corral or catch horses in. we were informed that it was established in opposition to fort hall, to prevent the indians, as much as possible, from giving their trade to captain wyeth, and that the company expected, if they kept it up, to remove it near the mouth of boise river. at this place, mcleod and mckay, and all the johnny crapauds of the company, united in the opinion that it was impossible to get the doctor's cart any further without taking it all apart and bending the iron tires on the wheels, and packing it in par-fleshes (the dried hide of the buffalo, used as an outside covering for packs), and in that way we might get it through, if the animals we packed it upon did not fall with it from the precipices over which we must pass. _impossible_ to get it through any other way. after several consultations, and some very decided expressions against any further attempt to take the wagon further, a compromise was made, that, after the party had reached their permanent location, the doctor or mr. gray would return with the hudson's bay company's caravan and get the wagon and bring it through. to this proposition the doctor consented. the wagon was left, to the great advantage of the hudson's bay company, in removing their timber and material to build their new fort, as was contemplated, that and the following seasons. all our goods were placed upon the tallest horses we had, and led across. mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman were ferried over on a bulrush raft, made by the indians for crossing. the tops of the rushes were tied with grass ropes, and spread and so arranged that, by lying quite flat upon the rushes and sticks they were conveyed over in safety. portions of our clothing and goods, as was expected, came in contact with the water, and some delay caused to dry and repack. this attended to, the party proceeded on the present wagon trail till they reached the grand ronde; thence they ascended the mountain on the west side of the main river, passed over into a deep cañon, through thick timber, ascended the mountain, and came out on to the umatilla, not far from the present wagon route. as the party began to descend from the western slope of the blue mountains, the view was surpassingly grand. before us lay the great valley of the columbia; on the west, and in full view, mount hood rose amid the lofty range of the cascade mountains, ninety miles distant. to the south of mount hood stood mount adams, and to the north, mount rainier; while, with the assistance of mr. mckay, we could trace the course of the columbia, and determine the location of wallawalla. it was quite late in the evening before we reached camp on the umatilla, being delayed by our cattle, their feet having become worn and tender in passing over the sharp rocks, there being but little signs of a trail where we passed over the blue mountains in . chapter xviii. arrival at fort wallawalla.--reception.--the fort in .--voyage down the columbia river.--portage at celilo.--at dalles.--a storm.--the flatheads.--portage at the cascades. next day mr. mcleod left the train in charge of mr. mckay, and started for the fort, having obtained a fresh horse from the cayuse indians. the party, with hudson's bay company's furs and mission cattle, traveled slowly, and in two days and a half reached old fort wallawalla, on the columbia river,--on the second day of september, , a little over four months from the time they left missouri. traveling by time from two to three miles per hour, making it two thousand two hundred and fifty miles. their reception must have been witnessed to be fully realized. the gates of the fort were thrown open, the ladies assisted from their horses, and every demonstration of joy and respect manifested. the party were soon led into an apartment, the best the establishment had to offer. their horses and mules were unloaded and cared for; the cattle were not neglected. it appeared we had arrived among the best of friends instead of total strangers, and were being welcomed home in the most cordial manner. we found the gentleman in charge, mr. p. c. pambrun, a french-canadian by birth, all that we could wish, and more than we expected. mr. j. k. townsend, the naturalist, we found at wallawalla. he had been sent across the rocky mountains, in company with dr. nutall, a geologist, by a society in philadelphia, in , in company with captain wyeth. he had remained in the country to complete his collection of specimens of plants and birds, and was awaiting the return of the hudson's bay company's ship, to reach the sandwich islands, on his homeward course, having failed to get an escort to connect with captain wyeth, and return by way of the rocky mountains. from mr. townsend the mission party received much useful information relating to the course they should pursue in their intercourse with the hudson's bay company and the indians. he appeared to take a deep interest in the objects of the mission, confirming, from his own observation, the information already received, cautioning the party not to do any thing with the indians that would interfere with the hudson's bay company's trade. repeating almost _verbatim_ captain wyeth's words, "the company will be glad to have you in the country, and your influence to improve their servants, and their native wives and children. as to the indians you have come to teach, they do not want them to be any more enlightened. the company now have absolute control over them, and that is all they require. as to mr. pambrun, at this place, he is a kind, good-hearted gentleman, and will do any thing he can for you. he has already received his orders in anticipation of your arrival, and will obey them implicitly; should the company learn from him, or any other source, that you are here and do not comply with their regulations and treatment of the indians, they will cut off your supplies, and leave you to perish among the indians you are here to benefit. the company have made arrangements, and expect you to visit vancouver, their principal depot in the country, before you select your location." mr. townsend had gathered from the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, during the year he had been in the country, a good knowledge of their policy, and of their manner of treatment and trade with the indians. he had also learned from conversations with rev. samuel parker and the various members of the company, their views and feelings, not only toward american traders, but of the missionary occupation of the country by the americans. the mission party of learned from mr. mcleod that the hudson's bay company had sent for a chaplain, to be located at vancouver, and from mr. townsend that he had arrived. it will be borne in mind that this honorable company, on the arrival of rev. j. lee and party to look after the civil and religious welfare of the indians, examined their old charter, and found that one of its requirements was to _christianize_ as well as trade with the natives of this vast country. they found that the english church service must be read at their posts on the sabbath. to conform to this regulation, a chaplain was sent for. he came, with his wife; and not receiving the submission and attention from the chivalry of the country he demanded, became thoroughly disgusted, and returned to england (i think) on the same ship he came in. as we proceed, we will develop whys and wherefores. old fort wallawalla, in , when the mission party arrived, was a tolerably substantial stockade, built of drift-wood taken from the columbia river, of an oblong form, with two log bastions raised, one on the southwest corner, commanding the river-front and southern space beyond the stockade; the other bastion was on the northeast corner, commanding the north end, and east side of the fort. in each of these bastions were kept two small cannon, with a good supply of small-arms. these bastions were always well guarded when any danger was suspected from the indians. the sage brush, willow, and grease-wood had been cut and cleared away for a considerable distance around, to prevent any indians getting near the fort without being discovered. inside the stockade were the houses, store, and quarters for the men, with a space sufficiently large to corral about one hundred horses. the houses and quarters were built by laying down sills, placing posts at from eight to twelve feet apart, with tenons on the top, and the bottom grooved in the sides, and for corner-posts, so as to slip each piece of timber, having also a tenon upon each end, into the grooves of the posts, forming a solid wall of from four to six inches thick, usually about seven feet high from floor to ceiling, or timbers overhead. the roofs were of split cedar, flattened and placed upon the ridge pole and plate-like rafters, close together; then grass or straw was put on the split pieces, covered with mud and dirt, and packed to keep the straw from blowing off. the roofs were less than one-fourth pitch, and of course subject to leakage when it rained. for floors, split puncheons or planks were used in the chief trader's quarters. in the corner of the room was a comfortable fireplace, made of mud in place of brick. the room was lighted with six panes of glass, seven inches by nine, set in strips of wood, split with a common knife, and shaped so as to hold the glass in place of a sash. the doors were also of split lumber, rough hewn, wrought-iron hinges, and wooden latches; the furniture consisted of three benches, two stools, and one chair (something like a barber's chair, without the scrolls and cushions); a bed in one corner of the room upon some split boards for bottom; a rough table of the same material roughly planed. this, with a few old cutlasses, shot-pouches, and tobacco sacks (such as were manufactured by the indians about the post), constituted the room and furniture occupied by p. c. pambrun, esq., of the honorable hudson's bay company. into this room the mission party were invited, and introduced to mrs. pambrun and two young children-misses. the kind and cordial reception of mr. pambrun was such that all felt cheerful and relieved in this rude specimen of half-native, half-french dwelling. the cloth was soon spread upon the table, and the cook brought in the choice game of the prairies well cooked, with a small supply of irish potatoes and small canadian yellow corn. this was a feast, as well as a great change from dried and pounded buffalo meat "straight," as the miners say, upon which we had subsisted since we left the rendezvous, except the occasional fresh bits we could get along the route. dinner being disposed of, some fine melons were served, which mr. pambrun had succeeded in raising in his little melon patch, in the bends of the wallawalla river, about two miles from the fort. the supply of melons was quite limited, a single one of each kind for the party. mr. townsend on this occasion yielded his share to the ladies, and insisted, as he had been at the fort and partaken of them on previous occasions, they should have his share. dinner over, melons disposed of, fort, stores, and quarters examined, arrangements were made for sleeping in the various sheds and bastions of the fort. most of the gentlemen preferred the open air and tent to the accommodations of the fort. rooms were provided for the two ladies and their husbands, dr. whitman and mr. spalding. next morning early, messrs. mcleod and townsend started for vancouver in a light boat, with the understanding that mr. pambrun, with the company's furs, and the mission party, were to follow in a few days. mr. mckay was to remain in charge of the fort. all things were arranged to mr. pambrun's satisfaction; two boats or barges were made ready, the furs and party all aboard, with seven men to each barge, six to row and one to steer, with a big paddle instead of a helm, or an oar; we glided swiftly down the columbia river, the scenery of which is not surpassed in grandeur by any river in the world. fire, earth, and water have combined to make one grand display with melted lava, turning it out in all imaginable and unimaginable shapes and forms on a most gigantic scale. in other countries, these hills thrown up would be called mountains, but here we call them high rolling plains, interspersed with a few snow-capped peaks, some fifteen and some seventeen thousand feet high. the river is running through these plains, wandering around among the rocks with its gentle current of from four to eight knots per hour; at the rapids increasing its velocity and gyrations around and among the rocks in a manner interesting and exciting to the traveler, who at one moment finds his boat head on at full speed making for a big rock; anon he comes along, and by an extra exertion with his pole shoves off his boat to receive a full supply of water from the rolling swell, as the water rushes over the rock he has but just escaped being dashed to pieces against. as to danger in such places, it is all folly to think of any; so on we go to repeat the same performance over and over till we reach the falls, at what is now called celilo, where we find about twenty-five feet perpendicular fall. our boats were discharged of all their contents, about one-fourth of a mile above the main fall, on the right bank of the river. then the cargo was packed upon the indians' backs to the landing below the falls, the indian performing this part of the labor for from two to six inches of trail-rope tobacco. a few were paid from two to ten charges of powder and ball, or shot, depending upon the number of trips they made and the amount they carried. the boats were let down with lines as near the fall as was considered safe, hauled out of the water, turned bottom up, and as many indians as could get under them, say some twenty-five to each boat, lifted them upon their shoulders and carried them to the water below. for this service they each received two dried leaves of tobacco, which would make about six common pipefuls. the indian, however, with other dried leaves, would make his two leaves of tobacco last some time. this portage over, and all on board, we again glided swiftly along, ran through what is called the little dalles, and soon reached the narrowest place in the columbia, where the water rushes through sharp projecting rocks, causing it to turn and whirl and rush in every conceivable shape for about three-fourths of a mile, till it finds a large circular basin below, into which it runs and makes one grand turn round and passes smoothly out at right angles and down in a deep smooth current, widening as it enters the lofty range of the cascade mountains. the river was deemed a little too high, by our iroquois pilot, to run the big dalles at that time, although, in january following, the writer, in company with another party, did run them with no more apparent danger than we experienced on the same trip at what is called john day's rapids. at the dalles our party made another portage, paying our indians as at celilo falls. the indians' curiosity to look at the white women caused us a little delay at the falls, and also at the dalles; in fact, numbers of them followed our boats in their canoes to the dalles, to look at these two strange beings who had nothing to carry but their own persons, and were dressed so differently from the men. we proceeded down the river for a few miles and met the hudson's bay company's express canoe, in charge of mr. hovey, on its way to lachine, going across the continent; stopped and exchanged greetings for a few minutes and passed on to camp just above dog river. next morning made an early start to reach la cascade to make the portage there before night. we had proceeded but about one hour, with a gentle breeze from the east, sails all set, and in fine spirits, admiring the sublimely grand scenery, when, looking down the river, the ladies inquired what made the water look so white. in a moment our boatmen took in sail, and laid to their oars with all their might to reach land and get under shelter, which we did, but not till we had received considerable wetting, and experienced the first shock of a severe wind-storm, such as can be gotten up on the shortest possible notice in the midst of the cascade mountains. our camp was just below white salmon river. the storm was so severe that all our baggage, furs, and even boats had to be taken out of the water to prevent them from being dashed to pieces on the shore. for three days and nights we lay in this miserable camp watching the storm as it howled on the waves and through this mountain range. stormy as it was, a few indians found our camp and crawled over the points of rocks to get sight of our party. among the indians of the coast and lower columbia none but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls. this is accomplished by taking an infant and placing it upon a board corresponding in length and breadth to the size of the child, which is placed upon it and lashed fast in a sort of a sack, to hold its limbs and body in one position. the head is also confined with strings and lashing, allowing scarcely any motion for the head. from the head of the board, upon which the infant is made fast, is a small piece of board lashed to the back piece, extending down nearly over the eyes, with strings attached so as to prevent the forehead from extending beyond the eyes, giving the head and face a broad and flat shape. the native infants of the blood royal were kept in these presses from three to four months, or longer, as the infant could bear, or as the aspirations of the parent prompted. for the last fifteen years i have not seen a native infant promoted to these royal honors. my impression is that the example of the white mother in the treatment of her infant has had more influence in removing this cruel practice than any other cause. as a general thing, the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes. to this cause probably more than any other may be traced the effect of vice among them. the tribes below the cascade mountains were the first that had any intercourse with the whites. the diseases never feared or shunned by the abandoned and profligate youth and sailor were introduced among them. the certain and legitimate effect soon showed itself all along the coast. so prevalent was vice and immorality among the natives, that not one escaped. their blood became tainted, their bodies loathsome and foul, their communication corrupt continually. the flattened head of the royal families, and the round head of the slave, was no protection from vice and immoral intercourse among the sexes; hence, when diseases of a different nature, and such as among the more civilized white race are easily treated and cured, came among them, they fell like rotten sheep. if a remnant is left, i have often felt that the reacting curse of vice will pursue our advanced civilization for the certain destruction that has befallen the miserable tribes that but a few years since peopled this whole coast. it is true that the missionaries came to the country before many white settlers came. it is also true that they soon learned the causes that would sweep the indians from the land, and in their feeble efforts to check and remove the causes, they were met by the unlimited and unbridled passions of all in the country, and all who came to it for a number of years subsequent, with a combined influence to destroy that of the missionaries in correcting or checking this evil. like alcohol and its friends, it had no virtue or conscience, hence the little moral influence brought by the first missionaries was like pouring water upon glass: it only washed the sediment from the surface while the heart remained untouched. most of the missionaries could only be witnesses of facts that they had little or no power to correct or prevent; many of them lacked the moral courage necessary to combat successfully the influences with which they were surrounded, and every action, word, or expression was canvassed and turned against them or the cause they represented. the reader will excuse this little digression into moral facts, as he will bear in mind that we were in a most disagreeable camp on the columbia river, between the cascades and the dalles, and for the first time were introduced to real live flatheads and the process of making them such. the men, also, or boatmen, amused themselves in getting the members of the royal family who visited our camp drunk as chinamen (on opium), by filling their pipes with pure trail-rope tobacco. on the fourth morning after the storm stopped us, we were again on our way. arrived at the cascades and made a portage of the goods over, around, and among the rocks, till we reached the basin below the main shoot or rapids. the boats were let down by lines and hauled out to repair leakage from bruises received on the rocks in their descent. damage repaired, all embarked again, and ran down to cape horn and camped; next day we reached the saw-mill and camped early. all hands must wash up and get ready to reach the fort in the morning. from the saw-mill an indian was sent on ahead to give notice at the fort of the arrival of the party. our captain, as the americans would call mr. pambrun, who had charge of the boats, was slow in getting ready to start. breakfast over, all dressed in their best clothes, the party proceeded on down the river. in coming round a bend of the upper end of the plain upon which the fort stands, we came in full view of two fine ships dressed in complete regalia from stem to stern, with the st. george cross waving gracefully from the staff in the fort. our party inquired innocently enough the cause of this display. captain pambrun evaded a direct answer. in a short time, as the boats neared the shore, two tall, well-formed, neatly-dressed gentlemen waved a welcome, and in a moment all were on shore. rev. mr. spalding and lady were introduced, followed by dr. whitman and lady, to the two gentlemen. one, whose hair was then nearly white, stepped forward and gave his arm to mrs. whitman. the other, a tall, black-haired, black-eyed man, with rather slim body, a light sallow complexion and smooth face, gave his arm to mrs. spalding. by this time mr. mcleod had made his appearance, and bade the party a hearty welcome and accompanied them into the fort. we began to suspect the cause of so much display. all safely arrived in the fort, we were led up-stairs, in front of the big square hewed-timber house, and into a room on the right of the hall, where the ladies were seated, as also some six gentlemen, besides the tall white-headed one. the writer, standing in the hall, was noticed by mr. mcleod, who came out and invited him into the quarters of the clerks. we will leave our ladies in conversation with the two fine-looking gentlemen that received them on arriving at the water's edge, while we take a look at the fort, as it appeared on september , . chapter xix. fort vancouver in .--an extra table.--conditions on which cattle were supplied to settlers.--official papers.--three organizations. fort vancouver was a stockade, built with fir-logs about ten inches in diameter, set some four feet in the ground, and about twenty feet above, secured by pieces of timber pinned on the inside, running diagonally around the entire stockade, which at that time covered or inclosed about two acres of ground. the old fort, as it was called, was so much decayed that the new one was then being built, and portions of the old one replaced. the storehouses were all built of hewn timber, about six inches thick, and covered with sawed boards one foot wide and one inch thick, with grooves in the edges of the boards, placed up and down upon the roof, in place of shingles; of course, in case of a knot-hole or a crack, it was a leaky concern. all the houses were covered with boards in a similar manner in the new quarters. the partitions were all upright boards planed, and the cracks battened; floors were mostly rough boards, except the office and the governor's house, which were planed. the parsonage was what might be called of the balloon order, covered like the rest, with a big mud and stone chimney in the center. the partitions and floors were rough boards. there were but two rooms, the one used for dining-room and kitchen, the other for bedroom and parlor. the doors and gates of the fort, or stockade, were all locked from the inside, and a guard stationed over the gate. in front of the governor's house was a half semicircle double stairway, leading to the main hall up a flight of some ten steps. in the center of the semicircle was one large -pound cannon, mounted on a ship's carriage, and on either side was a small cannon, or mortar gun, with balls piled in order about them, all pointing to the main gate entrance; latterly, to protect the fort from the savages that had commenced coming over the rocky mountains, a bastion was built, said to be for saluting her majesty's ships when they might arrive, or depart from the country. at m. the fort bell rang; clerks and gentlemen all met at the common dinner-table, which was well supplied with potatoes, salmon, wild fowl, and usually with venison and bread. dinner over, most of the gentlemen passed a compliment in a glass of wine, or brandy, if preferred; all then retired to the social hall, a room in the clerks' quarters, where they indulged in a stiff pipe of tobacco, sometimes filling the room as full as it could hold with smoke. at p.m. the bell rang again, when all went to business. the party had no sooner arrived than the carpenter was ordered to make an extra table, which was located in the governor's office, in the room where we left them on first bringing them into the house. this extra table was presided over by the governor, or the next highest officers of the fort; usually one or two of the head clerks or gentlemen traders were, by special invitation, invited to dine with the ladies, or, rather, at the ladies' table. the governor's wife was not sufficiently accomplished, at first, to take a seat at the ladies' table. i never saw her in the common dining-hall; neither was the mother of the chief clerk's children permitted this honor at first. however, as mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding soon learned the fort regulations, as also the family connection there was in the establishment, they very soon introduced themselves to the two principal mothers they found in the governor's house, one belonging to the governor, and the other to the chief clerk, and made themselves acquainted with the young misses; and, in a short time, in opposition to the wish of the governor and his chief clerk, brought them both to the ladies' table. they also brought the youngest daughter of the governor to the table, and took considerable pains to teach the young misses, and make themselves generally useful; so that, at the end of two weeks, when arrangements had been made for the party to return to wallawalla to commence their missionary labors, the governor and chief clerk would not allow the ladies to depart, till the gentlemen had gone up and selected their stations and built their houses, so that they could be comfortable for winter. captain wyeth and mr. townsend were correct in their ideas of the reception of this party. the utmost cordiality was manifested, the kindest attention paid, and such articles as could be made about the establishment, that the party wanted, were supplied. the goods were all to be furnished at _one hundred per cent. on london prices_, drafts to be drawn on the american board, payable in london at sight. they were cashed by the board at thirty-seven cents premium on london drafts, costing the mission two dollars and seventy-four cents for every dollar's worth of goods they received; freight and charges from fort vancouver to wallawalla were added. these goods were received and paid for, not as a business transaction with the hudson's bay company, by any means, but as a _gracious gift_; or, to quote the governor and chief clerk, "you gentlemen _must_ consider yourselves under great obligation to the hudson's bay company, as we are only here to trade with the natives. in your future transactions you will make out your orders, and we will forward them to london to be filled at their rates, and with this understanding." while at vancouver, dr. whitman concluded that some more cattle than the mission had were necessary to facilitate the labor in breaking up the prairie for a spring crop; and a few cows might be useful to assist in getting a start in cattle. the proposition was made to the hudson's bay company, to know upon what terms they could get them. "certainly," said dr. mclaughlin, "you can have what cattle you want on the conditions we furnish them to the company's servants and the settlers in the wallamet." "what are those conditions?" said dr. whitman. "why, in case of work cattle, you can take them from our band; we can not, of course, spare you those we are working, but the cattle you take, you break in, and when the company requires them you return them to the company." "and what are your terms in letting your cows?" said dr. whitman. "why, we let them have the cows for the use of the milk; they return the cow and its increase to the company." "and how is it in case the animal is lost or gets killed?" "you gentlemen will have no difficulty on that account; you have some cattle; you can replace them from your own band." dr. whitman seemed a little incredulous as to the conditions upon which cattle could be had of the company, and inquired if such were the conditions they furnished them to their servants and the settlers. dr. mclaughlin replied emphatically, it was. we learned in this connection that there was not a cow in the country, except those of the american board, that was not owned by the hudson's bay company. the same was the case with all the beeves and work cattle. the mission party concluded they would not mortgage their own cattle for the use of the hudson's bay company's; hence dropped the cattle question for the time being. while at vancouver, it was deemed necessary for a copy of the official papers of the mission party to be made out, and forwarded to the sandwich islands, to the american and british consuls, and one to the commercial agent of the hudson's bay company, with an order from dr. mclaughlin, to the agent of the hudson's bay company, to forward any supplies or goods designed for the mission of the american board. these documents were made out, and duly signed, by rev. mr. spalding and dr. whitman. the question arose whether the name of the secular agent of the mission ought not also to be attached to the documents, and was decided in the affirmative. gray was sent for; he entered the office with his hat under his arm, as per custom in entering the audience chamber where official business was transacted, examined hastily the documents, attached his name, and retired. the incident was noticed by dr. mclaughlin, and while the mission party were absent, locating and building their stations, dr. mclaughlin inquired of mrs. whitman who the young man was that mr. spalding and her husband had to sign a copy of the public documents sent to the sandwich islands. mrs. whitman replied, "why, that is mr. gray, our associate, and secular agent of the mission." the inquiries about mr. gray were dropped till the ladies reached their stations, and mr. gray was advised, when he visited vancouver again, to present his credentials, and show the hudson's bay company his connection with the mission. accordingly, when mr. gray visited vancouver, in january, , he presented his credentials, and was received in a manner contrasting very strongly with that of his former reception; still, the lesson he had learned was not a useless one. he saw plainly the condition of all the settlers, or any one in the country that had no official position or title; he was looked upon as a vagabond, and entitled to no place or encouragement, only as he submitted to the absolute control of the hudson's bay company, or one of the missions. there was nothing but master and servant in the country, and this honorable company were determined that no other class should be permitted to be in it. to the disgrace of most of the missionaries, this state of absolute dependence and submission to the hudson's bay company, or themselves, was submitted to, and encouraged. at least, no one but rev. jason lee, of the methodist mission, fully comprehended the precise condition of an outsider. this will be shown as we proceed. we were made a party to a special contract, in , touching this question. then we had three distinct organizations in the country: the first, and the most important in wealth and influence, was the hudson's bay company's traders; the second, the methodist mission, with their ideas and efforts to christianize the savages, and to do what they could to convert the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company from the error of their ways; third, the mission of the american board, to accomplish the same object. the fact of these two missions being in the country, both having the same object to accomplish, elicited a discussion as to the proper location for both to operate in. it was not deemed advisable to locate in the same tribe, as the field was large enough for both. the cowlitz and puget sound district was proposed, but not favored by the hudson's bay company; mr. pambrun kept the claims of the nez percés and cayuses before the party. his interests and arguments prevailed. chapter xx. settlers in .--wallamet cattle company.--what good have the missionaries done?--rev. j. lee and party.--the hudson's bay company recommend the wallamet.--missionaries not dependent on the company.--rev. s. parker arrives at vancouver. there were in the country, in the winter of , besides those connected with the hudson's bay company and the missions, about fifteen men, all told. the two missions numbered seven men and two women, making the american population about twenty-five persons. to bring the outsiders from the hudson's bay company and the two missions into subjection, and to keep them under proper control, it was necessary to use all the influence the methodist mission had. they, as a matter of interest and policy, furnished to such as showed a meek and humble disposition, labor, and such means as they could spare from their stores, and encouraged them to marry the native women they might have, or be disposed to take, and become settlers about the mission. such as were not disposed to submit to the government of the mission, or the hudson's bay company, like mr. e. young, carmichael, and killmer, were "_left out in the cold_." they could get no supplies, and no employment. they were literally outcasts from society, and considered as outlaws and intruders in the country. all seemed anxious to get rid of them. mccarty, the companion of mr. young from california to oregon, had fallen out with him on the way, as young was bringing to the country a band of california horses (brood mares). mccarty, it seems, to be avenged on young, reported to dr. mclaughlin and the mission that young had stolen his band of horses (though it has since been stated upon good authority that such was not the case); still mccarty was (i understand) a member of the class-meeting, on probation. his statements were received as truth, and young suffered. young was a stirring, ambitious man; he had spent some time in the rocky mountains, and in santa fé and california, and the little property he could get he had invested in horses, and brought them to oregon. this fact, with the malicious reports circulated about him, made him an object of suspicion and contempt on the part of the hudson's bay company and the mission. we find that mr. lee treated mr. young as an honest man, and, consequently, fell under the displeasure of dr. mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company. _with mr. young, mr. lee succeeded_ in getting up the first cattle company, and gave the first blow toward breaking up the despotism and power of the company. mr. young, as mr. lee informed us, was the only man in the country he could rely upon, in carrying out his plan to supply the settlement with cattle. he was aware of the stories in circulation about him, and of the want of confidence in him in the mission and among the french-canadians and hudson's bay company. to obviate this difficulty, he suggested that mr. p. l. edwards, a member of the mission, should go as treasurer of the company, and mr. young as captain. this brought harmony into the arrangement, and a ready subscription to the stock of the wallamet cattle company, all being anxious to obtain cattle. but few of the settlers had any means at command. many of the discharged servants of the hudson's bay company had credit on their books. there were outside men enough in the country willing to volunteer to go for the cattle, and receive their pay in cattle when they arrived with the band in oregon. this brought the matter directly to the hudson's bay company, and to dr. mclaughlin. rev. jason lee received the orders of the company's servants, went to vancouver, and learned from the clerks in the office the amounts due the drawers, then went to the doctor, and insisted that certain amounts should be paid on those orders. the doctor very reluctantly consented to allow the money or drafts to be paid. this amount, with all the mission and settlers could raise, would still have been too small to justify the party in starting, but w. a. slacum, esq., of the united states navy, being on a visit to the country, mr. lee stated the condition of matters to him. mr. slacum at once subscribed the requisite stock, and advanced all the money the mission wished on their stock, taking mission drafts on their board, and gave a free passage to california for the whole party. (as the missionaries would say, "bless god for brother slacum's providential arrival among us.") uncle sam had the right man in the right place that time. it was but a little that he did; yet that little, what mighty results have grown out of it! on the th of january, , six days after mr. young had given up his projected distillery, he is on board mr. slacum's brig _lariat_, lying off the mouth of the wallamet river, and on his way to california with a company of stout-hearted men, eight (i think) in all, not to steal horses or cheat the miserable savages, and equally miserable settlers, out of their little productive labor, but to bring a band of cattle to benefit the whole country. in this connection, i could not do justice to all without quoting a paragraph which i find in rev. g. hines' history of the oregon missions. he says:-- "mr. slacum's vessel left the columbia river about the first of february, and arrived safely in the bay of san francisco, on the coast of california. the cattle company proceeded immediately to purchase a large band of cattle and a number of horses, with which they started for oregon. in crossing a range of mountains (rogue river mountains), they were attacked by the rascally indians, and a number of their cattle were killed, but they at length succeeded in driving back their foe and saving the remainder. _contrary to the predictions and wishes of the members of the hudson's bay company_, who indirectly opposed them at the outset, they arrived in safety in the wallamet valley with six hundred head of cattle, and distributed them among the settlers, according to the provisions of the compact. this successful enterprise, which laid the foundation for a rapid accumulation of wealth by the settlers, was mainly accomplished through the energy and perseverance of rev. jason lee." what good have the missionaries done in the country? i do not know how mr. hines arrived at the conclusion that the hudson's bay company "_indirectly opposed_" this cattle expedition. i know they did it _directly_, and it was only through the influence of rev. j. lee, and mr. slacum, of the united states navy, that they could have succeeded at all. mr. lee, in his conversation with dr. mclaughlin, told that gentleman directly that it was of no use for the company to _oppose_ the _expedition_ any more; the party was made up, and the men were on the way, and the cattle would come as per engagement, unless the men were lost at sea. the hudson's bay company yielded the point only on the failure of the rogue river indians to destroy the expedition. mr. slacum placed it beyond their control to stop it. the courage of the men was superior to the company's indian allies. the cattle came, and no thanks to any of the hudson's bay company's generosity, patronage, or power. they did all they dared to do, openly and secretly, to prevent the bringing of that band of cattle into the country; and, determining to monopolize the country as far as possible, they at once entered upon the puget sound agricultural company, under the auspices of the hudson's bay company and the english government. do you ask me how i know these things? simply by being at vancouver the day the brig dropped down the columbia river, and listening to the discussion excited on the subject, and to the proposition and plan of the puget sound company among the gentlemen concerned in getting it up. the mission of the american board had no stock in the cattle company of the wallamet, not venturing to incur the displeasure of the hudson's bay company by expressing an opinion any way upon it. the writer was picking up items and preparing for a trip to new york overland, with one of the hudson's bay company's traders, mr. francis (or frank) ermatinger. while in new york, cincinnati, and other places, he stated the fact that the methodist missionaries had fallen under the displeasure of the hudson's bay company in entering too freely into trade and speculation in cattle in the country. truth and justice to them require that i enter fully into their transactions as men and missionaries. rev. j. lee, it will be remembered, was the first man to answer the call of the indian to come to his country. the methodist board had been formed, and j. lee accepted their invitation and patronage. in this expedition he gathered his associates, and at the same time made arrangements for future supplies to arrive by sea, coming around cape horn. captain wyeth was in boston, getting up a trading expedition, and chartering a vessel for the mouth of the columbia river, the _may dacre_. on board captain lambert's brig captain wyeth and the methodist board shipped their goods for the two expeditions. the goods on the way, it became necessary for the future objects of the mission to have a few horses to carry on the improvements necessary to a civilized life. lee and associates start across the continent. missouri is the most western limit of civilization. they reach it, purchase their outfit, and, in company with captain wyeth, reach fort hall; here they fall in with thomas mckay and our english nobleman, captain stewart. captain wyeth stopped to build his fort, while mckay, stewart, lee, dr. nutall, townsend, and parties all made their way to wallawalla, on the columbia river. the supreme selfishness of the hudson's bay company seems here to begin to develop itself. lee and party were made to believe that the flathead tribe, who had sent their messengers for teachers, were not only a small, but a very distant tribe, and very disadvantageously situated for the establishment and support of a missionary among them. these statements determined them to proceed to the lower columbia, to find a better location to commence operations. leaving their horses at wallawalla, in charge of one of their party, they proceeded down the columbia in one of the hudson's bay company's boats, being eleven days in reaching the fort, and one hundred and fifty-two days on the way from missouri. they were kindly received by the gentlemen of the fort, and in two days were on the hunt for a location. the party that arrived just two years later, with two ladies, were not allowed to leave the fort to look for locations till they had remained twelve days, and been invited to ride all over the farm, and visit the ships, and eat melons and apples (being always cautioned to save all the seeds for planting). lee and party were frank to make known to the company their object, and plans of future operations. questions of trade and morality were comparatively new with the company. as religious teachers and christian men they had no suspicions of any interference in trade. mr. lee hailed from canada, and so did dr. mclaughlin and a large number of the servants of the company. "mr. lee is the man we want to instruct our retired servants in religious matters. mr. shepard will be an excellent man to take charge of our little private school; we have commenced with a mr. s. h. smith, who has found his way into this country, in company with captain wyeth, an opposition fur trader and salmon catcher. we do not know much about him, but if you will allow mr. shepard to take charge of our school till you can make other arrangements, and you require his services, we will make it all right." this arrangement placed the labor of selecting locations and the necessary explorations upon our friend jason lee. all being smooth and cordial with the company, lee proceeds to french prairie and up the river till he reaches a point ten miles below salem, about two miles above jarvie's old place, and makes his first location. from all the information he could gather, this was the most central point to reach the greatest number of indians and allow the largest number of french and half-native population to collect around the station. in this expedition he occupied about ten days. the whole country was before them--a wilderness two thousand six hundred miles broad, extending from the gulf of california on the south, to the russian settlements on the north, with a few scattering stations among the border indians along the western territories of missouri, and the great unknown, unexplored west, which the american board, in a book published in , page , says, "brought to light no field for a great and successful mission," showing that, for twenty-five years, they have neglected to give this country the attention its present position and importance demanded, and also a total neglect on their part to select and sustain proper men in this vast missionary field. they are willing now to plead ignorance, by saying, "rev. samuel parker's exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains in and (but two years after the rev. j. lee came to it) brought to light _no field for a great and successful mission_," and console themselves by asserting a popular idea as having originated from mr. parker's exploration, "a practicable route for a _railroad_ from the mississippi to the pacific." mr. parker never originated or thought of the practicability of the route till after dr. whitman had left his wagon at fort boise, and demonstrated the fact of a practicable wagon route. then mr. parker, to give his work or journal a wider circulation, talked about a railroad. the american board, i am sorry to feel and think, are good at attempting to catch at straws when important missionary objects have been faithfully placed before them. let us return to mr. lee. on saturday, september , , he was in council with dr. mclaughlin, at vancouver. the result of his observations were fully canvassed; the condition and prospects of the indians and half-natives, canadian-french, straggling sailors and hunters that might find their way into the country, were all called before this council. the call from the flathead indians and the nez percés was not forgotten. the wallamet valley had the best advocate in dr. john mclaughlin. he "strongly recommended it, as did the other gentlemen of vancouver, as the most eligible place for the establishment of the center of their operations." this located that mission under the direct supervision and inspection of the hudson's bay company, and, at the same time, placed the american settlement south of the columbia river. mr. lee, the next day, was invited to preach in the fort. all shades of colors and sects attended this first preaching in the wilderness of oregon. the effect in three months was the baptizing of four adults and seventeen children. the protestant missions were not dependent on the hudson's bay company for supplies any more than the sandwich islands were, or the american fur company. if such were the fact, that they were dependent upon the hudson's bay company, the missionaries themselves and the boards that sent them to oregon must have been a set of foolish men, not competent to conduct the commonest affairs of life. the idea that seven men and two women should be sent to a distant wilderness and savage country, and no provisions made for their subsistence and future supplies, is one originated without a soul, a lie to produce effect, a slander upon common honesty and common-sense christianity. whitman's party left in the rocky mountains a better set of tools than could be found in vancouver. they brought seeds of all kinds. they had no occasion to ask of the hudson's bay company a single seed for farming purposes, a single thing in establishing their mission,--only as they had disposed of things at the suggestion of mcleod and mckay as unnecessary to pack them further. arrangements were made to forward around cape horn, as soon as was deemed necessary, such articles and supplies as might be required. rev. jason lee and party did not arrive in the country (as those who have all along attempted to insinuate and make a stranger to the facts believe, and in claim the sum of $ , , . for stealing credit due to others, and preventing the good others might have done to the natives in advancing them in the scale of civilization) destitute and dependent upon the hudson's bay company for supplies. on the contrary, by the time they had selected their station, the goods on the brig _may dacre_ had arrived, and were ready to be landed at the lower mouth of the wallamet river. these goods, whether suitable or not, were all received and conveyed to the station selected by mr. lee by the th of october. the rainy season soon commenced; they had no shelter for themselves or their goods. all old oregonians who have not been seduced and brought up by the hudson's bay company can comprehend the condition they were in. rev. jason lee, like dr. whitman with his old wagon, had undertaken a work he meant to accomplish. his religion was practical. work, labor, preach, and practice his own precepts, and demonstrate the truth of his own doctrines. religion and labor were synonymous with him, and well did the noble shepard, though but a lay member of the mission and the church, labor and sustain him. these two men were really the soul and life of the mission, as dr. whitman and mrs. spalding were of the american board. during the first winter, - , they were wholly occupied in building their houses and preparing for the cultivation of the land for their own subsistence. there was no alternative; it was work or starve. rev. jason lee set the example. he held the plow, with an indian boy to drive, in commencing his farming operations. the first year they produced enough for home consumption in wheat, peas, oats, and barley, and abundance of potatoes, with a few barrels of salt salmon. the superintendent of the mission put up at the wallamet falls late in the season of . they had a supply of their own for the first year. it is true they did not have superfine flour to eat, but they had plenty of pounded and boiled wheat, and a change to pea and barley soup, with oats for the chickens they had received from the vessel. daniel lee soon falls sick, and edwards becomes dissatisfied. they both arrange to leave the country on the _may dacre_. rev. d. lee is advised to go to the sandwich islands, and edwards is induced to undertake an independent school at champoeg. shepard toils on with his indian and half-native school. mr. lee preaches and labors at the mission among the french, and at vancouver. in october, , rev. s. parker arrived at vancouver. in november he made a flying visit to mr. lee's mission. his presbyterian spectacles were not adapted to correct observations on methodist episcopal missions. he was inclined to pronounce their efforts a failure. this impression of mr. parker's arose from the fact, that no female influence, except that of the natives of the country, was seen or felt about the mission. his impressions were also quite unfavorable to the hudson's bay company from the same cause. these impressions were, at the suggestion of the writer, omitted in his first published journal. four months after mr. parker's visit to mr. lee's mission, we find the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company making a handsome donation to mr. lee's mission of $ , including a handsome prayer for a blessing upon their labors, in the following words: "and they pray our heavenly father, without whose assistance we can do nothing, that of his infinite mercy he may vouchsafe to bless and prosper your pious endeavors." this is signed in behalf of the donors by john mclaughlin. chapter xxi. arrival of rev. mr. beaver and wife.--his opinion of the company.--a double-wedding.--mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman at vancouver.--men explore the country and locate stations.--their opinion of the country.--indian labor.--a winter trip down snake river. nothing of note occurred till about the middle of august, . the bark _nereus_ arrived from england, bringing back rev. daniel lee, recovered from his sickness while in the sandwich islands, and rev. mr. beaver and lady, an english episcopal clergyman, as chaplain to the hudson's bay company at fort vancouver. mr. beaver was a man below the medium height, light brown hair, gray eyes, light complexion, a feminine voice, with large pretensions to oratory, a poor delivery, and no energy. his ideas of clerical dignity were such, that he felt himself defiled and polluted in descending to the "common herd of savages" he found on arriving at vancouver. "the governor was uncivil, the clerks were boors, the women were savages. there was not an individual about the establishment he felt he could associate with." this feeling was shared largely by mrs. beaver, who, from the little i saw of her at a double-wedding party at her own house, i concluded, felt she was condescending greatly in permitting her husband to perform the services. she appeared totally indifferent to the whole performance, so far as giving it an approving smile, look, or word. the occasion was the marriage of the youngest daughter of dr. mclaughlin to mr. ray; and of miss nelia comilly to mr. james douglas, since governor of vancouver island and british columbia. while at vancouver, i met mr. beaver once outside the fort, with his dog and gun. from what i could learn of him, he was fond of hunting and fishing;--much more so than of preaching to the "ignorant savages in the fort," as he called the gentlemen and servants of the company. "they were not sufficiently enlightened to appreciate good sermons, and to conform to the english church service. however, as he was the chaplain in charge, by virtue of his appointment received from the executive committee and governor in london, he had rights superior to any half-savage, pretended gentlemen at this establishment, and he would let them know what they were, before they were done with him; he did not come to this wilderness to be ordered and dictated to by a set of half-savages, who did not know the difference between a prayer-book and an otter skin, and yet they presumed to teach him morals and religion." this tirade, as near as i could learn, was elicited from his reverence soon after he arrived, on account of some supposed neglect or slight offered by dr. mclaughlin, in not furnishing his quarters in the style he had expected. on reaching the post, in place of a splendid parsonage, well fitted up, and servants to do his bidding, he found what in early california times would be called an ordinary balloon house, made of rough boards, the floors (i think) not planed, and no carpets upon them, and none in the country to put upon them, except the common flag mats the indians manufacture; and these the rev. mrs. beaver considered "too filthy to step upon, or be about the house." in addition to these very important matters (judging from the fuss they made about them), "the doctor and all the pretended gentlemen of the company were living in _adultery_. this was a horrible crime he could not, and would not, put up with; he could scarcely bring himself to perform the church service in so polluted an audience." we had never been confirmed in the english church, and, consequently, did not feel at liberty to offer any advice after listening to this long tirade of abuse of the members of the hudson's bay company by his reverence. a short time after, mr. beaver met dr. mclaughlin in front of the house, and commenced urging him to comply with the regulations of the english church. the doctor had been educated in the roman catholic faith; he did not acknowledge mr. beaver's right to dictate a religious creed to him, hence he was not prepared to conform wholly to the english church service. among other subjects, that of marriage was mentioned, rev. mr. beaver insisting that the doctor should be married in accordance with the church service. the doctor claimed the right to be married by whom he pleased, and that mr. beaver was interfering and meddling with other than his parochial duties. this led his reverence to boil over and spill out a portion of the contemptuous feelings he had cherished from the moment he landed at the place. the doctor, not being in the habit from his youth of calmly listening to vulgar and abusive language, especially when addressed to his face, laid aside his reverence for the cloth, as also the respect due to his position and age, and gave rev. mr. beaver a caning, some say kicking, causing his reverence to retreat, and abruptly suspend enforcing moral lessons in conformity to church usage. rev. mrs. beaver very naturally sympathized with her husband, and they soon made arrangements and left the country, to report their case at head-quarters in london. dr. mclaughlin chose to comply with civil usage, and as james douglas had received a commission from her majesty as civil magistrate under the english law, acting as justice of the peace, he united dr. john mclaughlin in marriage to mrs. margaret mckay, whose first husband had been lost in the destruction of the bark _tonquin_ some years previous. this wedding occurred at vancouver, about the end of january, . the doctor was married privately, by esquire douglas, either a short time before, or a few days after, i have not yet learned which. rev. mr. beaver and lady arrived at vancouver about four weeks before mrs. spalding and mrs. whitman. the gentlemen of the company, like the rough mountaineers who paid their respect to mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding at the american rendezvous, attempted to be polite and kind to mr. and mrs. beaver. they most emphatically failed. the parsonage was a terror to them. they had become objects of _contempt_, _scorn_, and _derision_ in the estimation of their religious guide and moral patron. their wives and children were looked upon as filthy savages, not fit to associate with decent people. this feeling was so strong in the chaplain and his wife that it leaked out in very injudicious and indiscreet expressions of disapproval of actions and conduct, that, in a refined and polished society, would be considered offensive; yet these traders and indian merchants, not having been in refined society for many years, did not understand or comprehend their own awkwardness and want of more refinement. they had forgotten that, in the progress of society, six hundred years had passed since their great great grandmothers were like the women they saw about them every day. they forgot that mrs. beaver was an english clergyman's wife, and claimed to belong to the best english society. they thought there was but little difference in womankind; in short, they were much better qualified to deal with indians than with civilians. under such circumstances, and with such feelings existing in fort vancouver, the reader will not be astonished at the reception of two ladies who could interest and command the esteem and respect of the savage, the mountain hunter, and the hudson's bay company fur trader. they came among them expecting nothing but rough treatment; any little mistakes were overlooked or treated as a jest. they know no distinction in classes; they were polite to the servant and the master; their society was agreeable and refining; not the least insult in word, or look, or act, was ever given them by any white man; their courage had been tested in the trip they had performed; their conversation and accomplishments surprised and delighted those permitted to enjoy their acquaintance, and, as mr. hines, in his history of the oregon mission, says, "these were the first american women that ever crossed the rocky mountains, and _their arrival formed an epoch in the history of oregon_." our mission party, with captain pambrun, his two boats loaded, two-thirds of the goods for the mission, on their way up the columbia river, arrived all safe at the dalles. gray took a decided stand in favor of the first location at that point, on account of its accessibility, and the general inclination of all the indians in the country to gather at those salmon fisheries; spalding and pambrun opposed; whitman was undecided; pambrun would not wait to give time to explore, nor assist in getting horses for the doctor and gray to look at the country in view of a location. on we go; make the portages at la chute; reach john day's river; pambrun leaves boats in charge of whitman and gray, and goes to wallawalla on horseback. in four days' hard pulling, towing, and sailing, we reach wallawalla all safe; find cattle and horses all improving, and every thing in order, that is, as good order as could be expected; boats discharged, goods all carefully stored. next morning, early, a fine band of cayuse horses came into the fort; four fine ones were selected and saddled, an extra pack animal with traveling case and kitchen furniture, tent for camping, and provisions all ready, a servant with two indians, all mounted, off we go up the wallawalla river about twenty-five miles. most of the land we passed over we pronounced barren, and good for nothing except grazing cattle, sheep, and horses. in the bends of the river, saw a few acres of land that might be cultivated if arrangements could be made to irrigate. passed the tuchet, but did not consider its appearance justified much delay to examine it closely, though the whole bottom was covered with a heavy coat of tall rye grass; went on into the forks of the wallawalla and mill creek (as it is now called), pitched our tent at the place where whitman's station was afterward built, got our suppers. whitman and gray took a look around the place, went into the bends in the river, looked at the cotton-wood trees, the little streams of water, and all about till dark; came back to camp; not much said. mr. pambrun explained the quality of the soil, and what would produce corn, what potatoes, and what would produce (as he thought) wheat, though he had not tried it thoroughly; or, rather, he had tried it on a small scale and failed. a few cayuses came about camp at night. next morning up early; breakfast over, some fine fresh cayuse horses were brought up, ready to mount. we proceeded through the valley in several directions; rode all day and returned to camp at night, stopping occasionally to pull up a weed or a bush, to examine the quality of the soil. at night, if an artist could have been present and taken a picture of the group and the expressions of countenance, it certainly would have been interesting: spalding, whitman, pambrun, and gray discussing the quality of the soil, the future prospects of a mission, and of the natives it was contemplated to gather around. no white settlement was then thought of. they unanimously concluded that there was but a limited amount of land susceptible of cultivation, estimated at the place for the station at about ten acres. along all the streams and at the foot of the blue mountains, there might be found little patches of from half an acre to six acres of land suitable to cultivate for the use of the natives. this, to say the least, was not an overestimate of the qualities of the soil that has proved, by twenty-five years' cultivation without manure, to be richer to-day than soils of a different character with all the manuring they have received. the great objection and most discouraging indication to the party was the unlimited amount of caustic alkali found all over those plains and all through the valley. this fact alone proves the soil inexhaustible. all it requires is sufficient water to wash from the surface the superabundant alkali that forms upon it. any cereals adapted to alkaline soil may be cultivated to any extent in those valleys. a stake was set to mark the place. next day all returned to the fort, and soon the mission tents, horses, goods, and cattle were upon the ground and work commenced. the indians, what few had not gone for buffalo, came to our camp and rendered all the assistance they were capable of in getting a house up and covered. in a few days spalding and whitman started with the nez percés to look at their country, in view of a location among them, leaving gray alone in charge of the building and goods, while they examined the country up the clearwater river, and selected a location in a beautiful valley about two miles up the lapwai creek, and about twelve miles from lewiston. whitman returned to assist in erecting buildings at his station. spalding started for vancouver, to bring up the ladies. about the middle of november, mrs. whitman's quarters were ready, and she came to occupy them. spalding and gray, with mrs. spalding, started for the lapwai station; arrived about the st of december, , and, with the assistance of the indians, in about twenty days a house was up, and mrs. spalding occupied it. it is due to those indians to say that they labored freely and faithfully, and showed the best of feelings toward mr. and mrs. spalding, paying good attention to instructions given them, and appeared quite anxious to learn all they could of their teachers. it is also due to truth to state that mr. spalding paid them liberally for their services when compared with the amount paid them by the hudson's bay company for the same service: say, for bringing a pine-log ten feet long and one foot in diameter from the clearwater river to the station, it usually took about twelve indians; for this service mr. spalding paid them about six inches of trail-rope tobacco each. this was about four times as much as the hudson's bay company paid. this fact soon created a little feeling of unfriendliness toward mr. spalding. dr. whitman managed to get along with less indian labor, and was able, from his location, to procure stragglers or casual men to work for him for a time, to get supplies and clothing to help them on their way down to the wallamet settlement. mr. spalding and dr. whitman were located in their little cabins making arrangements to get in their gardens and spring crops, teaching the indians by example, and on the sabbath interpreting portions of the bible to them, and giving them such religious instruction as they were capable of communicating with their imperfect knowledge of their language; mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding teaching the children at their respective stations as much as was possible for them with their domestic duties to perform. all things going on smoothly at the stations and all over the indian country, it was thought advisable for gray to visit vancouver, procure the requisite spring supplies, and a suitable outfit for himself to explore the country, having in view further missionary locations, and return to the united states and procure assistance for the mission. gray's expedition, as contemplated then, would not be considered with present facilities a very light one. he started from spalding's station about the d of december, . there had been about twenty inches of snow upon the ground, but it was concluded from the fine weather at the station that most of it had melted off. on reaching the forks of clearwater (lewiston), he learned from the indians that the snow was too deep to go by land, sent his horses back to spalding, got an indian dug-out, started from lewiston for wallawalla with two indians to pilot and paddle the canoe; reached the paluce all safe; camped with the indians; found them all friendly; that night came on bitter cold;--river full of floating ice; indians concluded not safe to proceed further in canoe; procure horses and start down on the right bank of the river; travel all day; toward night, in passing over a high point, snow-storm came on, lost our trail; struck a cañon, followed it down, found the river and camped in the snow, turned our horses into the tall grass and made the best of a snow-camp for the night. next day start early; wallow through the snow and drifts and reach an indian camp near the mouth of snake river at night; leave horses; next morning get canoe, leave one paluce indian; paluce chief and chief of band at snake river in canoe; two indians to paddle; pull down the river into the columbia in the floating ice, and reach wallawalla, december , ; pambrun pays indians what he thinks right: paluce chief, for horses and services, one three-point hudson's bay blanket, one check shirt, one knife, half a brace (three feet) trail-rope tobacco. gray thought the price paid was very reasonable,--quite little enough for the labor, to say nothing of the risk and suffering from cold on the trip. the river all closed up; indians did not reach their homes for eight days; no communication in any direction for ten days. about the tenth day whitman sends orders down for goods to be shipped from vancouver. about the th of january, , mr. ermatinger arrived from colville by boat, having made several portages over ice in reaching wallawalla. next day we start down the river; pass through and over several fields of ice; reach vancouver about the th of january. rev. j. lee and mr. slacum had just left the fort as our party arrived. we have previously given an account of the subjects of special interest, and also of the weddings that occurred about this time at the fort. chapter xxii. the french and american settlers.--hudson's bay company's traveling traders.--the flatheads.--their manner of traveling.--marriage.--their honesty.--indian fight and scalp dance.--making peace.--fight with the sioux.--at council bluffs. the reader is already acquainted with all of the first missionaries, and with the governing power and policy of the hudson's bay company, and of the different parties and organizations as they existed. we will now introduce parties of men as we find them in the wallamet settlement. there were at this time about fifty canadian-frenchmen in the wallamet settlement, all of them retired servants of the hudson's bay company. these men, who had spent the most active part of their lives in the service of the company, had become connected with native women, and nearly all of them had their families of half-native children. this class of servants were found by the experience of the company not as profitable for their purposes as the enlisted men from the orkney isles, or even the sandwich islanders. they were induced to allow those that had families of half-native children to retire from the service and settle in the wallamet. in this manner they expected to hold a controlling influence in the settlement, and secure a population dependent upon them for supplies. it was upon this half-breed population that they relied to rally the indian warriors of the country to prevent an american settlement. as was plainly stated by one of the hudson's bay company, mr. f. ermatinger, in the fall of , in case any effort should be made to remove them from the country, they had but to arm the eight hundred half-breeds the company had, and, with the indians they could control, they could hold the country against any american force that could be sent into it. the hudson's bay company knew very well the power and influence they had secured over the indians. there was then too small a number of outside americans to make any effort to remove them, other than to afford them facilities to leave the country. with all the facilities they furnished, and encouragement they gave to go to the sandwich islands and to california, there was a gradual increase of the population the company did not wish to see;--sailors from vessels, and hunters from the mountains. these sailors and hunters naturally gathered around the american mission; many of them had, or soon took, native women for wives; the missionaries themselves encouraged them to marry these women. this soon commenced an influence exactly like that held by the hudson's bay company through their canadian-french settlement. the moral and religious influence of the english church had not been favorably received at vancouver. gray procures his outfit at vancouver, in january, , and starts in company with ermatinger on his return. first night camp at a saw-mill; meet a young man who had crossed the mountains with captain wyeth, and had remained as clerk at fort hall, under the hudson's bay company. this young man has never risen very high in the community where he resides. for a time he considered he was an important member of the hudson's bay company. his self-approbation was superior to the profits he brought to the company, and they found it convenient to drop him from their employ. he attempted a settlement out of the limits prescribed for americans, and was soon compelled to locate himself under the influence of the methodist mission. there was also in the settlement another young man, who about that time had taken a native wife and wished to locate at the mouth of the columbia river. this privilege was denied him, unless he could procure some others to go with him. he had joined the methodist class, and was considered a reliable man; he came to the country with captain wyeth, and had opened and taught the first school ever commenced in the country. ermatinger and company were detained fourteen days under the lee of a big rock just opposite cape horn, waiting for the east wind to subside and allow them to pass up the river. ermatinger was a traveling trader of the hudson's bay company. that year he was with the flathead tribe. gray continued with him, having his own tent and traveling equipage. the route traveled was nearly that since explored and located as mullan's military road. we struck the coeur d'alêne lake and took boats, passed through the lake and up the flathead river, making two portages with our boats and goods before we reached flathead house, as it was called, a common log hut, covered with poles and dirt, about by . at this point our horses came up. their packs and equipage were all put on board the boats, while the horses came light through the woods and along the rough river trail. at the place where we found our boats, we found a number of friendly indians, also at the head of the lake, and a few at the flathead house or hut. here we found an old frenchman in charge, with a small supply of goods, and about two packs of beaver which he had collected during the winter. we were joined by a part of the flathead tribe. in a few days all were ready. the tribe and trader started over the mountains on to the waters of the missouri, to hunt the buffalo and fight the blackfeet. our route was along the main branch of clark's fork of the columbia, till we reached the culas patlum (bitter root). a halt was made to allow the natives to dig and prepare the root for the season. the root is quite nutritious, answering the indian in place of bread; it is somewhat bitter in taste, and to a person not accustomed to its use, is not a very agreeable diet. this root secured for the season, the camp continued over the dividing ridge into the big hole, or jefferson fork of the missouri. in this place we were joined by the balance of the buffalo indians. all parties, persons, and property were carried upon horses. the camps usually traveled from ten to fifteen miles per day. it is due to this tribe to say that truth, honesty, and virtue were cardinal principles in all their transactions. an article of property found during the day was carried to an old chief's lodge; if it were so light that he could hold it in his hand and walk through the camp, he would pass around and inquire whose it was. sometimes several articles would be lost and picked up; in such cases the old chief would go through the camp on horseback and deliver them to the owner. their system of courtship and marriage was equally interesting. a youth wishing to marry a young miss was required to present a horse at the lodge of his intended, ready for her to mount as the camp should move. in case all were suited, her ladyship would mount the horse and ride it during the day; at night a feast was had at the lodge of the bride, the old chief announced the ceremony complete, and the parties proceeded to their own home or lodge. in case the suit was rejected the horse was not suitable; he was left for the owner to receive at his pleasure; the maid mounted her own horse and proceeded about her business. in case of any visitors from other tribes, which they frequently had in going to buffalo, they would caution a stranger, and inform him of the propensity to steal which they had learned was the habit of the indian visitor. this tribe claim to have never shed the blood of a white man. i believe it is the only tribe on the continent truly entitled to that honor; yet they are far more brave as a tribe than any other indians. they never fear a foe, no matter how numerous. our sketches perhaps would not lose in interest by giving a short account of a fight which our flathead indians had at this place with a war party of the blackfeet. it occurred near the present location of helena, in montana. as was the custom with the flathead indians in traveling in the buffalo country, their hunters and warriors were in advance of the main camp. a party of twenty-five blackfeet warriors was discovered by some twelve of our flatheads. to see each other was to fight, especially parties prowling about in this manner, and at it they went. the first fire of the flatheads brought five of the blackfeet to the ground and wounded some five more. this was more than they expected, and the blackfeet made but little effort to recover their dead, which were duly scalped, and the bodies left for food for the wolves, and the scalps borne in triumph into the camp. there were but two of the flatheads wounded: one had a flesh-wound in the thigh, and the other had his right arm broken by a blackfoot ball. the victory was complete, and the rejoicing in camp corresponded to the number of scalps taken. five days and nights the usual scalp-dance was performed. at the appointed time the big war-drum was sounded, when the warriors and braves made their appearance at the appointed place in the open air, painted as warriors. those who had taken the scalps from the heads of their enemies bore them in their hands upon the ramrods of their guns. they entered the circle, and the war-song, drums, rattles, and noises all commenced. the scalp-bearers stood for a moment (as if to catch the time), and then commenced hopping, jumping, and yelling in concert with the music. this continued for a time, when some old painted women took the scalps and continued the dance. the performance was gone through with as many nights as there were scalps taken. seven days after the scalps were taken, a messenger arrived bearing a white flag, and a proposition to make peace for the purposes of trade. after the preliminaries had all been completed, in which the hudson's bay company trader had the principal part to perform, the time was fixed for the meeting of the two tribes. the flatheads, however, were all careful to dig their war-pits, make their corrals and breastworks, and, in short, fortify their camp as much as if they expected a fight instead of peace. ermatinger, the company's trader, remarked that he would sooner take his chances for a fight off-hand than endure the anxiety and suspense of the two days we waited for the blackfeet to arrive. our scouts and warriors were all ready, and all on the watch for peace or war, the latter of which, from the recent fight they had had, was expected most. at length the blackfeet arrived, bearing a red flag with h. b. c. in white letters upon it, and advancing to within a short distance of the camp, were met by ermatinger and a few flathead chiefs, shook hands, and were conducted to the trader's lodge,--the largest one in the camp,--and the principal chiefs of both tribes, seated upon buffalo and bear skins, all went through with the ceremony of smoking a big pipe, having a long handle or stem trimmed with horse-hair and porcupine quills. the pipe was filled with the trader's tobacco and the indians' killikinick. the war-chiefs of each tribe took a puff each of the pipe, passed it to his right-hand man, and so around till all the circle had smoked of the big medicine pipe, or pipe of peace, which on this occasion was made by the indians from a soft stone which they find in abundance in their country, having no extra ornamental work upon it. the principal chief in command, or great medicine man, went through the ceremony, puffed four times, blowing his smoke in four directions. this was considered a sign of peace to all around him, which doubtless included all he knew any thing about. the blackfeet, as a tribe, are a tall, well-formed, slim-built, and active people. they travel principally on foot, and are considered very treacherous. the peace made with so much formality was broken two days afterward by killing two of the flatheads when caught not far from the main camp. it was from this flathead tribe that the first indian delegation was sent to ask for teachers. three of their number volunteered to go with gray to the states in to urge their claims for teachers to come among them. the party reached ash hollow, where they were attacked by about three hundred sioux warriors, and, after fighting for three hours, killed some fifteen of them, when the sioux, by means of a french trader then among them, obtained a parley with gray and his traveling companions,--two young men that had started to go to the states with him. while the frenchman was in conversation with gray, the treacherous sioux made a rush upon the three flatheads, one snake, and one iroquois indian belonging to the party, and killed them. the frenchman then turned to gray and told him and his companions they were prisoners, and must go to the sioux camp, first attempting to get possession of their guns. gray informed them at once: "you have killed our indians in a cowardly manner, and you shall not have our guns," at the same time telling the young men to watch the first motion of the indians to take their lives, and if we must die, to take as many indians with us as we could. the sioux had found in the contest thus far, that, notwithstanding they had conquered and killed five, they had lost fifteen, among them one of their war-chiefs, besides several severely wounded. the party were not further molested till they reached the camp, containing between one and two hundred lodges. a full explanation was had of the whole affair. gray had two horses killed under him and two balls passed through his hat, both inflicting slight wounds. the party were feasted, and smoked the pipe of peace over the dead body of the chief's son; next day they were allowed to proceed with nine of their horses; the balance, with the property of the indians, the sioux claimed as part pay for their losses, doubtless calculating to waylay and take the balance of the horses. be that as it may, gray and his young men reached council bluffs in twenty-one days, traveling nights and during storms to avoid the indians on the plains. at council bluffs they found an indian trader speaking the french language, meaner than the sioux indian, by the name of papeon. the party had been twenty-one days on rations that ordinarily would have been consumed in four days; they had killed and eaten parts of two of the nine worn-out horses; they had with them six. the party entered the trading establishment and requested some food and the privilege of washing, not as beggars, but expecting to pay for what they required. they waited an hour or more; no food was forthcoming; gray went to papeon, the trader, and inquired the reason they could get no food. the old french imp inquired, in his broken french, "_have you got any ting to pa for de tings you vant?_" he was asked if gold would pay him, or a draft on his company. "oh, yes," he said, and in a short time food and what was required was produced. this is only a specimen of most indian traders of the catholic stamp. there are honorable exceptions. chapter xxiii. re-enforcement to the methodist mission.--re-enforcement to the mission of the american board. we will leave gray and party on their way down the missouri river, and return to oregon to introduce to the reader a re-enforcement to the methodist mission, consisting of dr. elijah white, a man that few who have dealt with can speak well of, utterly destitute of all morality and genuine piety, assuming the garb of religion to cover his baseness of heart and meanness of life. he arrived at the columbia river in may, . he entered upon his professional duties, and in a few months boasted of the liberties he had taken with most of the ladies of the mission who were so unfortunate as to receive his medical attention. it was easy to see the influence of such a man. his words were smooth and brotherly, his acts were poison and infamy. he never had a friend but he betrayed or swindled him in some deal. he would tell a lie when the truth would answer his purposes better. this man for a time had considerable influence; his calling as a physician was necessary and indispensable to the mission. rev. jason lee soon found out the character of this wolf in sheep's clothing, and presented charges against him for his immorality, and expelled him from the mission. previous to leaving the country, he called a public meeting and made his statements, and attempted to mob mr. jason lee and get the settlers to give him a character, in both of which he failed, and left the country to impose upon the government at washington, as he had done upon the mission and the early settlers of oregon. we will leave dr. white for the present, and give him all the credit due to his bad deeds and exhibitions of folly in his capacity as sub-indian agent. mr. alanson beers, a blacksmith by trade, was a good honest man, a devoted christian, a man whose moral worth was above price. true as steel, and honest as he was faithful, he was slow to believe others to be less true than himself. he was a pattern of honesty and piety, as well as industry and economy; the opposite of white in every respect, as was his wife when compared to mrs. white. though mrs. beers never claimed or aspired to shine or display more than she really was, yet her goodness of heart was manifested in her kind and generous treatment of all. if this man and his wife did not leave a handsome competency for their children it was no fault of theirs. others may have felt it their duty to appropriate the orphan's portion and receive the miser's paradise. mr. beers came to the country full-handed, with a handsome competency to commence any business he might choose, independent of missionary patronage. he was more faithful in his department than most of his brethren. he was considered by the early settlers an honest and sincere man; by the ruling spirits of the methodist mission, a faithful servant of their cause. with this company came w. h. wilson, an assistant missionary, of whose early life we have but little knowledge. from his own statements we learn that he had been connected with a whale ship as cooper. on arriving in oregon as an assistant missionary, he was licensed as a preacher, and commenced the study of medicine with dr. white, and, in later years, received the title of doctor instead of reverend. the doctor was a cheerful, whole-souled, good-sort of a fellow, with a greater abundance of interesting and funny yarns than profound medical skill, which always made him agreeable, and served to gain friends and popularity in a community that, as a general thing, would prefer a tincture of humbuggery. the misses ann maria pitman, susan downing, and elvira johnson were also of this party. the first became the wife of rev. jason lee, the second of cyrus shepard, the third of rev. h. k. w. perkins, who came to the country with the second re-enforcement to the mission, consisting of rev. david leslie, wife, and three daughters; h. k. w. perkins; and miss margaret smith, who afterward became the wife of an englishman called dr. bailey. this gave to the methodist mission, on the st of november, , rev. jason lee (superintendent of the mission) and wife, mr. c. shepard and wife, rev. daniel lee, mr. p. l. edwards, rev. david leslie and wife, dr. elijah white and wife, rev. h. k. w. perkins and wife, mr. a. beers and wife, mr. w. h. wilson, and miss margaret smith,--nine men and seven women,--with three daughters of rev. d. leslie. from causes already mentioned, the moral strength of these early missionaries was neutralized. the larger portion of them had no knowledge of the influences that were sapping the foundation of their christian effort, and tending to destroy the confidence of such as were considered ungodly outsiders. instead of meeting sin, and vice, and lust which could not be hid, and condemning and banishing it, the attempt was made to excuse and cover up a fault in a professed brother, and reprove others for less faults,--_the mote and the beam_. the legitimate result followed,--though slow, yet certain. here was a noble field, had all the men sent to occupy it been of the right stamp! still they toiled on, or rather continued to occupy a place in the country, to form a nucleus for a settlement. in this position they are entitled to much credit. the roving sailor and the wild mountain hunter looked to this wilderness for a home. the shrewdness of these men soon detected the assailable points in the mission's character, and adapted themselves to circumstances, and found it easy to profess compliance and receive the benefits of the association. there were few or none among this early set of missionaries that displayed much knowledge of human nature. they were totally ignorant of savage life, manners, and customs; hence were easily made the dupes of all. in the winter of - , gray is in the states giving an account of his trip across the rocky mountains in company with messrs. spalding and whitman, and of his explorations of the country; the present and future prospects of the missionary efforts; the influence of the hudson's bay company and of the missions; the fact that a wagon had been taken by dr. whitman and his party to fort boise, and that it could be taken to the wallamet settlement. said one man in the audience at utica, new york: "how do you get through the timber on the route?" "my dear sir, the traveler is compelled to use the buffalo chips to cook his food for a large part of the route, for want of wood; there is not twenty-five miles of timber on the route from the missouri to the columbia." of course a description of the vast plains and mountains had to be given, and the manner of travel and subsistence. the american board of commissioners for foreign missions sent with gray and wife, rev. e. walker and wife, c. eells and wife, and a. b. smith and wife, to re-enforce their mission. there was with this company a young man from cincinnati, ohio,--cornelius rogers,--active and useful in every department, respected and beloved by all who knew him. after remaining with the mission a few years, he received an appointment from the board, but he had made up his mind to become a settler in the wallamet, and made his arrangements accordingly. captain sutter came with this party to wallawalla. they reached whitman's station the first of september, , bringing with them to fort hall some fourteen cows. a majority of the party were made to believe that these could be replaced at fort colville with a better stock of cows, and thus be saved the trouble of driving them further, and accordingly made an even exchange of the choicest and best stock that could be found in missouri for such california stock as the hudson's bay company might have at colville. this was considered by the _greenhorns_ that made the bargain a good trade, till they came to receive the wild, furious, untamable california stock at fort colville, that required a spaniard with his lasso to catch and hold, to get the milk for family use. rev. e. walker was a tall, rather spare, stoop-shouldered, black-haired, brown-eyed, rather light-complexioned man, diffident and unassuming, always afraid to say _amen_ at the end of his prayers, and requiring considerable effort to speak with confidence or decision upon any subject. this might arise from habit, or want of decision of character, or fear of offending. he had no positive traits of mind, yet he was studious, and kind as a friend and neighbor; faithful as a christian, inefficient as a preacher. his efforts among the indians were of the negative cast. the indians respected him for his kindness, and feared him for his commanding appearance. not at all adapted to fill the position he undertook,--as an indian missionary in oregon,--yet, as a citizen and settler, one of the best. rev. c. eells, a short, slim, brown-haired, light-brown eyed, fair-complexioned man, with a superabundance of self-esteem, great pretensions to precision and accurateness of statement and strictness of conduct; very precise in all his actions, and about all his labors and property; with no soul to laud and admire nature, no ambition to lift his thoughts beyond the sphere of his own ideas of right, he was made to move in a small circle; his soul would be lost outside of it. there were but two instances on the trip from boston to oregon in which he ventured outside of himself. the first was at soda springs. the day the party arrived, notwithstanding they had made a long day's drive to reach that camp, the four ladies--walker, eells, smith, and gray--wished to go round and see the springs and drink of the water, and look at the steamboat spring, a place where water and gas issue at intervals of about a minute, like the blowing of steam. these places the ladies, tired as they were, must look at and admire. rev. mr. eells puts up his saddles, buckles, and tents, and takes his testament and reads his chapter, as usual, and after prayers retires to rest. next morning all were up and admiring the grand display of nature around, drinking of the water, and enjoying its exhilarating influence. camp all ready, on they move. nothing would satisfy the ladies but another look at the steamboat. all mounted their horses and rode down to it. eells mounts his horse as usual, and comes along down where all stood watching and admiring the phenomenon, dismounts from his horse, and in utter astonishment exclaims: "_well, this is really worth coming to see!_" the other instance in which he lost himself was in admiring the grandeur of the great fall on snake river. he had no poetry or romance in his soul, yet by dint of perseverance he was a good artificial singer. he lacked all the qualities requisite for a successful indian missionary and a preacher of the gospel in a new country. as citizens and neighbors, mr. eells and his family were highly respected; as a teacher he was unreasonably strict. rev. a. b. smith, a man whose prejudices were so strong that he could not be reasonable with himself. he attempted to make himself useful as a missionary, but failed for want of christian forbearance and confidence in his associates. as to literary ability, he was superior to his associates, and probably excited their jealousy; so much so, that his connection in the mission became unpleasant, and he found an excuse to leave the country in ; not, however, till he and mr. rogers had, with the assistance of the lawyer, completed a vocabulary and a grammar of the nez percé language, which was the cause of ellis's jealousy of the lawyer and mr. smith, and also of an extra effort through the jesuits and the company to get rid of him. chapter xxiv. arrival of jesuit missionaries.--toupin's statement about rev. a. b. smith.--death of mrs. jason lee.--first express.--jesuits at work.--the first printing-press.--the catholic tree. a short time after the arrival of the re-enforcement to the mission of the american board, rev. f. n. blanchet and rev. demerse arrived at wallawalla by the annual overland boats of the hudson's bay company. while at wallawalla, they induced a cayuse, young chief, to have one of his children baptized, mr. pambrun being sponsor, or godfather. this was the first indian child ever baptized in the country. it caused considerable excitement among the indians, as also a discussion as to who was teaching the true religion. the interpreters of wallawalla being of the catholic faith, made free to inform the indians that theirs was the true religion. the indians soon came to the station of dr. whitman and informed him of what had been done, and that they had been told by the priest that his was the true religion; that what he and mr. spalding had been teaching them for two years past was all false, and that it was not right for the indians to listen to the doctor and mr. spalding. the instructions given, and the baptizing of the indian child, were, unquestionably, designed to create a diversion in the minds of the indians, and ultimately bring about the abandonment or destruction of the mission. i have never been able to learn, from any source, that any other indian child was baptized by these priests on that trip from canada to vancouver. in fact, i see from their published works that they claim this as their first station or place of instruction. the rev. mr. blanchet was a black-haired, brown-eyed, smooth-faced, medium-sized frenchman. the rev. mr. demerse had dark-brown hair, full, round eye, fair complexion, rather full habit, something of the bull-neck, inclining to corpulency. he was fond of good cheer and good living; of the jesuit order of the roman church; he seemed to have no scruples of conscience; so long as he could secure subjects for "_mother church_," it mattered not as to intelligence or character. during the year , three clergymen arrived across the rocky mountains: revs. walker, eells, and smith, with their wives, and mr. cornelius rogers, mr. gray, with his wife, had also returned. these new arrivals gave an addition of nine to the mission of the american board, making their number thirteen in all. the methodist mission had sixteen, and the roman catholic, two. the total number of missionaries in the country, in december, , was thirty-one, twenty-nine of the protestant religion from the united states, and two of the roman jesuitical order. the latter were located at vancouver as their head-quarters. the methodists were in the wallamet valley, with one out-station at the dalles, wascopum. the american board had three stations, one at wailatpu, one at lapwai, and one at cimakain, near spokan. this array of missionary strength looked like a strong effort on the part of the christian world to convert the tribes upon our western coast. had all the men been chosen with proper care, and all acted with a single eye to the cause which they professed to espouse, each in his distinct department; had they closed their ears to the suggestions of hypocritical fur traders, and met their vices with a spotless life and an earnest determination to maintain their integrity as representatives of religion and a christian people, the fruits of their labor would, undoubtedly, have been far greater. as the matter now stands, they can claim the influence they reluctantly yielded to the provisional government of the early settlers of the country. it will be seen at once that the hudson's bay company was acting a double part with all the american missionary efforts in the country. on the arrival of rev. j. lee and party they sent for mr. beaver, an episcopal clergyman. on the arrival of dr. whitman and party they sent for blanchet and demerse, and established their head-quarters at vancouver. blanchet took charge of the field occupied by the methodists, and demerse of that occupied by the american board. a combination of hudson's bay company indian traders roman priests, protestant missionaries, and american settlers, each having a distinct object in view. unfortunately for the american missionaries and settlers, there was no one bold enough to attempt to act against these combinations. cornelius rogers and robert shortess were the first to show signs of rebellion against the policy of the hudson's bay company; spalding, whitman, and smith chafed under the jesuits' proceedings in the interior. "about the year , in the fall, mr. smith, belonging to the same society as dr. whitman and mr. spalding, asked permission of ellis to build upon his lands for the purpose of teaching the indians as the other missionaries were doing, and of keeping a school. ellis allowed him to build; but forbade him to cultivate the land, and warned him that if he did the piece of ground which he would till should serve to bury him in. in the following spring, however, mr. smith prepared his plow to till the ground; and ellis, seeing him ready to begin, went to him and said to him: 'do you not recollect what i told you? i do not wish you to cultivate the land.' mr. smith, however, persisted in his determination; but, as he was beginning to plow, the indians took hold of him and said to him: 'do you not know what has been told you, that you would be digging a hole in which you should be buried?' mr. smith then did not persist any longer, but said to them: 'let me go, i will leave the place;' and he started off immediately. this circumstance had been related to me by the indians, and soon after i saw mr. smith myself at fort wallawalla; he was on his way down to fort vancouver, where he embarked for the sandwich islands, whence he did not come back any more." this is the statement of old john toupin, pambrun's roman catholic interpreter, by brouillet. it will be borne in mind that rev. jason lee started with p. l. edwards and f. y. euing, across the rocky mountains, for the united states, in may, . he met gray, and party, at the american rendezvous that year, on the north fork of the yellowstone river. gray and party, on arriving at fort hall, received the news of the death of mrs. jason lee, sent by spalding and whitman, and not by dr. mclaughlin, as stated by rev. g. hines. dr. mclaughlin may have allowed a messenger to go as far as whitman's station, but made no arrangements for going any further. spalding's indian messenger delivered the packages to gray, at fort hall. gray employed richardson a young man he had engaged as guide and hunter for the party, on starting from westport, missouri, to take these letters, and deliver them to lee, for which he was to receive $ . this express was carried from the wallamet valley to westport, missouri, in _sixty days_, forming the first data for the overland express and mail routes. the sixty days included two days' detention at wailatpu, and two at fort hall. it seems that richardson, the messenger from fort hall, met lee, and delivered his packages to him at the shawnee mission, and received from lee the price agreed upon. i am thus particular in these little facts, that those who claim so much credit for hudson's bay company patronage may understand what influences were in those early times bringing about results for which a combination of british fur traders now claim pay, and are awarded $ , , in gold coin. i have said that in december, , there were twenty-nine persons connected with the protestant missions in the country. this is not strictly true, rev. jason lee and mr. p. l. edwards had gone to the states; mr. c. shepard and mrs. j. lee had gone to their reward. the devil had entered the field with his emissaries, and was exceedingly busy sowing tares among the wheat, through fear that the natives would be benefited, and the country become civilized. the hudson's bay company and its servants, indians and all, are about to become converted to christianity. strange as this statement may appear, it is literally true. the clerks, traders, and servants of the hudson's bay company became _catechists_, to teach the indians to repeat the catechism presented to them by their reverences blanchet and demerse. dr. mclaughlin and esquire douglas were both zealous supporters of the christian reformation in progress in the country. during the year , "rev. mr. demerse (jesuit priest) spent three weeks at wallawalla, _in teaching the indians and baptizing their children_," employing mr. p. c. pambrun as his catechist, and godfather to the native children. (see page of rev. j. b. a. brouillet's "protestantism in oregon.") while the protestant missions were struggling to improve the condition of the indians, to teach them to cultivate their lands and become permanent settlers in their own country, and to give the indian children a knowledge of books, the hudson's bay company and jesuit priests were equally busy in attempting to persuade them that the instructions given by these american or _boston missionaries_ were only to cover up a secret design they had to take their lands and property from them, and eventually to occupy the country themselves. to a certain extent dr. whitman's statement to them would confirm this idea. as soon as those priests arrived and commenced their instructions, under the patronage of the hudson's bay company (for it will be remembered that their head-quarters were at vancouver), their entire transportation was provided or furnished by the company. doubtless it is to the assistance rendered these roman missions to occupy the country, that the counsel for the hudson's bay company, mr. charles d. day, alludes, in speaking of the "_substantial benefits to the people and government of the united states_." dr. whitman repeatedly told the indians about his station that he did not come among them to buy their land, but he came to teach them how to cultivate and live from what they produced from their own lands, and at some future time, if the american government wished any of their country, then the president would send men to buy and pay them for it. the difficulty about land had no existence in the minds or thoughts of the indians till the fall of , and after the renewal of the hudson's bay company's license for twenty-one years. from that time forward a marked change was manifest in the feelings of most of the gentlemen of the company. the first printing-press in oregon was received as a donation from the mission of the american board of foreign missions in the sandwich islands, to the mission of the board in oregon. it reached its destination at lapwai, and was put in operation by mr. e. o. hall, of the sandwich islands mission, and commenced printing books in the nez percé language. both mr. rogers and mr. spalding soon learned to set type, and print the small books required for the indian schools that had been kept at the stations. the books and instructions were furnished gratuitously to all the indians that wished to receive them. this caused special efforts on the part of the priests to counteract the influence of the books printed by spalding. to illustrate their ideas, and show the evil of heretical books and teachings, they had a representation of a large tree, with a cross on top, representing all religious sects as going up the tree, and out upon the different branches, and falling from the end of the branch into a fire under the tree, with a priest by the side of the fire throwing the heretical books into it. this was an interesting picture, and caused much discussion and violent denunciations among the indians. mr. spalding, to counteract the influences of the roman catholic tree among the indians, had mrs. spalding paint a number of sheets of cap-paper, commencing with adam and eve in the garden of eden, representing the shrubbery, and all kinds of fruits, and the serpent, and the angel (after the fall) as guarding the garden; giving the pictures of most of the prominent patriarchs; noah and the ark, and the prophets, down to christ and the twelve apostles; showing the crucifixion of christ by the roman soldiers, and on down to the time when they adopted the cross as a form of worship, and the priests as kneeling to images. spalding's pictures were in such form, and contained so much bible history and information, that his indian preachers, to whom he gave them, could attract larger crowds of indians, to listen to the instructions given by spalding, than those who had the catholic tree. this exasperated, or stirred up, as the indians expressed it, all their bad feelings toward each other, and caused quarrels between those that were friends before,--a repetition of sectarian quarrels in all ages, and among every people not understanding the true principles of a genuine christianity. the main object of the priests was to destroy all interest in books, and thereby check the growing influence of the american missionaries in the country, substituting pictures and beads in place of knowledge. chapter xxv. independent missionaries arrive.--their troubles.--conversion of indiana at the dalles.--their motives.--emigrants of .--blubber-mouth smith.--re-enforcement of the methodist mission in .--father de smet.--rev. harvey clark and associates.--ewing young.--names of missionaries and settlers. in the fall of , the rev. j. s. griffin and wife arrived at dr. whitman's station. mr. griffin had undertaken an independent mission, in company with a mr. munger and wife. they had received an outfit from some warm-hearted christians of the litchfield north association, of connecticut. mr. griffin reached st. louis a single man, fell in love and married on sight, i do not know whether it was first or second. at all events, rev. mr. griffin and mr. munger and their wives consented to travel together till they reached fort hall, at which place mr. griffin, being the getter-up of the mission and claiming ecclesiastical jurisdiction, took it upon himself to leave mr. munger and his wife at fort hall, to take care of themselves as best they could. frank ermatinger, of the hudson's bay company, at once furnished mr. munger and his wife the means of transportation, and brought them to dr. whitman's station, where he knew mr. munger could find a place for himself and wife. this transaction of mr. griffin injured his usefulness as a minister, and left him in the country but little inspected by any who knew of his conduct to a fellow-traveler and an intelligent christian woman. the fact that mr. munger afterward became deranged, or even that he was partially deranged at fort hall, or before they reached that place, is no excuse for his treating a man in that condition and his wife as he did. mr. griffin claims that mr. ermatinger stole three of his horses, or had them hid, when at fort hall, to get mr. munger and wife to travel with him, and, by so doing, give the impression that he had abandoned them. from a careful review of mr. griffin's lengthy defense in this case, we can not conceive that any further change or correction is required, as the facts stated are by him admitted. from mr. griffin's statement we are satisfied that improper and undue influences were used to break up and defeat his indian missionary plans and settlement by mr. ermatinger and the hudson's bay company, and also to destroy his clerical influence in the country. unfortunately, mr. griffin gave too much cause for his enemies to do as they did. in the winter of , mr. griffin made an attempt to pass the salmon river mountains to payette river, to establish a mission among the snake indians in which he failed and found his way into the wallamet as a settler, where he still remains. there were with mr. griffin's party some four men, one by the name of ben wright, who hail been a methodist preacher in the states, but whose religion failed him on his way over the mountains. he reached the dalles, where he renewed his religion under rev. mr. perkins and d. lee. while at the dalles, the three clergymen succeeded in converting, as they supposed, a large number of the indians. while this indian revival was in progress the writer had occasion to visit vancouver. on his way, he called on the missionaries at the dalles, and, in speaking of the revival among the indians, we remarked that, in our opinion, most of the religious professions of the natives were from _selfish motives_. mr. perkins thought not; he named one indian that, he felt certain, was really converted, if there was a true conversion. in a short time daniel lee, his associate, came in, and remarked: "what kind of a proposition do you think ---- (naming mr. perkins' truly converted indian) has made to me?" perkins replied: "perhaps he will perform the work we wished him to do." "no," says lee; "he says he _will pray a whole year if i give him a shirt and a capote_." this fact shows that the natives who were supposed to be converted to christianity were making these professions to gain presents from the missionaries. we have witnessed similar professions among the nez percé and cayuse indians. the giving of a few presents of any description to them induces them to make professions corresponding to the wish of the donor. with messrs. griffin, munger, and wright, came messrs. lawson, keiser, and geiger, late in the fall of ; also a man by the name of farnam, who seemed to be an explorer or tourist. i met him at vancouver, where he was receiving the hospitality of the hudson's bay company, and collecting material for a journal, or history of oregon. it is said of him that, on starting from the states, he succeeded in getting himself appointed captain of a company consisting of some fourteen men. he soon attempted to exercise absolute control of the company, which caused a division. the party voted to suspend his official functions, and finally suspended him and expelled him from the train. on returning to the states he published a book, which, as was to be expected, was favorable to himself and friends (if he had any), and severe on his opposers or enemies. the professed object of the party was to form a settlement in oregon. in consequence of the course pursued by farnam, it all broke up. a man called blubber-mouth smith, blair, a millwright, and robert shortess were of the party. these all found their way into oregon, while the balance of the party went south and wintered in the mountains. mr. farnam was furnished a free passage to the sandwich islands by the hudson's bay company, for which his traveling companions and those best acquainted with him have given the company credit, as one good act. sydney smith--called "blubber-mouth," from the fact that he was a great talker and fond of telling _big yarns_, which he, no doubt, had repeated so often that he believed them to be true, and would appear somewhat offended if his statements were not believed by others--had a tolerably fair education, and appeared to understand the lottery business, as conducted in some of the states. he was a man who had read considerable in his early days, and had he been less boisterous and persistent in statements that appeared improbable to others, would have been far more reliable and useful. as it was, in those early times, his knowledge and free-speaking became quite useful, when combined with the hearty action he gave to the objects in contemplation. he was ambitious and extremely selfish, and, when opposed in his plans, quite unreasonable. robert shortess possessed a combination of qualities such as should have formed one of the best and noblest of men; with a good memory, extensive reading, inflexible purpose, strong hate, affectionate and kind, skeptical and religious, honest and liberal to a fault, above medium height, light-brown hair, blue eyes, and thin and spare features. his whole life is a mystery, his combinations a riddle. he early entered with heart and soul into the situation and condition of the settlements, and stood for their rights in opposition to all the combined influences in the country. as a politician he acts on the principle of right, without any regard to expediency. as a religious man he has no faith; as a skeptic he is severe on all alike. the country owes much to him for his labor and influence in combating slavery and shaping the organic policy of the settlements. at the close of , there were ten protestant ministers and two roman priests, two physicians, six laymen, and thirteen american women in the country--twenty-nine in all--connected with the protestant missions, or under their immediate control, and twenty settlers, besides about ten men that were under the control of the hudson's bay company, yet having strong american feelings. there were also ten american children, five of them born in the country. mrs. whitman gave birth to the first white child, a daughter, born on this coast, who was drowned in the wallawalla river at about two years of age; mrs. spalding the second, a daughter, still living; mrs. elkanah walker the first boy, and mrs. w. h. gray, the second. these boys are both making good names for themselves. it is to be hoped that every act and effort of their lives will be alike honorable to their parents, themselves, and their native country. as to the first daughter of oregon, i regret to say, she disobeyed the wish of her parents and friends, and married a man whose early education was neglected, but who has natural ability and energy to rise above his present position, obtain an education, and become an ornament to his adopted country, and an honor to oregon's eldest daughter. on the first of june of this year, the _lausanne_, captain spalding, arrived in the columbia river with a re-enforcement for the methodist mission of eight clergymen, five laymen, and one physician, all with wives, five single ladies, and fifteen children, belonging to the different families, with a full supply of goods, such as were needed and appropriate for the settlement, the various missions, and for indian trade. september following, rev. harvey clark and wife, a. t. smith and wife, and p. b. littlejohn and wife, arrived across the rocky mountains. with this company came eleven mountain men, eight of them with native wives. we now had twenty-one protestant ministers, three roman priests, fifteen lay members of the protestant church, thirty-four white women, thirty-five american settlers, and thirty-two white children--one hundred and eight persons immediately under control of the missions. thirty-six settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives. these thirty-six settlers are counted as outside the missions and hudson's bay company. there were about fifty canadian-french under the control of the company. thus we can begin to see the development of the three influences or parties. the hudson's bay company had in their religious element three romish priests, assisted actively by all the canadian-french catholics and such clerks as pambrun, guinea, grant, and mcbean, with such interpreters as old toupin, of whom mr. parker, in his journal, says: "the interpreter i had been expecting did not arrive, and consequently much of what i wished to say to these hundreds of indians could not be communicated for want of a medium." on the preceding page, mr. parker remarks: "but as i have little prospect of the arrival of my interpreter, i shall probably be left to commiserate their anxiety, while it will be out of my power to do them good." old john toupin, under the sanctity of a roman catholic oath, says, at st. louis, of wallamet, on september , ; "i have been seventeen years employed as interpreter at fort wallawalla. i was there when mr. parker, in , came to select places for presbyterian missions among the cayuses and nez percés, and to ask lands for those missions. he employed _me as interpreter_ in his negotiations with the indians on that occasion." mr. parker has just said "_the interpreter i had been expecting did not arrive_." toupin says: "mr. pambrun, the gentleman then in charge of the fort, accompanied me to the cayuses and nez percés. mr. parker, in company with mr. pambrun, an american, and myself, went first to the cayuses, upon the lands called wailatpu, that belonged to three chiefs,--splitted lip, or yomtip; red cloak, or waptachtakamal; and feather cap, or tilokaikt." having met them at that place, he told them that he was coming to select a place to build a preaching-house, to teach them how to live, and to teach school to their children, and that he would not come himself to establish the mission, but a _doctor, or medicine man_, would come in his place; that the doctor would be the chief of the mission, and would come in the following spring. "i came to select a place for a mission," said he, "_but i do not intend to take your lands for nothing_. after the doctor is come, there will come every year a _big ship loaded with goods_ to be divided among the indians. these goods will not be _sold_, but _given_ to you. the mission will bring you plows and hoes to learn you how to cultivate the land, and they will not sell, but give them to you." from the cayuses mr. parker went to the nez percés, and there he made the same promises to the indians as at wailatpu. "next spring there will come a missionary to establish himself here and take a piece of land; _but he will not take it for nothing, you shall be paid every year; this is the american fashion_." this statement is made by authority of rev. j. b. a. brouillet; vicar-general of wallawalla. rev. mr. parker, as before remarked, and as his journal shows, soon understood all the maneuverings of this hudson's bay company. he had no confidence in their friendship or their interpreters. as a matter of policy they could do no less than treat him kindly, or, more properly, _civilly_, and allow him to leave the country, as he did. but mark the strictness and care of the company to impress the necessity of compliance with their arrangements upon the minds of those that followed mr. parker. keep the _massacre_ to which vicar-general brouillet refers before your mind. _life and blood and treasure have been expended._ the fair land we inhabit was not secured without a struggle. the early protestant missions were not defeated and broken up without outside influences. the indians were not abandoned till they had dipped their hands in the blood of their best and truest friend, and "become seven-fold more the children of the devil than they were in their native state," by the teachings they had received from _malicious_ and _interested parties_ to make them so. father p. j. de smet, from brouillet's statements, was among the flatheads and at wallawalla in . this priest boasted of his belonging to the jesuit order of the romish church. he usually wore a black frock-coat, was of full habit, arrogant and bigoted in his opinions, and spoke with considerable sarcasm and contempt of all americans, and especially of the missionaries, as an ignorant set of men to represent the american churches. he would be considered, in his church, a zealous and faithful priest of the order of jesus. his religious instructions to the indians were simple and easy to be understood: "_count your beads, hate or kill the suapies_ (americans), _and kiss the cross_." rev. harvey clark was a man whose religion was practical, whose labors were without ceasing, of slender frame, black hair, deep, mellow voice, kind and obliging to all. he organized the first congregational church in tualatin plains, and one in oregon city, and was the getter-up of the pacific university at forest grove; a warm friend to general education and all objects calculated to do good to any and all of his fellow-creatures. but few who knew him did not respect and esteem him for his sincere piety and christian conduct. he came to the country as a missionary sent out by some of the northwestern churches in the united states, without any definite organization further than sufficient to furnish the means for outfit for himself and associates,--smith and littlejohn and their wives,--trusting providence and their own strong arms and willing hearts to labor and do all they could for a subsistence. mr. clark was perhaps the best man that could have been sent with the early settlers. he early gained their confidence and esteem, and was always a welcome visitor among them. he had not that stern commanding manner which is usual to egotists of the clerical order, but was of the mild, persuasive kind, that wins the rough heart and calms the stormy passions. the country is blessed by his having lived in it. a. t. smith, the associate of rev. h. clark was an honest and substantial farmer, a sincere and devout christian, a man not forward in forming society, yet firm and stable in his convictions of right; liberal and generous to all objects of real worth; not easily excited, or ambitious of political preferment. his wife seemed, in all her life and actions, to be a suitable helpmeet for him. they came early to this country, and have ever been substantial and useful citizens, and supporters of morality and religion. they were among the earliest settlers at forest grove, and the first members of rev. h. clark's church. p. b. littlejohn was the opposite of smith, a confirmed hypochondriac; yet, under excitement that was agreeable to his ideas, a useful man. owing to his peculiar temperament, or the disease with which he was afflicted, his usefulness, and that of an interesting and christian wife, were cramped and destroyed. he returned to the states with his family in . at this point, perhaps a statement of all the names of persons i have been able to collect and recollect, and the year they arrived in the country, will not be uninteresting to the reader. a short history of most of them has already been given. in the year , rev. jason lee, rev. daniel lee, cyrus shepard, and p. l. edwards, connected with the methodist mission; captain n. wyeth, american fur trader, and of his party in , s. h. smith, burdet, greeley, sergeant, bull, st. clair, and whittier (who was helped to or given a passage to the sandwich islands by the hudson's bay company); brock, a gunsmith; tibbets, a stone-cutter; moore, killed by the blackfeet indians; turnbull, who killed himself by overeating at vancouver. there was also in the country a man by the name of felix hathaway, saved from the wreck of the _william and ann_. of this number, smith, sergeant, tibbets, and hathaway remained. of the party in , james a. o'neil, t. j. hubbard, and courtney m. walker remained in the country, making six of wyeth's men and one sailor. c. m. walker came with lee's company. with ewing young, from california, came, in this year, john mccarty, carmichael, john hauxhurst, joseph gale, john howard, kilborn, brandywine, and george winslow, a colored man. by the brig _maryland_, captain j. h. couch, g. w. le breton, john mccaddan, and william johnson. an english sailor, by the name of richard or dick mccary, found his way into the settlement from the rocky mountains. in the year it does not appear that any settlers arrived in the country. rev. samuel parker visited and explored it under the direction of the american board of foreign missions. in , rev. h. spalding, dr. m. whitman, w. h. gray, mrs. eliza spalding, and mrs. narcissa whitman, missionaries of the american board, and rev. mr. beaver, episcopal chaplain at vancouver, and mrs. beaver. there appear to have been no settlers this year; at least, none known to us. in , mrs. a. m. lee, mrs. s. shepard, dr. e. white, mrs. m. white, a. beers, mrs. r. beers, miss e. johnson, w. h. wilson, mr. j. whitcomb, members of the methodist episcopal mission. second re-enforcement this year: rev. h. k. w. perkins, rev. david leslie, mrs. leslie, misses satira, mary, and sarah leslie, miss margaret smith, dr. j. bailey, an englishman, george gay, and john turner. in , rev. elkanah walker, mrs. mary walker, rev. cushing eells, mrs. elvira eells, rev. a. b. smith, mrs. e. smith, and mrs. mary a. gray, missionaries of the american board. as laborers under special contract not to trade in furs or interfere with hudson's bay company's trade, james conner, native wife, and one child, and richard williams, both from rocky mountains. jesuit priests: rev. f. n. blanchet, rev. demerse, located at vancouver and french prairie. in , rev. j. s. griffin, mrs. griffin, asael munger, mrs. mary munger, independent protestant mission; robert shortess, j. farnam, sydney smith, mr. lawson, rev. ben. wright (independent methodist), wm. geiger, mr. keizer, john edmund pickernel, a sailor. in , mrs. lee, second wife of rev. jason lee; rev. j. h. frost and wife; rev. a. f. waller, wife, and two children; rev. w. w. kone and wife; rev. g. hines, wife, and sister; rev. l. h. judson, wife, and two children; rev. j. l. parish, wife, and three children; rev. g. p. richards, wife, and three children; rev. a. p. olley and wife. laymen: mr. george abernethy, wife, and two children; mr. h. campbell, wife, and one child; mr. w. w. raymond and wife; mr. h. b. brewer and wife; dr. j. l. babcock, wife, and one child; rev. mrs. daniel lee; mrs. david carter; mrs. joseph holman; miss e. phillips. methodist episcopal protestant mission: rev. harvey clark and wife; p. b. littlejohn and wife. independent protestant mission: robert moore, james cooke, and james fletcher, settlers. jesuit priest: p. g. de smet, flathead mission. rocky mountain men with native wives: william craig, robert or dr. newell, j. l. meek, james ebbets, william m. dougherty, john larison, george wilkinson, a mr. nicholson, and mr. algear, and william johnson, author of the novel, "leni leoti; or, the prairie flower." the subject was first written and read before the lyceum, at oregon city, in . in the above list i have given the names of all the american settlers, as near as i can remember them, the list of names i once collected having been lost. i never was fully informed as to the different occupations of all these men. it will be seen that we had in the country in the fall of thirty-six american settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives; thirty-three american women, thirty-two children, thirteen lay members of the protestant missions, nineteen ministers (thirteen methodist, six congregational), four physicians (three american and one english), three jesuit priests, and sixty canadian-french,--making, outside of the hudson's bay company, one hundred and thirty-seven americans and sixty-three canadians, counting the three priests as canadians. chapter xxvi. .--petition to congress of united states.--british subjects amenable to the laws of canada.--esquire douglas as justice of the peace.--mr. leslie as judge. eighteen hundred and forty finds oregon with her little population all active and busy, laboring and toiling to provide the necessaries of life--food and raiment. and if a man did not wear the finest of broadcloth, his intelligence and good conduct secured him a cordial welcome to every house or shanty in the country among the american or french settlers and missions. this was an innovation upon hudson's bay company customs, and a violation of aristocratic rules sought to be enforced by foreign influences and sustained by the missionaries then in the country. mr. hines, in his st chapter on oregon, says: "the number of people in the colony was so small, the business transactions so limited, and the difficulties so few, that the necessity of organizing the community into a body politic did not appear to be very great, though for two years persons had been chosen to officiate as judges and magistrates." the fact that the judges and magistrates officiating were chosen by the methodist mission, in opposition to the wish of the settlers, and from whose decisions there was no appeal, and that there was no statute or law book in the country, and nothing to guide the decisions of the judge or magistrate but his own opinions, caprice, or preferences, mr. hines leaves out of sight. this state of things was submitted to from the combined organized influence of the methodist mission and the unorganized condition of the settlers. a petition was gotten up and sent to congress. this petition is too important a document to be omitted. the writer has no means at present to give the names attached to it. the petition speaks for itself. as settlers, we saw and knew the objects of the hudson's bay company and the english government, by their actions and oft-repeated insolent assertions that they meant to "_hold the country_" _by fair or by foul means_, which, as men understanding the unscrupulous and avaricious disposition of the entire english occupants of this country, we fully understood and duly appreciated, as will be readily demonstrated upon a perusal of the following:-- _petition of ._ to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled: your petitioners represent unto your honorable bodies, that they are residents in the oregon territory, and citizens of the united states, or persons desirous of becoming such. they further represent to your honorable bodies, that they have settled themselves in said territory, under the belief that it was a portion of the public domain of said states, and that they might rely upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions, and the protection of its arms. but your petitioners further represent, that they are uninformed of any acts of said government by which its institutions and protection are extended to them; in consequence whereof, themselves and families are exposed to be destroyed by the savages around them, and others that would do them harm. and your petitioners would further represent, that they have no means of protecting their own and the lives of their families, other than self-constituted tribunals, originated and sustained by the power of an ill-instructed public opinion, and the resort to force and arms. and your petitioners represent these means of safety to be an insufficient safeguard of life and property, and that the crimes of _theft_, _murder_, _infanticide_, _etc._, are increasing among them to an alarming extent; and your petitioners declare themselves unable to arrest this progress of crime, and its terrible consequences, without the aid of the law, and tribunals to administer it. your petitioners therefore pray the congress of the united states of america to establish, as soon as may be, a territorial government in the oregon territory. and if reasons other than those above presented were needed to induce your honorable bodies to grant the prayer of the undersigned, your petitioners, they would be found in the value of this territory to the nation, and the alarming circumstances that portend its loss. your petitioners, in view of these last considerations, would represent, that the english government has had a surveying squadron on the oregon coast for the last two years, employed in making accurate surveys of all its rivers, bays, and harbors; and that, recently, the said government is said to have made a grant to the hudson's bay company, of all lands lying between the columbia river and puget sound; and that said company is actually exercising unequivocal acts of ownership over said lands thus granted, and opening extensive farms upon the same. and your petitioners represent, that these circumstances, connected with other acts of said company to the same effect, and _their declarations that the english government own and will hold, as its own soil_, that portion of oregon territory situated north of the columbia river, together with the important fact that the said company are cutting and sawing into lumber, and shipping to foreign ports, vast quantities of the finest pine-trees upon the navigable waters of the columbia, have led your petitioners to apprehend that the english government do intend, at all events, to hold that portion of this territory lying north of the columbia river. and your petitioners represent, that the said territory, north of the columbia, is an invaluable possession to the american union; that in and about puget sound are the only harbors of easy access, and commodious and safe, upon the whole coast of the territory; and that a great part of this said northern portion of the oregon territory is rich in timber, water-power, and _valuable minerals_. for these and other reasons, your petitioners pray that congress will establish its sovereignty over said territory. your petitioners would further represent, that the country south of the columbia river, and north of the mexican line, and extending from the pacific ocean one hundred and twenty miles into the interior, is of unequaled beauty and fertility. its mountains, covered with perpetual snow, pouring into the prairies around their bases transparent streams of the purest water; the white and black oak, pine, cedar, and fir forests that divide the prairies into sections convenient for farming purposes; the rich mines of coal in its hills, and salt springs in its valleys; its quarries of limestone, sandstone, chalk, and marble; the salmon of its rivers, and the various blessings of the delightful and healthy climate, are known to us, and impress your petitioners with the belief that this is one of the most favored portions of the globe. indeed, the deserts of the interior have their wealth of pasturage; and their lakes, evaporating in summer, leave in their basins hundreds of bushels of the purest soda. many other circumstances could be named, showing the importance of this territory in a national, commercial, and agricultural point of view. and, although your petitioners would not undervalue considerations of this kind, yet they beg leave especially to call the attention of congress to their own condition as an infant colony, without military force or civil institutions to protect their lives and property and children, sanctuaries and tombs, from the hands of uncivilized and merciless savages around them. we respectfully ask for the civil institutions of the american republic. we pray for the high privileges of american citizenship; the peaceful enjoyment of life; the right of acquiring, possessing, and using property; and the unrestrained pursuit of rational happiness. and for this your petitioners will ever pray. david leslie, [_and others_.][ ] [footnote ] senate document, twenty-sixth congress, first session. no. . we have before alluded to the fact that the english government, by act of parliament, had extended the colonial jurisdiction and civil laws of canada over all her subjects on this coast, and had commissioned james douglas, angus mcdonald, and, i think, mr. wark, as justices of the peace, having jurisdiction in civil cases not exceeding two hundred pounds sterling. in criminal cases, if the magistrate found, on examination, sufficient cause, the accused was to be sent to canada for final trial. in all minor matters the hudson's bay company were absolute. their men, by the articles of enlistment, were bound to obey all orders of a superior officer, as much so as a soldier in the army. flogging was a common punishment inflicted by all grades of officers, from a petty clerk of a trading-post up to the governor of the company. all british subjects, or any that had been subjects to the british crown, were considered as amenable to the laws of canada, which were delivered from the brain of the magistrate or judge, who perchance may have passed through some parts of canada on his way to this coast, no one knew when. of course he knew all about the laws he was to enforce upon her majesty's subjects, the same as our american judge, i. l. babcock, did of the laws he was called upon to administer among the american settlers. although the following incident is not exactly in the order of time in which we are writing, yet it illustrates the legal knowledge of esquire douglas so well that the reader will excuse me for giving it just here. the case occurred in the summer of , i think in august. the hudson's bay company and the british subjects in the country had changed from the open opposition policy to that of union with the provisional government, and some of the members of the company had been elected to office. mr. douglas had received a commission as justice of the peace and county judge from governor abernethy. a man by the name of mclame had taken it into his head to jump a claim belonging to one of the company's servants, near fort vancouver. the fact was duly stated to esquire douglas, who issued his warrant commanding the sheriff, a servant of the company, to arrest mclame. the sheriff proceeded with his warrant and posse, took mclame, brought him to the fort, and put him in irons to keep him secure until he could be tried. the day following, the writer arrived at the fort, and as he was an old acquaintance of esquire douglas, and also holding a commission of justice of the peace and judge of the county court, esquire douglas stated the case to him, and asked his advice how to conduct it. i inquired what it was mclame had done. "why, he went upon the land of one of our people and set up a claim to it, and made some threats." "did he use any weapons, or injure any one?" "no; but he was very insulting, as the men tell me; used abusive language and frightened the men, and attempted to get them off the claim, is the most he did." "well, esquire, i think if you do not manage this case carefully you will have a devil of a muss among these fellows." "what do you think i had better do?" says the esquire. "if it was my case, as it is yours, i would call the court as soon as possible, and call the parties. mclame claims to know something of law, and he will plead his own case, or get some one that don't know any more about law than he does, and they will call for a nonsuit on account of some illegality in the warrant or pleadings, and the first show you have, give them a nonsuit, and decide against your own people. this will satisfy mclame and his party, and the matter will end there. the suit is a civil one, and should have been by notice and summons, for 'forcible entry and detainer,' instead of an arrest and confinement as a criminal. they may attempt to make false imprisonment out of it. if they do, i would settle it the best way i could." i never learned the exact manner in which this case was settled. i think mclame received some compensation and the matter was settled. but the esquire never fully recovered from the effect of this legal attempt at provisional american wisdom, as he came as near involving the two governments in a national war in the san juan boundary question, in , as he did the country, in attempting to protect the unreasonable claims of the company's servants in . as to law books or legal knowledge, the country in those early times could not boast of having an extensive law library or profound lawyers, and, as was to be expected, some new and strange lawsuits occurred. of the following case we have no personal knowledge, and can only give it as related to us by parties present. t. j. hubbard, of champoeg, had a native wife. she was claimed and coveted by a neighbor of his, who threatened to take her from him. hubbard was armed, and prepared to defend his own supposed or real right of possession from his covetous neighbor, who attempted to enter his cabin window, or space where a window might be put (in case the owner had one to go there). hubbard shot him while attempting to enter, and submitted to a trial. rev. mr. leslie presided as judge. a jury was called, and the statements of all parties that pretended to know any thing about the case made. the verdict was, "justifiable homicide." the petition which was gotten up about this time, says that "theft, murder, and infanticide, are increasing among them to an alarming extent." a fact was unquestionably stated in the petition, that justice and virtue were comparative strangers in the country. despotism and oppression, with false notions of individual rights and personal liberty, were strongly at variance. the leading men, or such as one would naturally suppose to be guides of the erring, seemed to have fixed a personal standard for virtue, justice, and right, not difficult for the most abandoned to comply with. chapter xxvii. death of ewing young.--first public attempt to organize a provisional government.--origin of the provisional government.--first oregon schooner. in the early part of this year, about the th of february, , mr. ewing young, having been sick but a short time, died. he left a large band of cattle and horses and no will, and seems to have had no heirs in the country. on the th we find most of the settlers present at the funeral. after burying mr. young, a meeting was called, over which rev. jason lee presided. after some discussion it was thought best to adjourn to meet at the methodist mission. on the next day, the th, short as the notice was, nearly all the settlers were present,--canadians, french, english, americans, and protestant missionaries and jesuit priests. rev. jason lee, for some cause not stated, was excused from acting as chairman, and rev. david leslie elected to fill his place. rev. gustavus hines and sydney smith were chosen as secretaries. "the doings of the previous day were presented to the assembly and adopted in part." why does not mr. hines give us all the proceedings of the previous day? was there any thing in them that reflected upon the disposition of the reverend gentleman to control the property of the deceased mr. young, and apply it to the use of the mission, or distribute it among its members? we are well aware of the fact that, on the death of a person in any way connected with, or in the service of, the hudson's bay company, they at once administer upon his estate, to the setting aside of the will of the deceased, as in the case of mr. p. c. pambrun, which occurred the summer before mr. young's decease; and, more recently, of mr. ray, who died at san francisco. mr. ray was an active, energetic young man, had won the heart and hand of miss mclaughlin, youngest daughter of governor mclaughlin, and by this marriage had three interesting children, a son and two daughters. by his trading and speculations with his private funds, he had acquired a handsome fortune for his young family. at his death the hudson's bay company sent an agent to take charge of the property. he claimed that as mr. ray was a servant of the company, and in their employ, he had no right to acquire property outside of their business; hence, the property belonged to the company. the books were canceled, and left his estate in debt to the company, and his family destitute. his widow was obliged to take in washing, which was given her by some american officers then at that place. by this means she supported herself and young family till she could obtain help from her father, who had withdrawn from the company, and was then residing in oregon city. this is as good an illustration of the hudson's bay company's generosity as can be given. they pursued dr. mclaughlin and his children to the death. their influence and statements have led the american people to mistake the doctor's unbounded generosity to them as wholly due to the company, and changed the friendly feeling and rewards due to dr. mclaughlin for needed supplies in the hour of greatest peril to their own account, at the same time holding the doctor's estate responsible for every dollar, as they did mr. ray's. as to messrs. shepard's and olley's estates, they were both administered by the methodist mission, or some one or more of its members. i have never been able to learn the results, but have been informed that, as they were members of the mission, the little property they had was disposed of as per mission usage. in the case of mr. young, the settlers found themselves somewhat interested. as to any frenchman or roman catholic, it was taken for granted, if he was not the servant of the hudson's bay company, his property went to the priest. the settlers were united in the opinion that some understanding or laws should be adopted to govern the settlement of estates, other than the custom adopted by the hudson's bay company or the missions; hence they all turned out, and were completely defeated by the operations of the jesuit and methodist missions. a resolution was ready, prepared for the occasion:-- "_resolved_, that a committee be chosen to form a constitution, and draft a code of laws, and that the following persons compose that committee: rev. f. n. blanchet, rev. jason lee, rev. gustavus hines, rev. josiah l. parish; mr. d. donpierre, mr. m. charlevo, mr. robert moore, mr. e. lucia, mr. wm. johnson." the committee first named in the resolution contained the names of the three first-named clergymen. this was clerical law and constitution a little too strong. it was then moved to put upon the committee some that were not clergymen. the committee was finally made up of nine. now comes the test of all,--the governor. revs. leslie and hines, and drs. babcock and bailey were prominent candidates. the prospects were that the three protestant missionary candidates would divide that influence so that dr. bailey would be elected. it will be borne in mind that dr. bailey was a man of strong english prejudices, and opposed to religious societies and religion generally. he could secure the french catholic vote, and the majority of the settlers. he was present at the meeting, with his canadian, french, and hudson's bay servant voters, all trained to vote for him for governor. he nominated himself, and so disgusted the american settlers that they joined in the effort to defeat him. mr. hines was the prominent candidate to enter the field, and secure the leading influence in the government. that office was the leading question,--bailey could not be trusted, and hines could not be elected; hence the office of governor was discarded, and the committee instructed to prepare a constitution and laws, to be executed without an executive. this was a shrewd and cunning device, to say the least of it, one calculated to make the judicial and executive office one, in the same person; which seemed by common consent to be dr. i. l. babcock, a man equally as ambitious and aspiring as dr. bailey, but in good standing in the mission, and a stranger to the settlers. this point gained, george w. le breton, a young adventurer, who came to the country in the employ of captain couch, on the brig _maryland_, having a fair education, and generally intelligent and agreeable in conversation, who had been brought up in good society, and was inclined to, or educated in, the roman faith. this young man was elected to fill the offices of clerk of the court and public recorder, as a compromise with the jesuits. to harmonize the english element, wm. johnson was elected high sheriff. zavia ladaroot, pierre billique, and wm. mccarty were chosen constables. messrs. gervais, cannon, robert moore, and rev. l. h. judson were chosen justices of the peace. here comes the climax of all wisdom:-- "it was then resolved, that, until a code of laws be drafted by the legislative committee and adopted by the people, ira l. babcock, the supreme judge, be instructed to act"--_just as he pleased_. mr. hines says in his book, th page--"according to the laws of the state of new york." i query whether there was a single copy of the laws of that state in the country for ten years after the last resolution was passed. i know there was none at the time, and only a single copy of the laws of iowa two years after; hence, ira l. babcock was law-maker, judge, and executive to the settlement, just as much so as john mclaughlin was to the hudson's bay company. to keep up the farce (for the whole proceeding deserves no other name), "it was then resolved to adjourn, to meet the first thursday in june, at the new building near the roman catholic church." the record proceeds: "thursday, june , . the inhabitants of the wallamet valley met according to adjournment, and the meeting was called to order by the chairman, rev. david leslie. on motion, the doings of the former meeting were read, on which the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws was called for, and information was communicated to the meeting by the chairman of the committee, that, in consequence of his not having called the committee together, no report had been prepared." _his jesuitical reverence_, f. n. blanchet, was excused from serving on the committee, at his own request. the settlers and uninitiated were informed by his reverence that he was unaccustomed to make laws for the people, and did not understand how to proceed, while _divide and conquer_, the policy adopted by the hudson's bay company, was entered into with heart and soul by this _reverend father_ blanchet and his associates. "on motion, it was then resolved, that a person be chosen to fill the place thus vacated in the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws, and dr. wm. j. bailey was chosen." the motion that follows shows that the settlers were suspicious of influences operating against them to deprive them of a voice in their own government, for they then, "on motion, resolved that this committee be instructed to meet for the transaction of their business on the first monday of august next." they further instructed this committee to report at a subsequent meeting, "to be held the first thursday in october next. on motion, resolved, that the committee be advised to confer with the commander of the american exploring squadron now in the columbia river, concerning the propriety of forming a provisional government in oregon." "_resolved_, that the motion to adopt the report of the nominating committee presented at a previous meeting be rescinded." were the settlers really in favor of an organization adapted to their wants, and contrary to the wishes of the hudson's bay company and clerical government then existing? the above resolution shows the fact. they have handsomely relieved the jesuits of their responsibility, and left them to work with their associates and co-laborers,--the hudson's bay company and indians. they, to soften matters, allowed the committee to consider the nature of the government about to be formed, and the officers necessary, and-- "_resolved_, that the committee to draft a constitution be instructed to take into consideration the number and kind of officers it will be necessary to create, in accordance with their constitution and code of laws, and to report the same at the next meeting." it was also resolved that the report of the nominating committee be referred to the legislative committee. mr. secretary hines does not give us the names of the nominating committee and the officers they first reported. the meeting held at or near the roman catholic church on the th of june was adjourned to meet at the methodist mission at eleven o'clock on the first thursday in october following. duly signed, david leslie, chairman; gustavus hines, sydney smith, secretaries. the whole humbug had been completed; the methodist mission party was safe; the hudson's bay company and jesuits only wanted time to carry out their arrangements and drive the whole concern from the country, or make a grand sacrifice for the benefit of the hudson's bay company's trade and mother church. the idea of resisting the american influence was no new one; it was announced as early as . the combinations were ready to be made that, at the proper time, every hudson's bay company's man felt certain, would accomplish the object they desired. they were ready and did invest their money upon the issue. it is true other parties came in and formed combinations that they supposed themselves capable of destroying by a single word. they failed; and in we find them, the petitioners, with a host of those they sought to rob, crying against their injustice. they ask for compensation for attempting to prevent the rightful owners of the country from occupying it. this is in keeping with their whole course. their impudence may carry them through and win their case, which justice and truth should deny them. mr. hines says, page : "i have previously stated that the origin of the attempt to form a kind of provisional government was the removal by death of the late ewing young, leaving, as he did, a large and unsettled estate, with no one to administer it, and no law to control its administration. the exigency of this case having been met by the appointment of a judge with probate powers, who entered immediately upon his duties" (giving no bonds to any body), "and disposed of the estate of ewing young to the entire satisfaction of the community, and the fact that some of the _most influential citizens_ of the country, and especially some of the _legislative committee_, were adverse to the idea of establishing a permanent organization so long as the peace and harmony of the community could possibly be preserved without it, the subject was permitted to die away and the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws did not meet according to their instructions, nor did the meeting at which they were expected to report ever take place." mr. hines, in his account of this affair, is not quite satisfied himself with the reasons he has given, so he goes on to state many facts as connected with the arrival of the exploring squadron of the united states, under command of captain wilkes, and says, page : "in addition to this, the officers of the squadron were consulted on the subject of organizing the country into a civil compact, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme, and recommended that the subject be allowed to rest. they encouraged the people in the belief that the united states government would probably soon extend jurisdiction over the country." to the disgrace of the leader of that squadron, the general impression of all the early settlers of this country is, to the present day, that he understood and tasted the qualities of dr. mclaughlin's liquors, and received the polite attentions of the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company with far more pleasure than he looked into or regarded the wants of this infant settlement of his countrymen. mr. hines says "the _officers_ of the squadron decidedly opposed the scheme." and why did they do it? simply because the parties named above were opposed. they had absolute control of the persons and property of all in the country, and they scrupled not to keep and use their power to the last. the unconquerable energy of the americans was this year manifested in the building of a schooner, of about forty tons burden, on a little island some four miles above the present city of portland. r. l. kilborn, of the party of ewing young, charley matts, p. armstrong, who was afterward killed in the indian war on rogue river, h. woods, john green, and george davis engaged in this enterprise. they employed felix hathaway, who was saved from the wreck of the _william and ann_, as head carpenter, and commenced their work. to obtain spikes and such irons as were required, they had it reported that they were going to build a ferry-boat to cross the wallamet river. to obtain rigging, they induced the french farmers to go to fort vancouver and get ropes to use in the old dutch harness for plowing, dr. mclaughlin having informed them in the start, that he did not approve of their scheme, and would furnish them no supplies. they, however, were not to be deterred in their undertaking. procuring a whip-saw of the mission, and such tools as they could spare, these men commenced their work; and when captain wilkes visited them, and found they had a substantial and sea-worthy craft well under way, he furnished them such articles from his stores as he could spare, and spoke favorably of their enterprise to dr. mclaughlin, who became more liberal; so that, with the assistance of captain wilkes, the mission, and such as they received from dr. mclaughlin, the vessel was launched and made trips to california, under the command of captain joseph gale, who returned to oregon in , and was elected one of our executive committee, with david hill and alanson beers. chapter xxviii. lee and hines explore the umpqua river.--hines tells a story.--massacre and plunder of smith's party by the indians.--sympathy of the hudson's bay company.--extract from the san francisco _bulletin_. the reader is requested to note the statements that follow, as they show influences operating that tell how active the enemies of the protestant missions had been. mr. hines admits that he owed his own and mr. lee's life to the wife of guinea. (see his journal, page .) he says: "during the evening mr. guinea came to us considerably excited, and warmly congratulated us on the safe guardianship his wife had exercised over us in our absence. he said that in all probability we should have been robbed of all we had, if we had not lost our lives, had it not been for the faithfulness of his wife and her brother. he told us that one of the chiefs of the clan we had visited was at the fort. learning that we designed to visit his people on the coast, _excited with the utmost fear_, he hastened down the river and reported many evil things about us, intending thereby to instigate the indians to prevent us from going among them." mr. hines, can you vouch for the truth of this statement? i believe sincerely you have told the truth, for you even attempt to excuse the indian for his fears, and have not the least suspicion of the sources from which the indian received his instruction and is made to believe that you and mr. jason lee had come with your _medicine bag_ to destroy them. let us hear mr. hines' excuse for the indian's fears, in his own words. he says: "mr. lee had brought a fowling-piece with him, and had in his possession a patent shot-pouch. this was the thing that had alarmed the chief. one story he told was, that we had brought _medicine in a bag_ that mr. lee wore on his neck, for the purpose of killing them all off; and that if we were permitted to come among them the fatal bag would be opened and they would all be destroyed." how did these indians learn about the missionary medicine bag? our good friend, guinea, mr. hines tells us, is from montreal, and of a good family,--a frenchman. this trip, it seems, was made in , about the th day of october. dr. whitman had not yet gone to the states, but the medicine-bag story is tried with the indians on the umpqua. guinea has a little too much sense of moral responsibility to allow his indians to commence the slaughter of lee and hines, as dr. white had come with them and seen them safe at the fort, and had returned to the settlement. the medicine man of the methodist mission had escaped, and it was not best to commence on these preachers. madam _siwash_ guinea must accompany them, to watch and explain matters and protect them. mr. hines says, page : "we had been informed by mr. guinea that there would be _great danger_ in our going among them alone, and indeed he appeared to stand in the utmost fear of them, of their hostility to the whites, and especially to the _americans_." can a reasonable man read this simple narrative with the light of history, and facts piled on facts, with the stains of the blood of our countrymen all over the country, and not trace the cause of these foul murders to their true source? while none but american traders and hunters were in the country, it was an easy matter to dispose of them, but when the american missionary comes among the natives, another element of opposition must be introduced; moral teachings must be met by religious superstitions, to secure the victim, to advance the interests of an unscrupulous trade. let us take another statement from mr. hines before we proceed with his political history. on page , in speaking of the closing remarks of the chief at the mouth of the umpqua, he tells us, the chief "said he was very glad we had come to see them; that their hearts toward us were like our hearts toward them; that he wanted us to continue with them another day and tell them about god; that they had heard about us, and had been told that we were a bad people." _who told these wild indians this?_ was it an american that had been living among them and teaching them that his countrymen were a bad people? "that they were glad to see us for themselves, and were convinced that what they had heard was a lie; that they now believe us to be good, and that they meant to be good also." mr. hines tells a story, as he received it from the hudson's bay company gentlemen, to show that these indians are very treacherous and not to be relied upon, especially those on the coast. it relates to a company of fur hunters composed of smith, sublet, and jackson. at page of his book, he says: "in this division smith was to take the country extending from the platte river by the way of santa fé to california; then turn north along the pacific ocean as far as the columbia river, and thence back into the interior to join the other partners of the company. the country was in the wildest state, but few white men having ever passed through it. but, nothing daunted, smith and his companions marched through to california, and thence along the coast north as far as the umpqua river, collecting in their course all the valuable furs they could procure, until they had loaded several pack animals with the precious burden [forty packs of furs]. on arriving here, they encamped on the borders of the river near the place where they intended to cross, but, on examination, found it would be dangerous, if not impossible, to effect the passage of the river at that place. accordingly, smith took one of his men [he had two] and proceeded up the river on foot, for the purpose of finding a better place to cross. in his absence, the indians, instigated by one of the savage-looking chiefs whom we saw at the mouth of the river, rushed upon the party with their muskets [the same furnished by the hudson's bay company for that purpose], bows and arrows, tomahawks, and scalping-knives, and commenced the work of death." just as they were expected to do with all intruders in this fur traders' empire. "from the apparent kindness of the indians previously, the party had been thrown entirely off their guard, and consequently were immediately overpowered by their ferocious enemies, and but one of the twelve in camp escaped from the cruel massacre. scarcely knowing which way he fled, this one fell in with smith, who was on his return to the camp, and who received from the survivor the shocking account of the murder of eleven of his comrades. smith seeing all was lost, resolved upon attempting nothing further than to do his best to secure his own personal safety, with that of his surviving companions. the indians had secured all the furs, horses, mules, baggage, and every thing the company had. the three immediately crossed the river and made the best of their way through a savage and inhospitable country toward vancouver, where, after traveling between two and three hundred miles, and suffering the greatest deprivations, they finally arrived in safety." rev. mr. hines' savage-looking chief was no less a personage than a slave of a frenchman by the name of michel, or rather belonging to michel's umpqua wife. this slave had learned, from the statements and talk he had heard at vancouver, that in case the indians killed and robbed the boston men, there would be no harm to them; that neither the hudson's bay company nor the english or french would take any notice of it. hence, the indians were taught to regard the killing of a boston man (american) as doing something that pleased the hudson's bay company. under this instruction it is said this slave ran away from vancouver, and went back to his people, and was the cause of the massacre of smith's party. he is again present, doing all he can to induce his people to rob and take the lives of lee and hines. mr. guinea, then in charge of the fort, is aware of his instructions and his object. he dare not tell lee and hines of their full danger, yet he knows all about it. they were determined to visit the indians and see for themselves. guinea's indian wife and her brother must go with them. this is considered sufficient protection. the story of the indian slave's part in the massacre of smith's party is related to us by mrs. smith, the wife of s. h. smith, an intelligent and much respected native woman, a neighbor of ours for near twenty years, and by one of the men that accompanied mckay to recover the property; corresponding exactly to another event of the same kind that occurred in , which will be given in detail as stated by eye-witnesses under the solemnity of an oath. mr. hines, of course, believes the following statement, because the _gentlemen_ of the company told it to him; just as i did the first time i heard it from them. it is said, smith and companions, "rehearsing the story of their wonderful escape and subsequent sufferings to the members of the hudson's bay company, the utmost _sympathy_ was excited in their behalf, and a strong party was fitted out to go and rescue the _property_ from the savage robbers, and restore it to its surviving owners. the vigor and perseverance of this party were equal to the promptitude with which it was fitted out. they proceeded to the scene of blood, and after committing the mangled bodies of smith's murdered companions to the grave, compelled the indians to relinquish the property they had taken," by giving them presents of blankets and powder, and such things as the indians wished, as stated to us by a frenchman, a servant of the company, who was one of mckay's party that went to get the furs. they found no bodies to bury, and had no fight with the indians about the property, as stated by mr. smith also. but, as the hudson's bay company tells the story through mr. hines, they "_spread terror through the tribes_." was this the case in the whitman massacre in ? the samilkamean massacre in ? the frazer river murder of american citizens in ? no: governor douglas told the committee that asked him for protection, or for arms, to protect themselves; that "_if they_ [the americans] _molested her majesty's subjects he would send a force to punish them_." mr. hines says his umpqua party "_returned in triumph to vancouver_." and well they might, for they had made the best season's hunt they ever made, in getting those furs and the property of smith, which paid them well for the expedition, as there was no market for smith, except london, through the hypocritical kindness of mr. simpson. by this time, mr. smith had learned all he wished to of this company. he preferred giving them his furs at their own price to being under any further obligations to them, mr. sublet, mr. smith's partner, did not speak as though he felt under much obligation to mr. simpson or the hudson's bay company in , which was not long after the transaction referred to. i do not know how the company regard these statements of mr. hines, yet i regard them as true so far as mr. hines is concerned, but utterly false as regards the company. as old toupin says mr. parker told the indians, "it is their fashion" of taking credit to themselves for doing all they could against the americans occupying the country in any way. according to the testimony given in the case of the hudson's bay company _v._ united states, the amount of furs seized by the company at that time was forty packs, worth at the time $ , each, besides the animals and equipments belonging to the party, a large portion of which was given to the indians, to compensate them for their services rendered to the company, in destroying smith's expedition and killing his men, corresponding with transactions of recent date, as stated in an article found in the san francisco _bulletin_:-- "hudson's bay company and the indians.--a gentleman from victoria gives us the following facts concerning the indian outrages on the northern coast, and their allies, the hudson's bay company: captain d. warren said to m. a. foster and william mccurdy, that, on returning to victoria and reporting the circumstances of the attack of the indians upon his sloop, _thornton_, to the first lieutenant of the ship _zealous_, he was the next day arrested and put under $ , bonds. the _sparrowhawk_ was to leave last wednesday, but had not yet gone to inquire into the matter. it is known that the same indians murdered captain jack knight and partner but a short time before. the same crowd or band of indians robbed the _nanaimo_ packet. since thus attacked, captain warren, the captain of the _ocean queen_, informed them that a friendly indian chief told him to leave; the indians were hostile; they were preparing for war with the neighboring tribes. "from a statement found in the _chronicle_, of the th of june, we learn that captain mowatt, of the hudson's bay company, is in charge of fort rupert. we also learn that captain mowatt's prejudices and feelings are peculiarly hostile to all american fur traders, and not any too friendly to those claiming to be english. the facts indicate a strong hudson's bay company indian war influence against american or other traders in behalf of that company. it is evident from the statement of the two gentlemen above named that her majesty's naval officers are inclined, and more than probably instructed, to protect the hudson's bay company's people in encouraging the indian hostility and murder of all outside venturers upon their trading localities, as they are prompt to insinuate and affirm that the whites are the aggressors, and to arrest them for punishment." it is difficult to understand why our american government is so tolerant and generous to a foreign monopoly that has invariably sought and accomplished the destruction of its fur trade on its western borders, and used its entire influence against american institutions and citizens; not hesitating to incite the indians to the most inhuman and brutal murders. chapter xxix. missionaries leaving.--hudson's bay company's gold exchange.--population in .--whitman and lovejoy start for the states.--the red river emigration.--american merchants.--settlers not dependent on the hudson's bay company.--milling company.--the oregon institute.--dr. elijah white.--proceedings and resolutions of a public meeting at wallamet.--correspondence with the war department. rev. a. b. smith and wife, cornelius rogers, and w. h. gray and wife had left the mission of the american board, on account of difficulties they had become fully satisfied would ultimately destroy the mission or drive it from the country. mr. spalding, it will be remembered, was a man of peculiar temperament, ambitious and selfish. he could not endure an associate of superior talent, or admit himself to be inferior in understanding the native language. from the time the jesuits arrived (in ), some of his own pet indians had turned catholics and commenced a quarrel with him. these facts seemed to annoy and lead him to adopt a course opposed by smith, gray, and rogers. still he found it pleased the indians as a whole, and was assented to by the balance of the mission. smith and wife left for the sandwich islands; rogers for the wallamet in ; gray and wife in . during the exploration of the country by commodore wilkes' exploring squadron, mr. cornelius rogers was found a very useful man. his knowledge of indian languages (which he was remarkably quick to acquire) and of indian character generally enabled him to become a reliable and useful interpreter. the officers soon became aware of the fact, and employed him at once to assist and interpret for them. he was paid for his services in gold coin, which amounted to something over five hundred dollars. not wishing to carry his coin about, he offered to deposit it with the hudson's bay company. "certainly, mr. rogers, we will receive your coin, and credit you upon our books twenty per cent. less, as the coin is not so valuable to us as our goods, at beaver prices." mr. r. allowed them to take his coin and credit him with four hundred dollars in beaver currency. in a short time a party of the squadron were to go by land to california. mr. r. concluded he would go with them, and that his coin would be more convenient than beaver orders on the company. he therefore requested them to return to him the coin. "certainly, mr. rogers," and handed him back four hundred dollars less twenty per cent.,--three hundred and twenty dollars. "how is this?" says mr. r.; "i supposed from the statement you made on depositing this money with you, that that money was a drug to you, and now you wish me to pay you twenty per cent. for money i have left in your care, after deducting twenty per cent. for leaving it with you. you may consider this a fair and an honorable transaction; i do not." he was told, "_such is our manner of doing business_," and that was all the satisfaction he could get. he finally left his money and drew his goods, at what was called beaver prices, of the company. nothing further of note occurred in , except the loss of the _peacock_, in which no lives were lost, and the extra efforts of the company to show to the officers of the expedition their good deeds and kind treatment to all americans, and to prove to them that the whole country was of little value to any one. "it would scarcely support the few indians, much less a large population of settlers." .--our population, all told, in the beginning of this year, is twenty-one protestant ministers, three roman or jesuit priests, fifteen lay members of churches, thirty-four white women, thirty-two white children, and thirty-five american settlers--twenty-five of them with native wives. total, one hundred and thirty-seven americans. at the close of the year we had an emigration from the states of one hundred and eleven persons,--some forty-two families,--with two lawyers, a. l. lovejoy and a. m. hastings. the latter became the lawyer of dr. mclaughlin and relieved the settlement in the spring of of a number of not very valuable settlers, by assisting them to get credit of the hudson's bay company in procuring their outfits, giving their notes, payable in california; white settlers who remained could get no credit or supplies of the company, especially such as had asked protection of the american government. a. l. lovejoy started from whitman's station to return to the states with dr. whitman. he reached bent's fort with him, but stopped for the winter, while whitman proceeded on to washington in time to save the country from being given up to british rule. for an account of that trip, which we give in another chapter, we are indebted to the honorable a. l. lovejoy. the red river emigration, consisting of some forty families of english, scotch, and canadian-french half-breeds, had been ordered from the red river, or selkirk settlement, to locate in the puget sound district, by the hudson's bay company's governor, simpson. this company started across the plains with most of their property and families in carts, in the spring of , directed, protected, and guided by the company, and expected to become settlers, subject to it, in puget sound. this was in fact a part of the original plan of the puget sound agricultural company, and these families were brought on to aid in securing and holding the country for the british government and the use of the company,--a plan and arrangement exactly similar to that adopted by the hudson's bay company in - , to cut off the trade of the french northwest fur company, by establishing the selkirk settlement directly in the line of their trade. this red river colony was a part of the company's scheme to control and outnumber the american settlement of oregon; it being connected with the puget sound concern, and under the control of the hudson's bay company,--which, by the decision of the commissioners, has won the company $ , from our national treasury. a more infamous claim could not well be trumped up, and the men who awarded it should be held responsible, and handed down to posterity as unjust rewarders of unscrupulous monopolies. not for this alone, but for paying to the parent monopoly the sum of $ , , for their malicious misrepresentations of the country, their murders, and their perjury respecting their claims to it. as soon as the red river colony reached the country, they found that the hudson's bay company on the west side of the rocky mountains was a different institution from that of the selkirk settlement; consequently a large number of the more intelligent among them refused to remain in the puget sound district, and found their way into the wallamet and tualatin districts, and were received and treated as oregonians, or citizens of the provisional government. this had the effect to embitter the feelings of the ruling spirits of the company, and caused them to change their policy. they commenced fortifying fort vancouver, and had a war-ship, the _modeste_, stationed in the columbia river, while the fort was being prepared for defensive or offensive measures. this only increased the anxiety and hastened the effort to organize for self-defense on the part of the american settlers. in the mean time, hon. caleb cushing, of newburyport, massachusetts, had sent to the country a ship with supplies. a. e. wilson had established himself, or was about to, at wallamet falls as a trader, and some families were on their way by water from the states,--f. w. pettygrove, peter foster, and peter h. hatch. pettygrove arrived with a small stock of goods. the same ship brought a supply for the methodist mission. the settlers were not dependent upon the hudson's bay company for supplies as much as has been asserted. i am certain that many of them never received a dollar's worth of the company's goods, except it might have been through the stores of pettygrove, wilson, or abernethy. i know many of them were willing and did pay higher prices to their american merchants than they could get the same article for from the company's store, which was about this time established at oregon city. soon after, a trading-post and warehouse were established at champoeg, and mr. roberts sent up with orders to _kick, change, and beat the half-bushel with a club_ in order to get more wheat at sixty cents per imperial bushel in payment for all debts due the company for the goods furnished to them at one hundred per cent. or more on london prices. during this year the wallamet milling company was formed, and commenced to build a saw-mill on the island above the falls. dr. mclaughlin also commenced active opposition to american enterprise. the oregon institute was commenced this year, under the direction of the methodist missionaries. they carefully guarded against all outside patronage or influence getting control of their institution, by requiring a certain number of trustees to be members of their church in good standing. it was during the discussions in the organizing of that institution that the disposition on the part of that mission to control not only the religious, but literary and political interests of the settlement, was manifested. the leading members took strong ground, yet hesitated when it was found they would be compelled to ask for outside patronage. however, they were able to commence operations with the institute, and succeeded in getting up a building deemed suitable by the building committee. dr. elijah white returned to the country, as he supposed and frequently asserted, with unlimited discretionary powers from the president of the united states to arrange all matters between the hudson's bay company, indians, and settlers, and "although his commission did not specify in so many words, yet, in short, he was the governing power of the united states west of the rocky mountains." he entered at once upon the duties of his office, and such a muss as he kicked up all over the country it would require the pens of a squibob and a junius combined to describe. rev. mr. hines has given to the world many useful notices of this notorious blockhead, and from his descriptions of his proceedings one would infer that he was a most important character in promoting the peace and harmony of the settlement and keeping the indians quiet. i have always been at a loss to understand mr. hines, whether he is speaking of dr. white's proceedings in sober earnest or serious burlesque. either he was woefully ignorant of the character of dr. white, or he was cajoled and flattered and made to believe the doctor possessed power and influence at washington that no document he could show gave any evidence of. be that as it may, dr. white arrived in the fall of , in advance of the emigration. he pretended to have all power necessary for all cases, civil and criminal. he appointed temporary magistrates to try all cases as they might occur; and such as related to indians and whites, or half-breeds and whites, he tried himself, and gave decisions to suit his own ideas of justice. usually, in the case of two settlers, where he had appointed a justice to try the case, he would argue the case for one of the parties, and generally win it for his client or favorite. we attended two of the doctor's trials, one in tualatin plains, the other at the saw-mill near salem. in both of these cases the conclusion of those not interested was, that if such was the justice to which we as settlers were reduced, our own energy and arms must protect us. at the meeting called to receive him, a committee, being appointed, retired, and, after a short absence, reported the following resolutions:-- _resolved_, that we, the citizens of the wallamet valley, are exceedingly happy in the consideration that the government of the united states have manifested their intentions through their agent, dr. e. white, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this country. _resolved_, that, in view of the claims which the aborigines of this country have upon the sympathies of the white man, we are gratified at the appointment of an agent by the united states government to regulate and guard their interests. _resolved_, that we highly approve of the appointment of dr. e. white to the above office, and that we will cordially co-operate with him in carrying out the measures of government in reference to this country. _resolved_, that we feel grateful to the united states government for their intended liberality toward the settlers of this country, and for their intention to support education and literature among us. _resolved_, that it will give us the highest pleasure to be brought, so soon as it maybe practicable, under the jurisdiction of our mother country. on motion, it was _resolved_, that the report of the committee be adopted. _resolved unanimously_, that the doings of this meeting be transmitted to the government of the united states by dr. e. white, in order that our views and wishes in relation to this country may be known. the following communication shows the shrewdness of dr. white, and the influence he was enabled to hold over mr. hines, who seems to have ignored all the doctor's conduct while a missionary, and considers him a suitable person to deal with the complicated relations then culminating on our western coast. it is given entire, to place mr. hines in his true character in the history of the country, though dr. white does not deign to mention his name in his report to the department. we also give an extract from the report of the commissioners of indian affairs, november , , as found on fifth and sixth pages of dr. white's report, mr. hines' letter is as follows:-- wallamet, april , . _to the honorable secretary of war:_ sir,--i have the honor of addressing you a brief communication expressive of my views of the course pursued by dr. e. white, sub-agent of indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. i am not extensively acquainted with what properly belongs to the business of an indian agent, but so far as i understand the subject, this agency requires the performance of duties which are of an _onerous_ and _complicated_ character. the country is quite extensive, and an intercourse is carried on between the whites and indians in almost every part of it. the principal settlements are on the wallamet river and taulatin plains, but there are whites at the mouth of the columbia river, the falls, and among the wallawalla, cayuse, nez percé, and snake indians. immediately after the arrival of your agent in this country, he received the most urgent calls from several of these places, if possible to come immediately and enter into such measures as would secure both the safety of the whites and welfare of the indians. he entered upon his business with diffidence, though with great energy and decision, and his indefatigable efforts to promote the interests of this country, with his untiring industry in the performance of his duties, entitle him to the warmest respect of the members of this infant and helpless colony, and to the confidence of the honorable department which has committed to him so important a trust. although he has been with us but a short time in his official capacity, yet it is generally believed that the measures he has adopted to regulate the intercourse between the whites and indians, particularly in the cayuse, nez percé, and wallawalla tribes, are wisely calculated to secure the protection of the former against the aggressions of the savages, and to secure to the latter the blessings of harmony, peace, and civilization. some time in november last news reached us from these formidable tribes that they were laying a plot for the destruction of this colony, upon which your agent, with characteristic decision, determined to proceed at once to the scene of this conspiracy, and, if possible, not only to frustrate the present designs of the indians, but to prevent any future attempts of the same character. this laborious journey was undertaken, and, accordingly, he set out on this perilous enterprise in the dead of winter, being accompanied by six men, and though the distance to be traveled by land and water was little less than one thousand miles, and the whole journey was one of excessive labor and much suffering, yet perseverance surmounted every difficulty, and the undertaking was brought to a most happy issue. in the fitting out and execution of such an expedition much expense must necessarily be incurred, but i am fully of the opinion the funds appropriated by your agent, for the purpose of accomplishing the object of his appointment, have been judiciously applied. not knowing the views i entertained in reference to the propriety of his course, dr. white requested me to write to the honorable secretary of war, definitely expressing my opinion. considering this a sufficient apology for intruding myself upon your patience in this communication, allow me, dear sir, to subscribe myself most respectfully. your humble servant, gustavus hines, missionary to the wallamet settlement. department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} i submit a report from the sub-agent west of the rocky mountains, received on the th of august last. it furnishes some deeply-interesting and curious details respecting certain of the indian tribes in that remote part of our territories. the nez percés are represented to be "more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites," than the others. their conduct on the occasion of an important meeting between dr. white and their leading men impresses one most agreeably. the school established for their benefit is very numerously attended, while it is gratifying to learn that this is not the only establishment for indian instruction which has been made and conducted with success. there will also be found in this paper some particulars as to the soil, water-courses, etc, of the territory of oregon, which may be interesting at this time, when public attention is so much directed to the region beyond the rocky mountains. respectfully submitted, t. hartley crawford. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. chapter xxx. dispatch of dr. white to the commissioner of indian affairs.--he praises the hudson's bay company.--his account of the indians.--indian outrages.--dr. white's expedition to the nez percés.--indian council.--speeches.--electing a chief.--laws of the nez percés.--visit to the cayuses.--doings of the missionaries.--drowning of mr. rogers and family.--george geere.--volcanoes.--petition against governor mclaughlin. oregon, april , . sir,--on my arrival, i had the honor and happiness of addressing you a brief communication, giving information of my safe arrival, and that of our numerous party, to these distant shores. at that time it was confidently expected that a more direct, certain, and expeditious method would be presented to address you in a few weeks; but that failing, none has offered till now. i think i mentioned the kind and hospitable manner we were received and entertained on the way by the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, and the cordial and most handsome reception i met with at fort vancouver from governor mclaughlin and his worthy associate chief factor, james douglas, esq.; my appointment giving pleasure rather than pain,--a satisfactory assurance that these worthy gentlemen intend eventually to settle in this country, and prefer american to english jurisdiction. on my arrival in the colony, sixty miles south of vancouver, being in advance of the party, and coming unexpectedly to the citizens, bearing the intelligence of the arrival of so large a re-enforcement, and giving assurance of the good intentions of our government, the excitement was general, and two days after we had the largest and happiest public meeting ever convened in this infant colony. i found the colony in peace and health, and rapidly increasing in numbers, having more than doubled in population during the last two years. english, french, and half-breeds seem, equally with our own people, attached to the american cause; hence the bill of mr. linn, proffering a section of land to every white man of the territory, has the double advantage of being popular and useful, increasing such attachment, and manifestly acting as a strong incentive to all, of whatever nation or party, to settle in this country. my arrival was in good time, and probably saved much evil. i had but a short season of rest after so long, tedious, and toilsome a journey, before information reached me of the very improper conduct of the upper country indians toward the missionaries sent by the american board of commissioners, accompanied with a passport, and a desire for my interposition in their behalf at once. i allude to the only three tribes from which much is to be hoped, or any thing to be feared, in this part of oregon. these are the wallawallas, cayuses, and nez percés, inhabiting a district of country on the columbia and its tributaries, commencing two hundred and forty miles from its mouth, and stretching four hundred and eighty miles into the interior. the wallawallas, most contiguous to the colony, number some three thousand, including the entire population. they are in general poor, indolent, and sordid, but avaricious; and what few have property, in horses and herds, are proud, haughty, and insolent. the cayuses, next easterly, are less numerous, but more formidable, being brave, active, tempestuous, and warlike. their country is well watered, gently undulating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted to grazing, as dr. marcus whitman, who resides in their midst, may have informed you. they are comparatively rich in herds, independent in manner, and not unfrequently boisterous, saucy, and troublesome in language and behavior. the nez percés, still further in the interior, number something less than three thousand; they inhabit a beautiful grazing district not surpassed by any i have seen for verdure, water privileges, climate, or health. the tribe forms, to some extent, an honorable exception to the general indian character, being more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites and their improvements in the arts and sciences; and, though as brave as cæsar, the whites have nothing to dread at their hands, in case of their dealing out to them what they conceive to be right and equitable. of late, these three tribes have become strongly united by reason of much intermarriage. for the last twenty years they have been generally well disposed toward the whites; but at the time captain bonneville visited this district of country, he dealt more profusely in presents and paid a higher price for furs than mr. pambrun, one of the traders of the hudson's bay company, established at wallawalla, who had long dealt with them, and was previously a general favorite. on mr. bonneville's leaving, the chiefs assembled at the fort, and insisted on a change of the tariff in their favor. pambrun refusing, they seized him, stamped violently upon his breast, beat him severely, and retained him prisoner, in rather unenviable circumstances, till they gained, to a considerable extent, their object. since that time, they have been more consequential in feeling, and shown less deference and respect to the whites. on the arrival of missionaries among them they have never failed to make, at first, a most favorable impression, which has, in most instances, unfortunately, led to too near an approach to familiarity, operating alike prejudicial to both parties. the rev. messrs. lee and parker, who made each but a short stay among them, left with like favorable impressions. their successors, spalding, whitman, gray, and ladies, with others who remained among them, were at last driven to the conclusion that indians as much resembled each other in character as complexion. these worthy people, not well versed in indian character, and anxious to accomplish a great deal in a short time, resorted to various expedients to induce them to leave off their wandering migratory habits, and settle down contiguous to them in herding and agricultural pursuits, so as to be able to send their numerous and healthy children to school. in these efforts they were zealous and persevering, holding out various inducements as so many stimulants to action, most of which would have operated well in civilized life, but generally failed with these indians; and whatever was promised conditionally, whether the condition was met or otherwise, there was no reprieve--the promised articles must come; and sometimes, under circumstances sufficiently trying, had these missionaries been less devoted, they would have driven them from their post forever. the indians, having gained one and another victory, became more and more insolent, till at last, some time previous to my arrival, they were not only obtrusive and exceedingly annoying about and in the missionaries' houses, but seized one of the clergymen in his own house,[ ] without a shadow of provocation, further than that of treating a better neighboring chief with more respect than they, and insulted him most shamefully, there being no other white person within fifty miles, save his sick and delicate lady. soon after, they commenced on dr. whitman; pulled his ears and hair, and threw off his hat three times in the mud at his feet. a short time after, the chiefs assembled, broke into the house, violently assailed his person with war clubs, and, with an ax, broke down the door leading to his own private apartment. it is generally thought, and possibly with truth, that, on this occasion, dr. whitman would have been killed, had not a party of white men arrived in sight just at this moment.[ ] never was such an outrage and insult more undeserving. he had built, for the express purpose of indian accommodation, a house of the same materials, and finished in like manner with his own, of respectable size, and joined to his, and at all times, night and day, accessible. in addition to this, they were admitted to every room in his house but one. this being closed, had like to have cost him his life. he had hardly left for the states last fall, when, shocking to relate, at the hour of midnight, a large indian chief managed to get into the house, came to the door of mrs. whitman's bed-chamber, and had succeeded in getting it partly open before she reached it. a white man, sleeping in an adjoining apartment, saved her from violence and ruin. the villain escaped. there was but one thing wrong in this matter on the part of dr. whitman, and that was a great error,--leaving his excellent lady unprotected in the midst of savages.[ ] a few days after this they burned down the mission mill on his premises, with all its appendages and considerable grain, damaging them not less than twelve or fifteen hundred dollars. about the same time, mrs. spalding was grossly insulted in her own house, and ordered out of it, in the absence of her husband. information reached him of an indian having stolen his horse near the same time; he hastened to the spot to secure the animal; the rogue had crossed the river; but, immediately returning, he presented his loaded gun, cocked, at the breast of mr. spalding, and abused and menaced as far as possible without shooting him.[ ] [footnote ] rev. a. b. smith, who employed the lawyer as his teacher in the nez percé language. ellis was the chief who claimed the land, and had been at the red river school. he was jealous of the lawyer's influence with the american missionaries, and used his influence with the hudson's bay company to drive mr. smith away. [footnote ] we were present at dr. whitman's at the time here referred to, and know that this difficulty originated from jesuitical teachings. [footnote ] there were good men left at the station; besides, the influence of mr. mckinley was thought to be sufficient protection from any violence from the indians. [footnote ] this transaction is represented by rev. mr. brouillet as being that mr. spalding threatened the indian with a gun,--being a mistake on the part of rev. mr. brouillet. in addition to this, some of our own party were robbed openly of considerable property, and some twelve horses were stolen by night. all this information, coming near the same time, was embarrassing, especially as my instructions would not allow me to exceed, for office, interpreter, and every purpose, $ , per annum. on the other hand, their passport, signed by the secretary of war, made it my imperative duty to protect them, in their persons, at least, from outrage. i did not long hesitate, but called upon thomas mckay, long in the employment of the hudson's bay company as explorer and leader of parties, who, from his frank, generous disposition, together with his universal success in indian warfare, has obtained an extensive influence among the aborigines of the country, and, placing the facts before him, he at once consented to accompany me to this scene of discord and contention. we took but six men with us, armed in the best manner, a sufficient number to command respect and secure the object of our undertaking,--mckay assuring me, from his familiar acquaintance with these indians, and their thorough knowledge of the use of arms, that if hostile intentions were entertained, it would require a larger party than we could raise in this country to subdue them. obtaining cornelius rogers as interpreter, we set out on the th of november on our voyage of misery (as mckay justly denominated it), having a journey, by water and land, of not less than nine hundred and fifty miles, principally over open plains, covered with snow, and several times under the necessity of spending the night without wood or fire, other than what was made by a small growth of wild sage, hardly sufficient to boil the tea-kettle. the gentlemen, as we called at vancouver, did every thing in their power to make the journey comfortable, but evidently felt anxious concerning our safety. we reached the dalles, some two hundred and twenty miles from the pacific, on the th, having been detained by wind, spent several days with the methodist mission families, who welcomed us joyfully, and made our stay agreeable and refreshing. mrs. dr. whitman was here, having found it improper and unsafe to remain where she had been so lately grossly insulted. her noble and intellectual mind and spirit were much depressed, and her health suffering; but still entertaining for the people or indians of her charge the feelings of a mother toward ungrateful children. our visit encouraged her. we procured horses and traveled by land to wallawalla, miles above, reaching the hudson's bay establishment on the th. mr. mckinley, the gentleman in charge, to whom the missionaries are indebted for many kind offices in this isolated portion of earth, resolved to make it a common cause, and stand or fall with us. we reached wailatpu, the station of dr. whitman, the day following, and were shocked and pained at beholding the sad work of savage destruction upon this hitherto neat and commodious little establishment. the indians in the vicinity were few and shy. i thought best to treat them with reserve, but made an appointment to meet the chiefs and tribe on my return. left the day following for the station of mr. spalding among the nez percés, some or miles from wailatpu; reached it on the d of december, after a rather pleasant journey over a most verdant and delightful grazing district, well watered, but badly timbered. having sent a private dispatch in advance, they had conveyed the intelligence to the indians, many of whom were collected. the chiefs met us with civility, gravity, and dignified reserve, but the missionaries with joyful countenances and glad hearts. seldom was a visit of an indian agent more desired, nor could one be more necessary and proper. as they were collecting, we had no meeting for eight and forty hours; in the mean time, through my able interpreter and mckay, i managed to secure confidence and prepare the way to a good understanding; visited and prescribed for their sick, made a short call at each of the chiefs' lodges, spent a season in school, hearing them read, spell, and sing; at the same time examined their printing and writing, and can hardly avoid here saying i was happily surprised and greatly interested at seeing such numbers so far advanced and so eagerly pursuing after knowledge. the next day i visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but successfully carried on, so far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned; and it was most gratifying to witness their fondness and care for their little herds, pigs, poultry, etc. the hour arriving for the public interview, i was ushered into the presence of the assembled chiefs, to the number of twenty-two, with some lesser dignitaries, and a large number of the common people. the gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest was calculated to make for them a most favorable impression. i stated explicitly, but briefly as possible, the design of our great chief in sending me to this country, and the present object of my visit; assured them of the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad consequences that would ensue to any white man, from this time, who should invade their rights, by stealing, murder, selling them damaged for good articles, or alcohol, of which they are not fond. without threatening, i gave them to understand how highly mr. and mrs. spalding were prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great chief gave them a paper to encourage them to come here to teach them what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that they and their children might become good, wise, and happy. after me, mr. mckinley, the gentleman in charge of the hudson's bay establishment at wallawalla, spoke concisely, but very properly; alluded to his residence of some years, and of the good understanding that had generally existed between them, and of the happiness he felt that one of his brothers had come to stand and judge impartially between him, them, and whites and indians in general; declared openly and frankly, that boston, king george, and french, were all of one heart in this matter, as they, the cayuses and wallawallas should be; flattered them delicately in view of their (to him) unexpected advancement in the arts and sciences, and resumed his seat, having made a most favorable impression. next followed mr. rogers, the interpreter, who, years before, had been employed successfully as linguist in this section of the country by the american board of commissioners, and was ever a general favorite with this people. he adverted, sensibly and touchingly, to past difficulties between whites and indians east of the mountains, and the sad consequences to every tribe who had resisted honorable measures proposed by the more numerous whites; and having, as he hoped, secured their confidence in my favor, exhorted them feelingly to adopt such measures as should be thought proper for their benefit. next, and lastly, arose mr. mckay, and remarked, with a manner peculiar to himself, and evidently with some emotion: "i appear among you as one arisen from the long sleep of death. you know of the violent death of my father on board the ship _tonquin_, who was one of the partners of the astor company; i was but a youth; since which time, till the last five years, i have been a wanderer through these wilds, none of you, or any indians of this country, having traveled so constantly or extensively as i have, and yet i saw you or your fathers once or more annually. i have mingled with you in bloody wars and profound peace; i have stood in your midst, surrounded by plenty, and suffered with you in seasons of scarcity; we have had our days of wild and joyous sports, and nights of watching and deep concern, till i vanished from among men, left the hudson's bay company, silently retired to my plantation, and there confined myself. there i was still, silent, and as one dead; the voice of my brother, at last, aroused me; i spoke and looked; i mounted my horse--am here. i am glad it is so. i came at the call of the great chief, the chief of all the whites in the country, as well as all the indians--the son of the mighty chief whose children are more numerous than the stars in the heavens or the leaves in the forest. will you hear, and be advised? you will. your wonderful improvement in the arts and sciences prove you are no fools. surely you will hear; but if disposed to close your ears and stop them, they will be torn open wide, and you will be made to hear." this speech from mr. mckay, whose mother is part indian, though the wife of governor mclaughlin, had a singularly happy influence, and opened the way for expressions on the other side, from which there had not hitherto been a sentence uttered. first arose five crows, a wealthy chief of forty-five, neatly attired in english costume. he stepped gravely but modestly forward to the table, remarking: "it does not become me to speak first; i am but a youth, as yet, when compared with many of these, my fathers; but my feelings urge me to arise and say what i am about to utter in a very few words. i am glad the chief has come; i have listened to what has been said; have great hopes that brighter days are before us, because i see all the whites united in this matter; we have much wanted something; hardly knew what; been groping and feeling for it in confusion and darkness. here it is. do we see it, and shall we accept it?" soon the bloody chief (not less than ninety years old) arose, and said: "i speak to-day; perhaps to-morrow i die. i am the oldest chief of the tribe; was the high chief when your great brothers, lewis and clarke, visited this country; they visited me, and honored me with their friendship and counsel. i showed them my numerous wounds received in bloody battle with the snakes; they told me it was not good, it was better to be at peace; gave me a flag of truce; i held it up high; we met and talked, but never fought again. clarke pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion; we have long waited in expectation; sent three of our sons to red river school to prepare for it; two of them sleep with their fathers; the other is here, and can be ears, mouth, and pen for us. i can say no more; i am quickly tired; my voice and limbs tremble. i am glad i live to see you and this day, but i shall soon be still and quiet in death." the speech was affecting. six more spoke, and the meeting adjourned three hours. met at the hour appointed. all the chiefs and principal men being present, stated delicately the embarrassed relation existing between whites and indians in this upper country, by reason of a want of proper organization, or the chiefs' authority not being properly regarded; alluding to some cases of improprieties of young men, not sanctioned by the chiefs and old men; and where the chiefs had been in the wrong, hoped it had principally arisen from imperfectly understanding each other's language, or some other excusable cause, especially so far as they were concerned. advised them, as they were now to some extent prepared, to choose one high chief of the tribe, and acknowledge him as such by universal consent; all the other subordinate chiefs being of equal power, and so many helps to carry out all his lawful requirements, which they were at once to have in writing, in their own language, to regulate their intercourse with whites, and, in most cases, with themselves. i advised that each chief have five men as a body-guard, to execute all their lawful commands. they desired to hear the laws. i proposed them clause by clause, leaving them as free to reject as to accept. they were greatly pleased with all proposed, but wished a heavier penalty to some, and suggested the dog law, which was annexed. we then left them to choose the high chief, assuring them if they did this unanimously by the following day at ten, we would all dine together with the chief, on a fat ox, at three, himself and myself at the head of the table; this pleased them well, and they set about it in good cheer and high hopes; but this was a new and delicate task, and they soon saw and felt it; however, all agreed that i must make the selection, and so reported two hours after we left the council. assuring them this would not answer, that they must select their own chief, they seemed somewhat puzzled, and wished to know if it would be proper to counsel with messrs. mckay and rogers. on telling them that it was not improper, they left, a little relieved, and worked poor rogers and mckay severely for many hours; but altogether at length figured it out, and in great good humor, so reported at ten, appointing ellis high chief.[ ] he is the one alluded to by the bloody chief, a sensible man of thirty-two, reading, speaking, and writing the english language tolerably well; has a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than eleven hundred head of horses. then came on the feasting; our ox was fat, and cooked and served up in a manner reminding me of the days of yore; we ate beef, corn, and peas, to our fill, and in good cheer took the pipe, when rev. mr. spalding, messrs. mckinley, rogers, and mckay, wished a song from our boatmen; it was no sooner given than returned by the indians, and repeated again, again, and again, in high cheer. i thought it a good time, and required all having any claim to bring, or grievances to allege, against mr. spalding, to meet me and the high chief at evening, in the council-room, and requested mr. spalding to do the same on the part of the indians. we met at six, and ended at eleven, having accomplished, in the happiest manner, much anxious business. being too well fed to be irritable or disposed to quarrel, both parties were frank and open, seeming anxious only to learn our opinion upon plain undisguised matters of fact, many of the difficulties having arisen from an honest difference of sentiment respecting certain measures. [footnote ] he had been educated by the hudson's bay company at red river, and was strongly attached to it. ellis, the chief, having conducted himself throughout in a manner creditable to his head and heart, was quite as correct in his conclusions and firm in his decisions as could have been expected. the next day we had our last meeting, and one full of interest, in which they proposed to me many grave and proper questions; and, as it was manifestly desired, i advised in many matters, especially in reference to begging, or even receiving presents without, in some way, returning an equivalent; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the whites, and how regarded; and commended them for not once troubling me, during my stay, with this disgusting practice; and as a token of respect, now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, they would please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of fifty garden hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, but for the chiefs and mr. spalding to distribute among their industrious poor. i likewise, as they were very needy, proposed and ordered them some medicines, to be distributed as they should from time to time be required. this being done, i exhorted them to be in obedience to their chiefs, highly approving the choice they had made, assuring them, as he and the other chiefs were responsible to me for their good behavior, i should feel it my duty to see them sustained in all lawful measures to promote peace and order. i then turned, and with good effect desired all the chiefs to look upon the congregation as their own children, and then pointed to mr. spalding and lady, and told the chiefs, and all present, to look upon them as their father and mother, and treat them in all respects as such; and should they happen to differ in sentiment respecting any matter during my absence, be cautious not to differ in feeling, but leave it till i should again return, when the chief and myself would rectify it. thus closed this mutually happy and interesting meeting, and mounting our horses for home, mr. spalding and the chiefs accompanied us for some four or five miles, when we took leave of them in the pleasantest manner, not a single circumstance having occurred to mar our peace or shake each other's confidence. i shall here introduce a note, previously prepared, giving some further information respecting this tribe, and appending a copy of their laws. the nez percés have one governor or principal chief, twelve subordinate chiefs of equal power, being the heads of the different villages or clans, with their five officers to execute all their lawful orders, which law they have printed in their own language, and read understandingly. the chiefs are held responsible to the whites for the good behavior of the tribe. they are a happy and orderly people, forming an honorable exception to the general indian character, being more industrious, cleanly, sensible, dignified, and virtuous. this organization was effected last fall, and operates well, and with them, it is to be hoped, will succeed. a few days since governor mclaughlin favored me with a note addressed to him from the rev. h. h. spalding, missionary to this tribe, stating as follows:-- "the indians in this vicinity are remarkably quiet this winter, and are highly pleased with the laws recommended by dr. white, which were unanimously adopted by the chiefs and people in council assembled. the visit of dr. white and assistants to this upper country will evidently prove an incalculable blessing to this people. the school now numbers two hundred and twenty-four in daily attendance, embracing most of the chiefs and principal men of the nation." _laws of the nez percés._ article . whoever willfully takes life shall be hung. art. . whoever burns a dwelling-house shall be hung. art. . whoever burns an out-building shall be imprisoned six months, receive fifty lashes, and pay all damages. art. . whoever carelessly burns a house, or any property, shall pay damages. art. . if any one enter a dwelling, without permission of the occupant, the chiefs shall punish him as they think proper. public rooms are excepted. art. . if any one steal he shall pay back twofold; and if it be the value of a beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes; and if the value is over a beaver skin he shall pay back twofold, and receive fifty lashes. art. . if any one take a horse and ride it, without permission, or take any article and use it, without liberty, he shall pay for the use of it, and receive from twenty to fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct. art. . if any one enter a field, and injure the crops, or throw down the fence, so that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay all damages, and receive twenty-five lashes for every offense. art. . those only may keep dogs who travel or live among the game; if a dog kill a lamb, calf, or any domestic animal, the owner shall pay the damages and kill the dog. art. . if an indian raise a gun or other weapon against a white man, it shall be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish it. if a white do the same to an indian, it shall be reported to dr. white, and he shall punish or redress it. art. . if an indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his chiefs; if a white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent, and punished at his instance. after a severe journey of some four days, through the inclemency of the weather, we reached wailatpu, dr. whitman's station, where we had many most unpleasant matters to settle with the cayuse tribe,--such as personal abuse to dr. whitman and lady, burning the mill, etc. several, but not all, of the chiefs were present. learning what the nez percés had done gave them great concern and anxiety. tawatowe, the high chief, and feather cap were there, with some few more dignitaries, but manifestly uneasy, being shy and cautious. i thought best under the circumstances to be quiet, distant, and reserved, and let them commence the conversation with my worthy and faithful friends, rogers and mckay, who conducted it with characteristic firmness and candor. they had not proceeded far before feather cap, for the first time in his life, so far as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see me; said his heart was sick, and he could not live long as he now felt. tawatowe, who was no way implicated personally in the difficulties, and a correct man, continued for some time firm and steady to his purpose; said the whites were much more to blame than the indians; that three-fourths of them, though they taught the purest doctrines, practiced the greatest abominations,--alluding to the base conduct of many in the rocky mountains, where they meet them on their buffalo hunts during the summer season, and witness the greatest extravagances. they were shown the inapplicability of such instances to the present cases of difficulty. he, too, at last, was much subdued; wished to see me; was admitted; made a sensible speech in his own favor; said he was constituted, eight years before, high chief; entered upon its duties with spirit and courage, determined to reduce his people to order. he flogged the young men and reproved the middle-aged, till, having none to sustain him, his popularity had so declined, that, except in seasons of difficulty brought about by their improprieties, "i am left alone to say my prayers and go to bed, to weep over the follies and wickedness of my people." here his voice trembled, and he wept freely; acknowledged it as his opinion that the mill was burnt purposely by some disaffected persons toward dr. whitman. i spoke kindly and somewhat encouragingly to these chiefs; assured them the guilty only were to be regarded as such; and that candor was commendable, and would be honored by all the good; assured them i credited all they said, and deplored the state of their nation, which was in perfect anarchy and confusion; told them i could say but little to them now, as their chiefs were mostly abroad; but must say the shocking conduct of one of the chiefs toward mrs. whitman greatly afflicted me; and that, with the destruction of the mill, and their abominable conduct toward dr. whitman, if not speedily settled, would lead to the worst of consequences to their tribe. i made an engagement, to meet them and all the tribe on the th of the ensuing april, to adjust differences and come to a better understanding, they earnestly wishing to adopt such laws as the nez percés had done. we should probably have accomplished a satisfactory settlement, had not several of the influential chiefs been too far away to get information of the meeting. we reached wascopum on december , the indians being in great excitement, having different views and impressions respecting the nature of the approaching visit. we spent four days with them, holding meetings daily, instructing them in the nature of government, civil relations, domestic duties, etc. succeeded, in like happy manner, with them as with the nez percés, they unanimously adopting the same code of laws. late information from one of their missionaries you will see in the following note from mr. h. b. brewer:-- "the indians of this place intend to carry out the regulations you left them to the letter. they have been quite engaged in cutting logs for houses, and live in expectation of better dwellings by and by. for the least transgression of the laws, they are punished by their chiefs immediately. the clean faces of some, and the tidy dresses of others, show the good effects of your visit." and here allow me to say, except at wascopum, the missionaries of this upper country are too few in number at their respective stations, and in too defenseless a state for their own safety, or the best good of the indians, the latter taking advantage of these circumstances, to the no small annoyance, and, in some instances, greatly endangering the personal safety, of the former. you will see its bearings upon this infant colony, and doubtless give such information or instructions to the american board of commissioners, or myself, as will cause a correction of this evil. it has already occasioned some difficulty and much cost. i have insisted upon an increase of numbers at mr. spalding's mission, which has accordingly been re-enforced by mr. littlejohn and lady, rendering that station measurably secure; but not so at wailatpu, or some of the catholic missions, where some of them lost a considerable amount in herds during last winter, and, i am told, were obliged to abandon their posts, their lives being endangered. this was in the interior, near the blackfoot country. you will observe, from the reports of the different missions, which, so far as i am otherwise informed, are correct, that they are doing some positive good in the country, not only by diffusing the light of science abroad among us, but also by giving employment to many, and, by their drafts upon the different boards and others, creating a circulating medium in this country; but, though they make comparatively slow progress in the way of reform among the aborigines of this country, their pious and correct example has a most restraining influence upon both whites and indians, and in this way they prevent much evil. they have in successful operation six schools. rev. mr. and mrs. spalding (whose zeal and untiring industry for the benefit of the people of their charge entitle them to our best considerations) have a school of some two hundred and twenty-four, in constant attendance, most successfully carried forward, which promises to be of great usefulness to both sexes and all ages. rev. messrs. walker and eells i have not been at leisure to visit, but learn they have two small schools in operation; the one at wailatpu, dr. whitman's station, is now recommenced with promise of usefulness. the rev. mr. blanchet and associates, though zealous catholics, are peaceable, industrious, indefatigable, and successful in promoting religious knowledge among the canadian population and aborigines of this country. their enterprise in the erection of mills and other public works is very commendable, and the general industry, good order, and correct habits of that portion of the population under their charge is sufficient proof that their influence over their people has been exerted for good.[ ] the rev. mr. lee and associates, from their well-conducted operations at the dalles; upon the columbia, and a school of some thirty scholars successfully carried forward upon the wallamet, are doing but little for the indians; nor could great efforts produce much good among the scattered remnants of the broken tribes of this lower district, who are fast disappearing before the ravages of the most loathsome diseases. their principal hopes of success in this country are among the whites, where they are endeavoring to lay deep and broad the foundations of science. the literary institution referred to by mr. lee is situated upon a beautiful rising ground, a healthy and eligible location. could a donation of five thousand dollars be bestowed upon the institution, it would greatly encourage its friends. the donations made by individuals of this country have been most liberal, several giving one-third of all they possessed. there is a small school established at tualatin plains by rev. mr. clark and lady. there is also a school at the catholic mission, upon the wallamet, and also one upon their station at cowlitz. for further information i will refer you to the reports made, at my request, by the several missions, and accompanying these dispatches. [footnote ] this statement about rev. mr. blanchet and associates, "their enterprise in erecting mills end other public works," shows how easy it was for the agent to belittle his own countrymen's labors, and attribute to others what they never attempted to do, and in the next paragraph say they "are doing but little for the indians;" while the truth is, and was at the time, that mr. lee and his mission were the only persons in the wallamet valley doing any thing to improve the condition of the indians, of which their indian school, now wallamet university, is a permanent monument, which dr. white ignores in this report. * * * * * i must close by praying that measures may be speedily entered into to take possession of this country, if such steps have not already been taken. i left home before the close of the session of congress, and by reason do not know what disposition was made of hon. mr. linn's bill. as a reason for this praying, i would here say, the time was when the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company and the missions wielded the entire influence over this small population; but as they have been re-enforced latterly from whale ships, the rocky mountains, and the southwestern states, these hitherto salutary restraints and influences are giving way, and being measurably lost. at present i have considerable influence, but can not long expect to retain it, especially in the faithful discharge of my duty. as a reason for coming to such a conclusion, i had but just arrived from the interior, when i received an urgent call to visit the mouth of the columbia. i left at once, in company with nathaniel crocker, esq., mr. rogers (my interpreter), his lady, and her young sister (the females going only to the falls), with a crew of indians, on our ill-fated expedition. we reached the falls at sunset, february , and, by reason of the water being higher than usual, in passing around a jutting or projecting rock, the canoe came up suddenly against a log constituting the landing, at which instant i stepped off, and in a moment the canoe was swept away, with all its precious cargo, over the falls of thirty-eight feet, three rods below. the shock was dreadful to this infant colony, and the loss was dreadful and irreparable to me, mr. rogers being more important to me than any one in the country; nor was there a more respectable or useful man in the colony. nathaniel crocker came in with me last fall from tompkins county; he was much pleased with the country and its prospects, and the citizens were rejoiced at the arrival of such a man in this country; he was every way capacitated for usefulness. none of the bodies of the four whites or two indians have been as yet found. * * * * * on arriving at the mouth of the columbia, i found a sailor by the name of george geere, who had most evidently and maliciously labored to instigate the indians to take the life of one of the mission gentlemen, by the offer of five blankets. complaint being made, and having no better means, i prevailed upon governor mclaughlin to allow him to accompany their express across the mountains to the states. i would here say, as the scamp was nearly a fool as well as villain, i allowed him to go without sending evidence against him, on condition of his going voluntarily, and never returning. i here likewise found a rash, venturesome character, about starting off on a trapping and trading excursion among a somewhat numerous band of indians, and nowise well disposed toward the whites. as he saw and felt no danger, arguments were of no avail, and threats only prevented. sir, shall men be allowed to go wherever they may please, however remote from the colony, and settle, under circumstances that endanger not only their own personal safety, but the peace and safety of the whole white population? please give me specific instructions respecting this matter. * * * * * i have eight prisoners on hand at present, for various crimes, principally stealing horses, grain, etc.; and crimes are multiplying with numbers among the whites, and with scarcity of game among the indians. * * * * * no intelligence from abroad has reached us this winter. mount st. helen, one of these snow-capped volcanic mountains, some , feet above the level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of vancouver, broke out upon the th of november last, presenting a scene the most awful and sublime imaginable, scattering smoke and ashes several hundred miles distance. a petition started from this country to-day, making bitter complaints against the hudson's bay company and governor mclaughlin. on reference to it (as a copy was denied), i shall only say, had any gentleman disconnected with the hudson's bay company been at half the pains and expense to establish a claim on the wallamet falls, very few would have raised an opposition. his half-bushel measure i know to be exact, according to the english imperial standard. the gentlemen of this company have been fathers and fosterers of the colony, ever encouraging peace, industry, and good order, and have sustained a character for hospitality and integrity too well established to be easily shaken. i am, sir, sincerely and most respectfully, your humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. t. hartley crawford, esq., commissioner indian affairs. chapter xxxi. letter of h. h. spalding to dr. white.--account of his mission among the nez percés.--schools.--cultivation.--industrial arts.--moral character.--arable land.--letter of commissioner of indian affairs to the secretary of war. my dear brother,--the kind letter which our mission had the honor of receiving from yourself, making inquiries relative to its numbers, the character of the indian tribes among whom its several stations are located, the country, etc., is now before me. the questions referring to indian character are very important, and to answer them demands a more extended knowledge of character and habits, from personal daily observation, than the short residence of six years can afford, and more time and attention than i can possibly command, amidst the numerous cares and labors of the station. i less regret this, as the latter will receive the attention of my better-informed and worthy associates of the other stations. concerning many of the questions, i can only give my own half-formed opinions, from limited observations which have not extended far beyond the people of my immediate charge. our mission is under the patronage of the american board, and was commenced in the fall of , by marcus whitman, m. d., and myself, with our wives and mr. gray. dr. whitman was located at wailatpu, among the cayuse indians, twenty-five miles east of fort wallawalla, a trading-post of the hudson's bay company, which stands nine miles below the junction of lewis and clarke rivers, three hundred from the pacific, and about two hundred from fort vancouver. i was located at this place, on the clearwater, or koos-koos-ky river, twelve miles from its junction with the lewis river, one hundred and twenty miles east of wailatpu. mr. gray left the same winter, and returned to the states. in the fall of , mr. gray returned to this country, accompanied by mrs. gray, messrs. walker, eells, and smith, and their wives, and mr. rogers. the next season, two new stations were commenced, one by messrs. walker and eells at cimakain, near spokan river, among the spokan indians, one hundred and thirty-five miles northwest of this station, and sixty-five miles south of fort colville, on the columbia river, three hundred miles above fort wallawalla; the second by mr. smith, among the nez percés, sixty miles above this station. there are now connected with this mission the rev. messrs. walker and eells, mrs. walker and mrs. eells; at cimakain, myself, and mrs. spalding at this station. dr. whitman is now on a visit to the states, and mrs. whitman on a visit to the dalles, a station of our methodist brethren. but two natives have as yet been admitted into the church. some ten or twelve others give pleasing evidence of having been born again. concerning the schools and congregations on the sabbath, i will speak only of this station. the congregation on the sabbath varies at different seasons of the year, and must continue to do so until the people find a substitute in the fruits of the earth and herds for their roots, game, and fish, which necessarily require much wandering. i am happy to say that this people are very generally turning their attention, with much apparent eagerness, to cultivating the soil, and raising hogs, cattle, and sheep, and find a much more abundant and agreeable source of subsistence in the hoe than in their bows and sticks for digging roots. for a few weeks in the fall, after the people return from their buffalo hunt, and then again, in the spring, the congregation numbers from one to two thousand. through the winter it numbers from two to eight hundred. from july to the st of october, it varies from two to five hundred. the congregation, as also the school, increases every winter, as the quantity of provision raised in this vicinity is increased. preparatory to schools and a permanent congregation, my earliest attention, on arriving in this country, was turned toward schools, as promising the most permanent good to the nation, in connection with the written word of god and the preached gospel. but to speak of schools then was like speaking of the church bell, when as yet the helve is not put in the first ax by which the timber is to be felled, or the first stone laid in the dam which is to collect the water from whence the lumber in the edifice in which the bell is to give forth its sounds. suffice it to say, through the blessing of god, we have had an increasingly large school, for two winters past, with comparatively favorable means of instruction. but the steps by which we have been brought to the present elevation, if i may so speak, though we are yet exceedingly low, begin far, far back among the days of nothing, and little to do with. besides eating my own bread by the sweat of my brow, there were the wandering children of a necessarily wandering people to collect and bring permanently within the reach of the school. over this department of labor hung the darkest cloud, as the indian is noted for despising manual labor; but i would acknowledge, with humble gratitude, the interposition of that hand which holds the hearts of all men. the hoe soon brought hope, light, and satisfaction, the fruits of which are yearly becoming much more than a substitute for their former precarious game and roots, and are much preferred by the people, who are coming in from the mountains and plains, and calling for hoes, plows, and seeds, much faster than they can be furnished, and collecting around the station in increasing numbers, to cultivate their little farms; so furnishing a permanent school and congregation on the sabbath, from four to eight months, and, as the farms are enlarged, giving food and employment for the year. i trust the school and congregation will be permanent through the year. it was no small tax on my time to give the first lessons on agriculture. that the men of the nation (the first chiefs not excepted) rose up to labor when a few hoes and seeds were offered them, i can attribute to nothing but the unseen hand of the god of missions. that their habits are really changed is acknowledged by themselves. the men say, whereas they once did not labor with their hands, now they do; and often tell me in jesting that i have converted them into a nation of women. they are a very industrious people, and, from very small beginnings, they now cultivate their lands with much skill, and to good advantage. doubtless many more would cultivate, but for the want of means. your kind donation of fifty hoes, in behalf of the government, will be most timely; and should you be able to send up the plows you kindly proposed, they will, without doubt, be purchased immediately, and put to the best use. but to return to the school. it now numbers two hundred and twenty-five in daily attendance, half of which are adults. nearly all the principal men and chiefs in this vicinity, with one chief from a neighboring tribe, are members of the school. a new impulse was given to the school by the warm interest yourself and mr. mckay took in it while you were here. they are as industrious in school as they are on their farms. their improvement is astonishing, considering their crowded condition, and only mrs. spalding, with her delicate constitution and her family cares, for their teacher. about one hundred are printing their own books with a pen. this keeps up a deep interest, as they daily have new lessons to print, and what they print must be committed to memory as soon as possible. a good number are now so far advanced in reading and printing as to render much assistance in teaching. their books are taken home at nights, and every lodge becomes a schoolroom. their lessons are scripture lessons; no others (except the laws) seem to interest them. i send you a specimen of the books they print in school. it was printed by ten select adults, yet it is a fair specimen of a great number in the school. the laws which you so happily prepared, and which were unanimously adopted by the people, i have printed in the form of a small school-book. a great number of the school now read them fluently. i send you a few copies of the laws, with no apologies for the imperfect manner in which they are executed. without doubt, a school of nearly the same number could be collected at kimiah, the station above this, vacated by mr. smith, the present residence of ellis, the principal chief. _number who cultivate._--last season about one hundred and forty cultivated from one-fourth of an acre to four or five acres each. about half this number cultivate in the valley. one chief raised one hundred and seventy-six bushels of peas last season, one hundred of corn, and four hundred of potatoes. another, one hundred and fifty of peas, one hundred and sixty of corn, a large quantity of potatoes, vegetables, etc. ellis, i believe, raised more than either of the above-mentioned. some forty other individuals raised from twenty to one hundred bushels of grain. eight individuals are now furnished with plows. thirty-two head of cattle are possessed by thirteen individuals; ten sheep by four; some forty hogs. _arts and sciences._--mrs. spalding has instructed ten females in knitting, a majority of the female department in the schools in sewing, six in carding and spinning, and three in weaving. should our worthy brother and sister, mr. and mrs. littlejohn, join us soon, as is now expected, i trust, by the blessing of god, we shall see greater things than we have yet seen. from what i have seen in the field, the school, the spinning and weaving room, in the prayer-room, and sabbath congregation, i am fully of the opinion that this people are susceptible of high moral and civil improvement. _moral character of the people._--on this point there is a great diversity of opinion. one writer styles them more a nation of saints than of savages; and if their refusing to move camp for game, at his suggestion, on a certain day, reminded him that the sabbath extended as far west as the rocky mountains, he might well consider them such. another styles them supremely selfish, which is nearer the truth; for, without doubt, they are the descendants of adam. what i have above stated is evidently a part of the bright side of their character. but there is also a dark side, in which i have sometimes taken a part. i must, however, confess that when i attempt to name it, and hold it up as a marked exception to a nation in similar circumstances, without the restraint of wholesome laws, and strangers to the heaven-born fruits of enlightened and well-regulated society, i am not able to do it. faults they have, and very great ones, yet few of them seemed disposed to break the sabbath by traveling and other secular business. a very few indulge in something like profane swearing. very few are superstitiously attached to their medicine men, who are, without doubt, sorcerers, and are supposed to be leagued with a supernatural being (waikin), who shows himself sometimes in the gray bear, the wolf, the swan, goose, wind, clouds, etc. lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare; polygamy formerly common, but now rare; much gambling among the young men; quarreling and fighting quite rare; habit of taking back property after it is sold is a practice quite common, and very evil in its tendency. all these evils, i conceive, can be traced to the want of wholesome laws and well-regulated society. there are two traits in the character of this people i wish to notice. one i think i can account for; the other i can not. it is often said the indian is a noble-minded being, never forgetting a kindness. so far as my experience has gone with this people, the above is most emphatically true, but in quite a different sense from the idea there conveyed. it is true they never forget a kindness, but after make it an occasion to ask another; and if refused, return insults according to the favors received. my experience has taught me that, if i would keep the friendship of an indian, and do him good, i must show him no more favor in the way of property than what he returns some kind of an equivalent for; most of our trials have arisen from this source. i am, however, happy to feel that there is a manifest improvement as the people become more instructed, and we become more acquainted with their habits. this offensive trait in the indian character i believe, in part, should be charged to the white man. it has been the universal practice of all white men to give tobacco, to name no other article, to indians when they ask for it. hence two very natural ideas: one is, that the white man is in debt to them; the other is, that in proportion as a white man is a good man he will discharge this debt by giving bountifully of his provisions and goods. this trait in indian character is capable of being turned to the disadvantage of traders, travelers, and missionaries, by prejudiced white men. the last trait, which i can not account for, is an apparent disregard for the rights of white men. although their eagerness to receive instruction in school on the sabbath and on the farm is without a parallel in my knowledge, still, should a reckless fellow from their own number, or even a stranger, make an attack on my life or property, i have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on with indifference and see our dwelling burnt to the ground and our heads severed from our bodies. i can not reconcile this seeming want of gratitude with their many encouraging characteristics. but to conclude this subject, should our unprofitable lives, through a kind providence, be spared a few years, by the blessing of the god of missions, we expect to see this people christianized to a great extent, civilized, and happy, with much of science and the word of god, and many of the comforts of life; but not without many days of hard labor, and sore trials of disappointed hopes, and nameless perplexities. the number of this people is variously estimated from two thousand to four thousand. i can not give a correct estimate. at this station there is a dwelling-house, a schoolhouse, storehouse, flour and saw mills (all of a rough kind), fifteen acres of land under improvement, twenty-four head of cattle, thirty-six horses, sixty-seven sheep. rev. messrs. walker and eells, i hope, will report of wailatpu; but should they fail, i will say, as near as i can recollect, about fifty acres of land are cultivated by some seventy individuals; a much greater number of cattle and hogs than among this people. belonging to the station are thirty-four head of cattle, eleven horses, some forty hogs; one dwelling-house of adobes (well finished), a blacksmith's shop, flour-mill (lately destroyed by fire), and some forty acres of land cultivated. _arable land._--the arable land in this upper country is confined almost entirely to the small streams, although further observation may prove that many of the extensive rolling prairies are capable of producing wheat. they can become inhabited only by cultivating timber; but the rich growth of buffalo grass upon them will ever furnish an inexhaustible supply for innumerable herds of cattle and sheep. i know of no country in the world so well adapted to the herding system. cattle, sheep, and horses are invariably healthy, and produce rapidly; sheep usually twice a year. the herding system adopted, the country at first put under regulations adapted to the scarcity of habitable places (say that no settlers shall be allowed to take up over twenty acres of land on the streams), and the country without doubt will sustain a great population. i am happy to feel assured that the united states government have no other thoughts than to regard the rights and wants of the indian tribes in this country. and while the agency of indian affairs in this country remains in the hands of the present agent, i have the fullest confidence to believe that the reasonable expectations in reference to the intercourse between whites and indians will be fully realized by every philanthropist and every christian. but as the indian population is sparse, after they are abundantly supplied, there will be remaining country sufficient for an extensive white population. the thought of removing these tribes, that the country may come wholly in possession of the whites, can never for a moment enter the mind of a friend of the red man, for two reasons, to name no other: first, there are but two countries to which they can be removed, the grave and the blackfoot, between which there is no choice; second, the countless millions of salmon which swarm the columbia and its tributaries, and furnish a very great proportion of the sustenance of the tribes who dwell upon these numerous waters, and a substitute for which can nowhere be found east or west of the rocky mountains, but in herds or cultivating their own land.---- your humble servant, h. h. spalding. dr. white, agent for indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. * * * * * department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} communications have been received from dr. elijah white, sub-agent for the indians in oregon territory, dated, severally, november , , and march , .----they contain much of interest in considerable detail. the establishment of white settlements from the united states, in that remote region, seems to be attended with the circumstances that have always arisen out of the conversion of an american wilderness into a cultivated and improved region, modified by the great advance of the present time in morals, and benevolent and religious institutions. it is very remarkable that there should be so soon several well-supported, well-attended, and well-conducted schools in oregon. the nez percé tribe of indians have adopted a few simple and plain laws of their code, which will teach them self-restraint, and is the beginning of government on their part. it is painful, however, to know that a distillery for the manufacture of whisky was erected and in operation west of the rocky mountains, which, however, the sub-agent, sustained by the resident whites, broke up and destroyed. there was, in february last, an affray between a very boisterous and desperate indian and his party and a portion of the settlers, which ended in the death of several of the combatants. this unfortunate affair was adjusted, as it is hoped, satisfactorily and permanently, by the sub-agent, though he seems to apprehend an early outbreak. i trust he is mistaken. respectfully submitted, t. hartley crawford. hon. william wilkins, secretary of war. chapter xxxii. dr. e. white's letter to the secretary of war.--excitement among the indians.--visit to nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--destitution and degradation of the coast indians.--dr. white eulogizes governor mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company.--schools and missions.--mr. jesse applegate.--dr. white's second letter.--letters of peter h. hatch and w. h. wilson.--seizure of a distillery.--search for liquor.--letter of james d. saules.--fight with indians.--death of cockstock.--description and character of him.--the molallos and klamaths.--agreement with the dalles indians.--presents to cockstock's widow.--dr. white's third letter.--letter of rev. g. hines to dr. white.--letter of w. medill. wallamet valley, oregon,} november , .} honored sir,--since my arrival, i have had the honor of addressing you some three or four communications, the last of which left early in april, conveyed by the hudson's bay company's express over the rocky mountains, _via_ canada, which i hope and judge was duly received. immediately after this, i received several communications from missionaries of the interior, some from the methodists and others from those sent out by the american board, representing the indians of the interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. the excitement soon became general, both among whites and indians, in this lower as well upper district; and such were the constantly floating groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citizens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of the colony. as in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained and expressed,--some pleading for me, at the expense of the general government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the colony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we might be prepared for extremities. others thought it more advisable for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. a third party entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure. as may be imagined, i felt the awkwardness of my position; but, without stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible clergyman and a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so managed as to throw myself immediately into their midst unobserved. the measure had the desired effect,--though, as in my report i will more fully inform you, it had like to have cost me my life. the indians flocked around me, and inquired after my party, and could not be persuaded for some time, but that i had a large party concealed somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to open a fire upon and cut them all off at a blow. on convincing them of my defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions, having learned i was soon to visit them with a large armed party, with hostile intentions, and i actually found them suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the indians; each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last, though, fortunately, some three or four hundred miles apart.[ ] [footnote ] who were the instigators of these alarms among the indians? the day following, we left these wallawallas and cayuses, to pay a visit to the nez percés, promising to call on our return, and enter into a treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to give general notice to all concerned of both tribes. in two days we were at mr. spalding's station. the nez percés came together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for years, and all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us most cordially. their improvement during the winter in reading, writing, etc., was considerable, and the enlargement of their plantations, with the increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of grains and products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the better state of cultivation and their universally good fences, were certainly most encouraging. spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to visit with me the cayuses and wallawallas, and assist by their influence to bring them into the same regulation they had previously adopted, and with which all were so well pleased. mr. spalding, and ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their women, accompanied us to wailatpu, doctor whitman's station, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the cayuses and wallawallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the cayuses into the civil compact; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the satisfaction of both whites and indians, i ordered two fat oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly.---- this was the first feast at which the indian women of this country were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased with it; and i believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by private instruction. the feast broke up in the happiest manner, after five crows, the cayuse chief, ellis, and the old war chief of whom i made particular mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with clarke and a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was done by all in great good humor. from this we proceeded to the dalles on the columbia river, where i spent two months in instructing the indians of different tribes, who either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, as they denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well, giving them greater security among themselves, and helping much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. being exceedingly anxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, i begged money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women, for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clad at divine service, and a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast i ordered them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present. during these two months i labored hard, visiting many of their sick daily; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, i am satisfied good was done. they gave evidence of attachment; and my influence was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly understood, by reason of my remaining so long among them. during my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in almost all respects the iowa code. in this i was consulted, and encouraged the measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the collection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse among the whites. thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answering well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is doubtful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind. the indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give considerable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. in mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of covering; lost to the use of the bow and arrow; laughed at, scoffed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the surrounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking generally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale. were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign predominant among us. but thus far, it is but just to say, the indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggressors; and though none of us now apprehend an indian war or invasion, it appears to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other indians of this country. i am doing what i can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with them in their numerous afflictions, and occasionally feeding, feasting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chiefs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my influence among them, unless the means are put in my hands to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. _good words_, _kind looks_, and _medicine_ have some _power_; but, honored and very dear sir, _you_ and _i_ know they do not tell with indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. sir, i know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the withering indian tribes, in which god knows how fully and heartily i am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far as possible, render to these indians an equivalent for their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire-arms coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for which they suffer. but, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. many are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man's policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom; and come to me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and floating it to the falls of the wallamet, and getting large sums for it; some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the intruders. so, sir, you see already i have my hands, head, and heart full; and if as yet i have succeeded in giving satisfaction,--as many hundreds that neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of the indians, are now flocking in,--something more must be done, and that speedily, or a storm ensues. i remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general interest and duty to themselves will admit. the large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with _their herds_, having left the wagons at wallawalla and the dalles, which they intend to bring by land or water to the wallamet in the spring. whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. they are greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. mr. applegate, who has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such portions of missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty and the finest soil he has seen. the settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good this season. the little unhappy difference between the american settlers and the hudson's bay company, arising from the last spring's petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet,--both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at present. and here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the columbia to the wallamet, entitle governor mclaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the members of our government. and i hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world. the last year's report, in which was incorporated mr. linn's oregon speech and captain spalding's statements of hundreds of unoffending indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, and is utterly without foundation,--no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves more judiciously among indians than they uniformly have done in this country; and i am of the governor's opinion, who declares, openly, there have not been ten indians killed by whites in this whole region west of fort hall, for the last twenty years, nor do i know of that number, and two of those were killed by our citizens. what were destroyed by the hudson's bay company suffered for willful murder, none pretending a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.[ ] [footnote ] this statement of dr. white's shows his disposition to misrepresent his own countrymen, to favor the hudson's bay company and the foreign subjects who were disposed to flatter his vanity. there are now four schools kept in the colony, of which i shall speak more fully in my annual report: one at the tualatin plains, under the direction and auspices of the rev. mr. clark, a self-supporting missionary; a second (french and english) school is in successful operation by mr. blanchet, roman catholic missionary to this colony; a third is well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the wallamet; a fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the methodist board of missions, for the benefit of indian youth, of which mr. lee will speak particularly. the location is healthy, eligible, and beautiful, and the noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and agents that founded it. and while here, allow me to say, mr. jesse applegate, from missouri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of which will be presented to the consideration of the members of our government, for acceptance or otherwise, of which i have but little to say, as i entertain no doubt but mr. lee's representation will be most faithful. should the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much effected for the benefit of the indians, i am not with him; for, with all that has been expended, without doubting the correctness of the intention, it is most manifest to every observer that the indians of this lower country, as a whole, have been very little benefited. they were too far gone with scrofula and venereal. but should he insist, as a reason of his claim, the benefit arising to the colony and country, i am with him heartily; and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this country has been increased more by the mission operations than twice its amount in finance; besides, much has been done in advancing civilization, temperance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of the evils that must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence of all moral restraint. mr. lee was among the first pioneers to this distant land, has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen with its rise; and it is but just to say, he and his associates are exerting a considerable and most salutary influence all abroad among us. i hope his reception will be such that he will return from washington cheered and encouraged to pursue his benevolent operations in this country. the catholic and the different protestant missions have been prosperous during the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the whites as could, from their different pursuits, have been expected.---- great expectations are entertained, from the fact that mr. linn's bill has passed the senate; and as it has been so long before the public, and favorably entertained at washington, should it at last fail of passing the lower house, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have been induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all, in oregon. as to the claim for the oregon institute, i need say nothing, having said enough in my last report; but, as that may have failed in reaching, i would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, and the site fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and beautiful. i leave this subject with mr. lee and the members of our liberal government, not doubting but that all will be done for this institute, and otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and broad the foundation of science and literature in this country.---- respectfully yours, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. * * * * * wallamet, march , . sir,--on the evening of the st february, the two following letters came to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the wallamet, distance forty miles:-- "wallamet falls, january , . "dear sir,--the undersigned would take this occasion to inform you that there have been of late in this place some few cases of intoxication from the effects of ardent spirits. it is currently reported that it is distilled in this place, and the undersigned have good reason to credit such reports. while, therefore, the undersigned will not trouble you, sir, with a detailed exposition of the facts, they must be permitted to express their deliberate conviction that that which has inflicted so much injury upon the morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, ought not to be permitted to be manufactured in this country under any circumstances. and your attention is respectfully invited to this subject. "we have the honor to be, dear sir, "peter h. hatch, president. "a. l. lovejoy, vice-president. "a. f. waller, secretary. "dr. e. white, "sub-agent for indian affairs, oregon territory." "wallamet falls, january , . "dear sir,--i do not know but you have been written to already on the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading, withering, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our race since the fall of adam. as much as we regret it, deplore it, and anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and men, or rather biped brutes, get drunk. now, we believe if there is any thing that calls your attention in your official capacity, or any thing in which you would be most cordially supported by the good sense and prompt action of the better part of the community, it is the present case. we do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best, begging pardon for intrusions. "i am, dear sir, yours truly, "w. h. wilson. "elijah white, esq., "sub-agent oregon territory." i accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached the falls at sunset. without delay, i secured the criminal and his distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the wallamet river. i put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of the case would admit,--$ ,--few being willing to be his bondsmen even for this amount. mr. pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being accused of keeping and selling wine and brandy, i searched, and found, as he had acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel of port wine, which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only for medicinal purposes; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, i required the delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the inclosed bond, which was most cheerfully and cordially given,--amount $ , . i searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the citizens, but found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. since this period, no attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend liquors; and the great majority of the colonists come warmly to my support in this matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our community. on the evening of february , i received the following communication, accompanied by corroboratory statements from mr. foster, of oregon city:-- "wallamet falls, february , . "sir,--i beg leave to inform you that there is an indian about this place, of the name of cockstock, who is in the habit of making continual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and who has also murdered several indians lately. he has conducted himself lately in so outrageous a manner, that mr. winslow anderson has considered himself in personal danger, and on that account has left his place, and come to reside at the falls of the wallamet; and were i in circumstances that i could possibly remove from my place, i would certainly remove also, but am so situated that it is not possible for me to do so. i beg, therefore, that you, sir, will take into consideration the propriety of ridding the country of a villain, against the depredations of whom none can be safe, as it is impossible to guard against the lurking attacks of the midnight murderer. i have, therefore, taken the liberty of informing you that i shall be in expectation of a decided answer from you on or before the th of march next; after that date, i shall consider myself justified in acting as i shall see fit, on any repetition of the threats made by the before-mentioned indian or his party. "i am, etc., with respect, "james d. saules. "dr. e. white, superintendent, etc." as i well knew all the individuals concerned, i resolved to repair immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the indian without bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes in this part of the territory, though a very dangerous and violent character. accordingly i started, and reaching the falls on the following evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure him while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a prisoner without resistance. the evening was stormy, and the distance some eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad streams to cross. being on foot, my party declined the attempt till morning,--a circumstance i much regretted; yet, having no military force, i was compelled to yield. in the morning i headed the party of ten men to take this indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to surprise and secure him without fighting,--enjoining my men, from many considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense. unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered, and the indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest, they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little more rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. cockstock had sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his blood. having no other means of securing him, i offered $ reward to any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as i wished to convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the nez percés and cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in inflicting a just sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved from an indian war, so much to be dreaded in our present weak and defenseless condition. some six days subsequent, cockstock and his party, six in all, came into town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded pistols, and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them out of his bosom or hand. he and his party were horridly painted, and rode about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies, construed it, the whole town at defiance. the citizens endured it for several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the river, and entered the indian village opposite, and, as the chief states, labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn down the town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible. failing in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much doubted by some, as the chief and whole indian village were inimical to him, and doubtless wished, as he was a "brave," to make the whites the instrument of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and recrossed the river, as other indians state, for the purpose of calling the whites to an explanation for pursuing him with hostile intentions. by this time, the excitement had become intense with all classes and both sexes among the whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in confusion and disorder toward the point where the indians were landing,--some to take him alive and get the reward; others to shoot him at any risk to themselves, the wealthiest men in town promising to stand by them to the amount of $ , each. with these different views, and no concert of action, and many running merely to witness the affray, the indians were met at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously on both sides, each party accusing the other of firing first. in the midst of a hot firing on both sides, mr. george w. le breton, a respectable young man, rushed unarmed upon cockstock, after the discharge of one or more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. a scuffle ensued, in which he fell with the indian, crying out instantly, "he is killing me with his knife." at this moment a mulatto man ran up, named winslow anderson, and dispatched cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. in the mean time the other indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly escaped. two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with arrows (mr. wilson slightly in the hip, and mr. rogers in the muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. the five indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again commenced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. attention was soon directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the indians were soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray. mr. le breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed immediately to vancouver, where he received every attention; but the canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three days from the moment of the horrid disaster. mr. rogers lived but one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of his arm. mr. wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not considered in a safe condition. this unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the colony, and all abroad among the indians of this lower district. now, while i am penning these lines, i am completely surrounded by at least seventy armed indians, just down from the dalles of the columbia, many of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the falls of the wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to extort a present for the loss of their brother. they appear well affected toward me; remarkably so, though armed to the teeth, and painted horridly. i am every moment expecting my interpreter, when i shall probably learn particulars respecting their intentions. in the mean time, i will give a few particulars respecting this deceased indian's previous course, which led to the disaster, showing how much we need authorities and discipline in this country. as it is said, a negro hired cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a certain horse. before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and land claim to another negro, the indian finishing his time with the purchaser, according to agreement. learning, however, to his chagrin and mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly; did so, and this led to a year's contention, many threats, some wounds, and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the horrors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. it was this identical cockstock that occasioned much of the excitement last spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection. i saw and had an interview with the indians in june following, and settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily; but, four months subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among the indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the house of the rev. h. k. w. perkins, seizing his person, and attempting to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in november last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and all, of my house and office, with the breech of his gun; and it is but just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. he next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder; his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further violence. i returned late in the evening,--this having occurred at three p.m.--when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though i pursued them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and as long after as we could trace them. this was regarded as a great outrage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community: especially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. some four weeks subsequently, fifteen indians came riding into the neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. i was the first, with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were molallas and klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. as this is quite out of their province, the proper homes of the klamaths being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the molallas, with whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the cascade mountains, a distance of from forty to eighty miles, i resolved at once to turn their visit to account; sent my steward to chief caleb's lodge, where all had arrived, he being a callapooya, and with his band having previously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as i wished to see them and had some interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. the chiefs called in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and happy as caleb. of this i took no notice, but entered into cheerful conversation with caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation and herds. when we reached the cattle, i, as by accident, or incidentally, asked caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. answering in the negative, i told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. i need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and caleb the happiest man in the world. now the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began to relax; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about leaving for caleb's camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me that they came over with very different feelings from what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to caleb's advice, and called upon me. professing to be very much engaged at the moment, i told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the following morning, i would come with my friend, mr. applegate, and make them a call. they feasted to the full, and i found them in fine humor, and in a better condition to smoke than fight. after some casual conversation i asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact; and, while they were discussing the subject, this indian (cockstock) came first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, though i had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately broken to pieces the windows in my house and office. they had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. they engaged to meet me on the th march, with the residue of their people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. the party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. as a part, however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray. i repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. i learned there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like manner, ten months previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a fellow-traveler. on conveying this information to the citizens, all i believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the present. thus much for this indian affair, which, my interpreter having arrived, i have settled to-day with the dalles indians most satisfactorily. as was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother. i prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case slowly and clearly to their understanding. i told them we had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one; and should our people learn that i had given them presents, without their giving me two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest displeasure from the whites. after much deliberation among themselves, they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my discretion. i at once decided to give the poor indian widow two blankets, a dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands. to this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. it is to be hoped that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the parties. as i said before, i believe it morally impossible for us to remain at peace in oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of vigorous civil or military law. for myself, i am most awkwardly situated; so much so, indeed, that i had seriously anticipated leaving this spring; but the late successful contest against the introduction of ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the unhappy disaster at the falls of the wallamet, together with the fact of too many of our people being so extremely excitable on indian and other affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and country, i have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some way relieved. i hope the draft that i have this day drawn in favor of john mclaughlin will be honored, as otherwise i may be thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country where i can draw such articles as i require for necessary presents to indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc. i have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble servant, e. white, sub-agent indian affairs. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war. * * * * * wallamet, march , . honored sir,--the within accounts, as per voucher no. , drawn on the hudson's bay house at vancouver, are in part pay for interpreters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of and spring of , and other necessary voyages since, together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to prevent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country. those upon mr. abernethy and mr. a. e. wilson are for like purposes; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in this country. as i hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer necessary, my interpreter's bills, including clerks and all assistants for the different tribes, do not exceed $ per annum up to the present time; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, i was under the necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each. traveling expenses in , three hundred and eighty dollars ($ ). in , three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($ . ). in presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety dollars and seventy-five cents ($ . ); in medicines, hoes, and sundry useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence among them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable extent. presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the long-continued and constant liberality of the hudson's bay company toward the indians of this country. had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, and no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have been avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will be increased, and trouble multiply; but at this moment, were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children's clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing and keeping up a military post,--such is their desire and thirst after the means to promote civilization. as this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall i be allowed the sum usually allowed military officers, which esquire gilpin informs me is ten dollars per each hundred miles? i will place it down and leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what is proper and right in the premises. i shall charge only for such traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official business. with highest respect, i am, dear sir, your humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war, washington, d. c. * * * * * wallamet, nov. , . my dear sir,--as, in the order of divine providence, it appears to be my duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the united states, and, as i have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with all the important transactions in which you have been engaged, in your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of , i consider it a duty which i owe to yourself, to bear my unequivocal testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. not pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office of an indian agent, i flatter myself that i am capable of judging in reference to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation and prosperity of the indians, and the peace and security of those whites who settle in the indian country. as i can not speak particularly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to one expedition, which i consider to have been the most important of any in which you have been engaged, and in which i had the pleasure of being associated with you. i mean that long and excessively toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring. the causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. the whites in the country had been thrown into a panic by information received from the missionaries in the interior, that the indians were forming a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. it was everywhere observed that our indian agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, "for (it was repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer." without delay the exposure was made. and though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. the plans proposed to quiet the indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless conceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. the expenses incurred were no more than were absolutely necessary. and i doubt not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented, that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking. with my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of unaltered friendship. gustavus hines, missionary of the m. e. church. dr. elijah white, sub-agent of indian affairs west of rocky mountains. * * * * * department of war,} office of indian affairs, nov. , .} * * * * * two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the sub-agent west of the rocky mountains. they present that country in a new and important light to the consideration of the public. the advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of indians in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with so few advantages, is a matter of surprise. indeed, the red men of that region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. a few years since the face of a white man was almost unknown to them; now, through the benevolent policy of the various christian churches, and the indefatigable exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and well adapted rules for their government, which are observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites. numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their children are acquiring the most important and useful information. they have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period, be brought into intercourse. they are turning their attention to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet their every want. among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely abandoned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. the lands are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable, and uniform. under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the duty of the government of the united states to encourage their advancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civilization. i therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among them of a full agency, with power to the president to make it an acting superintendency; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper. all which is respectfully submitted. w. medill. hon. wm. l. marcy, secretary of war. * * * * * the reader will observe the clear statement of the united states indian policy in the above communication. that schools, farming, and civilization are prominent. that the indians, as the whole of this report indicates, are rapidly improving under the instructions of the missionaries in the interior,--spalding and whitman in particular. that dr. white, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts to include blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefit of the indians, while spalding's and whitman's stations were the only places where mills had been erected. these facts brought so prominently before the british and foreign mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies; and national pride was so excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of the effort that was made in - . subsequent indian wars were but the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first. it will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts of our foreign emissaries to excite the indians in the settlement, and to disturb and divide the american population on the question of an organization. chapter xxxiii. first council to organize a provisional government.--library founded.--origin of the wolf association.--the methodist mission influence.--dr. white exhibits his credentials.--first "wolf meeting."--proceedings of the second "wolf meeting."--officers.--resolutions.--bounties to be paid.--resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.--names of the members of the committee. a consultation was held at the house of gray to consider the expediency of organizing a provisional government. in it the whole condition of the settlement, the missions, and hudson's bay company, were carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organization of a settlers' government were fully canvassed. the conclusion was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and failed, from the combined influence of the hudson's bay company and the roman catholic and methodist missions. to the writer, who up to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was doubtful. two plans were suggested; one, at least, might succeed. the first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw attention and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure the influence of the methodist mission, as education was a subject they had commenced. we found no difficulty in the library movement from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. this was not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. the library prospered finely; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars a share; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in this institution, which was called the "multnomah circulating library;" one hundred dollars were sent to new york for new books which arrived the following year. now for the main effort to secure another position. it will be remembered that in the winter of - the wallamet cattle company was formed. all the settlers that could raise the funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from those that would sell. besides, part of the estate of ewing young had been sold and distributed, and the hudson's bay company had also organized the puget sound company, and had begun to distribute cattle; hence almost every settler, the missions, the hudson's bay company, and some indians were owning cattle. the wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle of all alike. here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. accordingly, a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic animals, to meet at the house of w. h. gray, on the d of february, . this was the first move to the provisional government. while this was being done in the valley, at wallamet falls, since oregon city, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum held at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally voted down. dr. john mclaughlin took the side of an independent government. mr. abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government. this idea was favored by dr. white, upon condition that the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from the fact that he held the office of sub-indian agent by the appointment of the president, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no additional expense to the settlers. this was a plausible argument, and had dr. white been a man of moral principle and capable of understanding his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a doubt have adopted his suggestions; but, unfortunately for him, they had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in his ability to deal with indians. besides, the leading members of the methodist mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful course while one of their number, though mr. hines seems to have held to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all the disturbance he was capable of among the indians, and being the dupe of the hudson's bay company. these facts were all known to the getters-up of the "wolf organization," as it was called. in fact, le breton had participated in the discussions at the wallamet falls, and reported them to those of us in the valley. our idea was, to get an object before the people upon which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object,--_self-preservation, both for property and person_. the "wolf meeting" was fully attended, and all took a lively interest in it, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a loser from wild animals. there was a little suspicion in this first meeting that more than protection for animals was meant. dr. ira l. babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, we supposed, would be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought "we had all the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called was a good and laudable one; we were all interested in it; we had all lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our property." this was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. he had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. as settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the hudson's bay company, the missions, and dr. white, and do all we could to protect their cattle and herds. the oregon archives show that there were persons present who were prepared for the occasion. the remarks of our chairman were appropriate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protection; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. it was moved that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers. the chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a public meeting. gray, beers, and wilson, already known to the reader, and gervais and lucie, canadian-frenchmen, who came to the country with wilson g. hunt's party, and barnaby, a french rocky mountain hunter, were appointed. these three men were the most intelligent and influential french settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence with the canadian-french settlers, and generally favored american settlement and enterprise. the preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by alanson beers to be called at the house of mr. joseph gervais on the first monday in march next, at ten o'clock a.m., devolved on gray, beers, and wilson. the giving of the notices, which le breton with his ready pen soon prepared, devolved on gervais, barnaby, and lucie. up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had been given to any member of the missions, or the hudson's bay company. all was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in caring for and protecting our domestic animals. the "wolf meeting," and what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. le breton and smith were busy in finding out the men who could be relied upon, and the men that would oppose the _one great object_ we had determined to accomplish, so that on the first monday in march, , the settlement, _except the clergy_, were all present. if my memory serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman of any denomination. james a. o'neil, who came to the country with captain wyeth in , and had remained in it, presided at this meeting. he was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry through the "wolf meeting" business as soon as possible. it will be seen that we had placed before the settlement, the hudson's bay company, and both missions, an object they were deeply interested in. the clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the company, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were looking to a far more important object--our _personal liberty_; hence the settlers' "wolf meeting" did not call for their attention, but they all gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone. the methodist mission influence was the most difficult to deal with. we were fully aware of their large pretensions to land, and of the consummate duplicity of white, in dealing with all parties. white, to secure the approval of the methodist mission, encouraged their large pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the jesuit influence among the indians; while, if he had had two grains of common sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was tending to destroy all of his, as well as all american influence in the country. still his supremely selfish ideas of self-honor and official dignity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties. during the time between the first and second "wolf meetings," white was called upon in a public manner to exhibit his authority from the president, which he was foolish enough to do. it was seen at once that he was in the country _only as a spy upon the actions of the hudson's bay company_, while he assumed to make treaties with indians, and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill. as a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the "wolf meetings" are copied from the oregon archives, which mr. hines, it seems, did not even know had an existence, showing, by his own statements, that he was so completely mixed up in his ideas of the origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct in his statements, yet he failed to distinguish the point of conception and birth of the _oldest state on the pacific_, for i contend that justice to our effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have admitted us as a state instead of subjecting us to a territorial _annoyance_, under such _demagogues_ as were sent among us up to the time we became a state. _proceedings of a meeting held at the oregon institute, february , ._ a public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called at the house of w. h. gray, in order to take into consideration the propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, etc., in this country. on motion, dr. i. l. babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting. mr. w. h. gray moved, and mr. torn seconded the motion, "that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report business, etc.," which motion was carried, and messrs. gray, beers, gervais, wilson, barnaby, and lucie, were appointed said committee. mr. beers moved "that a general meeting be called at the house of mr. joseph gervais, on the first monday in march next, at ten o'clock, a.m.," which motion was carried. w. h. wilson, secretary. i. l. babcock, chairman. _journal of a meeting at the house of j. gervais, first monday in march, ._ in pursuance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of wallamet valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, mr. james o'neil was chosen chairman. mr. martin was chosen as secretary, but declining to serve, mr. le breton was chosen. the minutes of the former meeting were read. the committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report business, made the following report, to wit:-- "your committee beg leave to report as follows: it being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals. "_resolved_, st. that we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs. " d. that a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, and dispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee. " d. that a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evidences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the wallamet valley. " th. that a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for a lynx; two dollars for a bear; and five dollars for a panther. " th. that no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty. " th. that the committee and treasurer form a board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the animals named in the fourth resolution. " th. that the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants. " th. that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony." on motion, the report was accepted. it was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of the committee be adopted, which was carried. it was moved and seconded the a sum be raised by contribution for the protection of our animals, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as amended, be adopted, which was carried. it was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent. for collecting the same, and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, which was carried. on motion, the fifth resolution was adopted. on motion, it was resolved "that no one receive a bounty (except indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars." on motion, the seventh resolution was adopted. on motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted. it was moved and seconded that the indians receive one-half as much as the whites. it was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented within ten days from the time of becoming entitled to said bounties, and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty shall give his oath to the various circumstances; which was carried. on motion, w. h. gray was chosen treasurer. it was moved that messrs. mcroy, gervais, martin, s. smith, dougherty, o'neil, shortess, and lucie be the standing committee; which motion was carried. it was moved that g. w. le breton and mr. bridgers be the collectors. carried. on motion, the following resolutions were adopted:-- "_resolved_, that no money be paid to any white, or his descendants, previous to the time of his subscription. "_resolved_, that the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardian. "_resolved_, that the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by mr. gray and mr. le breton. "_resolved_, that drafts on fort vancouver, the mission, and the milling company be received on subscriptions, as payment." * * * * * as a kind providence would have it, the "wolf meeting" at mr. gervais' house on the wallamet river was one of the most harmonious meetings i ever attended. every one seemed to feel that a unanimous war had been declared against the despoilers of our domestic animals that were dependent upon us for protection. it was stated by one speaker "that no one would question for a moment that this was right. this was just and natural protection for our property in animals liable to be destroyed by wolves, bears, and panthers. how is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our children and wives? have we any organization upon which we can rely for mutual protection? is there any power or influence in the country sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to protect our own, and the lives of our families? true, the alarm may be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over our defenseless families. common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. we have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our _cattle and domestic animals_; now, fellow-citizens, i submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds:-- "_resolved_, that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony. "_resolved_, that said committee consist of twelve persons." there was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. drs. babcock and white were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the feelings of the balance of the committee. messrs. dr. babcock, dr. white, o'neil, shortess, newell, lucie, gervais, hubbard, mcroy, gray, smith, and gay were appointed said committee. chapter xxxiv. first meeting of the committee of twelve.--all invited to participate.--the rev. j. lee and mr. abernethy ridicule the organization.--mr. lee tells a story.--letter from governor abernethy.--the main question at issue.--drowning of cornelius rogers and party.--conduct of dr. white.--methodist mission.--catholic boasts of conversions. by mutual understanding the committee of twelve first met at wallamet falls, about the middle of march, . my impression is that dr. babcock was not present with the committee, and that dr. white was chosen temporary chairman. g. w. le breton was secretary of the committee. a motion was made and carried to invite the citizens of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. rev. jason lee, rev. mr. waller, mr. abernethy, r. moore, in fact, nearly all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in the discussions. we found rev. jason lee and mr. abernethy disposed to ridicule the proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. rev. jason lee in his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by telling us of a company of militia gotten up somewhere in canada. he said "the requisite notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty were present on the day to elect the officers required for the company. when they had elected all their officers, there was one private soldier left. 'well,' says the soldier, 'you may march me, you may drill me, you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much as you please, but for mercy's sake don't divide me up into platoons.'" mr. abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organization, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices of the peace and three constables. we are now in receipt of an explanation from the governor in reference to the question of an independent government, as debated at the lyceum, which we give _verbatim_, as it places the governor with his own explanation on that question, and i think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent government, but any effort for a provisional one, for at least four years,--which were not only the views of mr. abernethy, but those of messrs. lee, leslie, babcock, and hines:-- portland, march , . dear sir,--allow me to correct one statement in your history of oregon in the _gazette_ of th march. you speak of a debate in a lyceum, and say: "mr. abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government." the facts are these: we had weekly meetings for discussion. mr. hastings, dr. mclaughlin's lawyer, offered a resolution, "that it is expedient for the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government." this subject was warmly discussed, mr. abernethy being, with a few others, opposed to it. at the close of the discussion the vote was taken and decided in favor of an independent government. mr. abernethy then offered the following: "_resolved_, that if the united states extends its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government," as the subject for the next discussion. this was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the united states government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. the resolution was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution. you will see by this you have the thing all wrong. yours truly, geo. abernethy. p. s.--dr. white, i think, was present; am not certain. this independent government move was a prominent scheme of dr. mclaughlin. the main question at issue before the committee at the falls meeting was the office of governor. dr. bailey was in the sandwich islands; nothing was to be feared from him; but dr. white was, to say the least, an impudent candidate. i have been informed that dr. bailey, an englishman, came to that meeting february , , with all his french voters trained to vote for himself for governor, and that he nominated himself, in opposition to mr. hines and dr. babcock, for that office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, and was the means of breaking up the proposed civil government, as what americans there were then in the country found they would be outnumbered by the french and english (which was unquestionably the fact), and thus they would be completely at the disposal of english rule. such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated that effort, and i see no reason why mr. hines, in his account, and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a different impression, and say that "the officers of the squadron were consulted, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme." (page of his book.) this fact alone, and i have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of mr. hines. he either feared the influence of bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers. from the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of dr. white, the committee at the falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional government at champoeg, on the d of may, . this was effort number one of february and june, , over again. those of us who commenced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at champoeg on the d of may, . we will let the provisional government rest till the d of may, , while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. on the d of february our best and most esteemed friend, cornelius rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friendship, left our house for oregon city, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of rev. david leslie, and her youngest sister. they took passage down the river with w. w. raymond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of - . he was at that time a member of the methodist mission, in good standing. dr. elijah white and esquire crocker, of lansingville, tompkins county, new york, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of chinook manufacturing. they arrived all safe at canemah. it was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the oregon city side, since blasted away for a canal and boat channel. in the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. there were two indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stern. the one in the stern escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. white, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or perhaps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the current. the force of white's spring upon the canoe to reach the log threw it into the current, which was too strong for raymond and his indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the channel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. the force of the current threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an instant. all that went over were lost. raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found white upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party. mr. hines, i see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for white. i think this the nearest correct, as raymond gave the alarm, and a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of mr. rogers before he sank to rise no more. his and esquire crocker's bodies were found and interred. those of mrs. rogers and her sister were never found. rev. g. hines, w. h. gray, and robert shortess, were appointed by judge babcock to appraise the estate of mr. rogers, which was found to be worth about $ , clear of all liabilities. his heirs at law resided in utica, new york. rev. harvey clark was appointed administrator, discharging that duty faithfully, and i think without compensation. none of the appraisers received a dime for their services. there followed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the wallamet river. the appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety. the methodist mission had extended their stations to fort nasqualla on puget sound and clatsop plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the umpqua river. at this last-named place the indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the hudson's bay company and the jesuit priests to destroy lee and hines, and commence the slaughter of the settlement. (see hines' account of the trip, pages to inclusive, made in .) messrs. frost and cowan had become disgusted with their missionary calling, and rev. dr. richmond had also found his nasqualla location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become convinced that he could not benefit the indians about the fort, and made up his mind to leave. it will be remembered that vicar-general brouillet, of wallawalla, in his attempt to prove that the "catholic stations and stationary priests" were early in the country, says "almost every indian tribe possessed some catholic members" as early as , and that mr. demerse's labors among the cayuses in "had made there a mission so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them." (page of "protestantism in oregon," by brouillet.) neither hines, richmond, nor smith could understand why it was that the indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to . in june, , had either of those gentlemen picked up the new york _freeman's journal_, they would have seen the statement that, as early as , "almost every indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some catholic members." a little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these jesuit missions had become "so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them." this was but the work of two years,--from , late in the fall, to . this was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this jesuit blow his trumpet; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in british columbia. why, i ask, have states and countries in europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the roman church? and why is england, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others? chapter xxxv. meetings to oppose organization.--address of the french-canadians.--criticisms on it by the author.--the jesuits.--jesuit oath.--article from the cincinnati _beacon_. between the meeting of the committee of twelve at wallamet falls, about the th of march, and the called meeting by that committee on the d of may, the priests and the hudson's bay company were not idle. they held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at vancouver, and two in the french prairie at the catholic church. at all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the catholic and french settlers was discussed and decided. the result of these meetings and discussions can be found on the th and th pages of the oregon archives. the names of the signers should have been given. this document seems to be dated the th of march, . the meeting at gervais' was on the first monday of march. so this document seems to have been prepared by our jesuit blanchet, just about the time the "wolf meeting" was convening, and in anticipation of the move for a provisional government. i am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the legislative committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the th of july, . g. w. le breton, clerk of the legislative committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark "it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposition. at the meeting of may , all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization. "address of the canadian citizens of oregon to the meeting at champoeg, march , ," it will be seen it should have been dated may . this mistake simply shows that it was prepared march , , in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held may , . the address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of history, and is as follows:-- "we, the canadian citizens of wallamet, considering with interest and reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the american citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare-- " st. that we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors. " d. that we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time. " d. that we will not address a new petition to the government of the united states, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the states fixed. " th. that we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken. " th. that we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country. " th. that we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people. " th. that the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate. " th. that the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representatives. " th. that they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them. " th. that the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of bad suspicion to the indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at the same time, it is a load; we do not want it, either, at present. " th. that we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an english, spanish, or american citizen. " th. so we, english subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from france, california, united states, or even natives of this country; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected. " th. that we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes. " th. that we do not forgot that we must make laws only for necessary circumstances. the more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day. " th. that we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on fulfilling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud. " th. in a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the less remains of industry. " th. that no one can be more desirous than we are for the prosperity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace." then follow our names and persons. which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been noticed in the legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. it was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the feelings of the subjects named in the twelfth paragraph, and that while they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per thirteenth paragraph. the second paragraph indicates an approval of previous political action. the third, their opposition to a connection with the united states. the fourth, their decided opposition to the proposed government. the fifth is a reason, and shows that they had no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves. the sixth indicates a preference for the hudson's bay company's mode of government. the seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of government. the eighth to the government of the country by the clergymen in it. the ninth, opposition to taxes which the french, or the class represented in that protest, continually manifested in refusing to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. the tenth shows that they considered themselves safe from indian hostility, and were only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a show of military strength. the eleventh affirms the freedom of the country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. the fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint. the fifteenth is considerably mixed; it is advisory. we admit that the object of it is beyond our comprehension. the sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical rule. the seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they may require a "guaranty" of their rights and liberties. we have an article, published in the cincinnati _beacon_, august, , giving the oath taken by the jesuits, and a short account of their objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into oregon by the hudson's bay company in , and commenced their operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settlement of this country:-- "the order of jesuits was established by loyola in , having for its object the re-establishment of the pope's sway over the civil powers of the earth. "at that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain to the pope what he had just lost by the reformation, and this order was established for that object. members of that society may be of any profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the object. they may prosecute their own business as merchants in foreign countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government except that under the 'sacred confirmation of the pope.' "a dispensation is granted them, _i.e._, permission to lay aside all professions of regard to the papal cause, and make outward professions to any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better 'do their utmost to extirpate _the heretical protestant doctrine, and destroy all its pretended powers_, regal _or otherwise_.' "of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which so long distracted europe. this is a prominent fact on the page of history. one after another of the european powers became aware of this, and each, especially of the protestant powers, when their intrigues could no longer be endured, banished the jesuits as seen above. we may add oregon as another special field of their operations since . "the jesuits are the most active and efficient agents of popery in propagating the catholic religion in foreign countries. in the following oath we notice:-- " . an acknowledgment that protestant governments are illegal, without the 'sacred confirmation' of the pope, and may safely be destroyed. " . a renunciation of 'any allegiance as due to any heretical' state, named protestants. " . a solemn pledge to do their utmost to 'destroy all their pretended powers, regal or otherwise.' "comment on the relations which these agents of the pope sustain to our protestant government is needless. "_the oath of secrecy of the jesuits._ "'i, a. b., now in the presence of almighty god, the blessed virgin mary, the blessed michael the archangel, the blessed st. john baptist, the holy apostles st. peter and st. paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of heaven, and of you my ghostly father, do declare from my heart, _without mental reservation_, that his holiness the pope urban is christ's vicar-general, and is the true and only head of the catholic or universal church throughout the earth; and that, by the virtue of the keys of binding and loosing given to his holiness by my saviour jesus christ, he hath power to depose heretical kings, princes, states, commonwealths, and governments, all being illegal without his sacred confirmation, and that they may safely be destroyed; therefore, to the utmost of my power, i shall and will defend this doctrine, and his holiness' rights and customs, against all usurpers of the heretical (or protestant) authority whatsoever; especially against the now pretended authority and church of england, and all adherents, in regard that they and she be usurpal and heretical, opposing the sacred mother church of rome. i do renounce and disown any allegiance as due to any heretical king, prince, or _state_, named protestant, or _obedience to any of their inferior magistrates or officers_. i do further declare, that the doctrine of the church of england, of the calvinists, huguenots, and of others of the name of protestant, to be damnable, and they themselves are damned, and to be damned, that will not forsake the same; i do further declare, that i will help, assist, and advise all or any of his holiness' agents in any place wherever i shall be, in england, scotland, and ireland, or in any other territory or kingdom i shall come to, and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical protestant doctrine, _and to destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise_. i do further promise and declare, that notwithstanding i am dispensed with, to assume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church's interests, to keep secret and private all her agents' counsels from time to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever; but to execute all that shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. all which i, a. b., do swear, by the blessed trinity, and blessed sacrament, which i am now to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably: and do call all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real intentions, to keep this my oath. in testimony hereof, i take this most holy and blessed sacrament of the eucharist; and witness the same further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this day of anno domini, etc.' "the jesuits were banished from england in . they were expelled from france, a.d. ; from spain and sicily, a.d. ; from portugal, a.d. ; and totally suppressed by pope clement xiv., a.d. . everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. the present pope has revived the order, and now we find the jesuits secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked devices to re-establish his power in the united states, and in the canadas." chapter xxxvi. the meeting at champoeg.--tactics of the jesuit party.--counter-tactics of the americans.--a division and its result.--public record.--opposition to clergymen as legislators.--mr. hines as an historian.--his errors.--importance of mr. hines' history.--extract.--difficulty among the indians.--cause of the difficulty. the d of may, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organize a settlers' government, was close at hand. the indians had all learned that the "bostons" were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the english and french were going to meet with them, to oppose what the "bostons" were going to do. the hudson's bay company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the rev. f. n. blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of every american present, trained to vote "no" to every motion put; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted "yes," it was "no." le breton had informed the committee, and the americans generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instructions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. the priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, "considerable confusion was existing in consequence." by this time we had counted votes. says le breton, "we can risk it; let us divide and count." "i second that motion," says gray. "who's for a divide?" sang out old joe meek, as he stepped out; "all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me." this was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know what to do, but every american was soon in line. le breton and gray passed the line and counted fifty-two americans, and but fifty french and hudson's bay company men. they announced the count--"fifty-two for, and fifty against." "three cheers for our side," sang out old joe meek. not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout for _liberty_. they were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, judge i. l. babcock, called the meeting to order, when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left. the minutes of the meeting are as follows:-- "at a public meeting of the inhabitants of the wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, dr. i. l. babcock was chosen chairman, and messrs. gray, le breton, and wilson, secretaries. "the committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost. "considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by mr. le breton, and seconded by mr. gray, that the meeting divide, preparatory to being counted; those in favor of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew. "it was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article. "a motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with probate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community. "moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen. "moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen. "moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen. "moved and carried, that three constables be chosen. "moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this community, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance. "a motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen. "moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen. "moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot. "a. e. wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; g. w. le breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder; j. l. meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; w. h. wilson was chosen treasurer. "moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor. "messrs. hill, shortess, newell, beers, hubbard, gray, o'neil, moore, and dougherty, were chosen to act as legislative committee; messrs. burns, judson, and a. b. smith were chosen to act as magistrates; messrs. ebbets, bridgers, and lewis, were chosen to act as constables; mr. john howard was chosen major; messrs. wm. mccarty, c. mcroy, and s. smith were chosen captains. "moved and carried, that the legislative committee make their report on the th day of july next, at champoeg. "moved and carried, that the services of the legislative committee be paid for at $ . per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. "moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen. "moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen. "mr. compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. mr. matthew was chosen as an additional constable. "moved and carried, that the legislative committee shall not sit over six days. "the meeting was then adjourned. "the question having arisen with regard to what time the newly-appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting. "attest, "g. w. le breton." * * * * * it will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of the members of the legislative committee, rev. j. s. griffin was named as one of the committee. i am not positive that mr. griffin was present, but i remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the settlers. it was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous community; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. this request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our effort. in placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. mr. griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the rev. mr. kone, from clatsop, who, i think, was present. we will now leave the legislative committee to do their business, as per instructions, and see what our very officious indian agent and his friend, rev. mr. hines, are about. during the fall of and winter and spring of , "our plot thickens." we must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that as soon as uncle samuel's exploring squadron had looked at oregon a little and dr. mclaughlin's good liquors more (when the infirmities of the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity of the hudson's bay company, they also found it convenient to sanction the opposition to a temporary government for the settlement,--at least, mr. hines tells us they opposed it,--and leave the company to continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of opposition to all american settlements in the country. their jesuit missions were doing them good service in the interior. their clerks and interpreters were ready to do their part. the puff-ball of folly and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-indian agent, had been among the indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements,--confirmed or made worse by such old liars as toupin, as in the case of parker,--that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do as he wished them. all things combined aroused mr. hines to the solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our sub-indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the indians. i suppose he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of state. he says, page : "in the evening of the th, dr. white arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls." le breton returned the next day, and reported that anderson's horse was stolen by an indian,--the same that had stolen one from mr. hines two years before. hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but anderson, who was a swede, had not. this transaction, it will be remembered, was on april , a month after the organizing committee of twelve had been appointed at gervais'. white and hines are in council at hines' house. the visit to the interior tribes is before the council. white had been up among the nez percés and cayuses in the fall of , and with the aid of mckay (who was the most reliable half-native servant the company ever had), the indians were induced to form a combination, exactly such a one as frank ermatinger, in , told the writer the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to resist the occupancy of the country by the american government. mr. hines' stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of white, and not that of the company. he says, at the bottom of page : "it had been the policy of the hudson's bay company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert." at the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. mr. hines believes that the american settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to dr. white the opposite policy. he says, page , that "the sub-agent adopted a different policy." how natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, and to say, on page , "thomas mckay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution." not the least suspicion of mckay's instructions and the hudson's bay company's arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent was the very man the company was making use of to get their own trained and educated indian (ellis) at the head of the nez percé tribe, to accomplish the object they had in view. mr. hines has given us a good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also for the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combinations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism; and here allow me to say, is the reason that whitman, harvey clark, shortess, smith, cornelius rogers, j. l. meek, couch, and fifty others, had no confidence in white or his advisers and friends. le breton acted well his part; the company knew him better than mr. hines did; his death was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but the effort moved on. the act of a few indians, in going to st. louis in , for religious knowledge, brought mr. hines to the country with others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stupidity, bigotry, and superstition. and although many things have combined to keep them from any pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have saved as the golden gem of our great republic, will seek to know who it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as were then held by the company, the jesuit priests, dr. white, and the methodist mission. we now know why our little settlement wept and mourned the death of rogers, le breton, and whitman, as they were substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. does a simple slab mark the place of their rest? their surviving associates are not able to answer in the affirmative. it will be borne in mind that while dr. whitman was on his way to washington, dr. white and thomas mckay visited the indians in the interior, in october, ,--about one month after dr. whitman had left for the states. mr. spalding was really more stupid than mr. hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any object. his courage was strong in ignorance of danger. mr. hines had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. dr. white was shrewd enough to make use of both. mr. spalding was taken with dr. white's smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, powers, and duties. he was led to believe that white had all the powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to mckay to organize and combine the indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing it for dr. white and the american cause. messrs. hines and spalding were alike in this particular. the reader will not forget that i am speaking of men and their actions, and the influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions upon the indians and the religious, political, and general interests of the country. personally, i have no malice against a single man of whom i write; many of them i know are dead, and at the proper time i will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as i now do of their errors. besides, i hope the children and friends of all of whom i write, will see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, and, as we are told, "try the spirits," or persons, "to know whether they are good or evil." a large portion of the ninth chapter of mr. hines' book is too important in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are giving. the reader will understand the observations we have to make, bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a transaction that occurred four years later. he says:-- "april . this settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the cayuse, nez percé, and wallawalla indians. it appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. some time in october last, indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the 'boston' people, meaning those from the united states. this intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. on arriving among the indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, but entered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. thomas mckay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the nez percés to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution. "it had been the policy of the hudson's bay company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert. but the sub-agent adopted a different policy. _the individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the nez percés was one ellis, as he was called by the english, who, having spent several years in the settlement on red river, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the english language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course._ the fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by ellis with the utmost rigor. individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. this occasioned suspicions in the minds of the indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. they saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. the arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of dr. whitman to the united states, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. that a great excitement existed among the indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from h. k. w. perkins, at the dalles, in which he informed us that the wascopum and wallawalla indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: that the indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the nez percés dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the indians in the buffalo country east of fort hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected dr. whitman will bring back with him to settle the nez percé country; that the indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the 'boston' people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, and leave the rest, but that _every one_ of them must be destroyed. this information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. in the estimation of some, the indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. the plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days' travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. this plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution." we have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of policy of the hudson's bay company, the combining of the nez percé tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the americans, and the failure of the sub-indian agent to get the settlers to adopt his plan for protecting the settlement against the indians. we will now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and cutting-up policy among the indians. the reader is requested to observe mr. hines' description of ellis, dr. white's indian chief. it was this same indian that drove the rev. a. b. smith in from his land, as stated by old toupin on th page of brouillet's history of the whitman massacre. up to this time he was not considered an important character by the company, on account of his self-importance and insolence. in this respect he resembled tawatowe, of the cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as to get possession of fort wallawalla, had tied mr. p. c. pambrun, and kept him tied till he agreed to give the indians better prices for their horses and furs. as soon as they had liberated him, mr. pambrun made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced them to leave the fort. he sent at once to vancouver and increased the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them up and broke their power as principal chiefs. while the american fur trader, captain wyeth, was in the country, the company had increased their tariff, and paid the indians more for their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the country, they reduced it to their own prices. the indians did not understand why the company gave them so much less than the americans, or bostons, did for the same things. the principal chiefs of the nez percés and cayuses were together in the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the company, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among the tribes,--thus making it easy to control them. this statement of facts and policy i had from mr. pambrun and mr. ermatinger, both of the hudson's bay company. mr. hines, on page , in speaking about the laws adopted by the indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort was then being made by the hudson's bay company, as the conduct of the indians plainly indicated, to drive all americans from the country. the unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, were the legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. the same was the case in the inferences drawn about dr. whitman's visit to the states. while governor simpson sends on his red river settlers, and goes to washington to secure the country to the british crown, dr. whitman and his mission become the special objects of misrepresentation and hate among the indians. his mill and all his grain are burned, while a large immigration of british subjects and the jesuit missionaries are received with open arms. dr. whitman and the american settlement must be stopped at all hazards. an indian is sent on snow-shoes to the buffalo indians east of fort hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with dr. whitman. the american government, according to dr. white, is about to take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first governor. he, to conciliate the indians, adopts all the suggestions of the hudson's bay company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with the aid of mr. mckay. while he can do nothing to unite the settlers for their own defense, the divide-and-weaken policy of the company is changed from indians to the american settlers. white and hines are equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been successful in the other. that the transaction related by mr. hines on his th page, under date of april , may be better understood, we will, in the next chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. this document is mostly the work of robert shortess, and was signed by nearly every american in the country who had an opportunity. chapter xxxvii. whitman's visit to washington.--a priest's boast.--a taunt, and whitman's reply.--arrival in washington.--interview with secretary webster.--with president tyler.--his return.--successful passage of the rocky mountains with two hundred wagons.--his mill burned during his absence. in september, , dr. whitman was called to visit a patient at old fort wallawalla. while there, a number of boats of the hudson's bay company, with several chief traders and jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. while at dinner, the overland express from canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the red river settlement was at colville. this news excited unusual joy among the guests. one of them--a young priest--sang out: "hurrah for oregon, america is too late; we have got the country." "now the americans may whistle; the country is ours!" said another. whitman learned that the company had arranged for these red river english settlers to come on to settle in oregon, and at the same time governor simpson was to go to washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundaries on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. the doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach washington in time to prevent it. "it shall be prevented," said the doctor, "if i have to go to washington myself." "but you can not go there to do it," was the taunting reply of the briton. "i will see," was the doctor's reply. the reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to fort boise, to understand what he meant when he said, "_i will see_." two hours after this conversation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at wailatpu. i saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. he soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming british territory. every thing was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. a. l. lovejoy, esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. it was proposed that he should accompany the doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the states. they reached fort hall all safe; kept south into taos, and thence to bent's fort, on the arkansas river, when mr. lovejoy became exhausted from toil and exposure, and stopped for the winter, while the doctor continued on and reached washington. thus far in this narrative i give dr. whitman's, mr. lovejoy's, and my own knowledge. i find an article in the _pacific_ of november , from mr. spalding, which gives us the result:-- "on reaching the settlements, dr. whitman found that many of the now old oregonians--waldo, applegate, hamtree, keizer, and others--who had once made calculations to come to oregon, had abandoned the idea because of the representations from washington that every attempt to take wagons and ox-teams through the rocky and blue mountains to the columbia had failed. dr. whitman saw at once what the stopping of wagons at fort hall every year meant. the representations purported to come from secretary webster, but were from governor simpson, who, magnifying the statements of his chief trader, grant, at fort hall, declared the americans must be going mad, from their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams through the impassable regions to the columbia, and that the women and children of those wild fanatics had been saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and philanthropic labors of mr. grant, at fort hall, in furnishing them with horses. the doctor told these men, as he met them, that his only object in crossing the mountains in the dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold sufferings, was to take back an american emigration that summer through the mountains to the columbia, with their wagons and their teams. the route was practicable. we had taken our wagon, our cattle, and our families through, seven years before. they had nothing to fear; but to be ready on his return. the stopping of wagons at fort hall was a hudson's bay company scheme to prevent the settling of the country by the americans, till they could settle it with their own subjects from the selkirk settlement. this news spread like wildfire through missouri. the doctor pushed on to washington and immediately sought an interview with secretary webster,--both being from the same state,--and stated to him the object of his crossing the mountains, and laid before him the great importance of oregon to the united states. but mr. webster lived too near cape cod to see things in the same light with his fellow-statesman who had transferred his worldly interests to the pacific coast. he awarded sincerity to the missionary, but could not admit for a moment that the short residence of six years could give the doctor the knowledge of the country possessed by governor simpson, who had almost grown up in the country, and had traveled every part of it, and represents it as one unbroken waste of sand deserts and impassable mountains, fit only for the beaver, the gray bear, and the savage. besides, he had about traded it off with governor simpson, to go into the ashburton treaty, for a cod-fishery on newfoundland. "the doctor next sought an interview with president tyler, who at once appreciated his solicitude and his timely representations of oregon, and especially his disinterested though hazardous undertaking to cross the rocky mountains in the winter to take back a caravan of wagons. he said that, although the doctor's representations of the character of the country, and the possibility of reaching it by a wagon route, were in direct contradiction to those of governor simpson, his frozen limbs were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his missionary character was sufficient guaranty for his honesty, and he would therefore, as president, rest upon these and act accordingly; would detail fremont with a military force to escort the doctor's caravan through the mountains; and no more action should be had toward trading off oregon till he could hear the result of the expedition. if the doctor could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the columbia river, pronounced impossible by governors simpson and ashburton, he would use his influence to hold on to oregon. the great desire of the doctor's american soul, and christian withal, that is, the pledge of the president that the swapping of oregon with england for a cod-fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk of life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the promise or expectation of a dollar's reward from any source. and now, god giving him life and strength, he would do the rest; that is, connect the missouri and columbia rivers with a wagon-track so deep and plain that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out[ ]. and when the th of september, , saw the rear of the doctor's caravan of nearly two hundred wagons, with which he started from missouri last of april, emerge from the western shades of the blue mountains upon the plains of the columbia, the greatest work ever accomplished by one man for oregon was finished. and through that great emigration during that whole summer, the doctor was their everywhere-present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending wagons, setting broken bones, hunting stray oxen, climbing precipices; now in the rear, now at the front; in the rivers, looking out fords through the quicksands; in the deserts, looking out for water; in the dark mountains, looking out passes; at noontide or midnight, as though those thousands were his own children, and those wagons and flocks were his own property. although he asked not, nor expected, a dollar as a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded when he saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon route over the mountains established, and oregon in a fair way to be occupied with american settlements and american commerce. and especially he felt himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his successful expedition, and standing alive at his home again on the banks of the wallawalla, these hundreds of his fellow summer pilgrims, way-worn and sunbrowned, took him by the hand and thanked him with tears for what he had done. "during the doctor's absence, his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, had been burned, and, consequently, he found but a small supply at his station on his return, raised by mr. geiger, a young man. but what he had in the way of grain, garden vegetables, and cattle, he gladly furnished the needy immigrants at the very low figure of the wallamet prices, which was six hundred per cent. lower than what they had been compelled to pay at forts hall and boise, and one half lower than they are to-day in the same country. and this was his practice every year till himself and wife and fourteen immigrants were murdered in the fall of , because, as vicar-general brouillet says, 'they were american citizens', and not, as i am bold to say and can prove, because he was a physician. shame on the american that will intimate such a thing! this vicar-general of the papal hosts on this coast does not thank you for such an excuse. he tells you plainly it was to break up the american settlements on this coast. "often the good doctor would let every bushel of his grain go to the passing immigrants in the fall, and then would have to depend upon me for breadstuffs for the winter and the whole year till next harvest, for his own large family and the scores of immigrants who every year were obliged to stop at his station on account of sickness or give-out teams. although the doctor had done so much for his country, it seems his blood was necessary to arouse the government to take formal possession of this coast, as it was his death by savages that sent the devoted j. l. meek over the mountains to washington, in the spring of , to beg the government, in behalf of the citizens of this coast, to send us help, and to extend its jurisdiction over us." [footnote ] they reached fort hall in safety, but there, in the absence of dr. whitman from their camp, they were told by captain grant, in the interest of the hudson's bay company, as others had been told before, that it was idle for wagons to attempt to reach the columbia. for a time there was a heaviness of spirit among those families, which, like the israelites of old, had penetrated the depths of the "great and terrible wilderness." but dr. whitman, on ascertaining what had happened, reassured them by his bold and manly words, saying to them, "my countrymen! you have trusted me thus far; believe me now, and i will take your wagons to columbia river;" and he did so, and oregon was saved by his patriotism to the union. chapter xxxviii. petition of the citizens of oregon in .--complaints against the hudson's bay company.--the milling company.--kicking the half-bushel.--land claims of dr. mclaughlin.--names of the signers.--reasons for not signing.--notice, deed, and bond of john mclaughlin.--claim of alvin f. waller. _petition of citizens of oregon in ._ to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled:-- we, the undersigned, settlers south of the columbia river, beg leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body: as has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider ourselves citizens of the united states, and acknowledge the right of the united states to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of the present memorial is to ask that the protection of the united states may be extended to us as soon as possible. hitherto, our numbers have been small, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement were speedily and satisfactorily settled. but, as our settlement increases in numbers, so our difficulties increase in number and importance; and, unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property can not be depended on. the state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, etc., has already been laid before your honorable body, in captain wyeth's memoir, and in former memorials from the inhabitants of this place. laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty, and we feel the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the honorable hudson's bay company, in their opposition to the improvement and enterprise of american citizens. you have been apprised already of their opposition to captain wyeth, bonneville, and others; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. some years ago, when the hudson's bay company owned all the cattle in oregon, they would not sell on any conditions; but they would lend their cows to the settler--he returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase; and in case of the death of a cow, he then had the privilege of paying for it. but after the settlers, at great risk and expense, went to california and purchased for themselves, and there was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the hudson's bay company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than the settlers could sell. in the year , feeling the necessity of having mills erected that could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants formed themselves into a joint-stock company, for the purpose of supplying the growing wants of the community. many of the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the wallamet, and go six miles above vancouver, on the columbia river, making the whole distance about sixty miles, to get their wheat ground, at a great loss of time and expense. the company was formed and proceeded to select a site. they selected an island at the falls of the wallamet, and concluded to commence their operations. after commencing, they were informed by dr. mclaughlin, who is at the head of the hudson's bay company's affairs west of the rocky mountains, that the land was his, and that he (although a chief factor of the hudson's bay company) claimed all the land on the east side of the wallamet, embracing the falls down to the clackamas river, a distance of about two miles. he had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. however, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to build under certain restrictions. they took the paper he wrote them, containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable. many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. this fate was predicted for the milling company. but, after much labor and difficulty, they succeeded in getting a saw-mill erected, and ready to run, and entered into a contract to have a grist-mill erected forthwith. and now, as they have succeeded, where is the hudson's bay company? dr. mclaughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw-mill, and erect it at wallamet falls; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gearing, which has been made at vancouver, is brought up in boats; and that which cost a feeble company of american citizens months of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the hudson's bay company in a few weeks. he has men and means, and it is said by him that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. and what will be the consequence? why, if the milling company sell for $ per thousand, he can sell for $ ; if they reduce the price to $ , he can come to $ , or $ , or $ per thousand. he says he will have a grist-mill started as soon as he gets the saw-mill in operation. all the wheat in oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to the russians on the northwest coast. in the first place they measured the wheat in a half-bushel, called by them imperial measure, much larger than the standard measure of the united states; this not answering, they next proceeded _to kick the half-bushel with the foot to settle the wheat_; then they brought up a measure larger than the former one; and now they fill this measure, then strike it _three times with a stout club_, and then fill up, and call it fair measure. against such proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed. about twelve or fourteen years ago, the hudson's bay company blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going to build, the timber for which is now lying at the falls rotting. they, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the columbia, about six miles above vancouver, on the north side of the river. in the year , agreeably to orders left by mr. slacum, a house was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him. in , the methodist mission erected buildings at the falls, and stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to build. a short time previous to this, dr. mclaughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store wheat and other articles in, and as a trading-house during the salmon season. after this, in , a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the falls, whose business it was to trade with the indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the doctor's claim, he said, and to forbid persons building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. this man was, and still is, a servant of the hudson's bay company. during the years and , several families settled at the falls, when dr. mclaughlin, who still resides at fort vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without his permission is held as a trespasser. without reference to any person's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out the plat; and as a bill was before the senate of the united states to grant to every white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit his views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it oregon city. although some, for peace's sake, asked him for the lots they had already in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper (marked a), which is the original; and all who had lots were required to pay mr. hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the grantor did not own, but that congress will pass a special act granting to each man his lot and improvements. those that applied received (if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed (marked b); if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, a copy of which is annexed (marked c). to those that applied and paid their five dollars all was right with the doctor; while those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. in one case the purchaser came to the original claimant and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had dr. mclaughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots; and if he did not move the fence he would, and take forcible possession. those who desired to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the doctor's promise, and all. and mr. hastings (the doctor's agent) is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings stand; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either contend or lose their buildings. dr. mclaughlin has held claims in other places south of the columbia river: at the tualatin plains and clackamas plains he had huts erected, to prevent others from building; and such is the power of dr. mclaughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situation known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. letters were received here from messrs. ladd & co., of the sandwich islands, in answer to a letter written by the late mr. ewing young, for a few supplies, that orders were received forbidding the company's vessels carrying any goods for the settlers of oregon. every means will be made use of by them to break down every thing that will draw trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store. one other item, and we are done. when the united states government officers of distinction arrive, vancouver is thrown open, and every facility afforded them. they were even more condescending to the settlers during the time the exploring squadron was in the columbia; nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the honorable hudson's bay company. our indian agent is entirely dependent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations. and now your memorialists pray your honorable body that immediate action of congress be taken in regard to this country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our territory, as may, in your wisdom, be thought best for the good of the american citizens residing here. and your memorialists will ever pray. robert shortess, a. e. wilson*, w. c. remick*, jeffrey brown, e. n. coombs, reuben lewis, george davis, v. bennett, j. rekener, t. j. hubbard, james a. o'neil, jer. horregon, william mccarty, charles compo, john howard*, r. williams, g. brown, john turner*, theodore pancott, a. f. waller, j. r. robb, j. l. morrison, m. crawford, john anderson, james m. bates, l. h. judson, joel turnham*, richard h. ekin, h. campbell*, james force, w. h. wilson*, felix hathaway*, j. lawson, thomas j. shadden*, joseph gibbs, s. lewis, jr., charles roy, william brown, s. davis, joseph yatten, john hopstatter*, g. w. bellomy*, william brown, a. beers, j. l. parish, william h. gray, a. d. smith*, j. c. bridgers*, aaron cook, a. copeland, s. w. moss, gustavus hines, george w. le breton*, daniel girtman, c. t. arrendrill, a. touner, david carter*, j. j. campbell*, w. johnson*, john edmunds, w. hauxhurst, w. a. pfieffer, j. holman, h. b. brewer, william c. sutton. sixty-five in all. * it is understood that the persons whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are now dead; the balance are supposed to be still living. the foregoing are all the names which appear to the petition printed as senate document , and presented to the senate at the first session of the twenty-eighth congress. w. j. mcdonald, principal clerk of sec'y senate. washington, d. c., jan. , . mr. george abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of injuring the methodist mission in its secular or business relations with the hudson's bay company. hugh burns would not sign it because he did not wish congress to be asked to confirm his title to lots and improvements. jason lee, though he thought it right to petition congress for protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the methodist mission, and the influence of the company against them should he sign it, thought it best not to give his name. dr. i. l. babcock refused, because, by signing, he would lose his influence with the company. walter pomeroy, ditto. dr. bailey _did not wish any protection from the congress of the united states_. rev. h. k. w. perkins was _ashamed_ of the petition. "what does congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies?" george gay did not care any thing about it. congress might do as it pleased; he did not want its protection. the people in tualatin plains did not have an opportunity to sign or refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. the bearer of it, william c. sutton, was on his way to the states across the rocky mountains. through the influence of dr. white, who had clandestinely procured a copy of the petition and the names attached, and had made an effort to prevent its reaching mr. sutton, it had been delayed, but through the perseverance and promptness of robert shortess and a. e. wilson, it was sent by davis and johnson and some indians in an express canoe, and reached mr. sutton before he left the cascades. for this service to his country and the persevering efforts of mr. shortess to maintain the rights of american citizens in it, he was early placed under the ban of the hudson's bay company, and, it may be added, the methodist mission; and reports prejudicial to him have been freely and persistently kept before the public mind, as also against any others that have taken an active part against the infamous and despotic course of that company. this is to weaken their testimony, and to render them powerless to prevent the present proposed robbing of our national treasury. instead of paying one dime to that company for doing all they dared to do to prevent the settlement of oregon by americans, a pension should be paid to robert shortess and many others who dared to maintain the rights of the american people to this western coast. whitman periled every thing and lost his life to save the country. shortess has periled all, and worn himself out in struggling under an influence that took the life of dr. whitman and many others, for which this hudson's bay company are now to receive pay. it is unnecessary for me to make a single remark in reference to this petition. it is a history in itself of the times and events then occurring. mr. hines refers to it as of little moment, and on page says: "not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, i did not come under the ban of the company; consequently, i obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that i would be refused." we would infer from this, that the hudson's bay company did not regard it as a serious matter, but in the next line he tells us: "we remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and, after a _close conversation with the gentlemen in command_, were treated with great courtesy." this lets us into the whole mystery of the affair. the gentlemen in charge of the fort had become satisfied that mr. hines in his visit among the indians would not interfere with their arrangements already made with mckay and white; in fact, that mr. hines approved of dr. white's policy of uniting the tribes in the interior to accomplish the one great object of the company. the documents that follow are given to show the fact stated in the petition, as also the high-handed measures of the company and dr. mclaughlin. a. notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those who have obtained grants of lots in oregon city, will be expected to call upon l. w. hastings, my authorized agent at oregon city, and obtain a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. those who hold claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite, on or before the first day of february next, will be entitled to their lot or lots; otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to make of them. john mclaughlin. january , . oregon city, march , . we, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above notice of john mclaughlin was posted up in the most public places in this town. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. * * * * * b. _deed--john mclaughlin to walter pomeroy._ know all men by these presents, that i, john mclaughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, for and in consideration of the sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by walter pomeroy, of oregon city, of the territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have this day, and do, by these presents, remit, release, and forever quit claim unto the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and singular, the following piece, parcel, and lot of land, bounded and described as follows, to wit: commencing at the northeast corner, running thence southerly sixty-six feet to a stake, thence easterly one hundred feet to a stake at the place of beginning, being lot number four, in block number three, in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and plan of said town: to have and to hold the same, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging unto the said pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, forever. and i, the said mclaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that i am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of land, and that i have in myself full power, good right, and sufficient authority to remit, release, and quit my claim in and to said lot and premises, in manner and form aforesaid. and i, the said mclaughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to warrant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, _the claims of the government only excepted_. in testimony whereof, i, the said mclaughlin, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal, this the d of march, a.d. . john mclaughlin. [l. s.] per l. w. hastings, his agent. we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true and correct copy of the original. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. * * * * * c. _bond--john mclaughlin to albert e. wilson._ know all men by these presents, that i, john mclaughlin, of fort vancouver, in the territory of oregon, am held and firmly bound unto albert e. wilson, of oregon city, in the territory aforesaid, in the full sum of five hundred dollars, federal money; for the punctual payment of which, well and truly to be made, i bind myself, my heirs, executors or administrators, firmly by these presents. in testimony whereof, i have hereunto below set my hand and affixed my seal, this the th day of december, a.d. . now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, that whereas the said wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, purchase of the said mclaughlin all and singular the following pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: lots nos. four and five, in block no. two, in the town of oregon city, in the territory of oregon, as is more fully shown by the map and plan of said town, and hath, and by these presents doth agree to build upon and improve each of the lots within the term of one year from the date of these presents. in consideration of which, the said mclaughlin hath, and doth by these presents covenant and agree to make the said wilson a good and sufficient quit-claim deed for and to all and singular the above-mentioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he, the said wilson, shall have complied with the above conditions on his part. now, if the said mclaughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be made, the said deed to the said wilson, upon the said wilson's complying on his part with the above condition, then, and in such case, the within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect; otherwise to be and remain of full force and virtue. john mclaughlin. [l. s.] per l. w. hastings, his agent. we, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true and correct copy of the original. r. shortess. a. e. wilson. our history would not be complete without these documents. it will be noticed in mr. pomeroy's deed, as also all the other deeds given by dr. mclaughlin, that he "warrants and defends" against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, _the claims of the government only excepted_. he would not insert _united states government_, for he expected the english would get the country. he asserts in his deeds, "and i, the said mclaughlin, _for myself_, do vouch and declare that i am the true and proper claimant of, and to the said premises and lot of land, and that i have in myself full power and good right." any one questioning his power and authority was made to feel it in a manner more severe than that of any governor of a state or of the president of the united states. it was unfortunate that, at the time dr. mclaughlin was making his claim to the land and his improvements at oregon city, it was not known that he had, or would, sever his connection with the hudson's bay company, and become an american citizen, as he afterward did. it was his connection with, and apparent control over, the affairs of the company, that created the strong american prejudice against him, and deceived many as to his intentions, besides giving occasion for a strong feeling in favor of rev. mr. waller, who employed a mr. john ricord to prepare a declaration setting forth his claim to that location, as follows:-- "_to the people of oregon:_ "fellow-citizens,--having been retained professionally to establish the claim of mr. alvin f. waller to the tract of land on the east side of the wallamet river, sometimes called the wallamet falls settlement, and sometimes oregon city, i consider it a duty to my client and to the public to state, briefly and concisely, the several circumstances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may not be impugned, nor his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented. "the public are already aware that my client commenced the occupancy of this farm in the spring of a.d. , when no one resided at the falls, and that, in the course of that summer, he built his house, moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the land; from which, in the ensuing years a.d. and , he raised successive crops of corn, potatoes, and other vegetables usually cultivated by farmers. that he remained thus occupying undisturbed, until the month of december, a.d. , about two years and six months, when dr. john mclaughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the purpose of selling it in subdivisions to american citizens. it has since been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client had renounced his right in favor of dr. mclaughlin. this i am authorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by mr. waller, which not only contains no renunciation, but, on the contrary, is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises; offering at the same time to relinquish his claim if the doctor would comply with certain very reasonable and just conditions. upon this offer the parties had come to no final conclusion until my arrival in the colony, when dr. mclaughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, disregarding the rights of all other persons, which i declined doing. mr. waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second time to the doctor for his acceptance or rejection, which i did in the following words:-- "' st. that your pre-emptive line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist-mill, conceding to them as much water as may be necessary for the use of said mills. "' d. that mr. waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in superficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots of your present survey. "' d. that the rev. mr. lee, on behalf of the methodist episcopal mission, be, in like manner, secured in the lots claimed for the use of said mission.' they consist of church and parsonage lots, and are well known to the public. "i received a letter from dr. mclaughlin, dated november , , in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above conditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his right of pre-emption. under these circumstances mr. waller has now applied to the supreme court of the united states, which, under the constitution, has original jurisdiction of 'all cases in law and equity, arising under treaties,' to grant him a commission for perpetuating the testimony of the facts in his case, _de bene esse_, in order that whenever congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe, by law, the conditions and considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the united states a patent; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience. "the legality of mr. a. f. waller's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he was a citizen of the united states, of full age, and possessed of a family when he came to reside on the premises; d. he built a house upon them and moved his family into it, thus becoming in fact and in law a householder on the land; d. he cleared, fenced, and cultivated a portion of it during two years and six months before he was disturbed in his actual possession; and th. that he is not at this moment continuing to cultivate his farm is not his fault, since it was wrested from him. "the illegality of dr. mclaughlin's claim rests upon the following grounds:-- " st. he was a british subject owing allegiance to a foreign power, and has so continued to be ever since the spring of a.d. . for this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the united states. " d. he is chief officer of a foreign corporative monopoly. for this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the united states. " d. he does not now, and never did, reside on the land in question; but, on the contrary, he resides, and has always continued to reside, on the north bank of the columbia river, the section of country actually in dispute between the two governments, about twenty miles from the land claimed by mr. waller, and there he is obliged to remain so long as he continues to be chief factor. " th. he is not in fact the claimant. the hudson's bay company, a foreign corporation, is in fact the claimant, while dr. mclaughlin only lends his name; well knowing that a corporation, even though it be an american one, can not acquire a pre-emption. this is evinced by the employment of men to be his agents, and to sell lots for him, who are at the same time partners in, and receiving dividends and salaries from, the company. " th. the pretensions of dr. mclaughlin arose, if at all, two years and six months after the actual settlement of mr. waller; and therefore they are in direct violation of the treaty of a.d. , converting the mutual and joint occupation into an exclusive occupancy by british subjects. " th. the treaty of joint occupation ( ) does not, and was never intended, on the part of the united states, to confer any rights of citizenship upon foreigners. the power to confer such rights is, by the constitution, reserved to congress. and the right to acquire title by pre-emption is peculiar to citizens. "these, fellow-citizens, are the facts and some of the points of law in my client's case. upon the same principle contended for by dr. mclaughlin, any of you may incur the risk of being ousted from your farms in this colony, by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a fancy so to do, unless in the first instance you come unanimously forward and resist these usurpations. it is not my client's intention to wrong any who have purchased lots of the doctor; and to guard against the injury which might result to individuals in this respect, i have carefully drawn up the form of a bond for a warrantee deed, which mr. waller is at all times ready, without any further consideration, to execute to any person who has, in good faith, bought of the doctor, prior to the date of this notice, by being applied to at his residence. mr. waller does not require one cent of money to be paid to him as a consideration for his bonds--the trouble, expense, and outlays they have already incurred, with a desire to save all such persons harmless from pecuniary loss, is a good and sufficient consideration in law to bind him in the proposed penalty of one thousand dollars. (see cowan's digest--assumpsit, b). "i am of opinion that mr. waller has rights in the premises, which neither dr. mclaughlin, nor even congress, by any retrospective legislation, can take away from him,--and therefore, fellow-citizens, in sincere friendship, i would counsel you to lose no time in applying to him for your new bonds. "john ricord, "counselor in the supreme court of the united states, and attorney for alvin f. waller. "dated december , ." chapter xxxix. extracts from mr. hines' history.--attempt to capture an indian horse-thief.--dr. mclaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition.--excitement in the settlement.--interview with dr. mclaughlin at vancouver. "april .--information was brought to the settlement from the clackamas tribe of indians, who live three miles below the falls of the wallamet, which served to increase the excitement occasioned by the reports from the interior. it appears that an indian of the molalla tribe, connected with the clackamas indians by marriage, stole a horse from a man by the name of anderson, and when asked by the latter if he had stolen his horse and rode him off, answered, 'yes, i stole your horse, and when i want another one i shall steal him also.' to this anderson replied, 'if you stole my horse you must pay me for him.' 'yes,' said the indian, 'i will pay you for him, take that horse,' pointing to a very poor horse which stood near by, with one eye out, and a very sore back. anderson replied, 'that is a very poor horse, and mine is a good one; i shall not take him, and if you don't bring him back i will report you to dr. white.' 'i am not afraid of dr. white,' said the indian; 'let him come if he wants to, and bring the boston people with him; he will find me prepared for him.' "anderson not being able to effect a settlement with the indian, immediately reported him to the agent, whereupon the latter wrote to a man at the falls, by the name of campbell, to take a sufficient number of men armed with muskets, and go very early in the morning to the indian camp, and take the horse-thief a prisoner, and bring him to the falls. "accordingly, campbell procured five men, and went to the camp as commanded, but found thirty or forty indians painted in the most hideous manner, and armed with muskets, bows and arrows, tomahawks and scalping-knives, and determined at all events to protect the horse-thief, and drive back those that should come to take him. campbell rushed on to take the rogue, but met with much resistance from superiority of numbers; and finding that the enterprise, if urged forward, would terminate in bloodshed, if not in the loss of all their lives, sounded a retreat, and extricating himself from the indians, returned to the falls. he communicated the result of his attempt to dr. white, and the doctor started off immediately in company with g. w. le breton, resolved to capture the thief and bring the tribe to terms." this day's proceedings are given as a specimen of the foolish conduct of dr. white and his friends. "april .--the excitement still continues, former reports having been confirmed, and all were engaged in repairing guns, and securing ammunition. a report was in circulation that dr. mclaughlin refused to grant supplies for any consideration, to all those persons who subscribed the memorial praying the congress of the united states to extend jurisdiction over oregon. if this be so, the american population (as nearly all signed the memorial) will not be able to obtain ammunition, however necessary it may be, as there is none in the country except what may by found within the stockades of vancouver. i think, however, that the report is false. report says, furthermore, that the klikitat indians are collecting together back of the tualatin plains, but for what purpose is not known. the people on the plains, consisting of about thirty families, are quite alarmed. there is also a move among the calapooyas. shoefon, one of the principal men of the tribe, left this place a few days ago, and crossed the wallamet river, declaring that he would never return until he came with a band of men to drive off the boston people. he was very much offended because some of his people were seized and flogged, through the influence of dr. white, for having stolen a horse from some of the missionaries, and flour from the mission mill. his influence is not very extensive among the indians, or we might have much to fear. "the colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition; two hundred indians, divided into four bands, might destroy the whole settlement in one night. "in the evening of the th, dr. white arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls. he and mr. le breton attempted to go to the falls on horseback, but in trying to ford haunchauke river, they found the water so deep they were obliged to swim, and the doctor turned his horse's head and came out the side he went in; but le breton, being the better mounted of the two, succeeded in gaining the opposite shore; and having the doctor's letters in his possession, continued on to the falls. the doctor returned to the settlement. le breton returned the following day, and brought information from the five men who had attempted to take the indian who had stolen anderson's horse, that soon after their retreat the indians became alarmed and broke up in great haste; but, before they left, they informed anderson that the horse they had stolen from him was worn out and good for nothing, and tying a good horse to a tree near anderson's house, they told him that he must take that and be satisfied. they then hurried away, saying that they should not be seen in that region again. it was ascertained that the clackamas indians had nothing to do with the stolen horse; that it was a band of the molallas, the very same rascals that stole a horse from me two years before, and after having him in their possession several weeks, brought him down within a few miles of my house, where they encamped, and where i went with one man and took him from the midst of more than fifty grim-looking savages." this shows at least that mr. hines had personal courage. "on the th of april a letter was received in the settlement, written by h. b. brewer, at the dalles, which brings the latest intelligence from the infected region. this letter states that the indians in the interior talk much of war, and mr. brewer urges dr. white to come up without delay, and endeavor to allay the excitement. he does not inform us that the indians design any evil toward the whites, but says that the war is to be between themselves, but that the boston people have much to fear. as the doctor, in his visit to the interior last october, left an appointment to meet the wallawalla indians and the cayuses, in their own country, on the th of may, and believing that a great share of the excitement originated in a misunderstanding of the indians, he came to the conclusion at all hazards to go among them. at the solicitation of the agent, i determined to accompany him on the expedition. "the great complaint of the indians was that the boston people designed to take away their lands, and reduce them to slavery. this they had inferred from what dr. white had told them in his previous visit; and this misunderstanding of the indians had not only produced a great excitement among them, but had occasioned considerable trouble betwixt them and the missionaries and other whites in the upper country, as well as influencing them to threaten the destruction of all the american people. individuals had come down from fort wallawalla to vancouver, bringing information of the excited state of things among the indians, and giving out that it would be extremely dangerous for dr. white to go up to meet his engagements. their opinion was, that in all probability he and the party which he might think proper to take with him would be cut off. but it was the opinion of many judicious persons in the settlement, that the welfare of the indians, and the peace and security of the whites, demanded that some persons qualified to negotiate with the indians should proceed immediately to the scene of disaffection, and if possible remove the cause of the excitement by correcting the error under which the indians labored. accordingly dr. white engaged twelve men besides myself, mostly french-canadians who had had much experience with indians, to go with him; but a few days before the time fixed upon to start had arrived, they all sent him word that they had decided not to go. they were doubtless induced to pursue this course through the influence of dr. mclaughlin and the catholic priests." most likely, mr. hines, but you seem to be afraid to express a decided opinion, even after they have accomplished their object. "when the day arrived for starting, we found ourselves abandoned by every person who had engaged to go, except mr. g. w. le breton, an american, one indian boy, and one kanaka. with the two latter the doctor and myself left the wallamet settlement on the th of april, , and proceeded on horseback to the butte, where we found le breton in waiting for us. he had provided a canoe and a few pieces of pork and beef for our use on the voyage. "here we met a letter from dr. john mclaughlin, at vancouver, discouraging us from our undertaking in view of the difficulties and dangers attending such an expedition; but we had counted the cost, and were not to be diverted from our purpose, though danger stared us in the face. we supposed that if the indians entertained any hostile intentions against the whites in general, there could be no better way to defeat their purposes than to go among them; convince them that they had no grounds of fear; and that the whites, instead of designing to bring them into subjection, were desirous of doing them good. prevented by one thing and another from setting sail, on the night of the th we slept on a bank of sand at the butte, and next day proceeded in our little canoe down to wallamet falls, where we continued until the th. here we received another package from dr. mclaughlin, giving us information that rev. mr. demerse, a catholic priest, had just come down from the upper country, bringing intelligence that the indians are only incensed against the boston people; that they have nothing against the french and king george people; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the boston people shall not have their lands, and take away their liberties. "on receiving this intelligence from mr. demerse, dr. mclaughlin advised the frenchmen, who had engaged to go with dr. white, to have nothing to do with the quarrel, to remain quiet at home, and let the americans take care of themselves. he also expressed, in his letter, the opinion that all the people should remain quiet, and in all probability the excitement among the indians would soon subside. "not seeing sufficient reason to change our course, on the morning of the th we left our hospitable friends at the falls and continued our course down the wallamet toward vancouver. at noon we had sailed twenty miles, and stopped for dinner within five miles of the mouth of the wallamet, on a low piece of ground, overgrown with luxuriant grass, but which is always overflowed at the rise of the columbia, or about the first of june. weighed anchor after dinner, and at four o'clock, p.m., arrived at vancouver. called on dr. mclaughlin for goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommodation on our voyage up the columbia, and, though he was greatly surprised that, under the circumstances, we should think of going among those excited indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. however, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on account of our going among the indians of the interior, as in consequence of a certain memorial having been sent to the united states congress, implicating the conduct of dr. mclaughlin and the hudson's bay company, and bearing the signature of seventy americans. i inquired of the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those americans who had signed that document; he replied that he had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect no more favors from him. _not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, i did not come under the ban of the company_; consequently i obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that i would be refused. "we remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and after a close conversation with the gentleman in command, were treated with great courtesy." chapter xl. a combination of facts.--settlers alive to their danger.--mr. hines' disparagement of the methodist mission.--indians want pay for being whipped.--indian honesty.--mr. hines' opinion of the indians' religion.--mr. geiger's advice.--dr. mclaughlin's answer to yellow serpent.--baptiste doreo.--four conflicting influences. we now have before us a combination of facts and statements that no one living at the time they occurred will attempt to deny. shortess and others still live to vouch for the truth of what is written. if mr. hines has shown the least partiality in his writings, it is strongly in favor of influences that were operating against him and the cause he advocated; while such men as rogers, le breton, wilson, whitman, and others still living, spoke and acted the american sentiment of the country. mr. hines and dr. white had received two packages from dr. mclaughlin advising them not to go to the interior, and the jesuit priest, demerse, had come down bringing word that the "quarrel" was not with the _french_ and _english_, and that dr. mclaughlin advised his frenchmen to remain at home and let the americans take care of themselves. mr. brewer is deceived as to the cause of the war rumors about him, and seems solicitous only about the indians. with all these facts, as given by mr. hines, with his ability and experience, we are at a loss to understand how it is that he could take notes and publish, in , statements as above quoted, and then proceed with the account that follows, rather excusing dr. mclaughlin and the priests in the part they are taking in attempting to crush the american settlement, and actually aiding the hudson's bay company in combining and marshaling the savages to weaken and destroy his countrymen! the writer does not believe he intended to do any thing of the kind, yet the influences brought to bear upon him were such that he became an active instrument with dr. white to accomplish the one great object of the hudson's bay company and english government, and becomes the apologist for a premeditated and deliberate murder of his countrymen. the whitman massacre he does not even mention. the settlers were alive to their danger. they had no head, no organization, no one to look to for supplies or protection. they knew that the sub-agent of the united states government was the dupe of their worst enemy, and had betrayed them. they knew that it was the policy and disposition of the missions to keep them under their control. we are fully aware of the fact that the leading clergymen of all the missions attempt to deny the position above stated. but in the covenant of mr. griffin with mr. munger, he admits that the articles of compact and arrangement of the various missionary societies all affirm the one principle, that laymen or members of their societies were subject to the orders and dictation of the clergymen, not only in religious, but all financial and secular matters,--hence the disposition and determination on the part of these clerical gentlemen to govern the early settlement of the country. the hudson's bay company system of absolute government was favorable to this idea. the jesuit priests, who combined their influence with the company, all contributed to oppress and keep down the settler. while the priests were active in combining and preparing the indians in middle oregon to rob and destroy the emigrant on his lonely, weary, toilsome way to this country, their agents and principal clerks were equally active in shaping matters in the various neighborhoods and settlements west of the cascades. on the th page of mr. hines' book he gives us a short summary of the labors of revs. daniel lee, h. k. w. perkins, and mr. h. b. brewer: "they are laboring to establish a permanent mission at this place [the dalles] for the benefit of the indians, but with doubtful success." that the methodist mission should be misled and become inefficient is not to be wondered at when such men as mr. hines, holding the position and assuming a controlling influence as he did, should express himself in the language quoted above. the "doubtful success" attending all the missionary labors of the methodist mission was unquestionably attributable to the opinions of just such men, privately and publicly expressed, with corresponding "doubtful" and divided labors, while the ignorance of the religious supporters of the roman missions enabled them to deceive their neophytes and patrons, and keep up their own missions and destroy those of the protestants. soon after mr. hines and party arrived at the dalles, some twenty indians assembled to have a talk with dr. white, who had in his visit in the fall of prevailed upon this band to organize an indian government by appointing one high chief and three subordinates to see that all violators of his rules were punished by being flogged for offenses that formerly were considered trifling and evidence of native cunning and smartness. as was to be expected, some of the indians would resist and use their knives and weapons in their own defense. there is an interesting incident related by mr. hines, in reference to indian character, on his th page:-- "the indians want pay for being whipped, in compliance with dr. white's laws, the same as they did for praying to please the missionaries, during the great indian revival of . those appointed by dr. white were desirous that his regulations should continue, because they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the other indian tribes. but the other influential men who were not in office desired to know of dr. white of what benefit this whipping system was going to be to them. they said they were willing it should continue, provided they were to receive shirts and pants and blankets as a reward for being whipped. they had been whipped a good many times and had got nothing for it, and it had done them no good. if this state of things was to continue, it was all _cultus_, good for nothing, and they would throw it away. the doctor wished them to understand that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. they laughed at the idea, and separated." just here the writer will give one other incident, related of yallop, an indian belonging to the same tribe, as stated by rev. mr. condon, of the dalles:-- "yallop was requested to remain at the house of mr. joslin during the absence of the family, one cold day, and see that nothing was disturbed, with the understanding that he was to go into the house and make himself comfortable till the family returned. on coming home they found the indian outdoors under a tree, cold and nearly frozen. they inquired the reason of his strange conduct, and wanted to know why he did not stay in the house. yallop said he went into the house and found every thing so nice and comfortable that by and by the old indian came into him again and he wanted to steal all there was in the house, and the only way he could get over that feeling was to go out under the tree in the cold." mr. hines, in speaking of this same band, says, th page: "as a matter of course, lying has much to do in their system of trade, and he is the best fellow who can tell the biggest lie, make men believe it, and practice the greatest deception. a few years ago a great religious excitement prevailed among these indians, and nearly the whole tribe, consisting of a thousand, professed to be converted, were baptized, and received into the christian church; but they have nearly all relapsed into their former state, with the exception that many of them still keep up the outward form of religion. "their religion appears to be more of the head than of the heart, and though they are exceedingly vicious, yet doubtless they would be much worse than they are, but for the"--("doubtful success," as mr. hines affirms on his th page, while here he says)--"_restraining influences_ exerted by the missionaries." mr. hines has given us an interesting history of those early missionary labors, but the greater portion of his book relates to himself,--to his travels on shipboard, and at the sandwich islands, a trip to china and back to new york, and his trip to the interior of oregon. he says: "the cayuse indians, among whom this mission is established, had freely communicated to mr. geiger, whom they esteemed as their friend, all they knew concerning it. when the indians were told that the americans were designing to subjugate them and take away their land, the young chiefs of the cayuse tribe were in favor of proceeding immediately to hostilities. they were for raising a large war party and rushing directly down to the wallamet settlement and cutting off the inhabitants at a blow. they frequently remarked to mr. geiger that they did not wish to go to war, but if the americans came to take away their lands and make slaves of them they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed. they said they had received their information concerning the designs of the americans from baptiste doreo, who is a half-breed son of madame doreo,--the heroine of washington irving's 'astoria,'--understands the nez percé language well, and had given the cayuses the information that had alarmed them. mr. geiger endeavored to induce them to prepare early in the spring to cultivate the ground as they did the year before, but they refused to do any thing, saying that baptiste doreo had told them that it would be of no consequence; that the americans would come in the summer and kill them all off and destroy their plantations. "after doreo had told them this story, they sent a wallawalla chief--yellow serpent--to vancouver, to learn from dr. mclaughlin the facts in the case. "yellow serpent returned and told the cayuses that dr. mclaughlin said he had nothing to do in a war with the indians; that he did not believe the americans designed to attack them, and that if the _americans did go to war with the indians, the hudson's bay company would not assist them_. after they got this information from the emakus myohut (big chief), the indians became more calm. many of them went to cultivating the ground as formerly, and a large number of little patches had been planted and sown before we arrived at the station." mr. hines soon learned that the reports about war that had reached the lower country were not without foundation. that the indians still had confidence in mr. geiger, and that they did not wish to go to war. the reader will observe the statement of the indians after they had told mr. geiger they would fight if forced to do so. "they," the indians, "said they had received their information concerning the designs of the americans from baptiste doreo." this half-breed is also an interpreter of the hudson's bay company, and an important leader among the half-breeds--next to thomas mckay. after doreo had told them his story, the indians were still unwilling to commence a war against the americans. they sent a messenger to vancouver to consult dr. mclaughlin, just as those same indians in went to mr. mckinley, then in charge of fort wallawalla, and wanted to know of him, if it was not good for them to drive dr. whitman and mr. gray away from that station because the doctor refused to pay them for the land the mission occupied? mr. mckinley understood their object, and was satisfied that there were outside influences that he did not approve of, and told the indians, "yes, you are braves; there is a number of you, and but two of them and two women and some little children; you can go and kill them or drive them away; you go just as quick as you can and do it; but if you do i will see that you are punished." the indians understood mr. mckinley. whitman and gray were not disturbed after this. dr. john mclaughlin we believe to have been one of the noblest of men while he lived, but, like messrs. hines, white, burnett, newell, spalding, and many others, influences were brought to bear upon him that led him to adopt and pursue a doubtful if not a crooked course. it was evident to any one conversant with the times of which we are writing that there were at least four elements or influences operating in the country, viz., the unasserted or _quasi_ rights of the american government; the coveted and actual occupancy of the country by the english hudson's bay company and subjects, having the active civil organization of that government; the occupancy of the country by the american missions; and the coveted occupancy of the same by the roman jesuit missions. these four influences could not harmonize; there was no such thing as a union and co-operation. the struggle was severe to hold and gain the controlling influence over the natives of the country, and shape the settlements to these conflicting views and national and sectarian feelings. the american settler, gaining courage and following the example and the track of the american missionaries with their wives, winds his way over the mountains and through the desert and barren plains down the columbia river and through the cascade mountains,-- weary, way-worn, naked, and hungry. in one instance, with his rifle upon his shoulder, and his wife and three children mounted upon the back of his last ox, he plods his weary way through oregon city, and up the wallamet, to find his future home; and there the warm heart of the early missionary and his family is ready to feed, clothe, and welcome the wanderer to this distant part of our great national domain, in order that he may aid in securing oregon to its rightful inhabitants, and in forming a fifth power that shall supersede and drive away all foreign influences. for a time the struggle with the four influences was severe and doubtful; but men who had crossed the rocky and cascade mountains with ox-teams, were not made to give up their country's cause in the hour of danger, though britain and rome, with their savage allies, joined to subdue and drive them from it. with the british hudson's bay company, roman jesuit missions, savage indians, american missions, and american settlers the struggle is continued. chapter xli. governor simpson and dr. whitman in washington.--interviews with daniel webster and president tyler.--his cold reception in boston by the american board.--conducts a large emigration safely across the rocky mountains into oregon.--the "memorial half-century volume."--the oregon mission ignored by the american board.--dr. mclaughlin.--his connection with the hudson's bay company.--catholic cayuses' manner of praying.--rev. c. eells.--letter from a. l. lovejoy.--description of whitman's and lovejoy's winter journey from oregon to bent's fort on the arkansas river. governor simpson, of the hudson's bay company, had reached washington and been introduced to mr. webster, then secretary of state, by the british minister. all the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the english government, can command, is brought to bear upon the question of the northwestern boundary. the executive of the american republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation. just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-visaged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the department in his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and on his way to washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. it is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the rocky mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the briton, "_that no power could make known to his government the purposes of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they sought_." while they were counting on wealth, power, influence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of himself or of his ridiculous appearance before the great daniel webster and the president of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the hudson's bay company and the british government: that their representations of this country were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure the country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the pacific was practicable; that he had, in , in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in , been taken to the wallamet valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. he asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the american people. mr. webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in maine and the fisheries on the banks of newfoundland. there was but one other hope in this case. this old off-hand oregon missionary at once sought an interview with president tyler. he repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. but that dr. whitman (for the reader has already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the president of the united states the only representative of oregon and all her future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country,--that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him,--can only be attributed to that overruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained. mr. tyler, after listening to the doctor's statements with far more candor and interest than mr. webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the hudson's bay company and the british minister, then in washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the american people. he said: "dr. whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. an escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country." it is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted missionary's reception and treatment, on his arrival in boston, derogatory to the board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expense, and for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from the mission to come to the states. most of his reverend associates had, as the writer is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determination to defeat, if possible, the british and jesuitical designs upon the country; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors. his request at washington to save this richest jewel of our nation from british rule is granted, while the american board of commissioners for foreign missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the indians and the country from becoming the boast of the italian jesuit, and a prey to his degrading superstitions. the doctor's mission, with all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swallowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and destroyed that of the methodist mission. dr. whitman disposed of his own little private property in the states, and, with the aid of his brother and brother's son, returned to missouri, joined the emigration of , and, as he had intimated to president tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the hudson's bay company had brought to aid in securing the country to the british crown, proving to the american people and the world, what had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable wagon road to the pacific ocean on american soil. his care, influence, aid, and attention to the emigration of , i leave with those who can speak from personal observation. their gratitude and deep sympathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the country. but influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go unpunished. the cause in which dr. whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a memorial volume of the american board, page , a false impression is given to the world, and a whole mission ignored. in this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up "memorial half-century volume," justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this board has ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as "rev. samuel parker's exploring tour beyond the rocky mountains, under the direction of the board, in , , and , brought to light _no field for a great and successful mission_, but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for a _railroad_ from the mississippi to the pacific." this shows a want of candor and also a disposition to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by jesuits; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception of dr. whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission; and, failing to destroy the american settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. after being defeated by the american settlers in the organization of the provisional government in , by the provisional army of - , they now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim millions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. they have fallen to the lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value. as we said when speaking of the "combination of influences and no harmony," we believe dr. john mclaughlin to have been one of the best and noblest of men; yet the governing power of the hudson's bay company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. do you ask me how i know this? i answer, by the oaths of good and true american citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. these depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. in this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of dr. mclaughlin from the fall of till his death. this witness, in answer to the inquiry as to what dr. mclaughlin told him about the hudson's bay company's encouraging the early settlement of oregon, said dr. mclaughlin _had not encouraged the american settlement of the country_, but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had he not furnished supplies on a credit; that he could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him who _strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by american citizens_, and thus give to the united states government an element of title to the country; the united states government could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the hudson's bay company's house in london; that he ascertained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because, _as a man of common humanity_, he could not do otherwise; and he resolved that he would continue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it; that the company's managing and controlling office in london did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of _common humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did_; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the american settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, and it was not for him but for god and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the bible told him, "if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he is naked, clothe him;" that these settlers were not even enemies; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, "i do not know as that was the exact expression or word") _for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do_, and that he immediately concluded by indignantly saying, "_gentlemen, if such is your order, i will serve you no longer_," and from that day oregon secured a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the honorable hudson's bay company, who in are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man's generous and noble deeds. the readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of dr. mclaughlin as the head of the hudson's bay company, and continue him as a representative of that influence, as also connected with the roman catholic efforts in the country; for while we condemn and speak of base and infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. we have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, the vast influence used, and efforts made, _to prevent the american settlement of this country_, which shall be brought to light as we proceed. one other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. dr. mclaughlin informed his attorney "that he had proposed to the company's authority in london, that if they would allow him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but this the company declined to do." the witness said: "my memory is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he made, and i do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus owing by american citizens as debts owing not to the hudson's bay company, but to himself individually." dr. mclaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristocrat. he was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and familiar men; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for his generous and unbounded benevolence. like dr. whitman, the influences around him weighed heavily upon his soul; he keenly felt the pain of ingratitude in others; he felt it from the hudson's bay company, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had befriended. an attempt was made by a member of the company, who had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite the sectarian prejudice of the witness against dr. mclaughlin on his cross-examination, by handing to the company's attorney the following questions to be asked the witness:-- _ques._--"do you not recollect that dr. mclaughlin told you that sir george simpson's complaint against him was his allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to bishop blanchet, of the catholic mission, without any security?" _ans._--"this is the first time i have heard of that transaction." _ques._--"do you not know from what dr. mclaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the catholic mission while in charge of the company's business?" _ans._--"i do not." in reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over the items of account against our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a catholic church building and two schoolhouses at vancouver, as having been made by the hudson's bay company for the catholic missions and the benefit of the company's business, which are still standing and in possession of the priests and nuns of that order. this matter should be closely investigated. we have abundance of other evidence to show the intimate and continued connection of the jesuit missions with the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the responsibility of that connection from the company to dr. mclaughlin's individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. the jesuitical catholic concern was a child of their own, and one they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. they made use of dr. mclaughlin as long as they could, and when they found he was inclined to favor the american settlement of the country, he fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an account. these facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the hudson's bay company's trade, _and by no means to encourage the settlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men to become subject to, and connected with, the missions_. they also explain the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over the supplies granted to the american missions. they invariably limited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought to prevent the settlement of the country. it also explains fully the complaint of rev. mr. griffin in his effort for an independent mission, and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate effort they made in to destroy the missions and all american settlements; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all the indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, or their _pet child, the jesuit missions_. the hudson's bay company had no fault to find with dr. mclaughlin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the american settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that grant, at fort hall, with the indians along the route, had combined to deceive and rob, while on the way to the country. this old, white-headed man, who had served them for forty years, _was compelled_, in maintaining his honor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their service. what think you, kind reader, of the hudson's bay company's kindness and generosity to the american settler, when this same company held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour of his greatest need? will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, "it was a neglect of the company's agent, after dr. mclaughlin's decease, that they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor's heirs or administrator before the year's notice was up. it was now too late, and it was lost to the company unless they could get it allowed by the united states government?" we justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and indian massacres. in what light shall we hold a company and government, who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to produce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay for such conduct? but we must still refer to dr. mclaughlin as representing the hudson's bay company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, men, and things occurring in . dr. whitman is on his way back to oregon with eight hundred and seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. simpson is foiled and disappointed at washington. hines and dr. white are among the upper columbia indians. dr. mclaughlin and the french-canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the americans appear to be gaining over the indians. piopiomoxmox (yellow serpent) has returned and reported to the cayuses the result of his visit to dr. mclaughlin, and the determination of the company that, in case of a war with the americans, "_they would not aid the americans_, but let them take care of themselves." the old indian chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future designs of the americans were; while the jesuits had been careful to impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and prejudices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests to the cayuses. the rev. h. k. w. perkins called at young chief's (tawatowe) lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their morning prayer. the chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound of which all his band came together for devotion. tawatowe then said to mr. perkins: "we are catholics, and our worship is different from yours." he then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. the chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached a brass cross. after all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, and commenced their prayer as follows: "we are poor, we are poor," repeating it ten times, and then closing with "good father, good son, good spirit," and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. this was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the string to the other. when this mock devotion closed, tawatowe said: "this is the way in which the priest taught us to worship god;" but elijah (a boy that had been educated at the methodist indian school) said that "tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we [meaning his own wallawalla tribe] pray from the heart." since writing the above, we have found in the _missionary herald_ of december, , page , a letter from rev. c. eells, formerly of the spokan mission. in speaking of dr. whitman's visit to the states, he says: "mr. walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he would go, even if he became disconnected with the mission in order to do so. according to the understanding of the members of the mission, the single object of dr. whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of - , amid mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save this country to the united states." we are not much surprised at mr. eells' ignorance of influences operating in this country. his fears and caution have made him unreasonably timid. he is always so fearful that he will do or say something wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an attempt on the part of his associates to counteract roman catholic superstitions and maintain the influence of the protestant religion on our western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. he has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as developed in mr. treat's remarks, who, after giving mr. eells' letter, says: "_it was not simply an american question, however_;" it was at the same time a protestant question. he [dr. whitman] was fully alive to the efforts which the roman catholics were making to gain the mastery on the pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interests of the hudson's bay company, with a view to this very end. the danger from this quarter [which messrs. eells and walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. under date of april , , he said: "in the autumn of , i pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations." it is in reference to the facts above quoted from dr. whitman's letter--made in our presence to those timid associates--that we say they were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at that time, and since his death. the following letter from general a. l. lovejoy gives further proof of dr. whitman's efforts to save oregon to his country:-- portland, oregon, november , . _william h. gray, esq.:_ my dear sir,--your note of the th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late dr. marcus whitman to the united states from this coast in the winter of and ' , and his reception at washington, and by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home. true, i was the traveling companion of the doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the rocky mountains in midwinter. previous to our leaving wailatpu, i often had conversations with the doctor touching the prospects of this coast. the doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at washington, and, after some arrangements, we left wailatpu, october , , overland, for the eastern states. we traveled rapidly, and reached fort hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for fort wintee, as the doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the spanish country, _via_ taos and santa fé. on our way from fort hall to fort wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. after reaching fort wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for fort macumpagra, situate on the waters of grand river, in the spanish country. here again our stay was very short. we simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for taos. after being out some four or five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. a deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. after reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. it was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further. this was a terrible blow to the doctor. he was determined not to give it up without another effort. and we at once agreed that the doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that i should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide. we were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail's pace. nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the grand river, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. the current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold. this stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. but the doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. he mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. away they went completely under water--horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream--leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. the guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor's example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. with our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached taos in about thirty days. we suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach. we remained at taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for bent's fort, on the headwaters of the arkansas river, where we arrived about the third day of january, . the doctor left here on the th, at which time we parted, and i did not meet him again until some time in the month of july, above fort laramie, on his way to oregon with a train of emigrants. the doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at washington and by the board of missions at boston. the doctor had several interviews with president tyler, secretary webster, and many members of congress, touching the interests of oregon. he urged the immediate termination of the treaty with great britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the united states, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast. he felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and i have no doubt, the doctor's interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of oregon and the entire coast. but his reception at boston was not so cordial. the board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year. the doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the pacific coast. after his exertions in this behalf, he left for independence, missouri, and started for oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of may. with his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of october (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground. the indians were very hostile about the doctor's leaving at the time he did, and i have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction--the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, mrs. whitman, and many others--were then sown by those haughty and savage cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward. as to your fourth inquiry relative to the cayuse war. it is a long time since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that i would not like to make many statements from memory, although i was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached oregon city. there being no supplies at oregon city suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to fort vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. the hudson's bay company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $ , , which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils. yours, with great respect, a. l. lovejoy. w. h. gray, esq., astoria, oregon. chapter xlii. assembly of the nez percés, cayuses, and wallawallas.--mock fight.--council with the indians.--speeches by yellow serpent, tilokaikt, the prince, and illutin.--the secret of the whole difficulty.--john, the kanaka.--a cow for a horse.--killing of a medicine woman. we will return to rev. mr. hines' narrative of his trip among the cayuses, may , . "as the indians refused to come together unless ellis and his men came down to meet us, we informed them that we would go up and see ellis in his own country; but being suspicious that we intended to prevent his coming down, they were much opposed to our going. explaining to the chiefs the object of our visit, they seemed to be satisfied." we have, in this short statement of mr. hines, an important fact. the cayuse indians had been instructed what to do; they were not to be diverted by any arrangements of the sub-agent. notwithstanding, the agent and mr. hines had learned that ellis was coming with several hundred warriors, they knew not for what purpose, some saying to make war upon the cayuses, and they had determined to prevent the meeting of the two tribes if possible. during their absence the cayuses all collected not far from dr. whitman's, and were waiting the arrival of the nez percés. on the d of may the nez percés, some six hundred strong, with a thousand horses, arrived on the plain. some three hundred of the cayuses and wallawallas uniting formed a grand indian cavalcade on the plain in front of dr. whitman's house, when a grand display of indian horsemanship commenced, such as advancing in mock fantastic fight, with discharges of blank cartridges, wheeling and running in all directions, till the indians had nearly worked themselves into a real fight and a great excitement. ellis said that he thought the cayuses were determined to have a fight in earnest. tawatowe, the _catholic_ chief, as he approached them appeared quite angry and disposed to quarrel. seeing the excitement increasing, and fearing that it might end seriously unless the attention of the indians could be drawn to some other subject, mr. spalding, who was present, gave notice that all would repair to dr. whitman's house for _tallapooso_ (worship). but tawatowe came forward in a very boisterous manner and inquired what we had made all this disturbance for. the american party, followed by several hundred indians, repaired to the station and engaged in religious exercises, when the excitement subsided for the night. on may , the chiefs and principal men of the three tribes assembled at the station to hear what the self-constituted united states indian commissioner and his secretary of state had to say. "they were called to order by tawatowe, who by this time had got over his excitement, and then was placed before them the object of our visit. they were told that much had been said about war, and we had come to assure them that they had nothing to fear from that quarter." if dr. white was no more explicit in setting forth the object of this visit to the indians than mr. hines is in giving the account of it, there certainly was room for a misunderstanding between him and the indians. he said "the president of the united states had not sent him [dr. white] to make war upon them, but to enter into arrangements with them to regulate their intercourse with the white people. we were not there to catch them in a trap, as a man would a beaver, but to do them good; and if they would lay aside their former practices and prejudices, stop their quarrels, cultivate their lands, and receive good laws, they might become a great and happy people; that in order to do this _they must all be united_." exactly what the hudson's bay company wished to have done to aid them in crushing the american settlement and preventing further american emigration to the country. as a reason for their being united, mr. hines says, - th pages: "they were told they were few in comparison to the whites, and if they were not all of one heart they would be able to accomplish nothing. the chiefs should set the example and love each other, and not get proud and haughty, but consider the people as their brothers and their children, and labor to do them good, that the people should be obedient, and in their morning and evening prayers they should remember their chiefs. "ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the nez percé chiefs to speak until the cayuse people should receive the laws. the cayuse chiefs replied: 'if you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know what they are.' "a speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. they were told that they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; and that this had been the cause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the past winter." with the information which mr. hines has already given us in the first part of his ninth chapter, we would suppose he would avoid this apparently incorrect statement to the indians of the cause of the difficulties then existing. he and dr. white appear to have acted under the same influence with dr. mclaughlin, and to have carried all their acts and counsels to the one object, which was to combine the indians, and divide and destroy the settlement. he tells us, in continuation of the proceedings of this council, that "the laws were then read, first in english, and then in nez percé." "yellow serpent then rose and said: 'i have a message to you. where are these laws from? i would that you might say they were from god. but i think they are from the earth, because, from what i know of white men [a term claimed by brouillet as belonging to the hudson's bay company and frenchmen], they do not honor these laws.' in answer to this, the people were informed that the laws were recognized by god, and imposed on men in all civilized countries. yellow serpent was pleased with the explanation, and said that it was according to the instructions he had received from others, and he was glad to learn that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him when he had whipped them for crime, and had told him that god would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know that it was pleasing to god. "tilokaikt, a cayuse chief, rose and said: 'what do you read the laws for before we take them? we do not take the laws because tawatowe says so. he is a _catholic_, and as a people we do not follow his worship.' dr. white replied that this did not make any difference about the law; that the people in the states had different modes of worship, yet all had one law. "a chief, called the prince, arose and said: 'i understand you gave us liberty to examine every law,--all the words and lines,--and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. the people of this country have but one mind about it. i have something to say, but perhaps the people will dispute me. as a body, we have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can not speak because we have no point before us. the business before us is whole like a body; we have not dissected it. and perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because i am not a great chief. once i had influence, but now i have but little.'" this was one of the principal chiefs of the tribe that assisted in taking fort wallawalla and tying mr. pambrun to compel him to give more goods for horses and furs. "he was about to sit down, but was told to go on. he then said: 'when the whites first came among us, we had no cattle; they have given us none; what we have now got we have obtained by an exchange of property. a long time ago lewis and clarke came to this country, and i want to know what they said about us. did they say they found friends or enemies here?' being told that they spoke well of the indians, the prince said: 'that is a reason why the whites should unite with us, and all become one people. those who have been here before you have left us no memorial of their kindness, by giving us presents. we speak by way of favor; if you have any benefit to bestow, we will then speak more freely. one thing that we can speak about is cattle, and the reason why we can not speak out now is because we have not the thing before us. my people are poor and blind, and we must have something tangible. other chiefs have bewildered me since they came; yet i am from an honorable stock. promises which have been made to me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and i am made miserable; but it will not answer for me to speak out, for my people do not consider me as their chief.' [this was just what mr. pambrun, of the hudson's bay company, had done to this indian chief to break his power and destroy his influence with his tribe and his people. but let us hear him through.] 'one thing more; you have reminded me of what was promised me some time ago, and i am inclined to follow on and see, though i have been giving my beaver to the whites and have received many promises, and have always been disappointed; i want to know what you are going to do?' "illutin, or big belly, then arose and said that the old men were wearied with the wickedness of the young men; that if he was alone he could say 'yes' at once to the laws, and that the reason why the young men did not feel as he felt, was because they had stolen property in their hands, and the laws condemned stealing. but he assured them that the laws were calculated to do them good and not evil. "but this did not satisfy the prince. he desired that the good which it was proposed to do them by adopting the laws might be put in a tangible form before them. "he said that it had been a long time since the country had been discovered by whites, and that ever since that time people had been coming along promising to do them good; but they had all passed by and left no blessing behind them." this chief said that "the hudson's bay company had persuaded them to continue with them, and not go after the americans; that if the americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring goods with them to leave with the indians? that they were fools to listen to what _suapies_ (americans) had to say; that they would only talk, but the company would _both talk and give them presents_." this indian, as his speech shows, was shrewd, and thought he was certain to obtain his object, either from the hudson's bay company or the americans. he had been humbled by the company, and an offer to buy him back had been made. he bid for a higher price with the americans. in doing so, he naturally exposed the secret influence of the company, which is given in this book of mr. hines', as a matter of course, and he passes along without note or comment upon what he saw, and heard. "in reply to the last indian speech, dr. white told the indians that he did not come to them as a missionary or as a trader." to ellis and lawyer, who called on them in the evening to have a talk, "they said they expected pay for being chiefs, and wanted to know how much salary dr. white was going to give them. ellis said he had counted the months he had been in office, and thought that enough was due him to make him rich. they left at a late hour without receiving any satisfaction. in the council, efforts were made to induce the nez percés to unite under one chief in the fall of . thomas mckay had promised these chiefs large salaries and many presents that dr. white and his government would give them as an inducement to form a union, knowing that white had not the ability or means to make good his promises to them, and in this way any influence as an agent of the american government he might have would be lost in this tribe. "ellis was a hudson's bay indian, educated at the red river settlement. they left this private interview with white without any satisfaction, showing that the policy of the company was producing its legitimate effect upon ellis's mind. the lawyer, however, understood the matter in its true light. he explained to us the whole transaction, and the promises of mckay from the company. he thought dr. white was foolish to let mckay talk so much for him and the american government. "some hundreds again assembled the next day (may ) to renew the business relative to laws; but the first thing investigated was the shooting of john, the kanaka, by the indian. john had gone to a lodge the day before, and in a dispute in a trade he had dared the indian to shoot him. the indian had seized his gun and fired it at john's head, making considerable of a hole in the scalp, but none in the skull. the indian fled, but was brought back and found guilty and kept till the laws were adopted for sentence and punishment, and finally punished with forty lashes on the bare back. "the indians continued to speak in reference to the laws. their speeches were grave, energetic, mighty, and eloquent, and generally in favor of receiving the laws. after all had spoken it was signified that they were ready to vote whether they would take the laws or not, and the vote was unanimous in the affirmative. having adopted the laws, it was now necessary to elect their chief, according to the provisions of the laws, and tawatowe was nominated to the highest chieftainship. some were opposed; a majority were in favor, and while the question was pending [this indian had not consulted his priest, or he would have declined at once on this first proposition to elect him chief], tawatowe arose and said, 'my friends, i rise to speak to you, and i want you all to listen.' he then adverted to his past history, and told them how much he had suffered in consequence of their divisions and quarrels. tawatowe joined his influence with the prince to get more pay from the hudson's bay company for horses and furs, hence his tribe were encouraged to quarrel with and disrespect him. when we first arrived in the country he was seldom invited to the fort, and received no presents from the company. he inquired of his people if they would lay aside all their past difficulties and come up and support him if he would accept of the chieftainship. "it was now time to close for the day, and the vote being put, tawatowe was declared duly elected to the high chieftainship of the cayuse tribe. "dr. white bought of mrs. whitman a fat ox and presented it to the indians. mrs. w. gave them a fat hog, which they butchered and feasted upon at night. "may .--a number of the chiefs came early in the morning at mr. hines' request, to settle a difficulty concerning some horses which they gave to rev. jason lee when he first came to oregon in , mr. lee having requested mr. hines to come to some arrangement with them if possible. after a long talk we succeeded in settling with them by proposing to give them a cow for each horse that they had given to mr. lee. we found that the indians always expected to be well paid for a present." the jesuit missionaries and the hudson's bay company had represented to the indians that mr. lee's receiving their horses and not making them any presents was the same as stealing from them, and in this way the american missionary was regarded as having stolen the indians' horses. in the conversations and talks the indians had with dr. whitman about the land the mission occupied, the horses given to mr. lee were generally mentioned. dr. whitman was anxious that some arrangement should be made to settle that matter as soon as he learned the facts in the case. the indians, as per arrangement with mr. hines, did receive a cow for each horse given, and thus the matter was satisfactorily settled. the indians having again assembled, tawatowe came forward and said that he had made up his mind that he could not accept of the chieftainship, in consequence of the _difference of his religion_ from that of most of his people. here is jesuitism and hudson's bay, combined with ignorance and religious bigotry, and shows the influence then operating upon the savage mind. this indian declared a reason why he could not accept the chieftainship, which, four years later, would have fixed at once a crime upon that sect, without a shadow of doubt in their favor. as it was, the plan was deeper, and a protestant indian, or one that favored the protestant cause and american missions, a younger brother of tawatowe is selected. tawatowe resigned, and his brother five crows is elected the american head chief of the cayuse tribe, with the approval of the sub-agent of the united states. bear these facts in mind as we proceed, that you may fully understand the deep-laid plots of the foreign influence then operating in the country to secure the whole or a large portion of it for themselves and their own government. in connection with this we will give one other incident as related by mr. hines on his tour among the indians; to show the shrewdness, as also the long premeditated baseness of the hudson's bay company in their efforts to get rid of all american missionaries and settlers, and to bring on a war with the indians. mr. hines and party returned to the dalles, and from there mr. hines embarked on one of the hudson's bay company's boats with mr. ogden for vancouver. a short distance below the dalles they were driven ashore by a wind storm. while there, mr. ogden told the following story of the killing of a medicine woman, or doctress:-- "mr. ogden related some of his wonderful adventures among the indians, with whom he had resided more than thirty years. he was an eye-witness to a remarkable circumstance that transpired at the dalles during one of his voyages up the columbia. "he arrived at the dalles on the sabbath day, and seeing a congregation of some three hundred indians assembled not far from the river, he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the rev. h. k. w. perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation through a crucified redeemer. there was in the outskirts of the congregation an indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe, and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son of a man whose wigwam was not far distant, and for whose recovery she had become responsible by consenting to become his physician. all her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing; the father was doomed to see his son expire. believing that the doctress had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upon the most summary revenge. leaving his dead son in the lodge, he broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet." this story is a very plausible one, as much so as the one mr. hines tells us on the th page of his book, about smith, sublet, and dripse's partner. there is an object in telling this story at this time to mr. hines, as much so as there was in a letter written by james douglas, esq., to s. n. castle, esq., and published in the march number of the _friend_, at honolulu, sandwich islands, which we will give in due time. the reader will observe in these sketches that our effort has been to speak of all the principal events and prominent and prospective influences in our early history, as in the year in which they occurred. in attending to other duties we have not been able to keep as close to dates and chronological order as we could wish; still, with patience and perseverance we can restore the "lost history" of our early settlement upon this coast, so that the future historian can have the material before him for an interesting chapter in the history of our country. we have, in addition to personal and public duties, to wade through an immense amount of what is called oregon history, to gather up dates and events that have been given to the public at different times, without order, or apparent object, only to write a book on oregon. we have no hesitancy in saying that rev. g. hines has given to the public the fullest and best book, and yet there is but a single chapter that is useful to the historian. rev. samuel parker has many scientific and useful statements and observations, but all come in before our civil history began to develop itself. chapter xliii. the legislative committee of nine.--hon. robert moore, chairman.--description of the members.--minutes of their proceedings.--dr. r. newell, his character.--two specimens of his speeches.--the dark clouds. in the people of oregon showed signs of life, and sprang into existence as an american territory with their provisional government, which we have allowed to be silently forming in the wallamet valley, while we have traced the operations of the hudson's bay company, and dr. whitman to washington; and also dr. white and mr. hines among the indians, all over the country. this will enable the reader to understand the strong influences operating against the american settlement; and if he will go with us, we will introduce him to the first legislative committee of nine, and tell him just what we know of their proceedings all through their deliberations. the record shows no instruction from the settlers, as to when or where the committee should meet to prepare the laws, to report at champoeg, only, that they were limited to six days, and to be allowed $ . per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. every member at once subscribed to the full amount of his own per diem pay, and in addition to this, mr. alanson beers, rev. j. l. parish, and dr. babcock subscribed the full amount of the board of the whole nine, and the methodist mission furnished without charge the use of their granary at the old mission, as the first council chamber on this western coast. the building was a frame some sixteen by thirty feet, one and a half stories high, boards upright, with one square room in front, and the balance used for a granary, from which it derived its name; the upper part was for storing and sleeping use. the square room was used for schoolhouse and church, and now, for a legislative hall. we will enter this hall and introduce you to an old gray-headed man with a fair complexion, bald head, light eye, full face, frequent spasmodic nodding forward of the head, and a large amount of self-importance, not very large intellectual developments, with a superabundance of flesh, sitting by a square-legged table or stand, in a chair with square posts, and strips of rawhide for bottom; dressed in fustian pants, large blue vest, and striped shirt, and a common brown coat, who, on motion of mr. hill, was chosen speaker of the house, and hereafter will be known in our history as hon. robert moore, esq. the first difficulty the committee found was to organize a government without an executive. they could organize a legislative body, and appoint all the committees and officers and draft all the laws necessary, but the folly and absurdity of the effort without an executive, was so apparent, that the first thing decided upon, was, shall we have an executive head, called a governor, or a committee with executive powers! this was a difficult question, under all the votings and the discussions that had taken place. the committee were fully aware of all the opposition they must contend with. the judgeship had passed by vote of the people at champoeg from a member of the methodist mission to mr. a. e. wilson, an intelligent, unassuming, and excellent young man, who came to the country in the employ of mr. cushing, and had become a settler. the committee were well assured that they could eventually secure the methodist mission influence, yet at this time it was extremely doubtful, and they feared that it would, as in the previous effort of , go against them, with that of the catholic mission and the hudson's bay company. an executive committee consisting of three men would form a council that could act in any emergency, and at the same time enable the methodist mission to be represented by one of their members in the executive council. alanson beers was a good, honest, faithful, and intelligent christian man, acting with heart and soul with the interests of the settlement and the american cause. the settlers could rely upon him. david hill was a resident of hillsborough, tualatin plains, and was known to be decidedly opposed to the company, and not any too favorable to the catholic and methodist missions. he could be relied upon so far as the outside settlers were concerned, and robert newell could represent the rocky mountain men and such of the canadian-french hudson's bay company, and roman catholics as were disposed to join our organization. it was in consequence of his contending so strongly for the hudson's bay company's rights, interests, and privileges, at champoeg, on the th of july, that he was dropped, and joseph gale (who was one of the ewing young party to bring cattle from california to the wallamet settlement) elected in his place. with the understanding as above indicated, the legislative committee, consisting of hon. robert moore, david hill, robert shortess, alanson beers, w. h. gray, thomas j. hubbard, james a. o'neil, robert newell, and william dougherty, with the uplifted hand solemnly declared before god that they would faithfully perform the duties assigned them by the people of this settlement, at champoeg, on the d day of may, a.d. , so far as they understood the duties thus assigned them. w. h. gray then by request administered an oath to the speaker elect, that he would faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of his office as presiding officer of the present appointed legislative committee of the people of oregon, so help you god; to which beers said, amen. the question arose as to the appointment of a clerk for the committee, when the members agreed, if necessary, to pay his expenses per diem, if no other means were provided. george w. le breton, a young man of active mind, ready with the pen, useful and agreeable, and practical in his conversation, having come to the country as an adventurer in a vessel with captain couch, was chosen secretary and duly qualified by the speaker. the records of the proceedings, as published, seem to have left out the preliminary part of this legislative committee's proceedings. this is owing to the fact that the compiler had no personal knowledge of them, and perhaps sought information from those as ignorant of the facts as himself; hence the meager and unsatisfactory document given to the country. most, or all of the proceedings thus far mentioned were with closed doors, as will be seen by the record published. it was not deemed important by messrs. newell, o'neil, and hubbard, to have any record of our daily proceedings, only the result or report. messrs. shortess, beers, gray, dougherty, and hill thought it best to keep a record, which was commenced. "wallamet, may , .--the legislative committee met, and after the preliminary discussions above alluded to, came to order by electing robert moore, esq., chairman, and g. w. le breton, secretary. "on motion of w. h. gray, a committee of three was appointed by the chairman to prepare rules and business for the house. this committee (messrs. gray, shortess, and newell), at once, in a hasty manner, prepared eight rules, and suggested the business proposed for the committee as a whole to perform. the rules were taken up and adopted with scarcely a single objection. up to this time no one except members of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as spectators. "on motion, it was decided that the committee sit with open doors. o'neil, hubbard, and dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. newell thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done. "shortess, hill, gray, and beers were willing that all our efforts to make laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to receive instructions and advice from any source. the deliberations of the committee, they were confident, would not prevent opposition or aid the opposers of our proposed organization. "on motion, a judiciary committee was appointed by the speaker or chairman, consisting of messrs. beers, hubbard, and shortess. "on motion, a committee of ways and means was appointed, consisting of messrs. shortess, o'neil, and dougherty." the minutes at this stage show that there was a doubt as to the disposition of the speaker, mr. moore, to place the best men as chairmen of the several committees. mr. moore had peculiar notions of his own about land claims, and had placed upon the committee, i think, robert newell, as favoring his and dr. mclaughlin's pretensions to the entire water privileges at wallamet falls, which resulted in the appointment as above stated. the record seems to convey the idea that the first appointment was conferred by vote. this was not the case. it was the final action that was repeated and entered. "on motion, a committee, consisting of hubbard, newell, and gray, was appointed on military affairs." we have not the original documents to refer to, but are of the impression that considerable correction was made in the first day's journal, and that more should have been made at the time. there was a little feeling on the part of the speaker and the writer as to the necessity of an extended minute, and a disposition on the part of mr. le breton to do as little writing as possible, not for want of time and material, but, from the deep interest he took in the discussions, he seemed to forget his work. i am not prepared to think the compiler has abridged the minutes, yet such may be the fact. "on motion, messrs. shortess, dougherty, and hill were appointed a committee on private land claims. "on motion, messrs. gray, dougherty, and beers were appointed a committee on districting the territory into not to exceed five districts." this committee, it seems by the motion, was to be appointed by the chairman or speaker. "adjourned to o'clock, a.m., may , . "the house was called to order by the chairman, and mr. gray appointed secretary, _pro tem._ the session was then opened with prayer by a. beers. the minutes of yesterday's session were then read, corrected, and accepted." the house then adjourned for one hour and a half to prepare business, at the expiration of which time they were called to order by the chairman. the judiciary committee reported progress. the military committee reported in part; also committee on districts. "reports accepted. "it was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which was lost, as the vote at champoeg had directed that the finance of the government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution. "adjourned to . p.m. "house called to order by speaker. "on motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports of committees, gray in the chair. it was soon found that the business before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several members of the different committees had not had a full expression upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among the members of the several committees; hence an adjournment of one hour was agreed upon. "at the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into committee of the whole as to the number of districts. the report of the committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole." the question arises here why did not this committee on districts, and the whole legislative committee, specify all north of the columbia river? it will be remembered that the hudson's bay company, with all the influence and votes they, with the priests, could collect, had met the settlers at champoeg on the d of may previous, and opposed the entire organization; and the french priest had sent to the legislative committee a protest against any organization; at least the districting committee was aware that such would be the case, as the protest already given was in the hands of le breton, the secretary of the committee, and of the whole house. in specifying the districts beyond the limits named, or north of the columbia, the additional votes and personal influence of the company would be thrown against us. the district committee contended that that influence and vote would defeat us, and make us an english or hudson's bay company settlement. we could, without the interference of the company, manage our own affairs with such of the french settlers as chose to remain and vote with us. such as did not like our laws could have a place to which they could continue their allegiance. besides, we were confident we should receive a large immigration in the fall, and in that case we could extend our settlements and districts and laws to that section of the country. another prominent, and perhaps the most prominent reason of all was, we were afraid to attempt to enforce any laws we might wish to adopt, or think necessary among ourselves, upon the servants of the company. we did not acknowledge their right to enforce any english laws over us, and we, as the writer thought then, and still thinks, wisely concluded if they would not openly interfere with us, we would not openly interfere with them, till we were strong enough to outnumber and control them, as will hereafter be clearly demonstrated. the journal of the proceedings of that committee shows that there were frequent short adjournments. these moments were all occupied in discussing and agreeing upon some report that was soon to be acted upon, and in coming to a unanimous vote as to the final result; there was but one thought and but one object with the majority of the members of the legislative committee. that thought and object was, to establish the provisional government they had undertaken to organize. they felt that union in their action was absolutely necessary, as the opposing elements were so strong, that without it we must fail, and subject ourselves and the settlement to the worst possible tyranny and humiliation from dr. white and the hudson's bay company. after the second recess, during the second day, the report of the military committee was before the house and instructions asked. newell was opposed to any military arrangements at all. hubbard was undecided. gray insisted on carrying out the instructions and ideas of the meeting of the d of may in regard to military officers that had been appointed at that meeting, and in preparing rules to govern them in organizing and drilling the men. he was unwilling to leave the military power without any responsibility to any one but themselves; hence instruction was asked, and given, to proceed as indicated in the meeting at champoeg, and prepare a military law, to be included in the articles of organic compact. "may , .--house met pursuant to adjournment. session was opened by prayer. minutes of yesterday's session read, corrected, and accepted. "robert newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing an organization." the reader is already informed of the appearance of the french protest, and that it was in the possession of le breton. it is possible that newell may have received it from the french priest. the writer has never been able to learn the exact facts in the case. at all events newell's resolution shows, that however willing and ready he was to commence the organization of an american government with his _adopted_ countrymen, he is now in doubt as to the propriety of the step he, with others, had undertaken. he presents a resolution to get up a committee to prepare a paper to circulate among the people, to find out who were in favor of the organization we were then attempting to bring into shape, under the instructions already received. perhaps the reader will understand mr. newell better if he is more fully informed as to his real genealogy, as there has always been a little doubt whether he belonged to the american or british nation. from the best information we could get about him, he was formerly from cincinnati, ohio, and the rocky mountains. from the earliest history we have of him, he has claimed to be an american, and represented the interests of a foreign monopoly, under a religious belief that he was conscientiously right in so doing. by keeping himself talking strong american sentiments to americans, and acting strongly anti-american while in the mountains and in the settlement, he succeeded in obtaining and holding positions to benefit the trade of the hudson's bay company; also a place in the legislative committee, and in the settler's government, to shield and protect those who were seeking the destruction of all american trade and influence in the country. he was a man of quite ordinary ability, yet smooth and insinuating in his manners, with a great abundance of plausible stories, to make a stranger believe he was learned in a profession. his real sentiments could never be learned except by his vote; his thoughts only read by his acts, which always tended to complicate and confuse legislation. this probably arose from a disposition to seek popularity and places he was incompetent to fill; as, also, from the title he assumed in early life, it naturally made him a hypocrite in action as well as profession. he had not the moral principle requisite to make known the truth, and to assume his proper position and be regarded as a plain man without a title. as plain bob newell he could be respected for his natural and genial talent. as _dr._ newell he assumes an air to correspond with the title, and shows the hypocrisy of his life. he was at this time, and has continued to be, a faithful representative of the hudson's bay company and jesuit interests in the country, for which service they should enter his name upon their calendar of saints. as a public man, we are not aware that he ever originated a single act or law; but as representing a clique, or the interests of his masters, he has always been ready to do his utmost in every possible way. at the time we were called to vote upon mr. newell's first resolution, his position was fully known to but few, yet enough was understood of his duplicity to reject his proposition at once, and the house proceeded to amend its rules and add a ninth to those already adopted. the report of the military committee was recommitted with instructions for further notion. mr. hubbard was considerably under the influence of newell, and in consequence of this fact the military rules or laws were remodeled in committee of the whole. newell and hubbard were disposed to defeat it altogether as unnecessary, as intimated in the tenth proposition in the french priest's address. in fact, mr. newell acted all through the proceedings of the legislative committee upon the ideas contained in that address, and opposed all measures looking beyond the suggestions contained in it. at this point, the judiciary committee, consisting of beers, hubbard, and shortess, reported in part on the executive power, and opened the eyes of dr. newell to the awful responsibility and to a full realization of the fact that a majority of the committee were in favor of an organization, and a real, actual american government. he took the floor and commenced: "wall, reelly now, mr. chairman, this 'ere report is a stumper, i see from the report of this 'ere committee that you are going on a little too fast. i think you had better find out if we can carry this thing through before we go too far. we have a good many people that don't know what we are about, and i think we had better adjourn before we go too far." in the midst of this speech, which was a repetition of the reasons for getting up the paper to find out who were favorable to our proposed government, the house was so uncourteous as to adjourn and leave the balance of dr. newell's speech unrepeated. suffice it to say, that in those short adjournments as noted in the oregon archives, nearly or quite all the little differences of opinion were quickly explained and understood by a majority of the members. the exact subjects that were before them at the several meetings we have no documents to indicate, and we can only be governed by such documents as we have, to wit, the record and our own memory. newell was the only prominent opposer of the report of the judiciary committee, which was prepared by robert shortess, to whose memory we are indebted for a remarkable speech of hon. mr. robert newell on that occasion. mr. shortess says the discussion was on the question of who should be deemed voters. most of the committee were in favor of universal suffrage, and, as dr. newell had a native wife, naturally supposed he would be quite as liberal as those who had full white families; but the doctor gave us one of his "stumpers," or, as he calls it, "_big fir-tree speeches_," by saying: "wall, now, mr. speaker, i think we have got quite high enough among the _dark clouds_; i do not believe we ought to go any higher. it is well enough to admit the english, the french, the spanish, and the half-breeds, but the indian and the negro is a little too dark for me. i think we had better stop at the half-breeds. i am in favor of limiting the right to vote to them, and going no further into the dark clouds to admit the negro." we confess that till mr. shortess reminded us of this speech, and the manner of its delivery, it had escaped our memory, and that, without it, mr. newell could scarcely receive his proper position in the history of our early struggle for american liberty upon this coast. his position and the patronage he received from the hudson's bay company were sufficient for him to work effectually in their interests through all our struggle. "at the evening session of may , the committee on ways and means were instructed to prepare a subscription for presenting at the general meeting, to procure funds to defray the expenses of the government, after spending a short time in committee of the whole. "adjourned till next day. "may , .--house met pursuant to adjournment. opened with prayer. moved that the minutes of the th be accepted. taking the whole subject of the organization into consideration, gray presented the following resolution that a committee of three be appointed to prepare and arrange all the business that has been done, or may be done hereafter at this session, revising statutes of iowa, etc., report at the next session of the committee, and request the clerk to copy the same. "resolution adopted. "messrs. gray, beers, and o'neil were appointed; these three living within fifteen miles of each other, it was thought could meet and superintend and revise the whole proceedings, and get them in shape for the public meeting. "committee of ways and means reported a subscription, which was accepted, and the military committee reported in part, which was accepted. "adjourned to p.m. "at p.m. house met. the judiciary committee reported in full. report accepted." on the th page of the archives, and in reference to the proviso in the fourth article of the organic law, the record does not give us the fact. the proviso referred to was prepared but not included in the original act, as reported and read at champoeg, but was adopted at champoeg. the report was duly referred to the revising committee, and the proviso left in the hands of le breton to be withheld or presented, as the occasion might require, in the final action of the people. the large pretensions to lands by the methodist and catholic missions were fully understood by the entire committee. they wished to curtail them as much as possible, and were fully aware that any direct action to this end would bring the whole influence of both missions against them. chapter xliv. fourth of july, .--oration by mr. hines.--meeting of july .--debate on the land law.--how the jesuits and the hudson's bay company secured their land claims.--speech of the rev. g. hines against the proposed executive committee.--the committee supported by o'neil, shortess, and lee.--w. h. gray closes the debate.--the report of the committee adopted.--committee appointed to report to congress, another to make a digest of territorial laws, and a third to prepare and administer an oath of office. on the th of july our national anniversary was observed, and an oration was delivered by the rev. g. hines. the committee favored the selection of mr. hines as orator, that they might gain his views, and be ready to meet him on the main questions that would be brought up on the fifth. in this, however, we failed, as he dwelt principally upon the subjects of temperance, the glorious deeds of our forefathers on the other side of the rocky mountains, and the influences and blessings of the day. no englishman, or foreigner, could have taken any exceptions to his sentiments or language. on the th, dr. babcock, chairman of the meeting of may , being absent, the meeting was called to order by g. w. le breton, one of the secretaries of the may meeting. on motion, the rev. gustavus hines was elected president of the convention by acclamation. r. moore, esq., chairman of the legislative committee, presented his report, which was read by secretary le breton, and on motion accepted. rev. l. h. judson moved that the report of the committee on ways and means be accepted. this motion brought the land law up for discussion. the legislative committee as a whole reported that law entire, to the proviso in the fourth article. upon the first part of that article a discussion arose between mr. newell and the members of the methodist mission, as to the right of any single individual to hold a claim of acres upon a city or town site, or extensive water privilege. mr. moore agreed with mr. newell on that question, as he claimed one side of the wallamet river at the falls, and dr. mclaughlin the other. the methodist mission also claimed a right to the east side of the wallamet, and the milling company claimed the island, upon which they were erecting mills. mr. newell opposed the fourth article, to favor dr. mclaughlin; the methodist mission and milling company favored the article on the ground that it secured them in their rights, and prevented a monopoly of that water-power by any single individual. rev. jason lee was anxious to secure the rights and claims of the methodist mission. so far as the water privilege and town sites were concerned, there were no fears on the part of the committee, but in reference to the large claims of the methodist mission, there were fears that mr. lee and mr. hines would oppose our whole effort, and combine the influence of their mission against the organization. to satisfy rev. jason lee, le breton presented the proviso as contained in the fourth article, which removed his objection. the committee were well assured that the jesuit missions would claim the same right to land, and in this way, the one mission would be induced to give up to curtail the other. this occurred as anticipated, only the methodist mission held on to their claims, and attempted to maintain them publicly, while the jesuits did the same thing silently, and by having their lands recorded in the supposed names of their members, or priests, the same as the hudson's bay company recorded all their improvements and forts in the names of their different servants, so as to hold them for the company; the company and the jesuits having, as they supposed, secured their own claims to land in the name of their respective servants, joined with the new immigrants, in condemning the large pretensions of the methodist mission, and in this way prejudiced the minds of the settlers against it for doing, openly, just what they had done in the names of their servants, secretly. on the final vote there were but few dissenting voices, except upon the adoption of the proviso. it may be asked why the land law was brought up first. the minutes as recorded on the twenty-third and twenty-fourth pages of the oregon archives, show that mr. judson moved the adoption of the report of the committee on ways and means. this was all the minute that was made, as the business and discussion progressed. the report on the land law was deemed, by the committee, to be of the first importance, as all were personally interested in the law about land claims; and upon the discussion of that report, they could learn the result of the whole effort, and the feelings of the people as to the permanence of the proposed government. the notice of the report of the committee on ways and means, on page , and of the proviso, is entered, to show that the amendments alluded to were made. we are of the opinion, that had mr. le breton lived to copy those minutes, he would have so changed them. he says such amendment and proviso were adopted. to this fact we have affirmed under oath as being a part of the provisional law adopted at that meeting. this brings us to the first clause of the organic law, as adopted by the people in mass convention. the preamble and first article were adopted on motion of joseph mclaughlin, the second son of dr. john mclaughlin, who took an active part in favoring the organization, against the wishes and influence of his family. the second article was read, and, on motion of l. h. judson, was adopted. the third, on motion of c. mcroy, and the fourth, on motion of joseph holman, were also adopted. on motion to adopt the fifth article, "on the executive power," it was plain to be seen that the rev. mr. hines was swelling and becoming uneasy, in proportion as the rev. jason lee appeared to be satisfied with the proceedings. he hesitated to put the motion, called robert moore, the chairman of the legislative committee, to the chair, and commenced:-- "mr. president, gentlemen, and fellow-citizens,--the legislative committee which you appointed to prepare certain laws, and perform a certain duty, have assumed to present for your approval something they had no right, in all the instructions given them, to present. they have commenced a course which, if not checked, will lead to the worst possible form of despotism. grant them the privilege which they now ask, of imposing upon this settlement, upon you and me and our families, this _hydra-headed monster_ in the shape of an executive committee, and we have but the repetition of the roman triumvirate--the cæsars upon the throne. we may be told by them, in excuse for the violation of plain and positive instructions, that they found it difficult to proceed with the organizing of a temporary government without an executive; and here they have brought before you this _monstrosity_--this _black bear_--this _hydra-headed monster_, in the shape of an executive committee; and ask you to adopt it, as necessary to preserve your civil liberties and rights. "gentlemen and fellow-citizens,--you have but to look to past history, to warn you of the dangers of so palpable a violation of instructions on the part of public servants. you instructed them to do a certain work, to prepare certain laws. if they could not do as instructed, let them resign and go home. so far as they performed the duties assigned them, we can approve of their acts; but when they attempt to force upon us what we have not asked of them, but said to them we do not want this monstrosity with three heads, yet they persist in saying we do; and have gone on and made their laws to correspond with this absurd and outrageous thing they call _executive committee_. is it wise, is it reasonable, that we should submit to it? what assurance have we that the next legislative committee, or body we may appoint, following the example set by this one, will not give us a king or emperor, and tell us it is necessary to complete our organization?" many of the persons present at champoeg on the th of july, , will recollect this speech, and the strong and emphatic manner in which it was delivered. why mr. hines did not move to strike out the executive clause has always been a mystery to us. when he had resumed his seat as president of the convention, mr. o'neil made a few remarks, explaining the position of the committee. mr. shortess followed, denying the assumption of power attributed to the committee, or a disposition to go beyond their instructions, and urged the necessity of a head or some controlling influence somewhere. could we rely upon captains mccarty, or mckay, or smith to call out their companies; or major howard? should the military control the civil power? "the thing is absurd," said shortess. rev. jason lee could not see the proposed executive head of the proposed provisional government in the light mr. hines did. if it was thought necessary to have a government at all, it was necessary to have a head, and an executive, or the laws were of no effect. it was arranged with the legislative committee, that gray should meet hines on this question, and make the last speech in favor of the executive department. hence o'neil and shortess both spoke in favor of it. dr. babcock was opposed, on account of its going beyond present necessities, and looking too much like a permanent and independent government; whereas we only wished to form a temporary one. he thought with mr. hines, that the committee had gone beyond their instructions in providing for this executive power, still he was willing to abide the decision of the people. there was a little uncertainty us to mr. lee's final vote. dr. babcock was clearly against us. mr. hines made but the one speech. from the course the debate had taken, gray had no fears as to the final result, and waited until it was evident that no more opposing speeches would be made when he commenced:-- "mr. president and fellow-citizens,--the speech which we have just listened to, from our presiding officer, is in the main correct. it is true that the legislative committee were not instructed to bring before you an executive department in the laws and government you proposed to form, when you appointed your committee to prepare those laws. it is also true, that when that committee met, they found that they could not advance one step in accomplishing the work you instructed them to perform, without some supervising influence, or power, somewhere; in short, without a head. their instructions were against a governor. they have provided an executive committee, in place of a single man for governor. this executive head is to act in the place of senate, council, and governor. this provision is before you for your approval or rejection. with this executive committee our organization is complete; without it we have no head; no one to see that our laws are executed, and no one to grant a reprieve or pardon in case a law should be enforced against the life or property of any one, for the violation of any law, no matter what the circumstances connected with that real or supposed violation might be. the pardon and mercy part of our law is in that '_horrible hydra-headed monster_' that the gentleman spoke about, and warned us against; and instead of its being as black as his '_bear_,' it becomes light and mercy to the erring and the ignorant. as to the example set by your committee for future despots to rob us of our liberty, and place over us a king or an emperor, you and i have no fears so long as we elect our own legislative bodies. "now, fellow-citizens, let us look calmly at our true situation. we are two thousand five hundred miles from any point from which we can receive the least assistance by land; and seventeen thousand miles by water. a portion of our community are organized and ready to protect themselves, and to defend all their rights and interests. another organization of a religious character is in our midst,--i should say, two. they each have a head--an executive. how is it with us? who is our head in all that pertains to our civil liberty, rights, and property? it is possible the gentleman may wish us to remain as unprotected, as helpless and exposed to all the dangers that surround us on every hand, as we have heretofore been. if he does, you, fellow-citizens, i am sure, do not wish to add to his feebleness by destroying the organization you have commenced, because he is afraid of what some cæsar did in rome some centuries past. we are acting for ourselves and those immediately dependent upon us for protection. in union there is strength. i believe you are fully satisfied that your committee have acted honestly, and, as they thought, for the good of all they represented. if such is the case, you will approve of their acts, and our organization will be complete as they have prepared it for this meeting." on the question being taken, there were but two or three votes against the executive, or fifth section. mr. lee informed the writer that he saw plainly enough that the meeting was determined to have a government of some kind, and that probably the executive committee was the best at first. this point gained, the remainder was soon disposed of. the marriage fee was changed, in the seventeenth article, from three dollars to one dollar. the resolution referred to as the nineteenth was: "_resolved_, that a committee of three be appointed to draw up a digest of all the laws and proceedings of the people of this territory, in relation to the present provisional government, and the reasons for forming the same; and forward said digest and report to the congress of the united states for their information." rev. jason lee, rev. gustavus hines, and mr. c. m. walker were chosen that committee, and instructed to have access to all public documents, and to call upon any individual for any information they might deem necessary in carrying out their instructions. that committee, so far as performing their duty and carrying out the wishes of the people were concerned, did the same as the reverend legislative committee did in ; they neglected the thing altogether, and paid no attention to the object of the resolution. still, at the present day, when the same reverend gentlemen are charged with having done all they could against the early settlers' government, they attempt to repel the charge, and take great credit to themselves for the perseverance of others in securing permanent laws and protection for themselves and the settlements. messrs. beers, hill, and gale, were chosen by ballot as the first executive committee. hugh burns, who had been chosen at the may meeting as justice of the peace, had resigned, and robert moore was chosen to fill his place. the committee had prepared a full list of the laws of iowa, to recommend for the adoption of the people, which was presented and read, some slight amendments made, and the list adopted. the report of the legislative committee was adopted as a whole; and on motion it was "_resolved_, that the president of the convention assisted by the rev. messrs. lee, clark, and leslie, be a committee to draft and administer an oath of office to the civil officers elected on the d of may, , and that said officers be required to subscribe to the same; and administer the oath to the supreme judge, who shall hereafter qualify all civil and military officers to be elected by the people." at this point, a question arose in the mind of the last-named committee, whether they would proceed that night to administer the proposed oath, or defer it till some other time. there were some earnest and determined men in that convention, who were not to be defeated at the last moment by the disposition of these reverend gentlemen to delay the concluding ceremony of drafting and administering the oath of office to the persons the people had chosen. to relieve them of all doubt as to the wish of the convention (although it was then nearly dark), it was moved and carried, "that the committee to qualify officers proceed to the performance of their duty, as far as practicable, this evening." judge wilson was not present. rev. jason lee noticed that mr. beers received the smallest number of votes given for any member of the executive committee. this to him, and probably to messrs. leslie and hines, was unaccountable; but not so to us, who understood the general feeling of opposition against the rule of the missionaries and their large claims to land; as also the secret prejudices excited against them by the hudson's bay company and the jesuits, who attributed the entire government movement to them, while the organization was that of the settlers unaided by any mission, except individual members of the protestant missions. this was probably the reason for the proposition to delay qualifying the officers elected, and carrying out the decided wish of the convention. this fact simply shows a reluctant assent to the organization by the principal members of the missions. the french address showed the feelings of the french and catholics, while the hudson's bay company stood entirely aloof from it, and expected to defeat the whole movement by the influence of such men as the rev. g. hines, dr. white, robert newell, and the indians. we have two copies of the organic laws adopted by the people at champoeg; one published by charles saxton in , and the other by the compiler of the oregon archives in . that published by mr. saxton corresponds nearer with our own recollections of the facts of the case; hence we will copy them as given by him. chapter xlv. organic laws.--resolutions.--districts.--militia law.--land claims.--certificate. the legislative committee recommend that the following _organic laws_ be adopted:-- we, the people of oregon territory, for purposes of mutual protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the united states of america extend their jurisdiction over us:-- section i. _be it enacted by the free citizens of oregon territory_, that the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be divided into not less than three, nor more than five, districts; subject to be extended to a greater number when an increase of population shall require. for the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and religious liberty as the basis of all laws and constitutions of government that may hereafter be adopted, _be it enacted_, that the following articles be considered articles of compact among the free citizens of this territory. article . no person demeaning himself in a peaceable or orderly manner shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments. art. . the inhabitants of said territory shall always be entitled to the benefit of the writ of _habeas corpus_ and trial by jury, of a proportionate representation in the legislature, and of judicial proceeding according to the course of common law. all persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident, or the presumption great. all fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or unnatural punishments inflicted. no man shall be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land; and should the public exigences make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. and in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in said territory, that shall in any manner whatever interfere with, or affect, private contracts, or engagements _bona fide_ made and without fraud previously formed. art. . religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, _schools_ and the means of education _shall forever be encouraged_. art. . the utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the indians, their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent, and in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars, authorised by the representatives of the people. but laws, founded in justice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made, for preventing injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship. art. . there shall be _neither slavery nor involuntary servitude_ in said territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. section ii. article . _be it enacted_ by the authority aforesaid, that the officers elected on the d of may instant shall continue in office until the second tuesday of may, , and until others are elected and qualified. art. . an election for civil and military officers shall be held annually upon the second tuesday in may in the several districts, at such places as shall be designated by law. art. . each officer heretofore elected, or that shall hereafter be elected, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, take an oath or affirmation to support the laws of the territory, and faithfully discharge the duties of his office. art. . _every free male descendant of a white man_, inhabitant of this territory, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who shall have been an inhabitant of this territory at the time of its organization, shall be entitled to vote at the election of officers, civil and military, _and be eligible to any office_ in the territory; _provided_, that all persons of the description entitled to vote by the provision of this section, who shall emigrate to this territory after the organization, shall be entitled to the rights of citizens after having resided six months in the territory. art. . the executive power shall be vested in a committee of three persons, elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, who shall have power to grant pardons and reprieves for offenses against the laws of the territory, to call out the military force of the territory, to repel invasions or suppress insurrections, to take care that the laws are faithfully executed, and to recommend such laws as they may consider necessary to the representatives of the people for their action. two members of the committee shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. art. . the legislative power shall be vested in a committee of nine persons, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual election; giving to each district a representation in the ratio of its population, excluding indians; and the said members shall reside in the district for which they shall be chosen. art. . the judicial power shall be vested in a supreme court, consisting of the supreme judge and two justices of the peace; a probate court and justice court. the jurisdiction of the supreme court shall be both appellate and original; that of the probate court and justice court as limited by law; _provided_, that individual justices of the peace shall not have jurisdiction of any matter or controversy when the title or boundaries of land may be in dispute, or when the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. art. . there shall be a recorder, elected by the qualified electors at the annual election, who shall keep a faithful record of the proceedings of the legislative committee, supreme and probate courts; also record all boundaries of land presented for that purpose, and brands used for marking live stock; procure and keep a record of the same; and also record wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing required by law to be recorded. the recorder shall receive the following fees, viz.: for recording wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing, twelve cents for every hundred words; and for every weight or measure sealed, twenty-five cents. for granting other official papers and the seal, twenty-five cents; for services as clerk of the legislature, the same daily pay as members of the legislature; and for all other services required of him by this act, the same fees as allowed for similar services by the laws of iowa. art. . there shall be a treasurer, elected by the qualified electors of the territory, who shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, give bonds to the executive committee in the sum of fifteen hundred dollars, with two or more sufficient sureties, to be approved by the executive committee of the territory, conditioned for the faithful discharge of the duty of his office. the treasurer shall receive all moneys belonging to the territory that may be raised by contribution, or otherwise, and shall procure suitable books in which he shall enter an account of his receipts and disbursements. art. . the treasurer shall in no case pay money out of the treasury but according to law, and shall annually report to the legislative committee a true account of his receipts and disbursements, with necessary vouchers for the same, and shall deliver to his successor in office all books, moneys, accounts, or other property belonging to the territory, as soon as his successor shall become qualified. art. . the treasurer shall receive for his services the sum of five per cent. upon all moneys received and paid out according to law, and three per cent. upon all money in the treasury when he goes out of office, and two per cent. upon the disbursement of money in the treasury when he comes into office. art. . the laws of iowa territory shall be the laws of this territory in military and criminal cases, _where not otherwise provided for_; and where no statute of iowa territory applies, the principle of common law and equity shall govern. art. . the law of iowa regulating weights and measures shall be the law of this territory; _provided_, the supreme court shall perform the duties required of the commissioners, and the recorder shall perform the duties of the clerk of the county commissioners, as prescribed in said laws of iowa; and proved, that sixty pounds avoirdupois shall be the standard weight of a bushel of wheat, whether the same be more or less than two thousand one hundred and fifty and two-fifths cubic inches. art. . the laws of iowa respecting wills and administrators shall be the laws of this territory in all cases not otherwise provided for. art. . the laws of iowa respecting vagrants is hereby adopted as far as adapted to the circumstances of the citizens of oregon. art. . the supreme court shall hold two sessions annually, upon the third tuesdays of april and september, the first session to be held at champoeg upon the third tuesday of september, , and the second session at tualatin plains, upon the third tuesday of april, . at the sessions of the supreme court the judge shall preside, assisted by two justices; _provided_, that no justice of the peace shall assist in trying any case that has been brought before the court by appeal from his judgment. the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction in cases of treason and felony, or breach of the peace, and in civil cases where the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. art. . all male persons of the age of sixteen years and upward, and all females of the age of fourteen years and upward, shall have the right to marry. when either of the parties shall be under twenty-one years of age, the consent of the parents, or guardians of such minors, shall be necessary to the validity of such matrimonial engagement. every ordained minister of the gospel, of any religious denomination, the supreme judge, and all justices of the peace, are hereby authorized to solemnize marriage according to law, to have the same recorded, and pay the recorder's fee. the legal fee for marriage shall be one dollar; and for recording, fifty cents. art. . all offices subsequently made shall be filled by election and ballot in the several districts upon the day appointed by law, and under such regulations as the laws of iowa provide. * * * * * . _resolved_, that a committee of three be appointed to draw up a digest of the doings of this territory with regard to an organization, and transmit the same to the united states government for their information. . _resolved_, that the laws of iowa--as laid down in the "statute laws of the territory of iowa, enacted at the first session of the legislative assembly of said territory, held at burlington, a.d. - , published by authority in dubuque, russell & reeves, printers, ;" certified to be a "correct copy," by william b. conway, secretary of iowa territory--be adopted as the laws of this territory. * * * * * the legislative committee recommend that the territory be divided into four districts, as follows:-- first district, to be called the _tualatin district_, comprising all the country south of the northern boundary line of the united states, west of the wallamet or multnomah river, north of the yamhill river, and east of the pacific ocean. second district, to be called the _yamhill district_, embracing all the country west of the wallamet or multnomah river, and a supposed line running north and south from said river, south of the yamhill river, to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, or the boundary line of the united states and california, and east of the pacific ocean. third district, to be called the _clackamas district_, comprehending all territory not included in the other three districts. fourth district, to be called the _champoeg district_, and bounded on the north by a supposed line drawn from the mouth of the haunchauke river, running due east to the rocky mountains, west by the wallamet or multnomah river, and a supposed line running due south from said river to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, south by the boundary line of the united states and california, and east by the summit of the rocky mountains. the legislative committee also recommend the above districts to be designated by the name of "oregon territory." the legislative committee recommend that a subscription paper be put in circulation to collect funds for defraying the expenses of the government, as follows: we, the subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves to pay annually to the treasurer of oregon territory the sum affixed to our respective names, for defraying the expenses of government; _provided_, that in all cases each individual subscriber may, at any time, withdraw his name from said subscription upon paying up all arrearages, and notifying the treasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw. _militia law._ article . the militia of this territory shall be arranged into one battalion, consisting of three or more companies of mounted riflemen. art. . that in case of the vacancy of the office of major by death or otherwise, it shall be the duty of the executive committee to appoint another whose duty it shall be to serve in the place of such removed officer, until the annual election. art. . that when a portion of country is so distant, or so situated, that in the opinion of the executive committee it would be inconvenient for persons residing therein to belong to an organized company, they shall be organized as a separate company under the command of a captain appointed by themselves, and give due notice to the major of the battalion, and be subject to the same laws and regulations as the other companies of the battalion. art. . that all companies shall meet once in each year for company inspection upon the last tuesday in september, well mounted, with a good rifle, or musket, and accouterments for company inspection and military exercise. art. . it shall be the duty of the major to notify each captain of a company to notify each member of his company of the day and place of each annual meeting of his battalion and company at least six days previous to such time of meeting. art. . it shall be the duty of each and every male inhabitant, over the age of sixteen years and under sixty, that wishes to be considered a citizen, to cause himself to be enrolled, by giving his name to the proper officers of the militia, and serve under the same, except such as are hereafter excepted. art. . that fines shall be laid upon all who fail to adhere to the commands of the executive committee, and the same shall be expended for ammunition and arms, without delay, and persons appointed to take charge of the magazine wherever the executive committee shall direct its location. art. . it shall be the duty of the executive committee to appoint a surgeon to the battalion, who shall serve in his profession when so ordered by the executive committee. art. . it shall be lawful for any commissioned officer in case of invasion, or insurrection, to order out the militia under his command, provided he has sufficient reason for so doing, and give immediate notice thereof to the executive committee. art. . the militia of this territory shall, with the advice and consent of the executive committee, be subject to the call of the authorized agents of the united states government until she may send troops to support the same. _land claims._ article . any person now holding or hereafter wishing to establish a claim to land in this territory, shall designate the extent of his claim by natural boundaries, or by marks at the corners and upon the lines of said claim, recorded in the office of the territorial recorder, in a book to be kept by him for that purpose, within twenty days from the time of making said claim; _provided_, that those who shall be already in possession of land shall be allowed one year from the passage of this act, to file a description of their claims in the recorder's office. art. . all claimants shall, within six months from the time of recording their claims, make permanent improvements upon the same, by building or inclosing, and also become occupant upon said claims within one year of the date of such record. art. . no individual shall be allowed to hold a claim of more than one square mile, or acres, in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situation of the premises, nor shall any individual be able to hold more than one claim at the same time. any person complying with the provisions of these ordinances shall be entitled to the same process against trespass as in other cases provided by law. art. . no person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city or town lots, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations; _provided_, that nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to affect any claim of any mission of a religious character made prior to this time, of extent not more than six miles square. approved by the people, as per minutes, wallamet, july , . a true copy from original papers. attest george w. le breton, recorder. _certificate._ this certifies that david hill, alanson beers, and joseph gale were chosen the executive committee of the territory of oregon, by the people of said territory, and have taken the oath for the faithful performance of the duties of their office as required by law. george w. le breton, recorder. wallamet, oregon territory, july , . chapter xlvi. description of the state house.--conduct of the french settlers.--arrival of dr. whitman's party of immigrants.--prosperity of the settlers.--change in the policy of the hudson's bay company.--their exorbitant claims. a primitive state house was built with posts set upright, one end in the ground, grooved on two sides, and filled in with poles and split timber, such as would be suitable for fence rails; with plates and poles across the top. rafters and horizontal poles held the cedar bark, which was used instead of shingles for covering. it was twenty by forty feet. at one end, some puncheons were put up for a platform for the president; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats; three planks one foot wide and about twelve feet long, placed upon a sort of stake platform for a table, for the use of the legislative committee and the clerks. perfect order and decorum prevailed throughout the proceedings. the bolder and more independent portion of the french settlers participated in this convention, and expressed themselves pleased with the result. they looked to this organization to relieve them from british tyranny; while by far the greater number of them kept aloof and refused to have any thing to do with, or to submit to, the organization. this arose from the advice they had received from the company, and the instructions of the priests who were among them, as in the case of dr. white's effort to get a few of them to go with him to the interior, on the report of threatened indian difficulties. the hudson's bay company, as indicated in a communication to the executive committee, felt themselves abundantly able to defend themselves and their political rights. this year, through the influence and representations by letters, reports, and the personal efforts of that devoted friend to oregon, dr. marcus whitman, an immigration of eight hundred and seventy-five persons arrived in the fall, notwithstanding that deceitful servant of the hudson's bay company, grant, at fort hall, did all he could, under the instructions of the company, to induce as many as possible to go to california, by telling them all the frightful stories he and his men could invent, of their danger, and the difficulties they must encounter in getting through to the settlement on the wallamet. this company brought with them thirteen hundred head of cattle. the immigration of amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven men, women, and children, a limited supply of cattle, and a number of wagons to fort hall, where they were induced to abandon most of them, through the false statements of the man in charge. the immigration of , under the guidance of dr. whitman, brought most of their wagons, teams, and cattle through all safe. they opened the road to the columbia, and the trail through the cascade mountains, which was only an obscure indian trail quite difficult to pass in , on account of brush, logs, and fallen timber. our population, all told, now amounted to not far from twelve hundred. among the immigrants of and ' there were many excellent families, and intelligent, industrious, noble-hearted young men; with a full proportion of miserable scoundrels. most of the families soon found locations, and having some little means, with the assistance they could obtain from the methodist mission, and such as was brought by captain couch in the brig _maryland_, and the barks _lausanne_ and _toulon_, by captain crosby, sent by mr. cushing of newburyport, soon commenced permanent improvements. the winter was mild and the larger portion of them were prosperous and happy in their new homes. the provisional government was formed and put in operation in july previous to the arrival of the large immigration of . supplies of flour, sugar, and tea had been sent from the settlement to meet such as might be in want on their way into the wallamet valley. from the time it was known that dr. whitman had safely arrived in washington, and the boundary line was not settled, the whole policy of the hudson's bay company changed. advances of outfits were made to such men as hastings and his party, burnett, and other prominent men. employment was given to a select few, and every encouragement and inducement held out to assist as many as could be prevailed upon to go to california; while those who contemplated making oregon a permanent home were denied supplies or employment, especially those who had asked the protection of the american government. those who proposed going to california could readily get all the supplies they required of the company by giving their notes payable in california. it was well understood by most of them when they gave their notes that they never expected to pay them. two of them informed us that they did not intend to pay if they went out of the country, as they understood it as equivalent to hiring, or giving them their outfit to induce them to leave. this last remark applies particularly to the immigration of , and the company that went to california with mr. hastings in the spring of . this policy continued up to - , when the company found themselves, as they supposed, through the influence of their jesuit missions and indian allies, prepared to fully maintain their licensed mercantile privileges, but found themselves confronted by an army of five hundred brave and determined men, and an organization sufficiently strong and united to compel them to again change their policy, though not their secret hatred of what they termed american intrusion upon their imaginary rights in the country. in the seventeenth page of their memorial, they assert, "and they had therein and thereupon a right of trade which was virtually exclusive.----and such right of trade, and the control, possession, and use of said territory, for the purposes thereof, independent of their foreign commerce and the sale of timber, exceeding in total value the sum of two hundred thousand pounds sterling ($ , . )." this statement is made in behalf of that company as their profits in trade before and up to , which, together with the declaration of dr. mclaughlin and mr. douglas, as found in chapter fifty-four, addressed to our executive committee under date march and , , is sufficient to indicate the true policy of the company, which will be more fully developed as we proceed. chapter xlvii. actions speak louder than words.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to discourage immigration.--account of the two jesuits, f. n. blanchet and p. j. de smet.--protestant missionaries discouraged.--important position of the rev. g. hines.--recall of the rev. jason lee.--efforts of the hudson's bay company to prevent emigration to the territory.--statement of general palmer.--indian combinations.--the donner party.--mr. mcbean's character.--extent of oregon at this time. reaching thoughts by actions. this the historian of the times has a right to do; and by comparing the act and result, he can arrive with almost mathematical certainty as to what the thought was that originated the act, and produced the result. but we are not confined to this mode of reasoning. we have their own, and the statements of those favorable to them, to substantiate our conclusions. st. the inadvertent statement of f. ermatinger, one of their chief traders, in , that in case the american government attempted to take this country, the hudson's bay company would arm their eight hundred half-breeds, and with the aid of the indians, drive back any force that could be sent across the continent to take it. their navy could defend the coast. the jesuits could influence the indians. d. the arrangements made to bring to the country the red river immigrants in . d. the stationing of a ship of war at vancouver to protect the company. th. the building of bastions at fort vancouver, and strengthening that post in - . th. the refusal of mr. douglas to furnish supplies to the provisional troops, sent to punish the parties engaged in the wailatpu massacre. th. the supplying of indians, by mr. ogden, with a large amount of war material, and his avowal not to have any thing to do with american difficulties. th. the letters and correspondence of sir james douglas. th. the positive statements of william mcbean. th. the statements of vicar-general brouillet. th. the correspondence and letters of bishop blanchet. th. the testimony they have produced in support of their claims. th. the designs of the british government as indicated by james edward fitzgerald. th. the sending of american immigrants from fort hall and oregon to california. th. the attempt to supply the indians in the interior, by the aid of romish priests, with a large amount of ammunition. th. the implacable hatred implanted in the mind of the indian against americans, through the influence of the hudson's bay company and the jesuit missionaries brought to the country for that purpose. th. the strict rules of the company, and the continued effort to enforce those rules to the destruction of life and property. we now come to the thoughts which originated and caused the foregoing acts. _these american missionaries have done more to defeat us, to settle the country, and defer the establishment of the boundary line, than all other efforts and causes combined._ we must make another effort to destroy their influence, and drive them and their settlements from the country; and thus secure it to the british crown, for the use of the company, at the risk of a war between the two countries. it will be remembered that messrs. lee, parker, whitman, spalding, gray, and other missionaries, had their passports from the secretary of war of the united states, giving them permission to travel through, and settle as teachers in, the indian country; and that all military officers and agents of the government were instructed to facilitate their efforts, and, if at any time it was necessary, afford them protection. these passports had been duly presented to the hudson's bay company at vancouver, and had the effect to prevent a direct effort to destroy or drive them from the country, as they had done to all who preceded them. hence, an extra effort must be made to get rid of this american missionary influence, and the settlements they were gathering around them. we will now proceed to give historical facts as connected with results. two intelligent, jovial, yet bigoted priests had been brought to the country by the company. they had traveled all through it, and had actually discovered the pure silver and golden ores of the rocky mountains, and carried specimens to st. louis and to europe. these priests fully understood the licensed rights of the hudson's bay company, and the efforts they were making to secure it to the british crown. they were also assured that, in case the american protestant influence could be driven from it, the papal would become the prevailing religion, as in california and mexico. they knew that the english episcopal effort was an early and utter failure, and that no renewed effort would be made in their behalf by the company, and that they were then using their influence to drive the wesleyan missionaries from moose factory. hence, they and their associates entered upon their work with a zeal and energy only equaled by him who was their first victim. f. n. blanchet visited canada, new york, and rome, and was made bishop of oregon. his associate, p. j. de smet, gathered his priests and nuns, returned to the country, and entered vigorously upon their missionary work, having the substantial aid of the hudson's bay company, and the personal assistance of its members. their churches, nunneries, and schools sprung up as if by magic in french prairie, oregon city, vancouver, the dalles, umatilla, pen d'oreille, colville, and st. marie. the protestant missions in the country were greatly annoyed by the unreasonable and threatening conduct of the indians about their stations. they were demanding unreasonable pay for the lands upon which the stations were located, and paying but little or no attention to their american teachers. the american missionaries were becoming disheartened and discouraged, and were beginning to abandon their stations. rev. a. b. smith, of the nez percé mission, dr. richmond, from nasqualla, rev. messrs. kone and frost, from clatsop, and mr. edwards had left the country. rev. daniel lee, rev. h. k. w. perkins, mr. brewer, and dr. babcock, had all become dissatisfied, and thought they had found a plausible excuse for leaving. a simple statement of a man in the employ of the hudson's bay company had more influence with them than their missionary vows and obligations to the churches that sent them out. they were not satisfied with leaving themselves, but made charges against the purest and best man of their number, simply because that, while he was absent from oregon in - , influences were brought into the country by the company, with the intent to defeat them, and destroy all protestant missions,--applying the same policy to destroy the harmony and usefulness of the american missions, that they had used to destroy the power and influence of the indian tribes; which was to divide them up into factions, and get them to quarreling among themselves, as in the case of rev. j. s. griffin and party. this would destroy their influence, and help to break up their settlements. the rev. mr. hines, with all his wisdom, sound judgment, and experience, became, unwittingly, an important instrument and apologist in this deep-laid scheme to rid the country of protestant missionaries and american settlements. he was led to join his influence against his truest and best friend, who is called home and superseded, and the mission stations abandoned and broken up. mr. hines, on pages - of his book, says: "with regard to the objections against mr. lee, arising from his not furnishing the board with the desirable report concerning the disbursement of the _large appropriations_, it should be observed that no such charge of delinquency appears against him, up to the time of the appointment of the great re-enforcement." dr. white was known to be a bitter enemy of rev. jason lee, and a willing tool of the hudson's bay company. mr. hines, as his book, and the letters he wrote to dr. white and the indian department at washington, show, was favorable to the proceedings and policy of dr. white and the hudson's bay company. we understand, through rev. mr. geary, that mr. hines attributed to mr. lee's advice expenditures for buildings that were the pet objects of mr. hines himself; and thus rev. j. lee, to gratify the wish of others, yielded his own convictions of right, and in this way became an object of censure, which was the cause of his removal. the "changes inconceivably great with respect to the indians of oregon," which, rev. mr. hines says "took place betwixt the time the great re-enforcement was called for, and the time of their arrival in the columbia river," were brought to bear, and had their influence and effect, upon _him_, in his umpqua missionary trip, in his trip to the interior, in his representations to his missionary board, in his opposition to the provisional government, and had their influence upon his missionary brethren. these men, mr. hines included, instead of studying the true interests of the country,--their obvious duty to the churches that sent them out, and the cause they represented,--were flattered and cajoled by the artful members of a foreign monopoly, and made to believe they had talents superior to the field in which they were placed by the influence and advice of the superintendent, mr. lee, forgetting the changes above intimated, and having no suspicions that a secret foreign influence was working to bring about the utter failure of their indian missions; nor supposing that the brightest and best talents would secure the most attention, and the surest effort to render them dissatisfied. the whole statement about mr. lee's recall, and the reasons assigned, appear to us to be unjust (though, perhaps, not intended) to the character of mr. lee. it was after the great re-enforcement spoken of, that the large expenditures referred to were made; hence, mr. hines' excuse confirms the charge, and he only attempts to change the responsibility to another; while mr. lee, like dr. mclaughlin, is suffered to fall by the influence of his professed friends. the jesuit priests, co-laborers with the hudson's bay company, did not hesitate to poison the minds of all who would listen to them against the protestant missionaries and all their efforts; neither did they hesitate as to the means, so long as a certain object was to be accomplished. le breton, lee, and whitman must fall by their influence. the character of others must suffer by their malicious slanders and false statements. see brouillet, pages and , in which he attempts to show that dr. whitman and others were in the habit of poisoning melons to prevent the indians from stealing them, while the fact is, the doctor encouraged the indians to come and get melons to eat freely, in order to induce them to cultivate for themselves; and we are certain that no one at the station at that time thought of putting poison into melons. as we said, we are reading thoughts by words and acts, so as to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the thought that caused the act. the american missionaries and settlements must be driven from the country. to do this, the indians that have heretofore been kept at war among themselves, must now be united. some changes must be made; grant, of the hudson's bay company, must occupy fort hall, and do all he can to turn immigrants to california, and rob such as persist in coming to oregon. general palmer says in his journal, page : "while we remained at this place (fort hall) _great efforts_ were made to induce the immigration to pursue the route to california. the most extravagant tales were related respecting the dangers awaiting a trip to oregon, and the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. the perils of the way were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey to oregon almost impossible. for instance, the two crossings of snake river, and the crossings of the columbia and other smaller streams, were represented as being attended with great danger. also, that no company heretofore attempting the passage of these streams, succeeded but with the loss of men, from the violence and rapidity of the currents, as also that they had never succeeded in getting more than fifteen or twenty head of cattle into the wallamet valley. "in addition to the above, it was asserted that three or four tribes of indians in the middle regions _had combined for the purpose of preventing our passage through their country_. in case we escaped destruction at the hands of the savages, that a more fearful enemy--famine--would attend our march, as the distance was so great that winter would overtake us before making the cascade mountains. on the other hand, as an inducement to pursue the california route, we were informed of the shortness of the route when compared with that to oregon, as also of the many other superior advantages it possessed." it is not our intention to go into the history of california, but give what strictly relates to oregon and her people in those early times. in the paragraph we have quoted from general palmer's journal, the reader will see a fiendish, a damning policy; and if our language has any severer terms to express evil motives and intentions, let him use them, as belonging to the course pursued by that organization yclept honorable hudson's bay company, in attempting to prevent the settlement of oregon, and sending whole families to starve and perish, and become cannibals in the mountains of california, rather than tell the truth, and aid them in getting to oregon; as will be seen by the following extract from the _gold hill_ (nevada) _news_, concerning the horrible sufferings of "the donner party:"-- "the world perhaps never produced a sadder and a truer story, nor one which will be so long remembered by many whose fortunes were cast on the pacific slope in the early days of its settlement by the americans. we personally knew one of the families that perished among the donner party, and on reading the interesting letter in the _union_ it awakened in our memory a little incident in connection with this sad calamity, which happened in the state of illinois twenty years ago last april. at that time we were publisher of a newspaper in putnam county, illinois. oregon and california were beginning to attract the attention of the western people; and in the spring of a party of about fifty persons, farmers with their families, and young men, was made up in that county destined for oregon. when the day of departure arrived, the whole party assembled in a village called magnolia to agree upon camp regulations, appointment of officers, etc. as a journalist, we attended that meeting and published a full account of its proceedings. among the party was 'uncle billy graves' and his family, consisting of father, mother, two daughters, and a son, the ages of the children ranging from fifteen to twenty years. uncle billy graves was a well-to-do farmer, with every thing comfortable about him; and, having already reached the age of threescore, it was a matter of surprise to many that he should sell his farm and start off to make a new home in such a far-off and wild country as oregon then was. but the country in illinois was getting too thickly settled for the old man, and he longed for the wild adventures of the far west. he pleaded and persuaded us to go with him, and to bring our office along, as oregon would some day be a great country, and we would have the credit of having been the first to publish a newspaper in it. but circumstances over which we had no control prevented us, although we certainly had the will and the wish just as uncle billy graves advised. we remained in illinois, and the graves family joined with the overland party for oregon. letters written by the party during the summer were published in our paper. the last one written by any of the graves family was dated at fort laramie, and this was the last heard of the old farmer. he joined the donner party, which separated from the emigration to oregon at fort hall, near the headwaters of the columbia, and wending his way westward toward california, before its gold-fields were known in the world, he perished in the mountains, and his good old wife perished with him. the son and daughters of the graves family were among the persons who were rescued by the relief party of sailors and others who were sent out by the benevolent americans at sutter's fort and san francisco. a long letter written by one of the graves girls was published in our paper in the year , and which contained a full and sad account of the awful sufferings of the party. we shall never forget the manuscript of the letter. it was blotted all over with the tears which the poor girl shed while describing the sufferings of her famishing parents, their death, and the flesh of their dead bodies furnishing food for their starving children! horrible! horrible! let the bleached bones and skulls of the donner party be gathered together and decently buried, for they once belonged to good christian people." the indians also have become deeply interested in their schemes to prevent the settlement of the country. we are told by mr. hines, on page , that they sent one of their chiefs on snow-shoes, in the winter of - , to excite or induce the buffalo indians to join them to cut off the immigrants that were expected to come to the country with dr. whitman. mr. mckinley, a professedly warm friend of dr. whitman, was removed from having charge of fort nez percés, and william mcbean, who (mr. roberts, an old clerk of the hudson's bay company, says) "is one of the d----dest scoundrels that ever lived," put in his place. the reader will not forget that we are speaking of events and movements in a country where an indian in a canoe or on horseback or snow-shoes was our swiftest messenger, and that its boundaries included what is now the state of oregon, the territories of washington, idaho, and montana, besides vancouver island and british columbia. the hudson's bay company was a powerful and unscrupulous monopoly, and the only representative of a vast empire on this western part of our continent. to possess the whole, or a valuable part of it, was an object worth using the influence they had spent years of labor and thousands (not millions, as they claim) of dollars to secure. the time has now arrived when all is at stake. _the american missionary societies have accomplished what american commerce and fur traders have failed to do._ the trouble is now between a "_squawtocracy of british skin traders_" and italian and belgian jesuits on one side, and american missionaries and settlements on the other. the traders and jesuits have nearly overcome the american missionary influence. the settlements are organized. the old policy to get rid of all opposition fur traders, destroy indian influence, and break up missions, must be tried, to prevent and destroy the settlements. the thoughts expressed in this chapter have carried us in advance of the date of culminating events; hence, we must return, in order that we may bring them in the order of their occurrence. chapter xlviii. .--the settlements alarmed.--indian attack.--death of g. w. le breton.--meeting at mr. la chapelle's.--volunteer company formed.--the _modeste_ in the columbia river.--the legislative assembly.--names of the members.--peter h. burnett.--mr. david hill.--oregon social standard.--m. m. mccarver.--"old brass gun."--a. l. lovejoy.--daniel waldo.--thomas b. keizer.--black act.--prohibitory liquor law. .--march th of this year found our settlements alive and in great alarm. the indians in the vicinity of oregon city had made an attack upon the town on the th instant, and three white men had been wounded and one indian killed. g. w. le breton was wounded while attempting to take the indian that commenced the attack, by a ball entering and breaking his arm, from the effect of which he died some twelve days after, and was buried at vancouver, where he had been taken for surgical treatment. the other two received slight flesh wounds, although one proved fatal--probably made by a poisoned arrow. the indians commenced the fight in open day, and continued it till their leader was taken by le breton, after his arm was broken. the indian was placed under guard, and, on attempting to make his escape, was killed. those who were with him, and took part in the fight, fled into the thick wood back of the town, and escaped. this account, which we have received from other sources, will be seen to differ slightly from the one already given by dr. white in his letter to the secretary of war. a proclamation was issued by the executive committee, calling for an organization of the military forces in the settlement. it appears, from the record of those times, that but one company was organized in champoeg district. the proceedings of that meeting, as noted by the writer, and signed by the secretary, gives the fullest account we have, and properly belongs to the history of the times. the attempt to destroy the people and town at wallamet falls was made on the th of march; the news was conveyed to the old mission and salem on the th; notices were immediately sent to the american population to meet on the th, with arms, to organize for defensive or offensive measures. in the mean time, each individual and family took such precautionary measures as were thought advisable, keeping guard over their separate and individual possessions. most of the french or hudson's bay company's servants showed no alarm on the occasion, and very few of them turned out, or paid any attention to the military call, though the meeting was at the house of a frenchman. the citizens of champoeg having met on march , at the house of mr. la chapelle, in accordance with the proclamation issued, the meeting was called to order by one of the executive committee, and the proclamation read. upon the suggestion of the executive, w. h. wilson was chosen chairman of this meeting, and t. d. keizer, secretary. the object of the meeting was briefly explained by one of the executive committee, hon. a. beers, and the chairman. information was called for concerning the depredations committed at wallamet falls on the th instant. mr. beers presented an official letter from hon. d. hill, one of the executive committee, which was read. statements were made by mr. garrison respecting accounts received from other sources, and a letter was presented by the united states sub-indian agent, from a. l. lovejoy, esq., respecting the affair of the th, which was read. statements were made by hon. a. beers concerning the steps they had taken, and the orders they had issued. on motion, the united states sub-indian agent was requested to give his views and advice on the subject. he accordingly related his proceeding in reference to the matter; said he was unprepared to give advice, or suggest what was best to be done in the present case. he was fully aware of the defenseless state of the colony and the dangers to which it was exposed. he knew the character of the indian that was killed to be of the vilest kind, and that he had threatened and attempted the lives of citizens before. the agent said he had made an unsuccessful attempt to take him, and have him punished by the cayuses, to avoid the danger that might result from the whites punishing him themselves. this renegade had attempted to induce the indians at the falls to burn the town; and, failing in this object, he returned across the river. the citizens attempted peaceably to take him, but in the affray three whites were wounded, and one indian killed. the agent thought a more efficient organization of the territory necessary. some remarks were made by w. h. gray, and a resolution offered as follows:-- _resolved_, that in view of the facts presented, we deem it expedient to organize a volunteer company of mounted riflemen, to co-operate with other companies, to bring to justice all the indians engaged in the affair of the th of march, and to protect our lives and property against any attempt at future depredations. carried unanimously. whereupon w. h. gray presented some articles of compact as the basis of an organization of a volunteer company, which, on motion, and with warm expressions of approbation from the united states sub-indian agent, were adopted, and immediately subscribed to by nineteen volunteers. the articles of compact allowed the company to elect a captain, lieutenant, and ensign, as soon as twelve men should be enlisted, so the company proceeded, by nomination, to elect their officers, to wit: for captain, t. d. keizer; first lieutenant, j. l. morrison; for ensign, mr. cason. the captain gave notice to the company of his acceptance of the appointment, requesting them to meet at the oregon institute, armed and equipped, on the th inst., for company drill. on motion, the following resolution was adopted, viz.:-- _resolved_, that this meeting recommend to our fellow-citizens of this territory, to organize volunteer companies in their respective districts forthwith; and to rendezvous at the oregon institute, on saturday, the d instant, at m. moved, that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and as much of them as is deemed proper be transmitted to other districts. carried. on motion, adjourned. w. h. wilson, chairman. t. d. keizer, secretary. it will be seen by dr. white's statement, that the indian killed was a renegade from the cayuse or upper country indians. he was doing all he could to excite the indians and get them to join in a general combination to destroy the american settlements in the wallamet valley. dr. white, as he stated to the meeting, had now reached the utmost limit of his authority and influence. he knew not what to do. he was too big a coward to propose any bold measure, and too mean to be trusted by the settlers; hence, if the reader will carefully study the proceedings of this meeting, he will find a firm and steady influence, on the part of the settlers, leading on through all the dangers and excitements of the occasion. the proposed company was at once organized and elected its officers. gray accepted the office of first sergeant in the company, which was soon filled up and drilled, and all were mounted on good horses. this soon became known throughout the settlements, and had the effect to frighten the indians and keep them quiet, so that no further disturbance was made in the settlements of the wallamet. it also had the effect to secure in the columbia river the presence of the _modeste_, a war vessel of the english government, which became _absolutely necessary_ (ironically speaking) to protect the property and interests of the hudson's bay company from the threatened depredations of the indians about their posts at vancouver, as they were represented to be becoming far more hostile than formerly. the company had found that, since the americans began to settle in the country, these indians had become more dangerous and hostile to them; and as their people were scattered more extensively over the indian country, it was absolutely necessary to have their principal depot more strongly fortified and protected, not against indians, for they, by the course already pursued by that company, were fast melting away. their country had been "hunted up" and made destitute of fur-producing animals by the advanced prices they had given in - , and now starvation was their only portion, unless the american settlers would share with them what they produced from the soil. this indian difficulty was only an attempt to bring on an indian war in the wallamet to see how strong the settlements were, what means of protection they possessed, and what their offensive measures were likely to be. this opened the eyes of sir james douglas to the natural weakness of fort vancouver. the _modeste_ was ordered to the river, and other preparations were made to defend that establishment from an attack of the american settlers. they found from the results of what occurred on the th of march, that there _was a real substantial power in the country_, and an influence of combination that they did not dream of; hence they found themselves, with all their indian combinations, the weaker power. we will now leave the honorable hudson's bay company under the protection of the guns of her majesty's ship _modeste_, the fort being repaired, bastions built, and all other protective and defensive measures completed, while we look after the election and proceedings of the legislative assembly of . the members elected from tualatin district (since divided into washington, multnomah, columbia, clatsop, and tilamook counties) were peter h. burnett, david hill, m. m. mccarver, and mr. gilmore. clackamas district, including all of washington territory, idaho, montana, and half of the eastern part of the state of oregon, was represented by a. l. lovejoy. champoeg district, including marion, linn, baker, douglas, and jackson counties, was represented by daniel waldo, from missouri, thomas d. keizer, from arkansas, and robert newell, from the rocky mountains. peter h. burnett was a lawyer from missouri, who came to oregon to seek his fortune, as well as a religion that would pay the best, and give him the most influence; which in the legislative committee was sufficient to induce that body to pay no attention to any organic law or principle laid down for the government of the settlements. in fact, he asserted that there were no constitutional provisions laid down or adopted by the people in general convention at champoeg the year previous. mr. burnett was unquestionably the most intelligent lawyer then in the country. he was a very ambitious man--smooth, deceitful, and insinuating in his manners. on motion of mr. lovejoy (another lawyer), the several members were excused from producing their credentials, and on motion of the same gentleman, the house proceeded to elect a speaker. m. m. mccarver was duly elected. the journal of the proceedings of this legislative committee shows that no regard was paid to any previous laws, or constitutional provisions. david hill, of tualatin district, was from ohio. he was a tall, slim man, of sallow complexion, black hair, with strong prejudices, having no regard for religion or morality. he left an interesting wife and family in ohio, and passed himself off in oregon for a widower or bachelor. he was favorable to all applications for divorces, and married a second wife, as near as we could learn, before he obtained a divorce (if he ever did) from his first wife. he early took an active part in the provisional government, and was a decided opponent of the hudson's bay company, as also of all missionary efforts in the country. this rendered him popular among the settlers, and secured his election as a representative for that district for several years, although his education was quite limited. as a citizen he was generally respected. though intimately acquainted with two of his sons, we could never learn that he was any thing but kind and affectionate as a husband and father. the fact of his leaving a wife and young family in ohio, coming to oregon, and remaining for years without making any provision for them, is evidence of guilt in some one. the friends of his wife and family spoke of them as being highly esteemed by all who knew them. but it is of his public acts, as connected with the history of oregon, that we wish particularly to speak. the social standard adopted by the people of oregon was peculiarly adapted to favor men of mr. hill's morality, and aid them in rising from the effect of any former misconduct they may have been guilty of in any other country. this standard was, to receive as fellow-citizens all who came among us; to ignore their former actions, and give them a chance to start anew, and make a name and character in the country. there must be something noble and generous in a people occupying a new and wild country, as oregon was in those days, that would lead them to adopt a standard for common action and citizenship, so peculiarly republican and in accordance with the most liberal and enlightened christianity. to this spirit of toleration and benevolence must be attributed, under an all-wise providence, the complete success and stability of the first civil government formed on this coast. hence, as we have before said, we shall deal with men, morals, and politics as they belonged to oregon at the time of which we are writing. m. m. mccarver, from having acted as commissary in the black hawk war, in iowa, was called general. this title secured to him considerable influence, and many favors from the hudson's bay company. general mccarver was a man of common education, making large pretension to political knowledge, without much judgment or understanding of political economy. he was an intolerable debater, and acquired, among the lobby members of the legislature, the name of "_old brass gun_." in his political course, he strove hard for popularity, and attempted to secure places of honor for personal promotion. he was what would be considered a _simon pure_ pro-slavery democrat. like the silly moth in the fable, he fluttered around the shadow of dr. white, the sub-indian agent, and assisted him in insulting the legislative committee of , and attempted to get his name before the congress of the united states as an important and influential man, which was divulged and defeated by another member of the same committee, though in a cowardly and dishonorable manner. we are not aware that general mccarver ever originated any important measure, or performed any extensive or important service in the country. his political schemes were generally so supremely selfish that they died still-born. mr. gilmore, from the same district, was a substantial farmer. he neither said or did much, and but little is known of him. a. lawrence lovejoy, formerly from massachusetts, was a man of medium size, light complexion, light hair, rather impetuous and dogmatical in his conversation. he crossed the mountains with the immigration of to dr. whitman's station; from that place he attempted to return to the united states with dr. whitman. as near as we can learn, he became utterly exhausted by the time they reached bent's fort on the arkansas river, and was left there by the doctor. in the summer of he returned to oregon and pursued his profession of law. in oregon he has always acted with the radical democratic party, rather doubtfully on the pro-slavery platform. he was the first regular nominee for governor of oregon. george abernethy, the secular agent of the methodist mission, was run as an independent candidate, and, with the assistance of peter h. burnett, mr. russell, and his friends, who bolted the general convention, was elected governor, though at the time he was on a visit to the sandwich islands. a large number of political friends still adhered to mr. lovejoy, and made a second attempt to elect him governor. mr. abernethy was again the opposing candidate. it appeared in the canvass of that year, that the hudson's bay company generally voted for mr. lovejoy; but the personal kindness of mr. abernethy to a priest traveling up the wallamet, induced him to tell his people to vote for mr. abernethy, and by this vote he was elected, although a fair majority of the votes of the american settlers was given for mr. lovejoy. mr. lovejoy, like many of us, leaves but little usefulness or philanthropy to record, that his talents and position should have led him to aspire to. as a citizen and neighbor, he is kind and obliging, as a lawyer not above mediocrity, and it is generally understood that he makes no pretensions to religion. daniel waldo, formerly of missouri, was a plain, substantial farmer, and the first man who ventured to experiment upon the hills, or upland portions of oregon. he had owned extensive tracts of land on the banks of the missouri, a large portion of which had been washed away by the floods, which cause continual changes along the banks of that river. in coming to oregon, he had made up his mind to take the hills, if there were any in the country. he did so, and has proved by his experiment the value of a large portion of country that was before considered worthless for cultivation. from the time mr. waldo arrived in the country he became an enthusiastic admirer of oregon. soon after he had located in the hills bearing his name, an old acquaintance of his, and also of his brother in missouri, came to oregon on a visit, and was about to return to the states. he paid mr. waldo a visit, and after chatting awhile and looking over his farm, on which we could not see a single rail, except a few he had in a corral, his friend (colonel gilpin) said to him: "what shall i say for you, to your brother in missouri?" "tell him," said waldo, "that i would not give the bare idea of owning a section of land in oregon for all i own in missouri [which was then two sections, , acres], and that i would not give a section of land here for the whole state of missouri." such men gave a good report of oregon, and it is to such that the country is indebted for her stability and prosperity. mr. waldo's experiment has shown the capacity of the country for settlement to be more than double what it was previously considered, and while some of those who laughed at him and called him an enthusiast here had their farms, cattle, and houses swept away by floods, he has remained in the hills uninjured and secure. thomas d. keizer, from arkansas. of this man's early history we have learned but little. it seems that, for some cause, he and his family were compelled to leave the state. their story is that a gang of counterfeiters was exposed by them, and in consequence of their becoming informers they were surrounded by a mob and compelled to leave. on first arriving in the country they were not scrupulous as to the rights of their neighbors, or those of the oregon institute, or mission claims. they found themselves comfortably housed in the first buildings of the oregon institute, and occupied them till it suited their pleasure to leave, and to find other quarters upon land claimed by the mission. as was to be expected, mr. keizer was inclined to do all he could to curtail the mission and institute claims, he being the gainer by curtailing the claims of others. as a politician, he considered all little dirty tricks and slanders against an opponent justifiable. in religion he professed to be a methodist. robert newell has been previously described. such being the composition of the legislative committee of oregon in , it is not surprising that interests of classes and cliques should find advocates, and that the absolute wants of the country should be neglected. the whole time of the session seems to have been taken up in the discussions of personal bills. the question of convention of the people was before this session and was lost. there was one inhuman act passed by this legislative committee, which should stamp the names of its supporters with disgrace and infamy. we find its inception recorded on the th of july, the sixth day of the session. on motion, the rules were suspended for the special purpose of allowing hon. p. h. burnett to introduce a bill for the prevention of _slavery in oregon_, without giving previous notice; which was received and read first time. it was read a second time next day in the forenoon, and in the afternoon of the same day the bill to prevent slavery in oregon, _and for other purposes_, was read a third time, and on the question, "shall the bill pass?" the yeas and nays were demanded, when the vote stood: yeas, burnett, gilmore, keizer, waldo, newell, and mr. speaker mccarver-- ; nays, lovejoy and hill-- . the principal provisions of this bill were, that in case a colored man was brought to the country by any master of a vessel, he must give bonds to take him away again or be fined, and in case the negro was found, or came here from any quarter, the sheriff was to catch him and flog him forty lashes at a time, till he left the country. these six solons, who got up and carried through this measure, did it for the good of the black man of course, as one of the first principles laid down by the people the year previous in the organic law, and unanimously carried, was: "that slavery, except for the punishment of crime, whereof the parties shall have been previously convicted, shall never be tolerated." the principles of burnett's bill made it a crime for a white man to bring a negro to the country, and a crime for a negro to come voluntarily; so that, in any case, if he were found in the country, he was guilty of a crime, and punishment or slavery was his doom. mr. burnett claimed great credit for getting up a prohibitory liquor law, and made several speeches in favor of sustaining it, that being a popular measure among a majority of the citizens. at the adjourned session in december, we find the executive urging the legislative committee to adopt measures to secure the permanent interests and prosperity of the country, also to amend their act relative to the corporal punishment of the blacks, and again urging the calling of a convention of the people. chapter xlix. message of the executive committee.--observations on the message.--generosity of the hudson's bay company.--the methodist mission.--the oregon printing-press association.--george abernethy, esq. _to the honorable the legislative committee of oregon:_ gentlemen,--as the expectation of receiving some information from the united states relative to the adjustment of the claims of that government and of great britain upon this country, was the principal cause of the adjournment of this assembly from june last to this day, we feel it our duty to communicate such information as we have been able to collect on the subject, and likewise to recommend the adoption of further measures for the promotion and security of the interests of oregon. the lines defining the limits of the separate claims of the united states and great britain to this portion of the country had not been agreed upon when our latest advices left the united states, and as far as we can learn, the question now stands in the same position as before the convention in london, in . at that time, the united states government proposed to draw the division line on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude from the lake of the woods to the pacific ocean. to this great britain would only consent in part, that the line should run on the forty-ninth parallel from the lake of the woods to the dividing ridge of the rocky mountains; and it was finally agreed upon, between the parties, that all the country lying west of the rocky mountains, and on the pacific ocean, should, with its harbors, bays, and rivers, remain open for ten years to the vessels, subjects, or citizens of both countries. but it was at the same time expressly understood, that the said agreement was not to be construed to affect or prejudice the claims of either party, or any other power, to any portion of said country. before this agreement expired, another convention was held in london, in , by the two contracting powers, by which the former treaty was extended, with the provision, that when either of the parties thought fit, after the th of october, , to abrogate the convention, they were at liberty to do so, by giving twelve months' notice to the other contracting party; but nothing in the treaty of was to be construed so as to affect, in any manner, the claims which either of the contracting parties, or any other power, might have to any of the country lying west of the rocky mountains. the subject has again been called up for investigation by the two powers, and a negotiation was begun at washington in the early part of the present year, but was for the time being suspended on account of a disagreement between the parties; and notice of the abrogation of the convention of had not been given by either party when our latest information left the united states. and we find that after all the negotiations that have been carried on between the united states and great britain relative to settling their claims to this country, from october, , up to may, , a period of nearly twenty-six years, the question remains in the following unsettled position, viz.:-- neither of the parties in question claim exclusive right to the country lying west of the rocky mountains, between the parallels of forty-two degrees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude, and bordering on the pacific ocean; but one claims as much right as the other, and both claim the right of joint occupancy of the whole without prejudice to the claims of any other state or power to any part of said country. we have submitted to you this information, gentlemen of the assembly, for two reasons:-- st. to correct an error that occurred in our last communication to this body relative to the claims of the united states and great britain to this country. d. that you may bear in mind, while legislating for the people of oregon, the position in which this country stands with regard to those claims. we would advise that provision be made by this body for the framing and adoption of a constitution for oregon, previous to the next annual election, which may serve as a more thorough guide to her officers, and a more firm basis of her laws. it should be constructed in such a manner as would best suit the local situation of the country, and promote the general interests of the citizens, without interfering with the real or pretended rights of the united states or great britain, except when the protection of life and property actually require it. we would suggest for your information that this government has now in its possession notes given by different individuals residing in the country, amounting to $ , . , most of which are already due. these notes are a balance in favor of ewing young, of oregon, deceased, intestate, a.d. , after all legal dues, debts, and damages are paid, that have come to the knowledge of the administrator or probate courts of oregon up to this date. we would, therefore, advise that these claims should be collected and appropriated to the benefit of the country, the government being at all times responsible for the payment of them to those who may hereafter appear to have a legal right to the same. we would again call your attention to a measure recommended in our last communication, to wit, the expediency of making provision for the erection of a public jail in this country. although the community has suffered very little as yet for the want of such a building, and perhaps another year might pass without its being occupied, which it is hoped may be the case, yet we are assured that it is better policy to have the building standing without a tenant than a tenant without the building. and in order to promote industry and the peace and welfare of the citizens of oregon, this government must be prepared to discountenance indolence, and check vice in the bud. we would now recommend to your consideration the propriety of making provision for filling public offices which now are or may become vacant by resignation or otherwise, previous to the next annual election. we would recommend that the act passed by this assembly in june last, relative to blacks and mulattoes, be so amended as to exclude corporal punishment, and require bonds for good behavior in its stead. we consider it a highly important subject that the executive of this government should have laws which may direct them in settling matters relative to lands reserved by indians, which have been, or may hereafter be, settled upon by whites. we would also recommend that provisions be made for the support of lunatics and insane persons in oregon. with regard to the state of the treasury, we would refer you to the treasurer's report to this assembly. we are informed that the number of immigrants who have come to this country from the united states during the present year amounts to upward of seven hundred and fifty persons. we would recommend that the act passed last june, defining the northern boundaries of tualatin and clatsop counties, be so explained as not to conflict with the act passed in this assembly in june, , extending the limits of oregon to fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude. and we would suggest, in conclusion, that to preserve the peace, good order, and kind feeling, which have hitherto existed among the inhabitants of this country, depends very much upon the calm and deliberate judgment of this assembly, and we sincerely hope that oregon, by the special aid of divine providence may set an unprecedented example to the world of industry, morality, and virtue. and although we may now be unknown as a state or power, yet we have the advantages, by the united efforts of our increasing population, in a diligent attention to agriculture, arts, and literature, of attaining, at no distant day, to as conspicuous an elevation as any state or power on the continent of america. but in order to carry this important measure, and arise to that distinguished station, it becomes the duty of every citizen of this country to take a deep interest in its present and future welfare. as descendants of the united states and great britain, we should honor and respect the countries which gave us birth; and, as citizens of oregon, we should, by a uniform course of proceeding, and a strict observance of the rules of justice, equity, and republican principles, without party distinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind feeling, not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or states with whom we may have intercourse. signed, osborne russell, p. g. stewart. executive committee of oregon. dated, wallamet falls, dec. , . to the honor of the country, peter h. burnett's negro-whipping law was never enforced in a single instance, against a white or black man, as no officer of the provisional government felt it incumbent upon himself to attempt to enforce it. the proposed constitutional revision was also strongly recommended by the executive committee, and the legislative committee went through the farce of calling a convention, and increased the number of representatives, and called it a legislature. in fact, the whole proceedings seemed only to mix up and confuse the people; so much so, that some doubted the existence of any legal authority in the country, and the leading men of the immigration of denounced the organization as a missionary arrangement to secure the most valuable farming lands in the country. the hudson's bay company, under the guidance of james douglas and p. s. ogden, carried forward their plans and arrangements by placing men at their posts along the line of the immigrant route, who were doing all they could, by misrepresentation and falsehood, to deceive and rob those who were journeying to this country. but, says the sycophant, the early settlers of oregon are greatly indebted to the hudson's bay company for supplies of goods and provisions sent to aid the starving immigrants. general palmer tells us (page ) that flour at fort hall, when he came along, was twenty dollars per one hundred pounds; cattle were from five to twelve dollars per head. they could not be prevailed upon to receive any thing in exchange for their goods or provisions, except cattle or money. two to four cows, or two yoke of oxen for a hundred pounds of flour is _great generosity_, and renders the man who gives his last cow or ox to the company, under great obligations; as much so as the early settlers and the company's servants were in taking care of their cattle for the little milk they could get from them, the company claiming the cow and increase, and pay for any animal lost. this was hudson's bay company's generosity to the early settlers! they found that through the influence of burnett, newell, pomeroy, and a few other americans, they could accomplish more than by direct opposition, and therefore began to change their course, and manifest approval of the provisional government; so much so, that ermatinger, a member of the company, was elected treasurer in , in opposition to p. foster, who served in . during the summer of , rev. george geary arrived in the country, "clothed with discretionary power," and had the destiny of missionaries, laymen, property, and all, put into his hands. he superseded mr. lee. mr. hines returned from the sandwich islands, and they proceeded at once to dispose of the missionaries and property of the methodist mission. the stations at clatsop, nasqualla, and the dalles were given up. that at the dalles was sold to the american board, that on clatsop to rev. j. l. parish, while the station at nasqualla was abandoned by rev. j. p. richmond, who, with rev. messrs. kone and frost, had become dissatisfied with their indian missionary labors, and returned to the states. rev. messrs. d. lee and h. k. w. perkins, dr. babcock, and mr. brewer had all made up their minds to leave the country. these missionaries, having enlisted in a cause surrounded, at the time of their engagements, with all the romance of early missionary life in the far west, as soon as they reached their field of labor, had found that romance and real life among the indians did not accord with the feelings of their proud and supremely selfish hearts. they were not satisfied with silently withdrawing from the country, and encouraging others more capable and better adapted to the missionary work to come to it; but they joined with dr. white, a bitter enemy of rev. j. lee, and succeeded in obtaining the latter gentleman's removal from the superintendency, and, through rev. messrs. geary and hines, the abandonment of their indian mission. as an outside eye-witness of these transactions, we will state frankly our impressions as to the general closing up of the methodist missionary labors among the indians. the special and general watchfulness of the hudson's bay company, and their influence over the leading members of the mission, and the effort they made to counteract the moral and civil improvement of the indians, was brought to bear both directly and indirectly upon the superior and subordinate members, the same as it had been upon the members of the missions of the american board, and caused a division in sentiment as to the usefulness and results of missionary labor, and thus crippled their efforts, and caused many of them to join with dr. white, and complain of superintendent lee, as an excuse to abandon the missionary work. while these influences were working their intended results upon all the american missionaries, the jesuits, having explored the country, under the patronage and by the assistance of the hudson's bay company, were making extensive preparations to occupy it with their missionaries, who were then being collected, and sent from belgium and canada to oregon, under the direction of that arch-jesuit, p. j. de smet, and bishop blanchet. by the time they arrived, the methodist indian missions were all disposed of; thus enabling the jesuits to fix their undivided attention and combine their united influence against the missions of the american board, which all admitted were accomplishing a noble work among the tribes of their charge. as mr. fitzgerald says: "but the company not only get rid of missionaries as soon as they can do so without dangerous unpopularity, but they obstruct them in the performance of their duties while in the country." (see page of his work.) this opposition to the missionaries was not caused by the indians, but the personal opposition of the company, as proved by sir j. pelly's answer to the question, "have you found a disposition on the part of the natives to receive moral and religious instruction." "very great. there were a couple of young lads sent from the columbia district, to whom the names of pelly and garry were given; these lads were revered by the natives, when they returned, for the religious instructions they were enabled to give." (see page , of the work above quoted.) one congregational and five methodist ministers have left the country with their families. five jesuit priests and as many nuns are coming to it. eight hundred emigrants are plodding their way over the mountains and plains with ox-teams, to find a home in this country. the sub-indian agent has worked himself quiet. the indians are waiting orders, watching the immigration, and getting ready to strike at the proper time. mr. lease had brought a band of five hundred head of california cattle to the country and disposed of most of them to the hudson's bay company. the oregon printing-press association was formed, and about eighty shares, at $ each, were subscribed, and the money sent to new york for press, type, and paper, by george abernethy, esq., who, after the provisional organization in , became a valuable supporter of all the best interests of the country. his integrity of character, consistent piety, and unbounded generosity, but few will question. from his position, and connection with the methodist mission, he has suffered much pecuniary loss, from men who were ever ready to take undue advantage of a confiding and generous disposition. as a public officer he always held a negative position, the tendency of which was to hold all in suspense, and wait for some future action, or to be carried forward by events that might occur. he could not be called a leader in any civil, religious, or political measure, yet he truly represented, in his public capacity, the organization of which he was a member. so far as he was capable, he held in abeyance all laws and measures, to what he considered would be the policy of the united states government at some future time. the natural result of this position was, to accomplish nothing definitely. hence we find in all his public acts, this tender spirit, and want of decided action. mr. hines started for the united states by way of china. the property of the methodist mission was distributed, and the settlers had increased; while the hudson's bay company were busily preparing to defend their assumed rights by arming their forts and indians in a manner so as not to excite suspicion, or alarm the american settlements. chapter l. dr. white's report.--seizure and destruction of a distillery.--homicide of joel turnham.--state of the territory.--trials of dr. white.--the liquor law.--revenue act.--case of the negro saul.--the indians kill an ox.--other indian difficulties.--indian expedition to california.--death of the indian elijah.--state of the territory.--claim of the hudson's bay company on the north bank of the columbia.--letter of peter h. burnett.--the nez percés and cayuses.--extract from the report of the united states senate. we give the following extracts from dr. white's indian report and proceedings in oregon, that the reader may be informed as to what he claimed to be his influence, and also the way he maneuvered with the indians and settlers; with his full account of the killing of the young indian elijah in california. the letters from the different missionaries show the condition of the american missions at the time. mr. lee and the jesuit missionaries did not deem him the proper agent to report to. notwithstanding, in his report, given in a previous chapter, he attributes to the jesuit missionaries improvements wholly made by the americans, not from ignorance of the fact, but from personal prejudice. it will be seen that the committee in congress, to whom his report and petition was referred, deemed it equitable and just on general principles, and allowed it. wallamet, november , . sir,--the hudson's bay ship _columbia_ sailing in a few days, _via_ sandwich islands, for england, by the politeness of her owners i have the honor of again addressing you, and certainly under circumstances most favorable and gratifying. since my last, forwarded in march, aside from two or three incidents of an unpleasant nature, the colony and country have been in a state of unusual quietness, and the season has been one of great prosperity. the legislative body, composed of nine members, met on the th of may, at the falls at wallamet, and closed their short but effective session in nine days; having passed, in due form, twenty-five bills, most of which were of importance to us in the regulation of our intercourse. a few of these laws i transmit to you, and would here remark, the taxes were in general cheerfully paid. the liquor bill is popular, and the laws of oregon are honored. the liquor act not coming in force under sixty days from its passage, a few individuals (having clandestinely prepared, before its passage) improved this favored moment to dispose of all they could with any hopes of safety. of this i was immediately notified, and hastened in from the tualatin plains, all the mischief, "as heretofore," being done in and about the town at the falls of the wallamet. liquor was in our midst, as was but too manifest from the noisy, vulgar, obscene, and even diabolical expressions of those who had previously ever conducted themselves in a quiet and orderly manner. this was perplexing and exciting, as all professed ignorance; and many opinions prevailed regarding the amount manufactured, and the number interested, and especially regarding the seat of mischief or point where distilled. i resolved, at whatever danger or cost, to nip this in the bud, procured the call of a public meeting at once, and had the happiness to receive the following expression from all but one convened:-- "_resolved_, that it be the sense of this meeting, that dr. white, in his official relation, take such assistance as he may require, and forthwith search out and destroy all intoxicating liquor that may be found in this vicinity or district of country. "p. g. stewart. "executive chairman. "john e. long, "secretary." i started with ten volunteers early the ensuing morning, and found the distillery in a deep, dense thicket, eleven miles from town, at three o'clock, p.m. the boiler was a large-size potash kettle, and all the apparatus well accorded. two hogsheads and eight barrels of slush or beer were standing ready for distillation, with a part of one barrel of molasses. no liquor could be found, nor as yet had much been distilled. having resolved on my course, i left no time for reflection, but at once upset the nearest cask, when the noble volunteers immediately seconded my measures, making a river of beer in a moment; nor did we stop till the kettle was raised, and elevated in triumph at the prow of our boat, and every cask, with all the distilling apparatus, was broken to pieces and utterly destroyed. we then returned, in high cheer, to the town, where our presence and report gave general joy. two hours after my arrival, i received from james connor, one of the owners, a written challenge for a bloody combat; which ended last week in his being indicted before the grand jury, fined $ , and disfranchised for life. six weeks since, an unhappy affray occurred between one joel turnham, late from missouri, and webley hauxhurst, of wallamet, and serious threats passing from the former, a warrant was issued, and turnham, resisting with a deadly weapon, was shot down by the officer; for which he comes before the grand jury to-morrow. turnham expired at once, being shot with three mortal wounds through the neck and head, but with singular desperation fought and resisted to the last. so far as i understand the public expression, all unite in acquitting the officer, who has ever been a harmless, quiet, good citizen; while turnham was regarded as a most desperate and dangerous character all abroad, having left missouri under circumstances most unfavorable to his reputation and quiet here, where he has been particularly sour, irritable, and quarrelsome; and was the more obnoxious as he was reputed brave and generally too stout for his antagonist. november .--since penning the last, the grand jury have unanimously declared no bill; and here allow me to say, having accompanied judge babcock to four of the courts embraced in the circuit of five counties, i have not seen in any country such uniform decorum and quietness as has prevailed throughout at these courts. much of this mildness, sobriety, and good order, is doubtless attributable to the absence of all intoxicating drinks. the laws of this country, framed to meet present circumstances, are taking deeper and stronger root continually. and some are already suggesting, "notwithstanding our infancy," whether, if longer left without a mother's protection, it will not be well to undertake to run alone. the resources of the country are rapidly developing, and the expectations of the people are generally high; the mildness of the climate and the strength of the soil greatly encourage the large immigration of last year. for the last twelve months, mercury has ranged from to ; four-fifths of the time from to ; making an agreeable summer and mild winter, grazing being good throughout; so much so that the jaded and worn-down animals of the poor immigrants fatted up greatly to their surprise, before spring, without feeding or the least attention. crops of all kinds usually good, even to indian corn, and cheerfulness prevails throughout since harvesting. as statements have been made in the states derogatory to our soil, allow me to say, it is believed, with the same cultivation, no country produces better wheat, oats, peas, barley, potatoes, or any crop save indian corn, for which the nights are generally too cool for a heavy growth. the wheat crops, being never injured by the frosts of winter or the rains of summer, as in the states, are remarkably sure; nor as yet have our crops been disturbed by flies or insects. wheat crops are heavy, as you will judge when i assure you, from simply turning over the prairie in june, scattering the seed in october, and then with no further trouble than passing the harrow over it, ten acres upon my plantation grew five hundred and forty-one bushels and a half. the river flats, containing much alluvial deposit, are very rich; the plains beautiful and verdant, being admirably watered, but generally sparsely timbered; the high lands well timbered and watered in many parts, the soil tolerable, producing herbage for an abundance of deer, elk, mountain sheep, etc. the entire wallamet and umpqua valleys, capable of sustaining a population of several millions, it is generally believed can not be excelled, as a whole, for richness of soil, variety, grandeur, or beauty of scenery; nor, considering the latitude, can be equaled in mildness, equability, and agreeableness of climate. since last writing, abundance of limestone has been found at the mouth of the columbia, and likewise in this valley, conveniently obtained, and proves of an excellent quality. the rev. mr. de smet arrived here in august last, bringing, as a part of his cargo, six priests and as many nuns, fine, hale-looking girls, very acceptable just now, particularly as the methodist mission is breaking up, and the half-breed canadian daughters are rapidly multiplying. having no pilot or chart to depend upon, and his commander a stranger, he sailed in through the south channel, greatly to the surprise and alarm of all on shore, but without injury or difficulty, not once touching, and reporting abundance of water for the heaviest burden ships. the sands are supposed to have changed and improved the channel; but of this i know nothing, and am not a little skeptical. i am induced to attribute their success more to the fine day and small vessel than change of the sands in their favor since captain wilkes left. captain couch, however, who has now been passing in and out here for the last five years in the service of mr. cushing, of newburyport, pronounces it a better port to enter than theirs, and says, with pilots, there will be little difficulty or danger. our exports are wheat, beaver, salmon, and lumber, for which, in return, we obtain from the sandwich islands, sugar, molasses, tea, coffee, and other commodities brought there from china, england, and america. we are much in want of a currency and market, american merchants being as yet a slender reliance; and in view of the large immigrating parties of each year, we should be greatly distressed for necessary articles of wearing apparel, but for the most commendable spirit of accommodation on the part of the hudson's bay company. could some arrangement be entered into for us to supply the navy of the pacific with bread, beef, pork, fish, etc., we would thereby be much improved in our condition. this might, and perhaps ought to be done, in view of the encouragements held out for our people to emigrate to this country. should it not be convenient for our ships of war to come to the columbia for such supplies, they could be shipped to the sandwich islands, if required. but more of this another time. having just taken the tour of the colony for the purpose of attending the courts and visiting the schools, it affords me pleasure to say i felt amply rewarded. i found throughout health, cheerfulness, and prosperity, and, certainly, most surprising improvements for the short time since the settlers commenced. the decorum of the courts i have spoken of, and now have only to speak of the schools and indians, and i am done, fearing i have already wearied your patience. for the want of means, the methodist manual labor indian school has lately been broken up, and this is now occupied as a boarding-school for white children of both sexes. the school is yet small, but well conducted, and promises usefulness to the colony. the school at the falls of the wallamet and tualatin plains, and likewise the one under the direction of rev. mr. blanchet, catholic clergyman, are all small,--numbering from fifteen to thirty only,--but are all well kept and doing good. i feel solicitous on this subject, and am saying and doing what i can to encourage education, but, like all other new countries, the people need and require their children much at home. since the unhappy affair last spring, the indians have been unusually quiet, and the summer has been spent without alarm. i sent my interpreter, mr. lee, to the wallawallas six weeks since, to make some presents to the chiefs, as a safe conduct to the immigrants down to this place, but having, as yet, nothing from him of interest, i addressed a line to mr. j. b. littlejohn, who is just down from there, and received the annexed reply; all other statements are corroborative:-- "wallamet, november , . "dear sir,--it is with the utmost pleasure i undertake to give you what information i am able to do. i have resided with the missionaries of the american board for two years past; i have known their hearts, and am well acquainted with all they have done. their influence among the indians is by no means small, or their efforts vain, as their condition is very much improved, both in a spiritual and temporal point of view. and, dear sir, your efforts among and for them have been much to their advantage, and at the same time not to the disadvantage of the missionaries, but greatly to increase their usefulness among them. i have no doubt you have labored with this motive in view. the indians are becoming civilized as fast or faster than any tribes concerning whom i am informed. their anxiety for cattle, hogs, and sheep is very great; leading them to make most commendable efforts to obtain them, and their efforts are by no means vain. they have purchased a good number from those who are emigrating to this country, by exchanging their horses for cattle. thus, while their horses have been very useful to the immigrants, they have greatly benefited themselves. they are enlarging their farms yearly,--improving much in fencing, etc. quite a number of families are enabled to live from what they raise on their farms, the milk of their cows, and their beef. there is perfect quietness existing between them, and i have no doubt this state of things will continue to exist. many things that are interesting might be written, but time does not allow me to say more at present. "i am, dear sir, yours with the greatest respect, "j. b. littlejohn." thus far the indians have kept their treaties of amity with me astonishingly well, and it is thought we have now as much to hope as fear from them, if we succeed in keeping out liquor, which, by the grace of god, not few of us are resolved to do, though we do not pass unopposed, nor slightly opposed; and had it not been for that most salutary liquor law, and the hearty co-operation of some of the friends of temperance with your agent, liquor would have already made ruinous havoc among us. the methodist mission, though we have not agreed on all subjects, has behaved very properly on this. and to it, in connection with the honorable hudson's bay company, will the colony be lastingly indebted for its commendable efforts. since my first arrival, i have not received a line from the department save my last year's report. as my condition is peculiar, and not a little embarrassing, i should feel greatly obliged for an expression and further instruction from the department. i have had, as may well be judged, much to contend with, in the midst of lawless indians of so many different tribes, and lawless whites of so many nations,--some bred upon old whale-ships, others in the rocky mountains, and hundreds on the frontiers of missouri. i have at times waded in deep perplexing difficulties, but am now greatly relieved by the colonial government, which as yet is well administered. by reason of this i now have less to do, and sail in smoother seas, meeting with less opposition than heretofore, my proper official relations toward the whites and indians being better understood. i have the honor to be, etc., e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. hon. j. m. porter, secretary of war, washington. _an act to prohibit the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits._ _whereas_ the people of oregon, now occupying one of the most beautiful and interesting portions of the globe, are placed in the most critical and responsible position ever filled by men, owing, as they do, important duties to themselves, to their country, to posterity, and to mankind, as the founders of a new government and a young nation; and whereas the introduction, distillation, or sale of ardent spirits, under the circumstances in which we are placed, would bring withering ruin upon the prosperity and prospects of this interesting and rising community, by involving us in idle and dissolute habits, inviting hither swarms of the dissipated inhabitants of other countries, checking immigration, destroying the industry of the country, bringing upon us the swarms of savages now in our midst, interrupting the orderly and peaceable administration of justice, and, in a word, producing and perpetuating increasing and untold miseries that no mind can rightly estimate; therefore, _be it enacted by the legislative committee of oregon as follows:--_ section . that if any person shall hereafter import or introduce any ardent spirits into oregon, with intent to sell, barter, or trade the same, and shall offer the same for sale, barter, or trade, he shall be fined the sum of fifty dollars for each and every such offense, which may be recovered by indictment or by trial before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any person within oregon, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, barter, or trade, to be recovered by indictment in the circuit court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in oregon, he shall be subject to be indicted before the circuit court as for a nuisance; and if convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. sec. . that it shall be the duty of all sheriffs, judges, justices, constables, and other officers, when they have reason to believe that this act has been violated, to give notice thereof to some justice of the peace or judge of a court, who shall immediately issue his warrant and cause the offending party to be arrested, and, if such officer has jurisdiction to try such case, shall proceed to try such offender without delay, and give judgment accordingly; but, if such officer shall not have jurisdiction to try the case, he shall, if the party be guilty, bind him over to appear before the next circuit court of the proper county. sec. . that all sales, barters, or trades, made under color of gifts or otherwise, with intent to evade this act, shall be deemed a violation of the same, and all fines and penalties recovered under this act shall go into the general treasury, and all officers receiving the same shall pay over to the sheriff, whose duty it shall be to pay the same into the treasury. sec. . that this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practicing physician from selling such liquors for medicine, not to exceed one gallon at one time. sec. . that the clerk shall make out a copy of this act and put the same up in oregon city as early as practicable. sec. . that this act shall take effect within sixty days from and after its passage. passed th june, . m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, clerk. _an act to provide for ways and means._ _be it enacted by the legislative committee of oregon as follows:--_ section . that in order to raise a revenue for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the government, there shall be levied and collected a tax of one-eighth of one per cent. upon the following property, at a fair valuation, to wit: all merchandise brought into this country for sale; improvements in town lots; mills; pleasure-carriages; clocks; watches; horses; mules; cattle and hogs. sec. . every male citizen over the age of twenty-one years, being a descendant of a white man, shall be subject to pay a poll-tax of fifty cents. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the collector of revenue to require of each and every merchant of oregon to give him a statement of the amount of all merchandise on hand, in writing, to be stated upon oath or affirmation, which oath or affirmation the collector shall administer; and said collector shall collect and receipt for the tax upon such merchandise, which receipt shall serve said merchant for a license for the next year, commencing from the time given; and that, when a merchant shall wish to renew his license, he shall give a similar statement of all merchandise received by him for sale in the preceding twelve months, and the collector shall only require him to pay tax upon the amount of said imports. sec. . that any person refusing to pay tax, as in this act required, shall have no benefit of the laws of oregon, and shall be disqualified from voting at any election in this country. sec. . that the sheriff shall serve as _ex officio_ collector of the revenue, for which he shall receive, as a compensation for his services, ten per cent. upon all moneys collected as revenue. sec. . that the sheriff, before entering upon the duties of his office as collector of the revenue, shall enter into bond, with two or more good and sufficient securities, in a sum not less than five nor more than ten thousand dollars, to be approved by the executive, which approval shall be written upon the back of said bond, and the said collector's bond shall be filed in the office of the clerk of the court. sec. . that the collector shall pay over to the treasury, on the first monday in each and every month in the year, all moneys that may be in his hands, and get the treasurer's receipt therefor. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the tribunal transacting county business to require the collector to settle with said court at each and every regular term of the court in clackamas county. sec. . the collector of the revenue shall make full payment into the treasury on or before the first monday in december in each year. sec. . the revenue of oregon shall be collected in specie or available orders on solvent merchants in oregon. sec. . that all acts and parts of acts contrary to this act be, and the same are hereby, repealed. sec. . this act to take effect from and after its passage. m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, secretary. _oregon territory, tualatin district, united states of america, may , ._ charles e. pickett, plaintiff, in the name of oregon territory, threatening to incense the indians, _against_ saul, a man of color. complainant's oath and warrant issued, directed to j. l. meek, sheriff, and summons for three witnesses, viz.: james conner, william hill, and mr. bird. may .--sheriff made his return with defendant and witnesses, and jury of good and lawful men, viz., philip foster, w. c. dement, j. w. nesmith, john mccaddan, c. spencer, and s. w. moss, being duly sworn, returned a verdict of guilty of the charges alleged to him, and signed their names, viz.: philip foster, j. w. nesmith, william c. dement, john mccaddan, chauncey spencer, and s. w. moss. two witnesses, viz., william hill and mr. bird, of lawful age, being duly sworn, did depose and say: that the threats in the deposition of charles e. pickett were correct; and that the indians had come in a menacing manner; and that saul said he would stand for the indians' rights; and that he (saul) was armed and prepared to do so; and that the indians would burn and destroy his house and property. the charges being of a higher character than the oregon laws have cognizance of, judgment is, that the united states sub-indian agent, dr. elijah white, is the proper officer to take cognizance of him; and he, saul, a man of color, be forthwith delivered into said agent's hand; which was forthwith done. robert moore, justice of the peace. the criminal was received and kept in custody for some weeks; but having no prison-house or jail to lodge him in, and the captain absolutely declining taking him on board his vessel, after the storm had blown over i suffered and encouraged him to leave this place, and stop with one of the mission families for the present, at the mouth of the columbia. though unsuccessful in getting employment as i had hoped, he remains in that vicinity with his indian wife and family, conducting, as yet, in a quiet manner, but doubtless ought to be transported, together with every other negro, being in our condition dangerous subjects. until we have some further means of protection, their immigration ought to be prohibited. can this be done? e. white, sub-agent. territory of oregon,} } _ss._ district of tualatin.} charles e. pickett, being duly sworn, says, that saul (a man of color), of said territory, has threatened to incense the indians against his person and property, to destroy the same; and that he, the said charles e. pickett, verily believes that, unless measures are taken to prevent him, there are sufficient grounds to apprehend that he will carry those threats into execution. sworn to and subscribed this st day of may, , before me, robert moore, j. p. we, the jury, find the prisoner guilty of the charges alleged against him. philip foster, j. w. nesmith, wm. c. dement, john mccaddan, chauncey spencer, s. w. moss. * * * * * oregon, wallamet valley,} april , .} ----starting too late, and the winter rains setting in earlier than usual, subjected the immigrants to incredible suffering and hardships, especially from the dalles of the columbia down to the wallamet valley; but our early and delightful spring is exerting a cheering and most salutary influence upon their hitherto depressed spirits. they have, bee-like, been hived up in oregon city during the winter, and are now swarming, to the entire satisfaction of the first occupants of the hive, it not being wide and large enough for such an unexpected increase. the last immigration, numbering about a thousand, are generally pleased with the country, and are setting about their spring work with becoming spirit and fortitude. the indians of this lower country, whose national honor and dignity are laid in the dust, are looking upon the rapid growth and increased strength of the whites with sorrowful countenances and sad hearts. the present state of things between us and them is peculiar, critical, unenviable, and dangerous, at least, so far as peace and property are concerned. for instance, in proof: soon after i sent my last dispatches, the chief of the tualatin plains, whose orderly conduct and that of his clan did honor to the nez percé laws, and the engagement we had mutually entered into, called on me, desiring my offices in procuring the mending of his gun. this being done, he invited me to come and see him and his people; said all was not right at his lodge; his tribe was divided, and all was not right; his influence was waning, and some of his people were becoming very bitter toward the americans. observing anxiety and mental reservation, i endeavored to draw out the secret, reminding him of the frequent communications he had brought me from the rev. messrs. clark and griffin, bearing such satisfactory testimony to their previous quiet, orderly, and proper conduct, etc., but all i could learn was, "things are not right with us, and we are miserable." the _camass_, their principal dependence for food, was cut off last season by reason of drought; and the deer are hunted so much by the late hungry western immigrant riflemen, that they have become wild, poor, and few in number. the chief left. a few days after, i learned they had killed an ox and ate it, belonging to a neighboring white man. the owner was excited, and applied to one of the executive; a proclamation was issued, the military was called out (if it be lawful to call it such), and ample preparations made to avenge this national insult, and seek redress for this astounding loss. the army collected upon the opposite bank of the river, about six miles from the position occupied by the enemy, talked bravely, long, and loud, but the river was a little too high to cross that day; appointed another, the river being lower; none of the warriors appeared; nor could the executive, or owner, simply for the want of a few gallons of alcohol, obtain the necessary assistance to avenge the horrid wrong, and perform a brilliant military exploit. the chief, in his embarrassment and distress, came to me as usual for sympathy and succor. my coldness and look of severity (for which heaven forgive me!) keenly afflicted him. after a deep sigh and painful pause, peculiar to a wounded or injured indian, he slowly rose, gently smiting his breast, and said, "dr. white, i am a true man, and carry an honest heart. do you remember my coming to get my gun mended last fall? do you remember my words, that all was not right with our people, and my inviting you to come and see us? we had just before killed that old ox, and were then eating it." i inquired, "had you any thing to do with it personally?" "yes, i helped to kill it, and, with my family, took and ate one-half of the animal. you saw the condition of my gun;--our provisions were out; i and others had hunted for two days,--our hunger was great. we held a council; and, hoping for success, i promised, on condition nothing was caught till the setting of another sun, we would kill the first animal we met. i traveled far, and wearied myself till evening; shot often but killed nothing;--we met this poor old ox, which our people would scorn to kill or eat but in case of extreme hunger;--my word was passed to my people; i could not go back from my word; i helped to kill and butcher the ox, and joined in eating him; and now my peace is gone. i am ashamed to see a white man's face; they look cold on me and shake the head;--i can not bear it--i can not live so; i come to you to help me, for i am told they want to kill me. i do not want such feelings to exist; nor do i want to be hunted as a bear or wild beast, for slaughter. i stand here a wisher of peace, willing to have you dictate the terms; but wish to have it remembered that we were distressed with hunger." "suppose," said i, "the owner should require your rifle and four horses?" "you stand to judge between us, and i shall abide your decision." "but you have broken your engagement and forfeited confidence, and i fear it can not be settled, and some think you have killed before." "dr. white, i am a true man, and lie not. i, nor my people, can not be so accused justly; this is injurious; none can meet my face and say it." i wrote, through him, to the owner, praying, as it was the first offense so far as we had the least evidence, and especially in view of our critical situation and his general good behavior, that he would fully indemnify himself; and then, in view of what i knew of the condition of his gun, and the probability that it was induced by hunger, to settle it; and requested him to assure the chief that he was convinced from my letter and all the circumstances, in connection with his past good conduct, that it must have been brought about by hunger. the advice was rejected, as the laws of the organization now had cognizance of the offense, and he wished to see them faithfully enforced. public opinion became divided, and no judicial expression being made, and the poor chief becoming excessively tired of being held by public opinion in durance vile, came to see me a second time. i wrote again, and learned it was settled by the chief and his people paying his rifle and eight horses. if this be correct (as i fear it is), i abominate the act and dread its prejudicial influence. week before last a hungry and mischievous lodge killed a cow. they were pursued by a party of whites, overtaken, and, in attempting to take them, the indians fired upon the whites, killing one horse, and wounded another. the fire was returned; one indian killed, and a second wounded. thus ended this affair, which creates very little excitement among whites or indians. the most painful circumstance that has occurred lately, transpired last fall at california. the cayuses, wallawallas, and some of the chiefs of the spokans, entered upon the hazardous but grand and important enterprise of going directly through the indian country to california, with a view of exchanging their beaver, deer, and elk skins, together with their surplus horses, for neat stock. as they had to travel through an extensive country inhabited by the savage and warlike klamaths and shastas, where smith, turner, and so many other white parties had been defeated, we are at a loss to conclude whether their valor is more to be commended than the rashness of their stupendous enterprise to be censured. they were well mounted and equipped; the chiefs clad in english costume, and the residue attired in dressed skins, molded according to their several tastes. the journey of seven or eight hundred miles, after some fighting, watching, and much fatigue, was accomplished, and their numbers not lessened. taking their own statement, their reception was cordial, and the impression made upon the whites by these distant and half-civilized people, upon an errand so commendable, was most favorable. the treating and salutations being over, the trade commenced in good faith, and to mutual satisfaction. all moved on well, till, on an excursion to procure elk and deer skins, they met a marauding band of mountain freebooters; fought them, and, being victorious, took a prize of twenty-two horses, all previously stolen from the whites. on returning to the settlements, the spaniards laid claim to the animals. the chiefs remonstrated, and said, agreeably to their customs, the horses were theirs. the spaniards explained their laws, and showed the animals not to be vented, _i.e._, bearing a transfer mark, and told the indians they must give them to the rightful owners, as all americans and others did. the indians seemed grieved and rather incensed; said in their country six nations of people were on terms of amity, and that in case any one of these six nations stole a horse, the tribe was responsible for the safe delivery of that animal to the rightful owner; but in case the blackfeet or other formidable enemy steal or capture, the properly is supposed lost, without redemption; and as we have captured these horses at the hazard of our lives, from your long openly declared enemies, we think they ought in justice to be ours. the spaniards condescended to offer ten cows for the redemption of the horses; the chief not replying, five more were added; he still remaining moody and without replying, the negotiation unhappily broke off. a day or two after, an american, seeing his mule among the number captured, told the indians it was his mule, and have it he would. "will you?" said a young chief by the name of elijah heading; and stepping into the lodge, he immediately loaded his rifle, came out and observed significantly, "go now and take your mule." the american, much alarmed, remarked, "i hope you are not going to kill me." "no! i am going to shoot yonder eagle" (perched upon a neighboring oak). not liking the appearances, the man left without attempting to obtain his mule. a day or two after, the indians left their encampment and walked down to the fort of captain sutter to church; and from the best information we have obtained (all being _ex parte_), the following appears to be near the truth: after service elijah was invited into another apartment, taking with him his uncle, a brave and sensible chief of the age of five and forty; while there, in an unarmed and defenseless condition, they commenced menacing him for things alleged against the river indians of this upper country, in which none of them had any participation; called them indiscriminately dogs, thieves, etc. this american then observed: "yesterday you were going to kill me; now you must die"--drawing a pistol. elijah, who had been five or six years at the methodist mission, and had learned to read, write, and speak english respectably, said, deliberately: "let me pray a little, first;" and kneeling down, at once commenced; and while invoking the divine mercy, was shot through the heart or vitals dead upon the spot. every measure, as the indians say, was taken to cut them all off by the spaniards, who brought out the cannon, with other fire-arms, and hotly pursued them, and tried to prevent their escape by checking and interrupting their passage across the ferries, etc. but at length they all arrived safely, after manifest suffering, leaving the herds they had paid for in california. they met three americans on the way as they left the california settlements and had them in their power, but instead of revenging the death of elijah, they mounted each on a horse of their own, and sent them on, telling them to go to the fort and acquaint the people that they could not kill innocent white people in their power and lodge. taking for truth an indian report, this horrible affair creates considerable excitement, and there is some danger of its disturbing the friendly relation that has hitherto existed between us here, and all those formidable tribes in the region of wallawalla and snake river. they had no sooner arrived, than ellis, my interpreter, the high chief of the nez percés, was deputed to come down and learn our opinions regarding the affair. they could not have sent a better agent, the whites all giving him a handsome and cordial reception. from wallawalla, he accompanied mr. grant, the chief trader at fort hall, down to vancouver. he called on dr. mclaughlin, whose great experience and address were serviceable. he spoke touchingly of the violent death of his own son upon the northwest coast, and left the impression that he could not avoid sympathizing with the father and friends of the deceased young chief. mr. douglas, too, an early friend, patron, and favorite of ellis, aided much in convincing him that all the good and virtuous could not avoid the most painful regrets at so melancholy a circumstance, which must have occurred by reason of the difference in their customs or laws, imperfectly understanding each other, or from some, as he would charitably hope, excusable circumstance. under the influence of this salutary language and interview, ellis arrived at my residence, in wallamet, about the st instant, having, a short time before, got a hasty communication, written in excitement, from dr. whitman, who was under serious apprehensions that it might be avenged upon some of the whites of the upper country. be assured i was happy to see this my most faithful friend and interpreter. sir, pardon me for saying--isolated as we are here, agitated as we have a thousand times been by faithless savages and still more faithless whites, responsible, yet powerless and defenseless, in our unsettled state of things--to meet with this honest man, this _real_ friend, though an indian, gave me hearty pleasure. his thorough education at red river molded him into more of the white man than indian. his prudence and good management with his tribe sanctioned the choice that had been made, and all the whites spoke handsomely of his kind offices and obliging deportment, while immigrating through his country. being satisfied of the safety and policy, i feasted him, and took at once unobserved measures to have him invited to every respectable place abroad, where the ladies and gentlemen received him so cordially, and feasted him so richly and delicately, that he almost forgot the object of his embassy, and, i verily believe, thought extremely highly of the whites of wallamet, however ill he might have thought of the conduct of the californians. being anxious to make this visit useful to him and his people, as well as pleasant, after spending a few days in visiting the schools, as well as the principal inhabitants and places of interest, i showed him my little library; told him to make himself at home; put on my farmer's garb and commenced working upon my plantation. he soon came out, accompanied by a wealthy cousin, and begged for tools to assist me. i loaned them, and found he was much at home in their use. he spent with me a sufficient length of time to convince me of the truth reported concerning his cheerfulness in labor, as well as his knowledge, application, and assiduity in business. he spoke sensibly of the advantages of industry, and the astonishing change that had been effected among his people by the cultivation of the soil; assured me that every family or lodge now raised an abundance for home consumption, besides having considerable quantities to barter with the whites. he says he raised, himself, the past season, six hundred bushels of peas, with a fine crop of wheat, potatoes, beans, etc.; spoke properly of its moral and social effects. wars were no longer talked of, and the chase was nearly abandoned; the book and the bible consumed their leisure moments. polygamy, once so common, was now done away with, except in two solitary cases, and not a lodge of his people but observed the sabbath, and regularly attended morning and evening devotion. this was only corroborative of what i had previously heard from other sources. he spent ten days with me in the most cheerful, agreeable, and profitable manner, and at the close i felt myself the happier and better for the visit; nor did i marvel that his influence was increasing and the prospects of his people brightening. pardon me, for, in thinking of his visit and dwelling upon his excellences, i had like to have forgotten his agency. learning from dr. whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and perhaps more especially by the loss they had sustained; and then, after suffering so many hardships and encountering so many dangers, losing the whole,--i apprehended there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless disaffected scamps late from wallamet to california, loading them with the vile epithets of "dogs," "thieves," etc., from which they believed, or affected to, that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible. he assured me that the cayuses, wallawallas, nez percés, spokans, ponderays, and snakes were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising about two thousand warriors of these formidable tribes and marching to california at once, and, nobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and plunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils; others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affair. a third party were for holding us responsible, as elijah was killed by an american, and the americans incensed the spaniards. ellis reminded me at the same time of the ill-success the chiefs met with in trading off their ten-dollar drafts for herds with the immigrants; which drafts i had sent up by mr. lee, my interpreter, to secure peace and safety while the immigrants were passing through their country, the year before so many having been pillaged and robbed of their effects, through the inattention of the chiefs. sir, how this affair will end is difficult to conjecture; the general impression is, that it will lend to the most disastrous consequences to the californians themselves, or to the colony of the wallamet valley. my principal fear is, that it will result in so much jealousy, prejudice, and disaffection, as to divert their minds from the pursuit of knowledge, agriculture, and the means of civilization, which they have been for such a length of time so laudably engaged in obtaining. should this be the case with these numerous, brave, and formidable tribes, the results to them, and to us, would be indeed most calamitous. to prevent such a result, i wrote, through ellis, a long, cordial, and rather sympathizing letter to the chiefs of these tribes, assuring them that i should at once write to the governor of california, to captain sutter, and to our great chiefs respecting this matter. with a view to divert attention, and promote good feeling, i invited all the chiefs to come down in the fall, before the arrival of the immigrants, in company with dr. whitman and mr. spalding, and confer with me upon this subject; at the same time, as they had been so unfortunate, to bring along their ten-dollar drafts, and exchange them with me for a cow and calf each, out of my own herds. i likewise wrote them, that on condition they would defer going to california till the spring of , and each chief assist me to the amount of two beaver skins, to get a good manual labor literary institution established for the english education of their sons and daughters (a subject they feel the deepest interest in), i would use every measure to get the unhappy affair adjusted; and, as a token of my regard for them, would, from my private funds, give the chiefs five hundred dollars, to assist them in purchasing young cows in california. i likewise proffered, as they are so eager for it, to start the english school next fall, by giving them the services of mr. lee, my interpreter, for four months, commencing in november next. ellis more than properly appreciated my motives and proffers, and said he was of the full belief the chiefs would accede to my proposition; spoke of the importance of the english school, and of the strong and general desire to obtain it. he left in high hopes of a continuance of peace and onward prosperity to his people. a few days later brought me into another excitement and difficulty at vancouver. two young men, named in mclaughlin's communication to this government (a copy of which, marked a, together with a reply, accompanies these dispatches), crossed the columbia river, and, unobserved, in the midst of a little thicket something over half a mile from fort vancouver, felled some timber, threw up a few logs in the shape of a hut, intending soon to finish it, put up a paper upon a contiguous tree, stating that they had commenced and intended to establish a claim agreeably with ----; here the note ended. some one about the establishment, observing the paper and commencement of the hut, reported it to the governor, who sent down at once and had all the timber removed from the vicinity, the tree felled, and that, with the paper likewise, removed. they had hardly cleared the ground when the claimants arrived with a surveyor, and commenced surveying off a section of land, embracing the post first commenced upon. they were inquired of, at the instance of governor mclaughlin, as to their object and intentions. they at once laid down the chain, dropped all business, and walked up to the fort. several respectable and influential american citizens happened to be present on business, who, with myself, were respectfully invited to hear the discussion. williamson, a modest and respectable young man, demeaned himself with propriety; but alderman, his associate, a boisterous, hare-brained young fellow, caused me (as occasionally others do) to blush for american honor. his language was most severe, and, but for the sake of the country's quiet, could not have been endured; the governor and mr. douglas displaying their usual calmness and forbearance. i heard the discussion for two hours; and, becoming satisfied that no possible good could grow out of it, remarked that with the cheerful consent of both parties i would give my sense of the matter. each readily consenting, i thought best to come up on the blind side of alderman; treated his measures with less severity, and himself with more consideration and respect, than he anticipated; then spoke of greenough's construction of the treaty between the two governments (which i happened to have with me); of the immense district of country dependent upon this establishment for supplies in beef, pork, etc., and as evidence that they had no more land contiguous than was necessary for their purposes, spoke of the number of cattle and other stock that had died of starvation during the last winter; dwelt upon the importance of union and good feeling among all the whites, surrounded as we were by savages, in our weak and defenseless condition, and especially of the propriety of establishing correct precedents in our unsettled state, regarding land claims; and, without advising particularly either party, took my seat. williamson and alderman soon manifested a desire for a private interview, which resulted in a suspension of hostilities for the present, and probably an abandonment of the claim. now, my dear sir, suffer me to write a few things concerning this country, which seemed to me strongly to demand the speedy attention of the members of our government. take fifty men from the colony, of the most intelligence, firmness, and prudence, and anarchy and confusion follow. suffer a free introduction of ardent spirits, and desolation, horror, dismay, and bloodshed ensue. never were a people more illy prepared for self-government, nor more unfavorably circumstanced to succeed,--aside from the single fact of the absence of all intoxicating drinks. sir, too great a portion of our population comes from the western suburbs of civilization, for one moment's safety to us in our present condition. i know not but i have as much patience as most men, but am heartily tired of this state of things. nor would i run the risk again, by land and water, from whites and savages, for the safety and quietness of the colony and country, for all the wealth of earth. i have not shrunk from toil, danger, nor hardships, and though alone-handed and unsustained, black-balled and traduced, astonishing to say, my measures have yet succeeded. i think of the past with a clear conscience, yet at present, at peace as we are, i look upon our critical condition with an anxious, aching heart, feeling that the members of our government err exceedingly toward their citizens in oregon. as i have so often said of this lower country, with its beauty, excellence of soil, and mildness of climate, it might be rendered the paradise of earth; but, sir, every thing is jeoparded by the tardiness of our government measures; not only the poor, injured natives, but the whites generally, have become wearied to impatience in waiting for an expression from our government, and disaffection, with a want of confidence, is taking the place of previous warm feeling and strong attachment. i regret this exceedingly, but feel it my duty to speak out in truth and distinctness upon this important point. i have said and done what i could to keep up confidence and hope; but already demagogues are haranguing in favor of independence, and using the most disparaging language regarding the measures of our government as a reason for action. these are but the beginnings, and, though i am glad to say such sentiments do not generally obtain, yet they are more favorably listened to this year than last; their natural results and practical tendency you will readily perceive. your annual report of reached me only a few days since, having been broken open on the way, then put into the hands of indians, and forwarded to me through that channel. and while i have to regret never having received any thing from your pen, be assured i am not insensible to the honor done me, in speaking as you did of my report, through yours of to the secretary of war. i feel any kind expression from home the more sensibly, from the torrent of opposition i have been forced to meet and contend with here; but am happy to observe that my influence is increasing, and my measures are being better understood and appreciated. influence here is most important; i felt this strikingly a few weeks since. three among the most correct and sensible men of the colony formed a co-partnership to enter largely upon the brewery business. they had already taken some steps; and as the business promised to be lucrative, the probabilities were against me in attempting to dissuade them from their purpose. i visited them, labored calmly, honestly, and faithfully, and felt the difference dealing or talking with men of sense and principle, over many with whom i have to do in oregon. the interview broke up most agreeably, not an unpleasant sentence having passed; the gentlemen engaging to give me their decision very soon. this was communicated to me two days after, in a delicate and handsome manner, which was entirely to my wishes, the business being altogether abandoned. this was most gratifying to me, as from such a quarter should beer be introduced, it would be impossible for us to prevent the introduction of stronger drink into the colony and country, which, of all others, is most illy prepared to receive it. the colony, now numbering about four thousand, is in a most flourishing state, and i am doubtful if any like number are more pleased or better contented in our wide domain. the schools of the country during the last winter have been well sustained; i have contributed to each, as was necessary, from ten to fifteen dollars, to pay rents, etc., and to encourage them forward in their laudable struggle to educate their rising families. i attended the examination of the methodist institute school a few weeks since, and was most agreeably impressed regarding the institution. the pleasant deportment and improved manners of the young ladies and gentlemen of the school, saying nothing of their astonishing advancement in the different departments of literature, was a cause of the highest gratification. i have nowhere attended an examination, taking all things into the account, more creditable to the principal or institution. i have called for a report, but am sorry it has not yet come to hand. the branches taught are rhetoric, grammar, geography, arithmetic, reading, writing, and spelling. the most enlightened and best disposed are using their influence to strengthen the organization, and perfect the laws of the colony. many are favorable to the adoption of a constitution, by calling a convention for that purpose the present season. this being the most enlightened sense, and meeting with little opposition, i am of the opinion it will prevail. should this be effected, the constitution, accompanied with a petition, will probably be forwarded by a delegate from this country to washington city the coming winter. as the friends of the constitution generally wish best to the country, and desire to have every thing so conducted as not to embarrass, but to meet with acceptance at home, i am solicited to be said delegate, and represent the wants of oregon. a circulating medium is greatly needed; however, the enterprise and onward march of this people can not easily be repressed. through the auspices of the hudson's bay company almost every man, requesting and needing it, is helped to sufficient means to commence upon his section of land; and, certainly, by far the greater number give evidence of well-placed confidence. the prairies are dotted over with houses, and the fruitful fields are spreading out widely all around us. moral and religious influence, i regret to say, is waning; yet it is gratifying to observe an increasing interest upon the subject of schools and education; and i am happy to say we have now eleven schools this side the mountains, most of them small, to be sure, but they are exerting a salutary and beneficial influence. pardon the length and want of interest of my report. did not duty hold me here, or had i funds appropriated to travel abroad to explore this delightful region of surrounding country, from what i learn of vague reports i have little doubt but much interesting, curious, and important information might be collected. but here i am, doomed to sit, watch, and sometimes almost _fight_ for peace between whites and indians--the question of right and wrong becoming more and more complicated continually; while here, allow me to say, the settling these difficulties necessarily costs me not a little. i believe most fully, in making a settlement with an indian or tribe, to have it a happy, earnest, and hearty one; and, in order to effect this, they require a present as a seal. and, sir, this is my principal means of usefulness or influence over these poor, and, in many instances, injured natives. their seeming confidence and regard makes one the more patient and cheerful in doing for them; nor can i complain, as so many east of the mountains have been obliged to, of violated faith on the part of the indians. from all i can learn, on much of which little reliance is to be placed, there appear to be about forty-two thousand indians in the territory, allowing it to extend to ° ' north latitude. mr. lee's (my interpreter) report accompanying this you will observe. i would have accompanied him but for the season of the year, and the prevalence of the dysentery, which is sweeping off the poor natives of this lower country. this gave rise to dr. long's bill, which, i hope, will be honored, as it was a work of humanity as well as policy. i directed it, as i could not possibly attend to those and these at the same time, there being forty miles between us. i hope, providence permitting, to have the pleasure of seeing you and the other gentlemen of the departments, at washington, in a few weeks, or months at longest, after this reaches, and of explaining my accounts and reasons for expenditures. i had not expected to draft on the department this spring; but there were no other means of settling with governor mclaughlin, for the want of a circulating medium through which to operate. inclosed is a letter from peter h. burnett, esq., which i proposed forwarding in my last dispatches, but received too late for transmission. with great respect, i am, dear sir, your most humble and obedient servant, elijah white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. _to the citizens of oregon:_ gentlemen,--we take the liberty of informing you that a person named "henry williamson," some time about the th of february, this year, took the liberty of erecting on the premises of the hudson's bay company a few logs, in the form of a hut, and wrote a notice upon an adjoining tree that he had taken a section of land there. this was done without our knowledge or consent, within a few hundred yards of a house occupied by one of the hudson's bay company's servants, and within the limits of their improvements. as soon as we were informed of that proceeding, we had the tree cut down and the logs removed, in order to prevent any future difficulty with a person who had, in a manner so unjustifiable, intruded on the hudson's bay company's premises. the hudson's bay company made their settlement at fort vancouver under the authority of a license from the british government, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty between great britain and the united states of america, which gives them the right of occupying as much land as they require for the operations of their business. on the faith of that treaty, they have made a settlement on the north bank of the columbia river; they have opened roads and made other improvements at a great outlay of capital; they have held unmolested possession of their improvements for many years, unquestioned by the public officers of either government, who have, since the existence of their settlements, repeatedly visited it; they have carried on business with manifest advantage to the country; they have given the protection of their influence over the native tribes to every person who required it, without distinction of nation or party; and they have afforded every assistance in their power toward developing the resources of the country and promoting the industry of its inhabitants. the tract of land they occupy, on the north bank of the columbia river, is indispensable to them as a range for their flocks and herds, but otherwise of little value, being in part inundated every summer by the waters of the columbia, and in part unimprovable forest land. occupying the said tract of land by the authority of law, and under the protection of the british government, they can not submit to the infringement of rights so acquired; and we, as their representatives, are bound to use every means sanctioned by the law which governs us against all trespassers on their premises, until otherwise directed by orders emanating from the hudson's bay company. permit us to assure you, gentlemen, that it is our earnest wish to maintain a good understanding, and to live on friendly terms with every person in the country. we entertain the highest respect for the provisional organization; and knowing the good it has effected, as well as the evil it has prevented, we wish it every success, and hope, as we desire, to continue to live in the exercise and interchange of good offices with the framers of that useful institution. the advantages of peace and harmony, of the support and maintenance of established rights, must be as evident to every member of the community as the evils flowing from a state of lawless misrule. with these considerations before us, we feel confident that every person who desires the well-being of the country, who wishes to see it prosperous and flourishing, will unite in putting down every course which may have a tendency to disturb the public peace, and in promoting, by every means in his power, the cause of justice, obedience to the laws, and mutual accommodation. with a fervent prayer to the divine bestower of all good for the happiness and prosperity of every individual in the country, we have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servants, john mclaughlin. james douglas. * * * * * vancouver, march , . gentlemen,--i am sorry to inform you that mr. williamson is surveying a piece of land occupied by the hudson's bay company, alongside of this establishment, with a view of taking it as a claim; and as he is an american citizen, i feel bound, as a matter of courtesy, to make the same known to you, trusting that you will feel justified in taking measures to have him removed from the hudson's bay company's premises, in order that the unanimity now happily subsisting between the american citizens and british subjects residing in this country may not be disturbed or interrupted. i beg to inclose you a copy of an address to the citizens of oregon, which will explain to you our situation and the course we are bound to pursue in the event of your declining to interfere. i am, gentlemen, your obedient humble servant, j. mclaughlin. william bailey, osborne russell, p. g. stewart, executive committee of oregon. [the above documents must be considered a full declaration of war by the hudson's bay company, as all future operations of theirs were merely preparatory to the final consummation and attack that was made through the cayuses. the answer of our executive committee acknowledged treaty rights that did not exist, as neither the sovereignty of the soil, nor the boundary line, were settled, hence the joint occupancy of both as per treaty was good.] * * * * * oregon city, march , . sir,--we beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letters,--one dated th of march, and the other th of march,--accompanied with an address to the citizens of oregon. we regret to hear that unwarranted liberties have been taken by an american citizen upon the hudson's bay company's premises, and it affords us great pleasure to learn that the offender, after due reflection, desisted from the insolent and rash measure. as american citizens, we beg leave to offer you and your much esteemed colleague our most grateful thanks for the kind and candid manner in which you have treated this matter, as we are aware that an infringement on the rights of the hudson's bay company in this country, by an american citizen, is a breach of the laws of the united states, by setting at naught her most solemn treaties with great britain. as representatives of the citizens of oregon, we beg your acceptance of our sincere acknowledgments of the obligations we are under to yourself and your honorable associate for the high regard you have manifested for the authorities of our provisional government, and the special anxiety you have ever shown for our peace and prosperity; and we assure you that we consider ourselves in duty bound to use every exertion in our power to put down every cause of disturbance, as well as to promote the amicable intercourse and kind feelings hitherto existing between ourselves and the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company, until the united states shall extend its jurisdiction over us, and our authority ceases to exist. we have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants, osborne russell. p. g. stewart. john mclaughlin, esq. * * * * * tualatin plains, november , . dear sir,--your communication of the th october, , was duly received, and a press of business has delayed my reply till now. in relation to the subject of inquiry contained in your letter (being the natural resources of oregon), i can truly say that i entertain a very high opinion of the great and decided advantages bestowed by nature upon this most interesting and beautiful portion of our globe. our facilities for commercial enterprise are most decided, as the rapidly increasing commerce of the great pacific lies at our very door. the climate of this country is more _equable_, subject to fewer extremes than any, perhaps, in the world. i have been here about one year, and have found it most delightful, and i can truly say that it is the most healthy country i have ever lived in. during the present year, i have scarcely heard of a case of fever in the whole country. the timber of oregon is indeed most superior, and constitutes a large portion of its wealth; and we have not only the tallest, finest timber in the world, but we have everywhere water power to any desirable extent, suitable for propelling all kinds of machinery. the soil of this country is most excellent, and can be prepared and cultivated with less labor than that of any other country. wheat is the great staple of the world, and as a wheat-growing country, this ranks in the very first class. the crop is not only of the _best quality, but is always large, and there is no such occurrence as a failure of the wheat crop_. for potatoes, melons, turnips, and garden vegetables generally, our soil is superior. indian corn does not succeed well, and in fact we have no use for it, as our cattle live all the year upon the natural pastures of the country. since i have been here, i have been myself engaged in farming occupations, and i have been astonished at the very small amount of labor required to cultivate a farm. potatoes are planted, and nothing more is done to them until they are ready for digging, when they are not dug, but generally turned up with the plow. peas are sown broadcast, like wheat, and are neither staked nor cultivated, and produce in great abundance. plowing is done here from the month of september until july, and wheat is sown from october to may, and potatoes are planted in march, april, and may. a team of two horses, with a very light, easy plow, can break prairie land, but a team of two yoke of oxen is most generally used. i am informed that timothy, clover, and blue grass all grow well in the soil of oregon. for pasturage this country is pre-eminent. horses, cattle, and sheep require neither feed nor shelter, and keep fat all the year round. hogs are raised here with partial feeding, and pork is generally fattened upon wheat, and finer pork i never saw anywhere. i omitted to mention in its appropriate place that our harvesting commences about the th of july, and continues throughout the month of august; and during the present year we had no rain from about the st of july to the th of october, so that we had the finest weather for saving our crops imaginable. one thing that strikes the beholder of this country with greatest force, is the unsurpassable beauty of its scenery. we have snow-clad mountains, beautiful valleys, pure, rapid streams running over pebbly beds, with numerous cascades and waterfalls, and trees of superior grandeur and beauty. the government of oregon has grown up from necessity; and perhaps no new organization has been adopted and sustained with so much unanimity and good order. every circumstance has tended to strengthen it. i attended the last term of the circuit courts in most of the counties, and i found great respect shown to judicial authority everywhere, and did not see a _solitary drunken juryman, or witness, or spectator_. so much industry, good order, and sobriety, i have never observed in any community. our population seem to be exceedingly enterprising, and is making rapid progress to comfort and wealth. as yet, we have had no murders, no robberies, thefts, or felonies of any kind, except one assault with intent to kill. our grand juries have exhibited very laudable assiduity in discharging their duties, and criminals here will meet with certain and prompt punishment. nature has displayed here her most magnificent powers, and our country has its full share of natural advantages. our prospects are most brilliant. if we can keep out intoxication, _and we will do it_, half a century will not roll away before there will exist in oregon one of the most industrious, virtuous, free, and commercial nations in the world. i have already protracted this communication beyond its appropriate length, and will now close it by subscribing myself, yours, etc., peter h. burnett. dr. e. white. * * * * * wallamet, oregon, april , . sir,--i have the honor and happiness of informing you, and through you, if it be your pleasure, the american public, that measures have been taken by myself and the citizens in this colony, to open a wagon route through from the upper part of this valley, the present season, directly to fort hall, or green river; the pilot returning and escorting the immigrants through the much shorter, easier, and every way more advantageous route. the immigrants will thereby be enabled to bring with them their herds, wagons, and all their effects at once directly into the heart of the wallamet valley; saving thereby an immense amount of toil, hardship, and suffering, saying nothing of the necessary destruction and increased danger of the other route. your humble and obedient servant, e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. the messenger is leaving. * * * * * oregon city, march , . _dr. e. white:_ sir,--in compliance with the request you made to me, that i should notice and communicate to you whatever i might deem of interest during my visit, in your employ, to the various indian tribes east of the cascade mountains, bearing to them presents with admonitions and advice from you in order to secure the safety and peace of the immigrants in their passage through their country, the following is submitted:-- . _the nez percés_.--your acquaintance with this promising people renders it unnecessary for me to speak of their general character. i would simply remark, that their anxieties to become a civilized and literary nation have suffered no abatement since i left them in march last, after passing the winter with them most pleasantly, as teacher, in the employ of rev. h. h. spalding, missionary. ellis, with most of the chiefs, was absent, having gone to meet the immigrants, then in the vicinity of fort boise, with a view to furnish them provisions, and trade them horses for cattle. you are aware of their eagerness to obtain domestic stock with all farming utensils, which i regard as one of the most interesting facts connected with indian affairs west of the rocky mountains. avarice is doubtless the ruling passion of most indians, and forms a capital upon which those engaged in indian affairs may operate for good or evil. with the nez percés, it has thus far been turned to good account, effecting results as beneficial to the whites and more salutary to the natives themselves, on this side the mountains, than has been effected on the other side by military force. such is the prevalence of this "love of gain" among the indians, that all efforts to control them by motives held out to any other passion, must prove ineffectual, at least, while we are unable to awe them by martial parade. the individual difficulties existing between james, timothy, and others, in relation to their claims on the valley, about the clearwater mission, are, for the time, put to rest, by the promise that you will visit them soon, and have the matter properly adjusted. their crops this year have been abundant, and they have furnished the immigrants large supplies of provisions, which, i am happy to say, were bartered in good faith, and the trade conducted with much amity and good feeling on both sides, while i have to regret that ellis and his people were unable to procure cattle to any extent worthy of notice. the presents were received, and the advice heard with a most respectful attention. . _the cayuses_ are also manifesting a spirit of enterprise, highly commendable. they too, have raised much grain and potatoes, and are trading freely with the immigrants. a number of their chiefs and principal men were absent at the time, having gone, in company with a party of wallawallas, to california, with horses to trade for cattle. they have since returned, and i sincerely regret to learn the failure of this, their first expedition of the kind. the spaniards and other whites treated them badly; murdered one of the most promising young men of the wallawallas, and the party returned without effecting the object of their trip. what influence this affair will have upon the conduct of these two tribes in reference to the next immigration passing through their countries, time alone must determine. the lawless bands along the river, from fort wallawalla to the dalles, are still troublesome to the immigrants; and the immigrants are still very imprudent in breaking off into small parties, just when they should remain united. the indians are tempted by the unguarded and defenseless state of the immigrants, and avail themselves of the opportunity to gratify their cupidity. here allow me to suggest a thought. these robbers furnish us a true miniature likeness of the whole indian population, whenever they fail to obtain such things as they wish in exchange for such as they have to give. these are robbers now, because they have nothing to give; all others will be robbers when, with what they have to give, they can not procure what they wish. i am satisfied of the correctness of this conclusion, from all that i have witnessed of indian character, even among the praiseworthy nez percés. and should the government of the united states withhold her protection from her subjects in oregon, they will be under the necessity of entering into treaty stipulations with the indians, in violation of the laws of the united states, as preferable to a resort to force of arms. hitherto, the immigrants have had no serious difficulty in passing through the territory of these tribes; but that their passage is becoming more and more a subject of interest to the indians, is abundantly manifest. they collect about the road from every part of the country, and have looked on with amazement; but the novelty of the scene is fast losing its power to hold in check their baser passions. the next immigration will, in all probability, call forth developments of indian character, which have been almost denied an existence among these people. indeed, sir, had you not taken the precaution to conciliate their good feelings and friendship toward the whites, just at the time they were meeting each other, it is to be doubted whether there had not been some serious difficulties. individuals on both sides have been mutually provoked and exasperated during the passage of each immigration, and these cases are constantly multiplying. much prudence is required on the part of the whites, and, unfortunately, they have very little by the time they reach the columbia valley. some of the late immigrants, losing their horses, and very naturally supposing them stolen by the indians, went to the bands of horses owned by the indians and took as many as they wished. you are too well acquainted with indians to suppose that such a course can be persisted in without producing serious results. i am aware that this is looking at the dark side; but sir, perhaps it is wisdom to look at that side when it is more than half turned toward us, if, by looking, we can find some way to turn it back again. i look to ellis, and the speedy action of the general government of the united states, as the brightest features in the prospect now before us. your knowledge of my situation and circumstances render any apology unnecessary for this imperfect scroll. i remain, your humble servant, h. a. g. lee. dr. e. white, sub-agent indian affairs, w. r. m. * * * * * oregon territory, july , . _to the hon. the secretary of the war department:_ dear sir,--i beg leave, most respectfully, to submit a few thoughts for your consideration, relative to the course pursued by dr. e. white, our late indian sub-agent, now on the eve of leaving us. i would not venture to intrude upon your time, but for the reason that i am aware that dr. white leaves with an anxious and laboring mind, in view of the state of his finances, fearing, perhaps, a proper consideration might not be given to the situation and circumstances in which he has been placed in this isolated portion of our wide domain. i consider it but justice to dr. white, to say, having crossed the mountains with him, that he exerted himself, and did much toward raising the first party that were of a sufficient number to travel independent of the trading companies to the mountains; thereby opening the way, and making the first track to oregon; and since his arrival, by his promptness, decision, and firmness, we have been saved from the baneful influence and degradation of ardent spirits here, in our infant colony; and by his kind, conciliatory measures, active charity, and judicious conduct among the indians, he has done much for them, and probably, in several instances, fended off the arrow of savage warfare. the indefatigable perseverance, expense, and time dr. white has been at in ferreting out a road across the cascade mountains,[ ] which will intersect the old wagon road in the vicinity of fort hall, cutting off some two or three hundred miles of the worst portion of the road, entirely avoiding the columbia river, and the dangers incident to these waters, by an inexperienced, worn-out, and fatigued immigration. by this new route, the immigrants will find themselves greatly relieved, and saved from immense trouble, as they will as readily reach the head of the wallamet settlement, as they would, by the old, reach wallamet; avoiding the difficulties and dangers of the snake and columbia rivers. in conclusion, allow me to observe that the sacrifice one is obliged to make in funds of this country, to render them specie, or available drafts, is immense; and it is almost impossible to do it at all, to any amount. consequently, the doctor finds himself very much embarrassed in his financial concerns, being obliged to draft on his government for his entire expenditures in his official capacity. be pleased to accept, etc., my dear sir, while i remain yours, with due regard and great respect, a. lawrence lovejoy. [footnote ] the cascade ridge of mountains was found to be high and difficult to pass; and it is doubtful with me if the immigrants succeeded in crossing over with their wagons and effects, into the valley of the wallamet. * * * * * oregon, august , . the following resolution was introduced and adopted in the house of representatives of oregon territory, this day:-- _resolved_, that this house recommend to the favorable consideration of the government of the united states, the just claims of dr. elijah white, sub-indian agent, to remuneration for the heavy expense by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern pass through the cascade mountains. m. m. mccarver, speaker. attest: j. e. long, clerk. * * * * * washington city, dec. , . _hon. w. medill:_ dear sir,--allow me to say a word in behalf of my friend, dr. elijah white, indian agent in oregon, who desires to arrange at the department the accounts of his four years' service in that territory. dr. white, with whom i passed the winter of upon the wallamet, has had unnumbered difficulties surrounding him, and has performed his duties with great delicacy and happy success. my conviction is, that he has performed services in oregon, both to whites and indians, equal to those of several agencies combined, on our western frontier, at a very inadequate compensation, and with very stinted means. all whom i heard comment upon the administration of his office have accorded to him great praise for ardor and industry; and those among whom he has officially acted will be gratified to hear that he has met a generous reception at the department. yours, with great respect, william gilpin. * * * * * war department, } office of indian affairs, jan. , . } sir,--the secretary of war is desirous that you should return to your agency as early as practicable, and has authorized me to say that the department will allow to you the sum of three hundred dollars ($ ) to defray your expenses there. instructions in relation to your duties will be given you when you reach this city, or will be forwarded to you at such place as you may designate. an immediate reply will be expected. very respectfully, your obedient servant, w. medill. dr. elijah white, lansingville, tompkins co., n. y. since the above requirement i have been detained here waiting the action of congress upon the following bill, to release me from the responsibilities of my government protested drafts, which, from the rapid influx of white population to that distant indian country, the necessities of my position have compelled me to incur. i am now out of employment, and on heavy expenses, and under obligation, from important engagements, to leave for oregon soon, in order to reach my destination this fall. should the following report of the senate committee prove satisfactory, and all be persuaded that i have acted correctly, and expended no more than the honor of our government and the necessities of my position required, i will feel greatly obliged if congress, "now so much relieved from heavy national and public affairs," will take up my bill and pass it through informally, as these protested drafts crowd and embarrass me much. the indian department have reconsidered the case, and, as the report of the committee will show, done for me what they felt authorized to do; and i now most respectfully pray your honorable consideration to the payment of the residue, that i may go back to the land of my adoption unembarrassed, and happy in the consideration that our congress will do right. and that any small presents, and other reasonable expenses to conciliate indians where our citizens are settling on their unbought lands, will be cheerfully met. should any member desire an explanation, please drop me a note, and i will call at the moment required. only pray act, and let me be off; for i thirst to be on the prairies of the far west, making my way to the valley of the wallamet. * * * * * the documents from the legislature of oregon arrived and defeated the doctor. the following extract is from the report of the senate committee on indian affairs on the petition of dr. white:-- "your committee finds this first charge to be the amount actually and necessarily expended by the petitioner, and believes it to be moderate and equitable, and that it ought to be allowed. "the second charge appears equally just, and to have been made in compliance with the instructions of t. hartley crawford, superintendent of indian affairs, of february , , and enforced by the resolution of the oregon legislature, expressing the hope that congress will reimburse the expenses of the petitioner thereby incurred. "the third charge is for moneys actually paid under the specified heads by the petitioner, and for which drafts are now under protest, being disallowed by the department. these accounts, your committee finds, have been suspended by the department under a decision made to restrict the petitioner to the amount allowed by law to sub-agents, viz., $ , per annum in all. your committee believes that these amounts are equitably and justly asked, and should be granted by congress, although the committee approves of the decision of the department, and thinks, in cases like the present, that such extra allowances should be made only by congress. "your committee has had a variety of testimony before it, showing that the affairs of his position have compelled the petitioner to transact and regulate indian relations among ten large tribes, and many more smaller ones, speaking different languages, and for the most part warlike, excitable, and suspicious people. the indian population, among whom he has been the only official organ, amounts to twenty-five thousand souls. the petitioner has been left to support himself by his solitary energies and exertions, without the aid of troops, annuities, or the awe which the power of the government exercises over indians to whom it is known. the prices of all articles (especially provisions), and the wages of interpreters and assistants, and the means of traveling and transportation are very high, and difficult to be procured. "your committee believes that the petitioner would be left without any compensation for four years of arduous, harassing, and vexatious services, unless the relief for which he prays be extended to him by congress. "the committee, therefore, reports the accompanying bill, and recommends its passage, as sanctioned by the equity and justice of the case, and according with the uniform policy and practice of the congress of the united states in similar cases." we wish to state that the reason for quoting dr. white's report so extensively is from the facts embodied in it, wholly independent of his self-lauding statement. did we not know that mr. cornelius rogers and mr. h. a. g. lee were his advisers and interpreters, we would not quote him as at all reliable in any of his indian councils or proceedings. chapter li. .--public meetings to elect delegates to convention.--candidates for governor.--members elected to the legislative committee.--oath of office.--mr. applegate's announcement.--dr. mclaughlin's amphibiousness.--description of the members of the legislative committee.--business of the session.--ermatinger's election contested.--mr. garrison's resolutions.--anti-slavery resolution.--organic law revised.--improvements and condition of the country. .--public meetings had been held in most of the districts, and nominations made for the legislative committee. delegates were elected to meet at champoeg in convention, to nominate candidates for governor, supreme judge, and territorial recorder. in this convention a. l. lovejoy, george abernethy, o. russell, and dr. bailey were candidates for governor. after several ballotings, mr. lovejoy received a majority of the votes, and was declared the regularly nominated candidate. mr. russell's friends were dissatisfied, and in the final vote at the june election, joined with mr. abernethy's friends and elected him, although he was absent from the country. this left the old executive committee in power until after the meeting of the legislative committee, and revision of the organic laws, which was the first business the committee attended to, and submitted the amended organic compact to the people for their approval. the members elected were:-- from clackamas county: h. a. g. lee, w. h. gray, h. straight. from champoeg county: r. newell, j. m. garrison, m. g. foisy, and b. lee. from yamhill county: jesse applegate and a. hendricks. from tualatin county: m. m. mccarver, j. w. smith, and david hill. from clatsop county: john mcclure. the oath administered to this legislative committee shows the feelings of the mover (mr. applegate) toward the hudson's bay company. oath of office.--"i do solemnly swear that i will support the organic laws of the provisional government of oregon, so far as the said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the united states, or a subject of great britain, and faithfully demean myself in office. so help me god." in starting from missouri to come to this country in , mr. applegate announced to his traveling companions, as we have been credibly informed, that he meant to drive the hudson's bay company from the country. to reach the country independent of them, he had sold or mortgaged his cattle to get supplies at wallawalla. on arriving at vancouver, he found dr. mclaughlin to be much of a gentleman, and disposed to aid him in every way he could. the doctor advised him to keep his cattle and gave him employment as a surveyor, and credit for all he required. this kind treatment closed mr. applegate's open statements of opposition to the company, and secured his friendship and his influence to keep his missouri friends from doing violence to them. he carried this kind feeling for them into the legislative committee. at this point the amphibious disposition of dr. mclaughlin (a term applied to the doctor, by a member of the company, for his supposed friendship to the american cause) began to develop itself; and in proportion as he favored american interests he fell in the estimation of the company and the english government. the oath of office presented by mr. applegate, and supported by messrs. newell, foisy, mccarver, garrison, smith, and hendricks, shows that these men were favorable to a union with the company or the english party in the country. this would have been right and honorable, had there been a corresponding honorable confidence on their part; but, as the sequel will show, this was not the case. they were willing to favor our organization and give it a _quasi_ support while it served their purposes and afforded them an opportunity to work for its final overthrow. as a citizen, mr. applegate has been one of our best; as a politician, he has acted on the old whig platform, that, with him, has never been revised. though half the american continent has been changed since he adopted it, yet his political creed is the same as that announced by hamilton in the _federalist_. my first impression of him was, that he was better versed in the principles of that party than in those of religion, or the general interests of a new country. the fact that the hudson's bay company, or rather dr. mclaughlin, early secured his personal friendship, was the cause of his losing caste among his missouri friends, and also among the larger portion of the settlers that the company were not disposed to favor. in his legislative capacity he was invaluable. his mind was clear and distinct, and he was generally correct in his conclusions. though not a good debater, yet his mathematical calculations, and straight lines, always came close to the mark. he was kind and obliging to a friend or favorite, but severe on his enemies. mr. abijah hendricks, from the same county, was a plain farmer, who followed the lead of mr. applegate, causing him to always count two in any vote. mr. j. h. smith, of tualatin county, was also a plain farmer, and generally voted with mr. hill. mr. m. g. foisy, from champoeg, a frenchman, followed the lead of mr. newell. mr. barton lee was of the independent democratic pro-slavery school, generally voting against mission interests, from personal prejudice, and was equally ignorant of and prejudiced against the hudson's bay company; following the lead of h. a. g. lee. j. m. garrison was a perfect weathercock, and none could tell from his speeches or actions what his vote would be. h. straight, of clackamas county, was a man of strong prejudices and but little legislative ability, pro-slavery in sentiment, and strongly opposed to the company and mission influences. he generally voted with mr. hill, of tualatin district. john mcclure, of clatsop county, a man of fine appearance and generally respected for his age, but, as a politician, having no influence--merely occupying a place. he was of the pro-slavery school--extremely bitter and sarcastic in his conversation against all who fell under his displeasure, yet liberal to personal friends, and kind to strangers; but severe alike on the hudson's bay company and religious societies. he was inclined in his own religious ideas to romanism. h. a. g. lee was a young man of talent, firmness, and unimpeachable character. he acted with caution, and generally right. he was not a verbose, but a conclusive debater. in short, the words of a debate were uttered by mccarver, and the conclusions and final action followed lee, who was always ready, with applegate and gray, to do his full share of writing and labor. as we have before stated, the first business of this legislative committee was, to revise and prepare an organic law, which could be submitted for the adoption of the people. the whole number of voters was about eight hundred. while this was being done by a special committee consisting of h. a. g. lee, newell, applegate, smith, and mcclure,--one from each county represented,--another special committee, consisting of gray, applegate, h. a. g. lee, mcclure, and d. hill, were appointed to draft a memorial and petition, to be forwarded to the congress of the united states, setting forth the condition, situation, relations, and wants of this country. these two objects occupied the greater portion of the time of this legislative committee, during their session of eleven days. on the third day of the session, the question as to the legality of allowing francis ermatinger to hold the office of treasurer came up, and it was finally decided that there were not sufficient grounds for contesting the election. ermatinger was then a member of the hudson's bay company, and so was dr. mclaughlin. hill and straight were the only two who voted against ermatinger's holding that office. i have no doubt, from the feeling and influence just then operating among the officers and servants of the company and english colonists (which subsequent events have proved), that they were laboring to divide the american influence, by coming in and appearing to act with us. ermatinger was popular among the americans, and received the entire french vote, and was declared duly elected by the legislative committee. on the fifth day of the session, j. m. garrison (i think he was called rev. in those days) brought in a set of resolutions which speak for themselves. "on motion of mr. garrison-- "_resolved_, that whereas the people of oregon, assembled _en masse_, did, on the d day of may, , resolve that no tax should be levied upon this people, confirming the same by the adoption of the report of the committee of ways and means, adopted by the legislative committee and referred to the people _en masse_, and by them enacted on the th day of july, ; therefore, "_resolved_, that this house has no right to levy a tax of any kind, without the consent of the free voters of this territory previously obtained. "_resolved_, that all acts and parts of acts on that subject passed by the legislative committee were contrary to the express resolution and action of the people." these resolutions were referred to committee of the whole, where they found a silent grave. dr. white by this time is coming up for a big splurge. our young friend h. a. g. lee proposes to make him the bearer of our memorial to congress, by introducing a resolution, "that the clerk be required to furnish to dr. e. white a copy of the memorial to congress, as soon as it shall be properly signed, as per resolution of yesterday." this resolution elicited a little discussion, and a statement that dr. white was not to be trusted with any public document to the government, as he would more than probably change, or so arrange those documents as to secure his own personal ends, whatever they might be. by those unacquainted with dr. white this was considered strange and unreasonable prejudice against him; so that on the final question there were but gray, hill, and straight who voted against placing the documents in his hands. on the last day of this session mr. applegate introduced a test question on the subject of slavery, precisely the same as that introduced by garrison four days previous. "_resolved_, that this government can recognize the right of one person to the services of another only upon _bona-fide_ contract made and entered into, and equally binding on both parties." _yeas_--applegate, gray, smith, mccarver, garrison, hill, h. a. g. lee, hendricks, and foisy-- . _nays_--straight, b. lee, and mcclure-- . we must now adjourn our legislative committee a few days, and see what is going on outside. the organic laws of the people first adopted at champoeg, july , , had been revised, and unanimously adopted by the legislative committee, and submitted for the vote of the people, july , . on page of mr. hines' book, he says: "in the spring of a new legislative committee was elected, which embraced two or three lawyers, who arrived in the country the previous fall. this committee passed a vote recommending several important alterations in the organic laws, which were found to be, in their practical operations, somewhat defective. as the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the legislative committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people in relation to the proposed alterations and amendments. this election took place, and resulted in the adoption of the organic laws, with the proposed alterations and amendments, by an overwhelming majority. the principal alterations thus effected relate to the three powers of government,--the legislative, executive, and judicial. instead of a committee of nine, whose acts were to be confirmed or rejected by a subsequent vote of the people, the legislative power was vested in a house of representatives, to consist of not less than thirteen nor more than sixty-one members, possessing all the powers usual to such bodies. instead of a committee of three, the executive power was vested in one person, to be elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, and possessing the powers common to the governors of the different states." we are unable to understand mr. hines when he says, "as the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the legislative committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people." this statement shows the ignorance of mr. hines as regards the organic laws adopted by the people of champoeg. mr. saxton, who was in the country at the time, and took copies of those laws attested by mr. le breton (which have already been given), found an organic law with an executive, legislative, and judicial department, the same as the committee of , and all that was requisite was to revise, select out, and define the powers and duties of the several departments. as a matter of policy, and to harmonize and consolidate, as much as was possible, all the conflicting interests and influences in the country, the presence of british subjects was admitted, their treaty rights were acknowledged by our laws, and they were admitted to a voice and representation in the provisional government. the liberal course pursued by the legislature of has fixed the deep stain of ingratitude and infamy upon the british subjects who participated in our organization, and received its benefits and protection, till they had completed their arrangements for its destruction, just as slavery grew under the fostering care of a liberal and generous government, and then attempted to crush and destroy its protector. from a review of mr. hines' book, i find that he was on a tour from oregon to new york by way of china, during and . this will account for his want of information regarding the political events that were taking place during that time; and also shows the views he entertained on leaving the country. dr. mclaughlin had completed his saw-mill and flour-mill at oregon city. the milling company had also put up mills at that place which were now in successful operation, and the country generally was in a prosperous condition. dr. whitman had much annoyance and difficulty with the indians on account of interference and tales told them by old toupin, doreo, gervais, the priests, and others who were jealous of his labors and success among them. he had purchased the dalles station of the methodist mission, and engaged mr. hinman to occupy it until other arrangements could be made. mr. spalding was engaged in improving his farm, also printing books in the nez percé language on his small press, and translating and printing portions of the bible, for the use of the natives. he had a saw-mill and grist-mill at his station; and about three hundred of his indians, and one hundred at dr. whitman's, were cultivating patches of ground. messrs. walker and eells were staying at cimakain, ready to depart any time, as stated by mr. brouillet. on page of his narrative, he says: "a missionary of the spokans, writing to dr. whitman, as early as , has said: 'the failure of this mission is so strongly impressed upon my mind, that i feel it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one shoe on, ready for a move. i see nothing but the power of god that can save us.'" _query._--where did rev. vicar-general brouillet get this letter, and for what purpose did he preserve it? did he find it among dr. whitman's papers, when he was hunting them over to find the vial of poison to show the indians as per deposition in the case? brouillet continues: "these facts and statements prove clearly, i think, that there existed among the indians, long before the arrival of the bishop of wallawalla and his clergy, _strong causes of dissatisfaction against the protestant missionaries and the americans in general, and that they formed a leaven that had been fermenting several years_." this statement of vicar-general brouillet is unquestionably true, but, unfortunately for him, he is standing on the outer line of the circle, and has no personal knowledge of inside influences; hence he reasons from effect and guesses at the cause. he is anxious to so arrange cause and effect, as to remove suspicion of crime from a sect, and thereby involves his friends and himself, and furnishes the strongest proof of the complicity and guilt of both in the crime alleged against them. the "leaven" that had been fermenting is just what we are bringing to light. the hudson's bay company were repairing and strengthening their forts, under the plea that they wished some bastions from which they could salute her majesty's ships on their arrival and departure from the river; at the same time they were laboring to secure political influence in the settlements, through their american dupes and tools. while combining the indian tribes, they were encouraging jesuitical religious teachers among them; and while preparing for self-defense, they were dividing the settlement into parties and factions. the methodist mission influence was but little, and mission credit was worse than greenbacks in . as to commerce, it was nearly or quite under the control of the hudson's bay company, also the market value of all produce in the country. chapter lii. .--second session of the legislative committee.--mr. mccarver removed from the office of speaker.--mr. applegate's resolutions.--protest of gray, foisy, and straight.--a legislative incident.--law against dueling.--dr. white addresses the legislature.--resolutions.--dr. white denies the right of the settlers to organize a provisional government.--mccarver signs documents without authority.--resolutions by the house on the subject.--impertinent letter from dr. white to the house.--white cornered by president polk.--incidents in white's temperance movements.--proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts.--the currency act.--adjournment of the legislature in august.--meets again in december.--proposal to locate the capital. the legislative committee, at their second session, august , , met under the revised and amended organic law, which had been previously adopted by the people by a majority of two hundred and three. there were between two and three hundred votes against the revision or amendments. many voted against it, on account of its allowing the hudson's bay company's english and french followers an equal voice with the americans and others, and on account of its allowing the legislature the power to _regulate_ the introduction, manufacture, and sale of liquors. mccarver claimed that he was speaker of the house, under the organic law as revised. this caused some discussion and voting and the introduction of a resolution requesting him to resign his position as speaker, which he declined to do. gray moved that the vote electing him speaker of the house be reconsidered. mccarver then proceeded to organize the house, to suit his views of matters, by appointing new committees, and went forward as if no previous committees had been appointed. when his appointments were all made, gray inquired if, in the opinion of mr. speaker mccarver, the house was properly organized. he replied that it was. gray then appealed to the house, and was sustained, mccarver having denied his own position by appointing new committees. on motion of mr. straight, mr. mccarver was removed from his office as speaker, and robert newell elected _pro tem_. applegate, for reasons never fully explained, introduced two resolutions, which show either a short-sighted view of matters, or a foolish policy on his part, to wit:-- "_resolved_, that the people of oregon are not, in the opinion of this house, morally or legally bound by any acts of the officers or agents of the people not expressly authorized or sanctioned by the instrument in virtue of which they had their official existence. "_resolved, further_, that this house can not assume, in behalf of the people, the payment of any debt, or the refunding of any funds borrowed, or otherwise unlawfully contracted or obtained, without first obtaining the consent of the people." on motion, the vote referring said resolution to committee of the whole was reconsidered, when the rules were suspended, the resolution read a second time, and referred to committee of the whole. on the fifth day of the session, the resolutions of mr. applegate were called up, and messrs. applegate, garrison, hendricks, hill, h. lee, b. lee, mcclure, and smith voted for, and foisy, gray, straight, and mccarver against. newell asked to be excused. these resolutions had the effect, designed or not, to destroy the credit of the provisional government. on the sixth day of the session, gray, foisy, and straight presented, and, on motion, were allowed to enter, their protest against their adoption, as follows:-- "_whereas_, a resolution, with a preamble, containing a direct and positive censure upon the proceedings of the oregon government, was introduced into this house by jesse applegate, asserting that this house, and the people of oregon, are not morally or legally bound for any act of said government, to the payment of any debts contracted, or unlawfully borrowed, except they had previously obtained the consent of the people. "_and whereas_, from the wording of said resolution, two constructions may be placed upon it; the one amounting to a repudiation of all debts heretofore contracted, or money borrowed; the other implying a want of confidence in the agents and officers of this government; therefore, "we, the undersigned, decidedly and solemnly protest against the adoption of any such resolutions or expressions by this house, as they not only do no good, but tend to great evil, in destroying the confidence of the people in the agents and officers of this government, without sufficient cause. "w. h. gray. "m. g. foisy. "h. straight. "oregon city, aug. , ." _the effect of these resolutions_ was at once manifest. measures were taken to procure the launch of the _peacock_ (which had been left in the care of dr. mclaughlin by captain wilkes), for a pilot-boat at the mouth of the columbia. the doctor informed the committee that he was not authorized to give it in charge of any irresponsible parties, without an order from as high authority as that from which he had received it. hence the launch was allowed to rot upon the beach at astoria; mr. mcclure, from that place, being one who voted to repudiate responsibility on the part of the provisional government. on the th of august, in the midst of business under the order of the day, mr. applegate came in, apparently under considerable excitement, and in quite an earnest manner asked that the rule be suspended, to allow him to present _a bill to prevent dueling_. no immediate or pressing reason was assigned, but from the earnest manner of mr. applegate, and from what a number of the members knew, or pretended to know, the rule was suspended, mr. applegate's bill to prevent dueling read first time; rule further suspended, his bill read by title second and third time and passed, and on his further motion, a special messenger, p. g. stewart, esq., was sent with it to the governor, for his approval and signature; and in half an hour's time from its introduction and reading in the house it became a law in this vast country, bounded by the russian possessions on the north, the rocky mountains on the east, california on the south, and the pacific on the west. not long after this _telegraphic_ law on dueling was passed, it was discovered that a young man by the name of holderness had considered himself insulted and slandered by some report said to have originated with dr. white. holderness was about to send him a challenge, or at least there was a prospect that they might fight, if either of them had the courage to do so. this law gave the doctor an honorable excuse to decline the challenge, and have holderness indicted and punished for sending it. this matter was engineered through so handsomely by mr. applegate, that dr. white expressed himself _highly gratified and pleased_. on the next day, the th, mr. applegate was honored with an important dispatch from dr. white, which he presented in due form, together with a resolution of thanks to dr. white, and an order was entered on the journal to have the doctor's communication filed for publication. this was not exactly what the doctor wanted, as the sequel will show. he had found that applegate had the talent and influence requisite to carry through the resolutions necessary to accomplish his purposes. he, having spent a part of the summer in running about the wallamet valley, made a trip over to the coast, and one into the cascade mountains; wrote a journal of these trips, and presented it to the house through mr. applegate. after white's journal was read, applegate presented a resolution, that the thanks of this house are due to dr. e. white and his party for their meritorious exertions to find a passage through the cascade mountains, and that his account be filed for publication. on motion, _white was allowed to address_ the house, which he did in his usual self-lauding, plausible manner, insinuating the great labor and benefit he had done, in keeping the indians quiet and in exploring the country. his chaff and bombast secured the co-operation of robert newell and mr. applegate. on the th, mr. applegate informed the house that he had in his possession several official documents, belonging to dr. e. white, which he was requested to lay before the house. the report and documents were received. on motion of mr. applegate-- "_resolved_, that, whereas the adoption of the amended organic law by the people of oregon was an act of necessity rather than choice, and was intended to give to the people the protection which, of right, should be extended to them by their government, and not as an act of defiance or disregard of the authority or laws of the united states; therefore, "_it is further resolved_, st. that, in the opinion of this house, the congress of the united states, in establishing a territorial government, should legalize the acts of the people in this country, so far as they are in accordance with the constitution of the united states. d. that dr. elijah white, sub-indian agent of oregon, be requested to furnish a copy of the amended organic law to the congress of the united states. d. that these resolutions be indorsed on said copy, with the vote of this house adopting the same." on the adoption of the above, the vote was unanimous, which vote was taken by yeas and nays; and, on motion, the house decided that the members should not sign their names to said resolutions. it will be seen by the statement of applegate in the first part of this resolution, or preamble, that he wished to deny an attempt to resist the government of the united states on the part of the people and provisional government; and the fact that dr. white had allowed him to examine his official papers, and present them to the legislative committee, shows the manner he was working with applegate to get documents, resolutions, and papers from the legislature into his hands; also the desperate effort there was made to get a unanimous vote favoring white as the bearer of those documents. dr. white had from the first _denied the right_ of the settlers to organize a provisional government unless they would elect him as their governor. applegate is caught in his trap, as we shall see, and from that day he began to lose his influence, and soon found that he had committed an egregious mistake, notwithstanding he had obtained a unanimous vote, to place those documents in dr. white's hands. in order to head off mccarver, the house had voted that the members should not sign their names to the resolutions. mccarver could not withstand the temptation to get his name as speaker of the oregon legislature before the congress of the united states; so, as soon as the documents came into white's hands, he went to the clerk and attached his name as speaker of the house. newell was not quite satisfied, or rather dr. white was not; so he got newell to present a resolution, as follows:-- "_resolved_, that this house recommend to the favorable consideration of the congress of the united states the just claims of dr. e. white, sub-indian agent, for a remuneration for the heavy expenses by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern passage through the cascade mountains." in the afternoon session the resolution of mr. newell was called up, and, on its final passage, the yeas and nays were demanded, and were as follows:-- _yeas_--messrs. applegate, foisy, hendricks, h. lee, mcclure, newell, straight, and the speaker-- . _nays_--messrs. gray, garrison, hill, b. lee, and smith-- . so the resolution was passed. dr. white waited for the passage of this resolution (keeping quiet as to mccarver's signing the others in violation of the order of the house), and as soon as it was safely in his pocket, left for vancouver, on his way to the states. white had no sooner gone, than it leaked out that mccarver had signed the documents, and white _had broken the seals, and destroyed private letters intrusted to him_ to convey to the states, and had made garrison his confidant respecting breaking open and destroying the letters. here was a muss on hand such as none but white and mccarver could "_kick up_." applegate was too much excited and insulted by these men to say any thing; but he presented through b. lee a resolution as follows:-- "_resolved_, that m. m. mccarver has been opposed to the organic law, as adopted by the people of oregon; and, contrary to the voice of this house in regular session, clandestinely, and in a manner unworthy the confidence reposed in him, placed his name to a copy of those laws transmitted to the united states, thereby conveying a false impression; and did, also, sign his name to two resolutions, contrary to a direct vote of this house; therefore, "_it is further resolved_, that we disapprove of the course he has pursued, and feel ourselves under the humiliating necessity of signifying the same to the united states government, by causing a copy of this resolution to accompany those documents." which was received, and referred to committee of the whole. in the afternoon, dr. j. e. long, clerk of the house, a. l. lovejoy, smith, and hill were called before the house, and put on oath, to state what they knew of the matter. mr. applegate was chairman. the committee rose and reported that they had been engaged in investigating the subject referred to in mr. b. lee's resolution, but had not adopted the resolution. mccarver had been allowed to explain his course. on motion of mr. applegate-- "_resolved_, that, whereas a copy of the organic laws of oregon, together with some resolutions, intended to be sent to the united states, have not been attested and dispatched according to the directions of this house; therefore, "_resolved_, that the clerk dispatch for them a messenger, to vancouver, with authority to bring said documents back, and that he deliver them to the secretary, and that the expenses incurred be paid by the members of this house who voted for the resolution." on the adoption of which the yeas and nays were called, and were as follows:-- _yeas_--messrs. applegate, gray, b. lee, mcclure, and newell-- . _nays_--messrs. hill, smith, and straight-- . so the resolution was adopted. messrs. foisy, garrison, hendricks, and the speaker were excused from voting. on motion, the house went into committee of the whole, mr. applegate in the chair. the committee rose, and reported, that the resolution of b. lee having been under consideration, was laid upon the table. it is but justice to state that the clerk of the house, j. e. long, favored dr. white's and mr. mccarver's course, and allowed mccarver to sign the documents he well knew the house did not wish him to sign. a majority of the house were inclined to believe that white had been slandered; and had mccarver allowed the documents to go as per vote, white's designs, as stated by his opponents, would not have been revealed; so the messenger was sent for the documents on account of mccarver's course. august , .--the house met pursuant to adjournment. the rules were suspended to allow the introduction of resolutions, when, on motion of mr. mcclure, it was "_resolved_, that, whereas the speaker of this house has signed certain documents, ordered to be sent to the united states by a vote of this legislature, from a mistaken sense of duty, and not from contumacy or contempt for this house; therefore, "_resolved_, that m. m. mccarver, said speaker, have leave of absence, for the purpose of following dr. e. white to vancouver; and this house enjoins that said speaker erase his name from said documents, to wit, the organic laws, and two resolutions in favor of dr. e. white." on motion of mr. applegate, it was "_resolved_, that it was not the intention of this house, in passing resolutions in favor of dr. e. white, to recommend him to the government of the united states as a suitable person to fill any office in this territory; and, "_be it further resolved_, that the clerk of this house forward, by some suitable person, an attested copy of this resolution, to the united states government." the house appointed j. m. garrison, speaker, _pro tem_. mccarver, being thus plainly invited, left the house, and found that the clerk's messenger had already gone for the documents. he returned in the afternoon and induced mr. smith, from tualatin, to present the following resolution:-- "_resolved_, that the vote requiring the speaker to go in quest of dr. e. white, for the purpose of erasing his name from certain documents in his possession to be by him conveyed to the united states, be reconsidered, and the speaker restored to the chair." on the th of august, the arrival of a letter from dr. e. white was announced, which was read, as follows:-- august , . _to the hon., etc.:_ gentlemen,--being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, i have been at much of a loss which of your two resolutions most to respect, or which to obey; but at length have become satisfied that the first was taken most _soberly_, and, as it answers my purpose best, i pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. sincerely wishing you good luck in legislating, i am, dear sirs, very respectfully yours, e. white. on the th, on motion of mr. applegate, it was "_resolved_, that the secretary be requested to forward to the united states government, through the american consul at the sandwich islands, a copy of the articles of compact, as adopted by the people of oregon territory, on the last saturday of july, a.d. ; and that the same be signed by the governor, and attested by the secretary; also, all resolutions adopted by this house relative to sending said documents by e. white, late indian agent of this territory; also, a copy of the letter of e. white, directed to this house." these documents and papers, with depositions respecting white's opening and destroying private letters, were prepared, duly signed, and sent on to the sandwich islands by captain couch, of the _lausanne_, and reached washington just in time for president polk to refuse white an important commission in new mexico. the president, on receiving the documents and learning of white's course, asked an explanation, which he at first declined to give, on account of an attempt, as he alleged, of _some low blackguards in oregon to slander him_. the legislative documents were referred to, when he found he was cornered, and left the president's house without his appointment. thus ended, for a time, the official course of a base and unprincipled man, who seemed only to live and move for selfish ends. his influence as a missionary, and as an officer of the government, were alike vile and unprincipled. he sought friends and partisans only to deceive and betray them. applegate, mccarver, garrison, lee, mcclure, and newell were compelled to acknowledge his deception. in fact, no one but the hudson's bay company could make any use of him, and with them he was considered an irresponsible man, and only useful as a tool to combine the indians, and divide and destroy the influence of the settlement, as he had done that of the methodist mission. the history of dr. white, as connected with pacific city and spiritualism, and his secret agency under president lincoln's administration, are of small moment when compared with the moral blight he fixed on the cause of missions and religion, in his early relations in oregon. all who have ever attempted to associate with him, or assist him, have been made to feel his immoral influence. he made great professions of sustaining the temperance cause, while acting as indian agent, and still allowed the hudson's bay company to do as they pleased with their liquors, without a single word of complaint or remonstrance to the american government, while he pursued a high-handed and injudicious course toward the american citizen in his efforts to prevent the introduction or manufacture of liquors in the country. in his zeal, he hoarded a vessel of which captain j. h. couch was master, and asserted his right to search and seize all the liquors he had on board. captain couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the indian agent did his, ordered his men to get ready a couple of swivels he had on board, ranging them fore and aft along the vessel. he then said to mr. indian agent. "if you are able to take my ship, you can search and seize her, and not otherwise." the doctor found he was dealing with the wrong person, and left, to visit mrs. cooper, who had recently arrived in the country from sydney, new south wales, with a supply of liquors. he succeeded in getting a dram from "old mother cooper," as she was called, and inquired if she had any more like it. the old woman had by this time a suspicion of his object, and informed him that, if she had, he could have no more. soon after, he learned that dick mccary had put up a teapot distillery somewhere near his own house. he then got a party of men and went down and destroyed the whole concern, except the kettle, which answered for a bell, upon which he beat and drummed on his way back to oregon city, and then took an adz and stove a hole in it, thus destroying it. if this had been done on the ground, no exceptions would have been taken to it; but white's proceedings disgusted the friends of temperance so much, that a few days after, when newell presented a communication from him to the legislature, with a bill to prevent the sale of liquor, it was defeated-- for and against. the governor, having confidence in the morality and honesty of the people, suggested in his message the repeal of all laws for the collection of debts. he seemed to be of the opinion, that as they had lived and prospered under the mission and hudson's bay company's rule without any such laws, the same rule would apply to a more numerous and civilized community. he was sustained in his opinion by applegate, hendricks, h. lee, b. lee, and newell-- ; foisy, gray, garrison, hill, mccarver, mcclure, straight, and smith-- , were of a different opinion. this vote seemed to annoy applegate, as he had taken an active part in shaping the governor's suggestions into a bill to prevent litigation, and he seemed to insist upon the experiment being tried in a more extensive manner in the government of oregon. it is due to this legislative body and to the governor to state, that none of them had ever had any experience in law-making until they found themselves in a country where there were no laws, and where the representatives were without law-books (with the single exception of a copy of the statutes of iowa) to guide them. they had to originate, revise, and do as the majority thought best, in all the laws presented. that they were adapted to the time and the people then in the country there can be no question. this shows the innate love of law and order in the american people, as also a disposition to abide by and sustain right principles, though not immediately in the presence of prisons and punishment. had there been no foreign influences in the country, it would, perhaps, have been safe to risk the governor's suggestion, and applegate's experiment. i arrive at this conclusion from my experience in four times crossing the continent, and in visiting the early mining regions of california, british columbia, and oregon. in all american caravans and mines, the company and miners make their own laws. in british mines, the government makes the laws, and the revenue officers enforce them. so with the hudson's bay company and roman missions: the committee in london, and the pope in rome, give their subjects certain laws by which to be governed; and whenever those laws come in conflict with the more liberal american idea of government, there is opposition; for the disposition to oppress and the desire to be free can never harmonize. with the one is organized wealth and superstition, backed by irons, flogging, and ignorance. with the other is liberty and the love of right, sustained by intelligence, honesty, and virtue. no one acquainted with the early history of the people of oregon can fail to admire their virtue and stability, and the firmness they displayed in maintaining their natural rights. we have already explained the secret influences that were combined to hold them in a state of half-savage and half-religious or ecclesiastical vassalage, till some action should be taken by the united states government. this state of things did not accord with the feelings of a great majority of the people. they had ruled their own individual actions too long to submit quietly to any religious or political power, in which they had no voice. hence they were ready for any mutual organization, that was of their own choice and creation. they adopted a system of currency suitable to the time and country. this system became necessary, from the known disposition of the hudson's bay company to oppress and force payment, in what did not then exist in sufficient quantity to meet the wants of the settlement; besides, they held the commercial power; and here again protection was required. the two petitions to the congress of the united states of and state their policy as to internal matters. the first section of this currency law is:-- "_be it enacted by the house of representatives of oregon territory:_ st. that, in addition to gold and silver, treasury drafts, approved orders on solvent merchants, and good merchantable wheat at the market price, delivered at such place as it is customary for people to receive their wheat at, shall be a lawful tender for the payment of taxes and judgments rendered in the courts of oregon territory, and for the payment of all debts contracted in oregon territory, where no special contracts have been made to the contrary. " d. the personal estate of every individual, company, body politic or corporate, including his, her, or their goods or chattels, also town or city property, or improvements claimed and owned in virtue of occupancy, secured and allowed by the treaty between great britain and the united states, shall be subject to execution, to be taken and sold according to the provisions of this act; excepting, that wearing-apparel shall not be considered as any part of the estate of any defendant or defendants in execution; and no land claim or improvement upon a land claim, held according to the laws of this territory, shall be subject to execution; and no stay upon execution shall be permitted or allowed, except by the consent of the party in whose favor the execution has been issued, nor for any time other than the time agreed upon by the parties. " d. specifies that personal property shall be sold previous to town lots. " th. exempts (if a family) one bible, one cow and calf, one horse, or yoke of cattle, five sheep, five hogs, household and kitchen furniture not to exceed in value thirty dollars, one stove fixed up in the house, one bed for every two in the family, farming utensils not to exceed in value fifty dollars, one month's provisions for all the family, all mechanics' necessary tools, and all the books of private libraries not to exceed one hundred dollars' worth." who says we were not willing to give a poor family a good show to start with in oregon in ? " th. fifteen days' notice of any sale was to be given. " th. no property was to be sold for less than two-thirds its appraised value." on the second section of this act, there was a long and animated discussion, newell and garrison claiming that we had no right to subject the property of the hudson's bay company, and the methodist and other missions, to our laws; mccarver and hill, that we ought to exempt town sites and lots from execution. on its final passage, the vote was applegate, foisy, gray, hendricks, mcclure, smith, straight, and h. lee-- , for; garrison, hill, b. lee, newell, and mccarver-- , against. this body adjourned _sine die_ on the th of august, , and in consequence of there being no provision made for a new election in the amended organic compact, they were again called to meet on tuesday, december , , in accordance with the organic law, to arrange and fill up any deficiencies in the offices and laws. applegate had resigned. there were present, foisy, garrison, newell, and barton lee from champoeg; gray and straight from clackamas; hill and mccarver from tualatin; and mcclure from clatsop. there were absent, from yamhill, hendricks; from tualatin, j. m. smith; and from clackamas, h. a. g. lee. newell, of champoeg, was elected on the final vote as speaker; dr. j. e. long, clerk. jefferson's manual, which had for the first time strayed across the rocky mountains, was presented to the house, and used to govern its proceedings, so far as it was applicable. i think it must have come into the multnomah circulating library, in part payment for a share in that institution. gray moved its adoption to govern the proceedings of the house, which was considered organized by the election of speaker, clerk, and sergeant-at-arms. on the second day all the members were present except applegate. the governor was called upon to issue his warrant to fill the vacancy, which he did. i think, however, that no election was held, as no representative appeared to claim the seat. an effort was made to locate the seat of government, but failed, on account of dr. mclaughlin not having put in his bid in time to have it considered by the house; and a remonstrance was got up by ermatinger and the hudson's bay company's influence, with sixty names attached, against locating it at all. this was in accordance with the short-sighted policy of dr. mclaughlin, aided by the influence secured over the people by such men as ermatinger, long, newell, and mccarver, who had become a resident of clackamas, while he represented tualatin county. chapter liii. the liquor law.--amended act of .--message of the governor on the same.--repeal of the prohibitory and passage of the license law.--letter of james douglas.--reply of mr. samuel parker.--dr. tolmie's resolution on the judiciary.--the governor's veto of the license law.--immigration for oregon and california in .--arrival of the brig henry.--the oregon printing association.--the _spectator_, the first newspaper in oregon.--w. g. t. vault, first editor.--h. a. g. lee, second editor.--g. l. curry, third editor.--judge wait, fourth editor. _the liquor law._--peter h. burnett framed a law on this subject, which was revised by newell in the summer of , and lost on the final vote. in december, , gray, from committee on ways and means, reported a bill on ardent spirits, expressing the views, and gaining the approval of a decided majority of the people. governor abernethy, in his annual message the next year, expressed an opinion that this law required some amendment, but, by combining the whole liquor influence in the country, the law was repealed, and a license law substituted, by a two-thirds vote over his veto; while, at the same time, nearly two-thirds of the voters of the territory voted to _prohibit_ the sale of liquor, instead of to _regulate_ it, as expressed in the organic law. the law, as reported by the committee of ways and means, was passed december , , by the following vote: gray, garrison, hendricks, h. lee, b. lee, mcclure, and mccarver-- , for; foisy, hill, straight, and newell-- , against. on the th, the monday following this vote (hendricks and barton lee having been treated and tampered with), on motion of b. lee-- "_resolved_, that the house now reconsider the vote on the final passage of the bill on ardent spirits." _yeas_--hendricks, hill, b. lee, smith, straight, and newell-- . _nays_--foisy, gray, garrison, h. lee, mccarver, and mcclure-- . so the motion to reconsider was lost, and the bill published in the first newspaper ever published on this coast, as provided for in the bill itself, which is as follows:-- _amended act of ._ section . that if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, give, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any person within the territory of oregon, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, trade, barter, or gift, to be recovered by indictment in the county court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. sec. . that if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in oregon, he shall be subject to indictment before the county court, as for a nuisance, and if convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. sec. . whenever it shall come to the knowledge of any officer of this government, or any private citizen, that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in oregon, they are hereby authorized and required to proceed to the place where such illicit manufacture is known to exist, and seize the distilling apparatus, and deliver the same to the nearest district judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be immediately to issue his warrant and cause the house and premises of the person against whom such warrant shall be issued to be further searched, and in case any kind of spirituous liquors are found in or about said premises, or any implements or apparatus that have the appearance of having been used, or constructed for the purpose of manufacturing any kind of spirituous liquors, the officer who shall have been duly authorized to execute such warrant shall seize all such apparatus, implements, and spirituous liquors, and deliver the same to the judge or justice of the peace who issued the said warrant. said officer shall also arrest the person or persons in or about whose premises such apparatus, implements, or spirituous liquors are found, and conduct him or them to said judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be to proceed against such criminal or criminals, and dispose of the articles seized according to law. sec. . all the fines or penalties recovered under this act shall go, one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying the criminal or criminals, and it shall be the duty of all officers into whose hands such fines and penalties may come, to pay over as directed in this section. sec. . this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practicing physician from selling such liquors for medicines, not to exceed half a pint at one time. sec. . that it shall be the duty of the secretary to publish this act in the first newspaper published in oregon. i, john e. long, secretary of oregon, do hereby certify that the foregoing act on ardent spirits is truly and correctly revised by me. john e. long, secretary. it will be seen in the final vote, that foisy at first voted against this bill; but hendricks and b. lee changed their vote and foisy changed his; thus the liquor law remained as it was, and was published february , , and remained in force till saturday, december , . on december of that year, the governor called the attention of the legislature to this law, in the following language:-- "the act passed at the last session of the legislature, entitled 'an act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in oregon,' is one i should recommend for revision; there are several points that are thought to be defective. the organic law provides that the legislature shall have power to pass laws to regulate the introduction, manufacture, or sale of ardent spirits. it is held that the power to prohibit the introduction, manufacture, or sale is not granted by the organic law. another objection is that the fines collected under the act shall go, one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying: in fact, making the witnesses and judges interested in the case. the fourth section makes it the duty of any officer, or any private citizen, to act whenever it shall come to their knowledge that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in oregon. it would be much better if it were made the duty of the sheriff of each county to act, whenever he should be informed that any liquor was being made or sold in his county, and authorize him to raise a sufficient _posse_ to aid and assist him in enforcing the law. we have, as a community, taken a high stand in the cause of temperance; among our earliest efforts may be found the abolishing of ardent spirits from our land, and to this, in a great measure, may be attributed our peace and prosperity. no new country can be pointed out where so much harmony prevailed in its first settlement as in this: laws, we had none, yet all things went on quietly and prosperously. i have no doubt if ardent spirits are kept within their proper bounds, we shall continue prosperous. "it is said by some we have no right to say what a man shall make or what he shall not make; yet, we find, in all large cities, certain manufactories are forbidden to be carried on within the limits of the city, because they annoy the inhabitants, and hence are declared to be public nuisances, and by law are compelled to be removed; and, if the city increase and extend to the place where they are relocated, they are removed again. intoxicating drink is an enormous public injury and private wrong; its effects, in every way, shape, and form, are evil, and therefore should be restrained within proper limits by law. it deprives the wife and children of the inebriate of the support and protection they have a right to expect from him; it deprives the community of the labor which constitutes a nation's wealth, for it is a well-known fact that a nation's wealth is made up of individual labor, and every day, therefore, lost by the laborer, caused by the effects of alcoholic drink, is a loss to the community at large. persons who have become habitually addicted to ardent spirits, hearing that we had excluded the poison from our land, and, believing they never could be free if they remained near its influence, have left their homes and crossed the rocky mountains to escape the ruin that threatened them. shall _they_ be disappointed? during the last year, persons taking advantage of the defect in our law, have manufactured and sold ardent spirits. we have seen the effects (although the manufacture was on a small scale) in the midnight carousals among the indians in our neighborhood, during their fishing season, and while they had property to dispose of; and, let me ask, what would be the consequences if the use of it should be general in the country and among the different tribes of indians in the territory? history may, hereafter, write the page in letters of blood! and what are the consequences, as presented to us in the history of older countries, of an indiscriminate use of ardent spirits? almshouses, hospitals, prisons, and the gallows. i would, therefore, recommend that but one person, and that person a physician, be authorized to import or manufacture a sufficient quantity to supply the wants of the community for medicinal purposes; to dispose of no liquor except when he knows it to be necessary, or on an order from a regular physician, stating that the person applying stands in need of it for medicinal purposes; and to physicians to be used in their practice; the person so empowered to import, manufacture, and sell, to keep a record of the quantity manufactured or imported; also, a record of the quantity sold, or disposed of, and to whom, and name of physician on whose certificate given. this would be attended with but little trouble, and might be required to be given under oath. many articles require alcohol to dissolve them; this could be done by taking the article to the person appointed and having the alcohol put into the ingredients in his presence. section fifth i would recommend to be altered, so that the fines should go one-half to the informer, and the other half into the treasury. i would recommend that the penalties be increased. if the indiscriminate sale of liquor be admitted an evil, no good citizen can wish to be engaged in it. why should the majority suffer to benefit a few individuals? "i have said more on this subject than i should have done, did i not fear an attempt will be made to break down the barriers raised by the early settlers of this land. much of our prosperity and happiness as a community depends upon your action in this matter." i am inclined to think that the governor was misinformed or mistaken in the statement that liquor had been manufactured in the settlement otherwise than by drugs and a composition called _rot-gut_, which there were men in the country base enough to produce. had the governor been more energetic and taken the matter in hand, no manufacturing of liquors would have been allowed. he seems to have thrown himself back upon the faults of the law as an excuse for not seeing that it was executed as it should have been, and as it was executed in other places. some of this drugged liquor was brought to astoria by one george geere, of dr. white notoriety, and the citizens of clatsop plains being notified of the fact, came over prepared for a fight, and found geere, with his liquors, his pistols, and a seven-shooter rifle. they took him and his pistols and rifle, also his two kegs, and several bottles of liquor. the liquor they turned out on the ground,--took geere before esquire tibbetts, and gave him a jury trial before six men of his own choice, who found him guilty. he was fined one hundred dollars and costs of suit, which was all given, by unanimous consent, to the county. when such a man as governor abernethy could excuse himself from acting and enforcing a law, because he thought the distribution of the fines imposed made the officers and witnesses interested persons, it is not surprising that men of no principle should engage in destroying their fellow-men. the fact is, that the men whom the people had honored and trusted with their legal and executive duties were destitute of the firmness requisite to the position they occupied, with some few honorable exceptions. the people generally were in advance of their leaders in sustaining good and wholesome laws, hence but few cases of lawsuits or quarrels occurred. we will now give what we conceive to be the cause of the failure of the law. by a reference to the organization of the house in december, , it will be seen that the hudson's bay company was represented by messrs. dr. w. f. tolmie, chamberlain, mcdonald, newell, and peers. the liquor interest was represented by messrs. boon, hall, hembree, looney, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker. six of the last-named representatives should have been fined for violations of the law on a small scale, and all of the first on a large scale, as connected more or less with the hudson's bay company, and selling and giving to their men and indians. while the hudson's bay company yielded a _quasi_ assent to the organization, and had their representatives in the legislature, they were using their influence to curtail the privileges of american citizens. they were ready to vote against the manufacture and sale of liquors, while they were constantly bringing it to the country in their ships, and distributing it to suit their trade. the composition of the house was peculiarly american and antagonistic to the hudson's bay company. any measure that gave to the company any advantage, such as it was urged the prohibitory law did, could not stand. hence the friends of prohibition had to yield the point, on the ground of self-defense for national rights, and not from a disposition to consider the law unjust or improper. in other words, they licensed and sustained a great evil, to combat a privilege of equal evil, claimed and used by a foreign monopoly in our midst. when we take into account the facts as stated by the governor in his message, the actual condition of the country, the temporary nature of our government, and all the combinations that were forming at the time the license law was passed, i think all will join with me in condemning the course of the men who cursed the country with such a law. it is asserted that the organic law provided that the legislature should _regulate_ this traffic. very true; which they did by placing it in the hands of the practicing physician, where it belongs, and nowhere else. but these wise solons of came to the conclusion that three, two, or one hundred dollars was ample pay to the country for the loss of any man in it. that for three hundred dollars the whole country might be filled with poisonous _rot-gut_, and for two hundred the wholesale business might go on, while for one hundred the miserable victims of the business could be turned loose to degrade themselves and blight the hopes of kindred and friends. i can count a hundred victims who have lost one hundred dollars' worth of property for every dollar received by the territory, besides their own lives, in consequence of this traffic. i can count five hundred families that have suffered poverty and want, insult and abuse, purely chargeable to this _regulating_ law of these men. we read in histories of the church, that the pope of rome sold indulgences to commit certain sins which by the common law would be considered crimes, such as adultery, theft, and even murder. the price of the indulgence was according to the crime to be committed. this law proceeds upon the principle of the amount of profits in the business, while its nature and effect upon the community is lost sight of. or, in other words, the government sells the indulgence to commit the crime proposed by the manufacturer or wholesale and retail dealer. while the former law admitted that liquor as a medicine might be useful, and placed it in the hands of the practicing physician, the license law puts each seller under a one thousand dollar bond to keep a quiet house. they were ready to license _hells_ all over the land, provided the keepers would bind themselves not to violate the sanctity of the sabbath. the morality and political economy of the business is forced to be satisfied with the amount paid as per law provided. this act, as a matter of course, opened all the liquor shops of the hudson's bay company and of all the unprincipled men in the country. to give a better idea of this liquor question, a letter of james douglas, found in no. , volume , of the _oregon spectator_, june , , is given. mr. parker, in his stump speech, alluded to the liquor law, and asserted that it was daily violated by the hudson's bay company. mr. douglas attempts to refuse the charge and sustain the law. the italics in the following letter are the author's:-- "mr. editor,--in mr. parker's address to the electors of clackamas county, delivered at the meeting lately held in oregon city, as reported in the _spectator_ of the th of may, i observe that he is pleased to point out mr. douglas, a judge of the county court, who, he understood, was in the habit of selling ardent spirits. this may have suited mr. parker's purpose, while attempting to establish a position which appears to be a favorite with him, 'that the oath of office binds a man to do just as he pleases!' as it can not, however, be supposed that i admire the mode of illustration he has chosen, and as i also happen to entertain a _very different opinion_ touching the force and propriety of that oath, i hope it will not be considered a breach of courtesy on my part, to offer, through the medium of your respectable paper, a direct and _unqualified denial of this charge of rum-selling_, in the only sense it is plainly meant to be received, and can be considered at all applicable to the subject in question. as a particular favor, i ask mr. parker to bring forward a single proof in support of the assertion he has so wantonly advanced. i refer him to all his fellow-citizens. i ask him to search the country from one extremity to another, and to put the question to each individual member of the community with the absolute certainty that not one person will be found who ever purchased ardent spirits from mr. douglas. a stranger in the country, evidently unacquainted with its early history, mr. parker may not have been informed that the members of the hudson's bay company have for many years past uniformly discouraged intemperance" (by a regular daily allowance of liquor to their men, as we shall see mr. douglas says) "by every means in their power, and have also made great and repeated pecuniary sacrifices to prevent the sale of ardent spirits in the country: an article, moreover, which forms no part of their trade, either with the white man or the indian." (see mr. dunn's book, in which it is asserted the company sells to indians, and fitzgerald, page ). "mr. parker does not indeed pretend to speak from his own personal experience of the fact, but on the authority of others; and should any doubt still linger in his mind with respect to the correctness of what i have just said, he may perhaps have no objection to seek other means of arriving at the truth; suppose, for instance, he was to try the experiment of negotiating a purchase, i venture to predict he would soon be convinced that mr. douglas is not in the habit of selling ardent spirits. "but let us inquire a little further into this matter. what could have induced a person of character to hazard an observation in public, which, he must know, would, if false, be as openly exposed. mr. parker must have had some grounds for his assertion; he may possibly have heard, or he may have supposed that her majesty's ship _modeste_ was daily receiving supplies at fort vancouver. if, with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her majesty's ship _modeste_, now stationed at fort vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the stores of the hudson's bay company, received several casks of rum; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a _small allowance of spirits is daily served out to the crews_ of the company's vessels; and that other classes of the company's servants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain _rare occasions_, a similar indulgence, he would have told the _plain and simple truth_, and his statement would not this day have been called in question by me. "these acts, which i fully admit, and would on no account attempt to conceal, can not by the fair rules of construction be considered as infringing upon any law recognized by the _compact which we have agreed to support_, in common with the other inhabitants of oregon. [the same argument is used to justify mr. ogden in furnishing powder and arms to the indians at the commencement of the cayuse war.] "the framers of these laws, with a decree of wisdom and foresight which does them honor, never entertained the idea that a person, in becoming a member of the compact, thereby relinquished his _distinctive national character_. "on the contrary, _british subjects_ and citizens of the united states, casting aside every shadow of illiberal prejudice, extended to each other the right hand of good-fellowship, for the purpose of mutual protection, to secure the peace and promote the prosperity of the country, until protected by their respective governments. the compact was formed and perfected upon that principle, and can rest with security upon no other foundation. "we are pledged, and do faithfully intend to support the organic laws. they do not bind us to violate pre-existing engagements with our servants, nor to withhold from the officers of our government supplies of whatsoever kind the company's stores can provide. _in the high character of the latter we enjoy the fullest security against abuse to the detriment of the country._ with all other parties we have most rigidly, and shall continue to enforce the prohibitory statutes of oregon. my wish in addressing you, mr. editor, is to set mr. parker right in respect to this matter of rum-selling, and the people may rest assured that if my wishes could influence the community, there would never be a drunkard in oregon. "james douglas." mr. parker's answer, which, like the letter of mr. douglas, is addressed to the _spectator_, says:-- "mr. editor,--our friend mr. douglas, in the _spectator_ of the th instant, denies, in the most unqualified terms, the charge of rum-selling at vancouver, and challenges me to the proof of the assertion, by calling individually on all of our fellow-citizens for testimony; and no other alternative is left me but to proceed in accordance with his request; he will, i am sure, pardon me if i seek this among the highest authorities, and i will produce one at least whose veracity will not, i am sure, be called in question by our friend. "when i, in my speech, adverted to the fact that rum was sold at vancouver, contrary to law, the statement was based on the thousand-tongued rumor, and i so qualified my remarks. but in mr. douglas's confession, found in the paper alluded to, the matter of doubt is settled, and we are now furnished with the authority of no less a personage than mr. douglas himself. hear his testimony. 'if,' says he, 'with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her majesty's ship _modeste_, now stationed at fort vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the stores of the hudson's buy company, received _several casks_ of rum; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a _small allowance of spirits is daily served out to the crews_ of the company's vessels; and that other classes of the company's servants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain rare occasions, a similar indulgence, he would have told the plain and simple truth,' etc. "these facts, mr. douglas, who has charge of the trading-post at vancouver, fully admits, and upon his testimony in the matter i place the most implicit confidence. it was not my intention to charge our friend with having kept a tippling-shop at vancouver, and i wish to correct such, if any there are, who may have come to such a conclusion; but i confess, i had not supposed that the law in relation to ardent spirits (and which may be found in the first number of the _spectator_) had been so wantonly disregarded. we know, from personal observation, that rum in considerable quantities had found its way among our citizens from some quarter, and the disclosure here made furnishes a key to the mystery, and we are now broadly told that _casks of this article_ have been furnished to her majesty's officers stationed in oregon, but that _in their high character we enjoy the fullest security against its abuse, etc._ "and now, my dear sir, having heard much of the hollow and ceremonious professions and hypocritical grimaces of courts, and men in high places, and disgusted with every thing that savors of aristocratical or monarchical parade, and smitten with the love of republican simplicity and honesty, i can not admit that rank or men in high places are guaranteed against our laws, nor are they so framed as to justify such a conclusion. raised as i was under these simple institutions, which tend to bring all on an equality, i can not perceive those _high guaranties_ or _pledges_ which are said to emanate from rank or station in high places in society. with us, men give pledges of honor and character, alone from their moral conduct; and the bacchanalian carousals (one was a most disgraceful drunken row kept up for several days by the officers of the _modeste_, in honor of the queen's birthday) which came off in the tualatin plains on vancouver rum, last winter and spring, at the expense of the good morals of our farming community, gave me abundant and additional evidence to admire our simple and republican usages, while it serves as a moral worthy the consideration of a prince, or the strongest appendage of nobility. our laws make no distinction in favor of the officers on board of her majesty's ship _modeste_, nor of the hudson's bay company's servants. if their ships visit our ports, our laws will protect them, and, according to the usages of all nations, we expect them to submit to their provisions; but should these officers, through the plenitude of their power, determine to disregard our laws, it certainly could find no justification with one filling the high judicial station which mr. douglas occupies. he has sanctioned our law-making authority by accepting one of the highest judicial offices under our organization. according to his own confession, he has disregarded the law, not only by giving in small quantities, but by selling ardent spirits by the cask; nor can he find justification by dealing it out under pre-existing contracts to the servants of the company. to admit that principle, dealers in this article would only be required, when the prohibitory law was about being passed, to contract for the supply of all their old customers, and thus defeat the object and intention of the law by a pre-existing contract. and as for the argument of long-existing usages, that pays the poorest tribute of all. why, the very toper may plead his long indulgence in the use of this article, with as much propriety. i should not have noticed the subject again, but for my anxious desire that the matter should be fairly placed before the public. "samuel parker." these two laws, and the two communications we have given, place the temperance question fully before the reader. the communication of mr. douglas shows the position and feelings of the english and the hudson's bay company in relation to our laws, as also the liberty they claimed to violate them whenever it suited their interest or their convenience. mr. douglas says, "_with all other parties we have most rigidly, and shall continue to enforce the prohibitory statutes of oregon._" it also shows another fact. _"the modeste, now stationed at fort vancouver," is our_ (the company's) protection, and you must not attempt to enforce a law upon english subjects, or english ships that enter the rivers or ports of the country. to say that many of us did not feel keenly this _taunt_, and almost despair of securing this vast country from the rapacious mouth of the crouching lion, whose drunken, beastly representatives were distributing their rum to every family that would receive them, would not be true. when their representatives entered our legislative councils, the most stupid of its members understood their object. they wished to make laws for americans. their own people needed no laws, and no other government than such as was provided for them by the hudson's bay company. the reader is already informed how those laws were enforced. dr. tolmie, who at the present time ( ) stands at the head of the company in vancouver island and british columbia, presented the following resolution to the house on the sixth day of the session, showing the true position of the english element:-- "_resolved_, that the judiciary committee be discharged from further duty, as the present legislature deems it inexpedient to organize the judiciary at the present time, in any manner different from the present organization." by a reference to the journal of the house, we find dr. tolmie to be a member of the judiciary committee. four days after, we find this same gentleman presenting another resolution:-- "that the legislature deems it inexpedient, at the present time, to legalize the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits." _yeas_--_chamberlain_, _mcdonald_, and _tolmie_-- . _nays_--boon, hall, hembree, lounsdale, looney, meek, _newell_, _peers_, summers, straight, t. vault, williams and the speaker-- . hudson's bay company men in _italics_; doubtful, in small capitals. on the motion of newell to lay the bill to regulate the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits on the table, it stood: _yeas_--chamberlain, hall, lounsdale, looney, mcdonald, newell, and tolmie-- . _nays_--boon, hembree, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker-- . peers absent. on the final vote to carry this bill over the veto of the governor, we find hall, lounsdale, and looney changing their votes in favor of passing the bill over the veto, which is as follows:-- oregon city, dec. , . gentlemen,--i return to your honorable body the act entitled "an act to regulate the manufacture and sale of wine and distilled spirituous liquors," with my objections to the same. previous to our organization as a provisional government, public sentiment kept liquor from being manufactured or sold in this territory. heretofore, every act of the legislature has been, as far as ardent spirits were concerned, prohibitory in character. the act lying before me is the first act that has in any manner attempted to legalize the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits. at the session of the legislature in june, , an act was passed entitled "an act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in oregon," and, as far as my knowledge extends, the passage of that act gave satisfaction to the great majority of the people throughout the territory. at the session of december, , several amendments were proposed to the old law, and passed. the new features given to the bill by those amendments did not accord with the views of the people; the insertion of the words "give" and "gift," in the first and second sections of the bill, they thought was taking away their rights, as it was considered that a man had a right to give away his property if he chose. there were several other objections to the bill, which i set forth to your honorable body in my message. i would therefore recommend that the amendments passed at the december session of be repealed; and that the law passed on the th of june, , with such alterations as will make it agree with the organic law, if it does not agree with it, be again made the law of the land. it is said by many that the legislature has no right to prohibit the introduction or sale of liquor, and this is probably the strongest argument used in defense of your bill. but do you not as effectually prohibit every person who has not the sum of one, two, three hundred dollars to pay for his license, as does the law now on the statute-book? are not your proposed fines and penalties as great or greater than those of the old law? where, then, is the benefit to the people? there is no doubt in my mind, but that the law will be evaded as easily, and as often, under the new law, as it was under the old, and, in addition to this, there will be the legal manufacturers, importers, and sellers, who will be able, under the sanction of law, to scatter all the evils attendant upon the use of alcoholic drinks. we are in an indian country; men will be found who will supply them with liquor as long as they have beaver, blankets, and horses to pay for it. if a quantity should be introduced among the wallawallas, and other tribes in the upper country, who can foretell the consequences; there we have families exposed out, off from the protection of the settlements, and perhaps, at the first drunken frolic of the indians in that region, they may be cut off from the face of the earth. but we need not go so far; we are exposed in every part of our frontier, and when difficulties once commence, we can not tell where they will cease. it has been proved before the house of commons that one-half of the insanity, two-thirds of the pauperism, and three-fourths of the crimes of great britain may be directly traced to the use of alcoholic drink. the testimony of our most eminent judges in the united states shows that the same proportion of crime is attributable to ardent spirits in that country. statistics might be produced, showing the enormous evil and expense of an indiscriminate use of liquor. as to revenue, the small amount received for licenses, instead of being a revenue, would be swallowed up in the expenses attending trials for crimes, etc., caused by the crime of these licenses. but, leaving all other countries out of view, let us consider our own state. surrounded by indians, no military force to aid the executive and other officers in the discharge of their duties, not a solitary prison in the land, in which to confine offenders against the laws, and consequently no way of enforcing the penalties of the law, i think these things should call for calm and serious reflection, before passing your final vote on this bill. my opinion is, the people are opposed to legalizing the introduction and sale of liquor in this land. i may be mistaken, and therefore should be in favor of the old law, or something similar should be adopted, of referring the whole matter to the polls at the next general election. if the people say "no liquor," continue to prohibit; if they say, through the ballot-box, "we wish liquor," then let it come free, the same as dry-goods, or any other article imported or manufactured; but, until the people say they want it, i hope you will use your influence to keep it out of the territory. it is with regret that i return any bill unsigned, but i feel that we both have duties to perform, and when we think duty points out the way, i trust we may always be found willing to follow it. geo. abernethy. to the hon. the legislature of oregon territory. on motion of mr. hall, the communication was laid on the table. afternoon session.--at two o'clock the house met. a call of the house was made, and the sergeant-at-arms dispatched for the absent members, who, after a short absence, returned, and reported that the absentees had been notified, and were now present. thereupon, the further call of the house was dispensed with. the house then reconsidered the bill to regulate the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits, and, after some deliberation, the question being put upon the passage of the bill, it was decided affirmatively, by the following vote:-- _yeas_--messrs. boon, hall, hembree, lounsdale, looney, meek, summers, straight, t. vault, williams, and the speaker-- . _nays_--messrs. chamberlain, mcdonald, newell, peers, and dr. w. f. tolmie-- . * * * * * at st. josephs, elizabethtown, iowa point, council bluffs, and the nishnabatona, were wagons for oregon and california. allowing five to the wagon gives us about , souls that crossed the missouri at these points. the quantity of loose stock was estimated at , head. from independence, missouri, for oregon, men, women, children, and wagons. from independence, for california, men, women, children, oxen, and wagons. total, , souls, as stated in mr. saxton's pamphlet, . the larger portion of this immigration found their way into oregon, notwithstanding the hudson's bay company and mr. hastings did all they could to turn them to california. a statement by mr. s. k. barlow shows that wagons, , head of horses, mules, and horned cattle, and some head of sheep passed on his road; seven more teams passed after this report was made. besides the number that came over the mount hood or barlow road, there were some persons, with wagons, who attempted to come in on the applegate route, and a number came down the columbia river. this year, on the st of february, the brig _henry_, captain kilborn, started from newburyport for oregon, with eight passengers, including women and children; also the _angelo_, captain hastings, from boston, made the attempt, but failed. the brig _henry_ arrived late in . on thursday, february , , the first newspaper published on the pacific coast was issued from the press of the oregon printing association, at oregon city. the originators of the printing-press association were the same that started the multnomah circulating library, the wolf association, and the provisional government, in - . _constitution of the oregon printing association._ preamble.--in order to promote science, temperance, morality, and general intelligence,--to establish a printing-press to publish a monthly, semi-monthly, or weekly paper in oregon,--the undersigned do hereby associate ourselves into a body, to be governed by such rules and regulations as shall from time to time be adopted by a majority of the stockholders of this compact, in a regularly called and properly notified meeting. _articles of compact._ article . this association shall be known by the name of the "oregon printing association," and shall hold an annual meeting at oregon city, on the first tuesday of december of each year. art. . its officers shall be a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and a board of three directors, who shall be elected annually by ballot, and shall hold their offices until their successors are elected. art. . it shall be the duty of the president to preside at all the meetings of the association, to sign all certificates of stock, and drafts upon the treasurer for the payment of funds, and to preside at the meetings of the board of directors. art. . it shall be the duty of the vice-president to perform the duties of the president in case of his absence, by death, or by removal from office. art. .----the secretary to attend, and keep a record of all the meetings of the association, and of the board of directors, and to publish the proceedings of the annual and special meetings of the association, and such portions of the proceedings of the board of directors as the board shall direct from time to time; to give one month's notice of all special meetings of the association. art. . it shall be the duty of the treasurer to take charge of the funds of the association, and keep an account of all moneys received and disbursed, and pay out the same in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the president, and signed as per third article of this compact; to give such security to the president as shall be deemed sufficient by the board of directors for the faithful performance of his trust; to report the state of the treasury to the board of directors quarterly, and to pay over to his successor in office all funds of the association. art. .----the officers and board of directors to manage and superintend, or procure a suitable person to do so, the entire printing and publishing association; to employ all persons required in the printing or editorial departments of the press; to publish a full statement of their proceedings semi-annually; to draft and adopt such by-laws as may be deemed proper for their government, provided no by-law contravenes the spirit of these articles of compact; to declare a dividend of any profits arising from the printing establishment as often as they shall deem it expedient; to fill any vacancy that may occur in their number; three of whom shall constitute a quorum, and be competent to transact business. art. . _the press owned by or in connection with this association shall never be used by any party for the purpose of propagating sectarian principles or doctrines_, nor for the discussion of exclusive party politics. art. . the stock of this association shall consist of shares, of ten dollars each, payable in cash or its equivalent. art. . for every ten dollars paid to the treasurer of the association, the payer thereof shall receive a certificate for the same, signed by the president and countersigned by the secretary; and for every such certificate, the holder thereof, or his agent, on presenting to the board of directors satisfactory evidence that he is such, shall be entitled to one vote in all the annual and special meetings of this association; shall receive _pro rata_ of all moneys that may accrue from the profits of the printing establishment, and be allowed to transfer his stock to any one, by certifying and indorsing his name upon the back of his certificate. art. . these articles, _except the th_, may be altered or amended at any annual or special meeting of the association, provided that the proposed amendment shall have been published in at least two numbers of the paper published by order of the association. _officers of the association_, w. g. t. vault, president. j. w. nesmith, vice-president. john p. brooks, secretary. george abernethy, treasurer. john h. couch, } john e. long, } directors. r. newell, } the first editor of this paper was w. g. t. vault. a man more unfit for the position could scarcely have been found in the country. he professed to have been an editor of a paper in arkansas, and blew and swelled like the toad in the fable, and whined like a puppy when he gave his valedictory, in the fifth number of the _spectator_. he says: "we have among us a class of _mongrels_, neither american nor anti-american, a kind of foreign, hypocritical go-betweens,--as we would say in the states, _fence men_,--whose public declarations are, 'all for the good of the public, and not a cent for self.' the political sentiments of the conductors were at variance with his." mr. t. vault was led to believe that mr. newell was his only friend, from the fact that he was absent from the meeting of the board when his successor was appointed; and complains of dr. long and j. w. nesmith. newell and long acted together. h. a. g. lee, who succeeded t. vault as editor, was far better qualified for the position, though he did not suit this same board of directors, as newell was the maneuvering spirit. lee was too strongly american in his sentiments, and too intelligent to be a dupe of the influence of which t. vault complained. mr. douglas declares the position of the english element in the tenth number of the _spectator_. mr. s. parker answers him in the eleventh number; and mr. lee, in the fourteenth number, tenders his thanks to the board for relieving him. the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth numbers, each "run itself," as the expression is. on the eighteenth number, g. l. curry, esq., took charge, to the twenty-sixth number, which completed the first volume of the paper. he continued his editorial position till the twenty-fourth number of the second volume, when he brought his duties to a close by publishing a set of resolutions calculated to injure j. q. thornton, who had gone on to washington to have a history of the country published, and, as was supposed, to secure the best federal appointments for himself and his friends. one-half of the legislators believing that unfair and improper means had been used by mr. thornton and his friends, the other half not caring to vote against mr. thornton's proceedings, being, perhaps, his real friends, the resolutions were lost by a tie vote. mr. curry, as editor of the _spectator_, took sides against mr. thornton, and in favor of the objectionable resolutions, and published them under an editorial article, notwithstanding he had been requested, as he admits, not to publish them. judge a. e. wait succeeded mr. curry in the editorial department of the paper, and, by a foolish, vacillating course, continued to hold his position so as to please the hudson's bay company and the roman catholic and methodist influences in the country. the paper, by this means, became of little value to its patrons and the country, and soon getting involved in its financial affairs, it was sold and lost financially to the original proprietors. chapter liv. the whitman massacres.--narratives of, by j. b. a. brouillet and j. ross browne.--extract from the new york _evangelist._--statements of father brouillet criticised.--testimony of john kimzey.--dr. whitman at umatilla.--returns home. we have before us two works purporting to give a true and authentic account of the whitman massacre,--the one prepared by a jesuit priest, j. b. a. brouillet; the other by one j. ross browne, special agent of the united states revenue department. as this part of our history was written before that of j. ross browne (purporting to be an official report to the th congress, st session, house of representatives, executive document no. ) came into our hands, it is proper that we should give this report a passing notice. mr. browne, upon the second page of his report, says: "in view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any testimony coming from the citizens of the territory, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practicable, _unprejudiced statements_, i did not permit myself to be governed by any representations unsupported by _reliable_ historical data." one would naturally conclude, from such a statement, that a candid, unprejudiced, and truthful report would be given; but, to our astonishment, we find that fifty-three of the sixty-six pages of this official document are an exact copy of the rev. j. b. a. brouillet's work, thus indorsing, and placing in an official document, one of the most maliciously false and unreliable accounts that a prejudiced and deeply implicated sectarian could give, claiming such to be "_reliable historical data_,"--thus showing both his prejudice and ignorance in the conclusion he arrived at as to the causes of the indian wars. had j. ross browne been willing to lay aside his unreasonable sectarian prejudice, and listen to the positive testimony then in the country, he could easily have learned who were the prime cause of all the indian wars in it; or, had he made himself familiar (as he flippantly claims to have done) with the history of the english and american people, the policy of the english political and sectarian powers, and the commercial policy of the hudson's bay company, he would have escaped the folly of placing in an official document such palpable errors, and showing such willful ignorance of the subject he was commissioned to investigate. he says, on page , "it was a war of _destiny_,--bound to take place whenever the causes reached their _culminating point_." the "_destiny_" and culminating point of that war was fixed by the hudson's bay company and the jesuit priests, as also the second and third wars with the indians that followed, as we shall show by positive testimony of witnesses who are unimpeachable. had j. ross browne carefully examined the tissue of statements prepared by father brouillet, he could have found statements like this on page ( of j. r. b.), "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans_;" page ( of j. r. b.), "_all that i know is that the indians say the order to kill americans_ has been sent in all directions." there was but one party in the country that could issue such an order, which brouillet well knew, and the testimony we shall give will prove. on his third page, he says: "the same primary causes existed in every case,--encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race." he then refers to the agitation of the oregon question in the senate in - ; to mr. thurston's course as a delegate; the treaties with the indians, etc.,--showing conclusively the sources of his information, and his ignorance of the causes he professed to give a truthful and impartial account of,--barely alluding to the unwarranted assumptions of the british hudson's bay company of an exclusive right to trade with the indians. in fact, the whole report appears to be a studied effort to cover the prime causes of the difficulty, and of the indian wars he was commissioned to investigate and report upon. it is not surprising that with the foreign emissaries then in the country, and the stupid ignorance or malicious bigotry of the united states agent, that such reports should be made; but that the government should adopt, and act upon, or publish them, is indeed surprising; unless, as the history of the late rebellion shows, it was the design of those agents to involve the whole nation in an ultimate dismemberment, and distinct, separate nationalities, under the auspices of african, indian, and religious slavery. we regret the necessity of prefacing a chapter in this work with so severe a stricture upon a government official, yet his report is so manifestly false and malicious, and without the evidence of truth or candor toward the protestant missionaries, to whom is due, more than to any other influence, the settlement of the country by the american people,--that, in justice to them, and the truth of history, we can say no less, while we proceed with the account of the murder of dr. whitman and those at his station. the necessity and importance of an extended and particular account becomes still more important from the fact that the roman jesuits in the country have succeeded in placing through such an agent their false account of the massacre in a permanent government document,--thus slandering not only the dead, but the living, whose duty it becomes to refute such vile slanders by publishing the whole truth in the case. besides, the very rev. j. b. a. brouillet, in a second edition of his false and absurd production, refers to this report of j. r. browne as additional official evidence of the truth of his own false statements, previously made through such agents, and such men as sir james douglas,--compelling us, in vindicating the truth of history, to place before the reader more of the statements of parties implicated than was our original design. since this work has been in press, we have an article in the new york _evangelist_ of th of january, , from the pen of rev. mr. treat, d.d., containing a brief statement of the whitman massacre, and the following as the result of the investigations as had in several religious bodies in oregon; the conclusion is as follows:-- "it so happens, however, that men who are more competent to adjudicate the case have not hesitated to do so. the congregational association of oregon adopted a report in june last, which condemns the 'prominent and absolute falsehoods' of father brouillet's pamphlet, and expresses the belief, 'from evidence, clear and sufficient to them, that the roman catholic priests did themselves instigate violence to the missions, resulting in massacre.' similar action was taken by the old school presbytery, the cumberland presbytery, and the u. p. presbytery. the methodist conference, composed of more than seventy preachers, and under the presidency of bishop kingsley, adopted a comprehensive and able report, which was published at portland, september , , in which the massacre at wailatpu is declared to have been 'wholly unprovoked by dr. whitman or any other member of the mission,' and to have arisen from the policy of the hudson's bay company 'to exclude american settlers,' and the 'efforts of roman priests directed against the establishment of protestantism in the country.' it is believed that the other evangelical denominations in oregon have spoken with the same distinctness and the same confidence. "valuable testimony is borne to the character of the missionaries who survived dr. whitman, and who have been residents of oregon to this day, as also to the fidelity and success of their labors, but there is not space for it in the present article. suffice it to say, that, while the motives of hon. j. ross browne, in appending father brouillet's pamphlet to his 'letter,' and the reasons of the house of representative for publishing the same, are open to grave suspicion, facts and opinions have been elicited, which throw additional light upon the manifold bearings and uses of the missionary enterprise." on page of rev. j. b. a. brouillet's "protestantism in oregon" and page of j. ross browne's report, we find, under date of september , , that "the right rev. bishop blanchet arrived at old fort wallawalla (now called wallula), where he was cordially received by mr. mcbean, clerk in charge of said fort. he was accompanied by the superior of oblates and two other clergymen. he had the intention of remaining but a few days at the fort, for he knew that tawatowe (or young chief), one of the cayuse chiefs, had a house which he had designed for the catholic missionaries, and he intended to go and occupy it without delay; but the absence of the young chief, who was hunting buffalo, created a difficulty in regard to the occupation of the house, and in consequence of it he had to wait longer than he wished." the house here spoken of was erected during the summer of , before any catholic missionaries were thought of, at least among the indians, or by the american missionaries, and it was late in the fall of that revs. blanchet and demerse passed down the columbia river. these first missionaries of the society of jesus, wishing to do mr. p. c. pambrun, then clerk of the post, a special favor, baptized the infant son of the young chief, for whose benefit and occupation, mr. pambrun said, the company had ordered that house to be built. if it was designed for these priests, who was the designer? mr. brouillet, in his narrative, says:-- "on the d of september, dr. whitman, on his way from the dalles, stopped at fort wallawalla. his countenance bore sufficient testimony to the agitation of his heart. he soon showed by his words that he was deeply wounded by the arrival of the bishop. 'i know very well,' said he, 'for what purpose you have come.' 'all is known,' replied the bishop; 'i come to labor for the conversion of the indians, and even of americans, if they are willing to listen to me.' the doctor then continued, in the same tone, to speak of many things. he attributed the coming of the bishop to the young chief's influence! made a furious charge against the catholics, accusing them of having persecuted protestants and even of having shed their blood wherever they had prevailed. he said he did not like catholics----that he should oppose the missionaries to the extent of his power.----he spoke against the _catholic ladder_![ ] and said that he would cover it with blood, to show the persecution of protestants by catholics. he refused to sell provisions to the bishop, and protested he would not assist the missionaries unless he saw them in starvation." [footnote ] a picture explaining the principal points of catholic faith. it is barely possible that dr. whitman said all that this priest says he did. in that case, did he forfeit his own and the lives of all that fell with him? this narrative of _protestantism_ reveals a dark page in our history,--one that should be thoroughly investigated as well as understood by all. on the th page, d of ross browne's report, this priest says:-- "after such a manifestation of sentiment toward catholics in general and priests in particular, the bishop was not astonished in hearing some hours after that dr. whitman, on leaving the fort, went to the lodge of piopiomoxmox (yellow serpent); that he had spoken a great deal against the priests; that he had wished to prevail upon this chief to co-operate with him, in order that by the aid of his influence with the cayuses, des chutes, and dalles indians, he might be enabled to excite these nations against them, etc." that dr. whitman did as he is represented to have done no one acquainted with him will believe for a moment. but bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy is evidence conclusive that he and his priests had done exactly what they here say dr. whitman attempted to do. "during the months of october and november," brouillet says, "the doctor came to the fort several times to render his professional services to mrs. maxwell and mr. thomas mckay; he was a little more reserved than at the first interview, but it was always visible enough that the sight of the bishop and his clergy was far from being agreeable to him." it will be remembered that mr. brouillet is giving this narrative and speaking of a man whose blood had been shod in the cause of "_protestantism in oregon_," as he calls the title of his work, which he is writing to correct the impression that he and his associates were in some way concerned in bringing it about. in his allusions and statements, he seems to be anxious to prove that dr. whitman and all protestants and americans in the country are guilty of the crime laid to the influence of the priests, and by giving these statements expects everybody will believe _them_ to be wholly innocent. j. ross browne, in his report, d page, agrees with this priest, and refers to supposed transactions (_that did not occur_) in . at that time there was not a band or tribe of indians west of the rocky mountains but was ready to give land to any white man that would come and live in their country. this land question, as stated by brouillet and ross browne, or the "_encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race_," had no part in the matter. it was a foreign national question, as we have already shown, and we now propose to quote these statements from his narrative, to show the intimate connection there was between the jesuit priests, the hudson's bay company, the indians, and the whitman massacre. according to brouillet, the bishop and his priests remained at fort wallawalla from the th of september till the th of october (fifty days), enjoying the hospitality of mr. mcbean, and seeing dr. whitman occasionally, till, on the th, the young chief arrived. "the bishop wished to know of him if he wanted a priest for him and his young men, telling him that he could only give him one for the whole nation, and if the cayuses wished to avail themselves of his services _they would do well to come to an understanding together concerning_ the location of the mission. the chief told the bishop he wished a priest, and that he could have his house and as much land as he wanted." so far this statement bears the natural impress of truth, but mark the words here put into the chief's mouth, "_but as a means of reuniting the cayuses_ who had been heretofore divided, and in order to _facilitate their religious instruction_, he suggested the idea of establishing the mission near dr. whitman's, at the camp of tilokaikt." the previous history of this chief, as given by revs. hines, perkins, and dr. white, all goes to prove that he never made such a suggestion, and no one acquainted with indian character will believe for a moment that he did. but the suggestion was without doubt made to him to impress upon his mind the importance of uniting with other bands of his tribe to get rid of dr. whitman, as shown by this priest in the council that was held on the th of november, by special request of the bishop sent to tilokaikt on the th october, purporting to be by request of the young chief. the dates show, as per brouillet, that the young chief was with the bishop on the th; on the th the bishop sent for tilokaikt; and on the th of november the council was held, "at the bishop's request," who opened the meeting in the fort. at this meeting the proposition is said to have been made to the bishop to give him dr. whitman's station, first driving him away. says t. mckay, in his statement to acquit these priests, speaking of this meeting on the th of november: "one of the chiefs told the bishop that they would send the doctor off very soon; they would give him his house if he wished. the bishop answered that he would not take the doctor's house, that he did not wish him to send the doctor away, and that there was _room enough for two missions_." this was, as understood by the indians, "the bishop intends to have a place near dr. whitman's, and he wishes us to dispose of the doctor in some way so that he can have a place where all the cayuses can be instructed together in his religion." in accordance with the understanding had with the bishop and cayuses in this council on the th, this priest says (see p. of brouillet, of j. r. browne): "on the th of november i went by order of the bishop to wailatpu to look at the land which tilokaikt had offered; but he had changed his mind, and refused to show it to me, saying that it was too small. he told me that he had no place to give me but that of dr. whitman, whom he intended to send away. i declared to him a second time the same as the bishop had done at the meeting, that i would not have the place of dr. whitman. i then went immediately to the camp of young chief, to notify him that i would take his house, since i was unable to procure a place from tilokaikt." he further says he returned to the fort on the th, and on the th, an associate, rev. mr. rousseau, left with his men to repair the house, which was ready by the th, and on the th of november the bishop and his party started for the house, said to have been designed for them (of which there is no doubt). on their first arrival at wallawalla, it would have been the wiser course for them to have accepted of it, instead of attempting, through the influence of the company, to get possession of dr. whitman's station, or the consent of the indians, as they say they did, to locate near the station. but we have positive proof of the design of mr. mcbean, the agent of the company, and the bishop, as given in the testimony of mr. john kimzey. he says: "on my way to this country with my family last fall ( ), i called at fort wallawalla to exchange my team and wagon for horses. there were at the fort two roman catholic priests. during my stay of about two days, mr. mcbean, in the presence of my wife, said, '_the fathers have offered to purchase dr. whitman's station_, but dr. whitman has refused to sell.' he said they had requested the doctor to fix his own price and they would meet it, but the doctor had refused to sell on any conditions, i asked him who he meant by the fathers? he said '_the holy fathers, the catholic priests._' he said the _holy fathers_ were about to commence a mission at the mouth of the umatilla,--one in the upper part of the umatilla, one near dr. whitman's station, _if they could not get hold of the station_, one in several other places which i can not name. they hired mr. marsh, whose tools i brought, to do off a room for the priests at the fort. he said, '_dr. whitman had better leave the country or the indians would kill him; we are determined to have his station._' he further said, 'mr. spalding will also have to leave this country soon.' as i was about leaving, mr. mcbean said: 'if you could pass as an englishman, the indians would not injure you; if they do disturb you, show them the horses and the marks, and they will know my horses; show them by signs that you are from the fort, and they will let you pass.' the indians noticed the marks on the horses and did not disturb me. "john kimzey." "subscribed and sworn to before me, at my office in tualatin plains [now washington county], this th day of august, . "david t. lenox, justice of the peace." this is fully confirmed by the oath of r. s. wilcox, as having heard the statement from mr. kimzey the night after he left the fort, in camp at the mouth of the umatilla, before the same justice of the peace. mr. wilcox says mr. kimzey was much alarmed, and really believed that it was the design of the priests' party to kill dr. whitman and drive the american missionaries out of the country. his reply was, "the catholics have not got that station yet." had we not the best english testimony, fitzgerald's, and the statements of p. j. de smet and hoikin in their letters to their missionary society in brussels, to show the connection of the hudson's bay company with this transaction, the facts above stated would fasten the conviction of a strong and outspoken determination to overthrow the protestant missions. it will be remembered that these threats and efforts to get rid of dr. whitman were made before the appearance of any sickness or measles among the cayuses. mr. brouillet, on the th page of his narrative, says, "but i affirm that such a demand has never been made to dr. whitman by any one of us." we are not disposed to dispute mr. brouillet's affirmation, be it true or false. the truth is all we seek to know. the reader will not be particularly interested in the long details of statements made by this priest to show that they had no part in bringing about the destruction of the protestant missions and the whitman massacre. mr. mcbean and sir james douglas have written extensively, together with p. h. burnett, esq., and this rev. vicar-general brouillet, to show that nobody is responsible for that crime but the missionaries who were murdered and the indians, while rev. messrs. griffin and spalding have attempted to fasten the whole crime upon the roman priests alone. it appears from mr. spalding's account that he met mr. brouillet and the bishop at wallawalla on the th of november, and had a sectarian discussion with them, which he thought was friendly, yet from the fact that this priest barely alludes to the visit, and not a word of the discussion is mentioned, we infer that mr. spalding had the best of the argument, and that he was entirely mistaken as to the friendly manner in which they could conduct their missions in the same section of country. we will not attempt to reconcile the conflicting statements of these missionary parties, but will collect the most reliable facts and particulars of the tragic events in which these parties and the whole country became so deeply involved,--a part of them so strongly implicated. that the massacre was expected to take place in a short time, and that all the americans at the station, and all in any way connected with, or favoring, the protestant missions and american settlements in the country, were to be included in the ultimate overthrow of those upper, or middle oregon missions, there can be no doubt; as shown in the quotations we have given from our english hudson's bay company's historian and sir edward belcher, and the efforts of the company to colonize the country with english subjects from red river, instead of encouraging them to come direct from england. it appears from the dates and accounts we have, that dr. whitman was sent for to visit five crow's lodge on the umatilla, not far from the house to be occupied by the bishop and his priests; that mr. spalding accompanied the doctor to visit some of the protestant indians in that vicinity; that the same day (the th of november), the bishop and his priests started from wallawalla to go to their station and occupy the house of young chief. they arrived at their places and learned that dr. whitman and mr. spalding were in the neighborhood. on the next day, sunday, th, dr. whitman made a short call on them, and hastened home to attend on the sick about his place. while at the lodge of a french half-breed named nicholas finlay, the indians were holding a council, to decide and arrange the preliminaries of the massacre, with joe lewis, a canadian-indian, and joe stanfield, a frenchman. of this last-named man, mr. brouillet says: "as to joseph stanfield, i admit that he was born and has been educated a catholic." he lays great stress on the fact that this fellow had been tried and acquitted. he says: "why should we pretend now to be more enlightened and wiser than the tribunals have been, and judge him more severely than they have done." dr. whitman arrived at his station about twelve o'clock at night, attended upon the sick, and retired. that night an indian had died. in the morning, the doctor, as usual, had a coffin and a winding-sheet prepared, and assisted the friends in burying their dead. he observed, on returning to the house, that but two or three attended at the grave. as he returned, great numbers of indians were seen gathering about the station; but an ox had been killed, and was being dressed, which was supposed to be the cause, as the indians on such occasions always collected in great numbers, and often from a distance. chapter lv. occupations of the victims immediately before the massacre.--description of the mission buildings.--the doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered.--joe lewis, the leader in the massacre.--the scene outside.--the doctor's house plundered.--mrs. whitman shot.--brutalities to the dead and dying.--escape of some and murder of others.--safety of the french papists and the servants of the hudson's bay company.--fate of joe lewis. joseph stanfield had brought in the ox from the plains, and it had been shot by francis sager. messrs. kimball, canfield, and hoffman were dressing it between the two houses; mr. sanders was in the school, which he had just called in for the afternoon; mr. marsh was grinding at the mill; mr. gillan was on his tailor's bench in the large adobe house, a short distance from the doctor's; mr. hall was at work laying a floor to a room adjoining the doctor's house; mr. rogers was in the garden; mr. osborn and family were in the indian room adjoining the doctor's sitting-room; young mr. sales was lying sick in the family of mr. canfield, who was living in the blacksmith shop; young mr. bewley was sick in the doctor's house; john sager was sitting in the kitchen but partially recovered from the measles; the doctor and mrs. whitman, with their three sick children, and mrs. osborn and her sick child, were in the dining or sitting room. the mission buildings occupied a triangular space of ground fronting the north in a straight line, about four hundred feet in length. the doctor's house, standing on the west end, and fronting west, was × feet, adobe walls; library and bedroom on south end; dining and sitting room in the middle, × ; indian room on north end, × ; kitchen on the east side of the house, × , fireplace in the middle, and bedroom in rear; schoolroom joining on the east of the kitchen, × ; blacksmith shop, feet east; the house called the mansion on the east end of the angle, × feet, one and a half stories; the mill, made of wood, standing upon the old site, about four hundred feet from either house. the east and south space of ground was protected by the mill-pond and wallawalla creek--north front by a ditch that discharged the waste water from the mill, and served to irrigate the farm in front of the doctor's house, which overlooked the whole. to the north and east is a high knoll, less than one-fourth of a mile distant; and directly to the north, three-fourths of a mile distant, is mill creek. in a military or defensive question, the premises could be easily protected from small-arms or cavalry. while the doctor was sitting with his family as above stated, several indians, who had come into the kitchen, came to the door leading to the dining-room, and requested him to come into the kitchen. he did so, taking his bible in his hand, in which he was reading, and shut the door after him. edward sager sat down by his side and asked for medicine. tilokaikt commenced a conversation with him, when tamsaky, an indian, called the murderer, and the one that told the bishop at wallawalla he would give him the doctor's station, came behind him, and, drawing a pipe tomahawk from under his blanket, struck the doctor on the back of his head. the first blow stunned him and his head fell upon his breast, but the second blow followed instantly upon the top of his head, and brought him senseless but not lifeless to the floor. john sager, rising up, attempted to draw a pistol; the indians before him rushed to the door by which they had entered, crying out, "he will shoot us;" but those behind seized his arms and threw him upon the floor; at the same time he received shots from several short hudson's bay muskets, which had been concealed under their blankets. he was cut and gashed terribly with knives, his throat was cut, and a woolen tippet stuffed into it,--still he lingered. in the struggle, two indians were wounded, one in the foot, the other in the hand, by each other. mrs. whitman, as soon as the tumult commenced, overhearing and judging the cause, began in agony to stamp upon the floor and wring her hands, crying out, "oh, the indians! the indians! that joe (referring to joe lewis) has done it all!" mrs. osborn stepped into the indian room with her child, and in a short time mr. osborn and family were secreted under the floor. without coming into the other rooms, the indians left the kitchen, to aid in the dreadful destruction without. at this moment mrs. hays ran in from the mansion-house, and, with her assistance, mrs. whitman drew her dying husband into the dining-room, and placed his mangled, bleeding head upon a pillow, and did all her frightful situation would allow to stay the blood and revive him, but to no purpose. the dreadful work was done. to every question that was put to him, he would simply reply, "no," in a low whisper. after receiving the first blow, he was probably insensible. about this time, mr. kimball ran into the room through the kitchen, and rushed up-stairs with a broken arm hanging by his side. he was immediately followed by mr. rogers, who, in addition to a wounded arm, was tomahawked in the side of the head and covered with blood. he assisted mrs. whitman in making fast all the doors, and in removing the sick children up-stairs. joe lewis, a roman catholic indian, is asserted, by those who have traced his course, to have come from canada with the party of priests and french that crossed the plains in , and by whom it is affirmed the measles were brought into the immigrant trains that year. the priests' party brought him to boise, and there left him to find his way to dr. whitman's. he attempted to make arrangements with an immigrant family to come to the wallamet, but was afterward furnished with a horse and supplies, and traveled with a cayuse indian. while at boise, making his arrangements with the immigrant family, he told them there was going to be a _great overturn at dr. whitman's and in the wallamet_. how or what the overturn was to be, the party did not learn, but supposed it might be from immigration or some change in the government of the country. he arrived at dr. whitman's apparently destitute of clothes and shoes. he made himself at home at once, as he could speak english, french, and a little nez percé. he had been at the station but a few days, before the doctor and the two sager boys learned that he was making disturbance among the indians. the doctor finding some immigrant families who wanted a teamster, furnished him with shoes and a shirt, and got him to go with them. he was gone three days, and the second night ran away from the man he had agreed to go with, and returned about the station. he spent most of his time in the lodge of nicholas finlay, the common resort of stanfield and the indians engaged in the scenes we are relating; and was the leader in the whole affair. he was seen several times approaching the windows with a gun, but when mrs. whitman would ask, "joe, what do you want?" he would ran away. the scene outside, by this time, had attained the summit of its fury. the screams of the fleeing women and children, the groans and struggles of the falling, dying victims, the roar of musketry, the whistling of balls, the blows of the war-club, the smoke of powder, the furious riding of naked, painted indians, the unearthly yells of infuriated savages, self-maddened, like tigers, by the smell of human blood,--the legitimate fruits of romish superstitions faithfully implanted in the savage mind. mrs. whitman remained by the side of her husband, who was pale and gasping in death. two americans were overpowered and cut down by the crowd under her window, which drew her attention, and gave an opportunity for an indian, that had always been treated kindly by her, to level his gun. his victim received the ball, through the window, in her right breast, and fell, uttering a single groan. in a few moments she revived, rose and went to the settee, and kneeling in prayer was heard to pray for their adopted children (the sager family, who had lost father and mother in crossing the plains, now again to be left orphans), and for her aged father and mother in the states, that they might be sustained under this terrible shock (made a thousand-fold more so by the infamous account of it given by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter), which the news of her fate must occasion. soon after this she was helped into the chamber, where were now collected mrs. whitman, mrs. hays, miss bewley, catharine sager, messrs. kimball and rogers, and the three sick children. they had scarcely gained this temporary retreat, when the crash of windows and doors, and the deafening war-whoop, tore the last hope from their fainting hearts. the rooms below were plundered of their property,--the furniture dashed to pieces and cast out. joe lewis was seen to be among the foremost to dash in the windows and bring out the goods. here a deed was perpetrated similar to that of the refined and christian catholic people of burgos, in spain, when they murdered and cut up their governor for attempting to obey the law and take an invoice of church property. the cayuse indian tilokaikt went into the room where the doctor lay yet breathing, and with his hatchet deliberately chopped his face terribly to pieces, but left him still alive. some indian, also, cut the face of john sager while he was yet alive. about this time, joe lewis went into the schoolroom and sought out the children, who were hid in the upper loft, and brought them into the kitchen to be shot. as francis passed by his mangled, gasping brother, he stooped and took the woolen tippet from the gash in his throat, when john attempted to speak, but immediately expired. upon this, francis turned to his sister and said, "i shall soon follow my brother." the children were kept in this painful position for some time. eliza spalding was among them, and understood every word spoken by the indians, who, having finished their terrible slaughter without, were filling the room and the doorways, with their guns pointed at the heads and hearts of the children, constantly yelling, "_shall we shoot?_" eliza says her blood became cold, and she could not stand, but leaned over upon the sink, covering her face with her apron, that she might not see them shoot her. from this place they were removed out of the door by the side of the indian room, just before mrs. whitman was brought out to be shot. immediately after breaking into the house, the indians called to mrs. whitman and mr. rogers to come down, and on receiving no answer, tamsaky (the indian who was the most anxious to have the bishop and his priests take the doctor's place), started to go up-stairs, but discovering the end of an old gun (placed there by miss bewley), he desisted, and entered into conversation with those above. he urged them to come down, assuring them that no one should hurt them. mrs. whitman told him she was shot, and had not strength to come down, besides she feared they would kill her. tamsaky expressed much sorrow on learning that mrs. whitman was wounded, and promised that no one should be hurt if they would come down. mrs. whitman replied, "if you are my friend, come up and see me." he objected, and said there were americans hid in the chamber with arms to kill him. mr. rogers, standing at the head of the stairs, assured him there were none, and very soon he went up and remained some time, apparently sympathizing with the sufferers, assuring them that he was sorry for what had taken place, and urged mrs. whitman to come down and be taken over to the other house where the families were, intimating that the young men might destroy the house in the night. about this time the cry was heard from joe lewis, "we will now burn." mrs. whitman was assisted down by mr. rogers and mrs. hays; on reaching the lower room, becoming faint, she was laid upon a settee, and taken through the kitchen over the dead body of young sager, and through a crowd of indians. as the settee passed out of the door, the word was given by the chief not to shoot the children. at this moment mr. rogers discovered their treachery, and had only time to drop the settee, raise his hands and exclaim, "o my god!" when a volley of guns was fired from within and without the house, part at mrs. whitman and part at himself. he fell upon his face, pierced with many balls. an indian seized francis sager from among the children, and joe lewis drew his pistol, and with the expression, "_you bad boy,_" shot him. all manner of indian brutality and insult were offered to the mangled bodies while they lay groaning and dying, till night closed upon the scene, and the indians retired to finlay's and tilokaikt's lodges to consult as to further outrage upon the still living and helpless victims. the canadian-indian, joe lewis, was as active in abusing the helpless girls as he had been in selecting the children of the hudson's bay company's servants to be protected and sent away from such as were to be abused and slaughtered. mr. kimball, the three sick children, and catharine sager remained in the chamber all night. mr. osborn lay under the floor of the indian room till the indians retired. he then made his escape to the fort at wallawalla, with his family. the three men at the beef found themselves surrounded, and in the midst of a volley of balls from pistols and guns pointed at them. all three were wounded, but neither fell. they fled as best they could: mr. kimball to the house; mr. canfield to the blacksmith shop, and thence to the mansion, where he hid himself, and remained till night; then fled and reached lapwai before mr. spalding did. mr. hall wrenched a gun, which had missed fire, from an indian's hand, and ran for the bushes; reached the fort next morning; was put across the columbia river by mr. mcbean's order; and was lost,--starved to death, or murdered by the indians, we know not which. mr. gillan was shot upon his bench. mr. marsh was shot at the mill; ran a short distance toward the doctor's house and fell. mr. saunders, hearing the guns, rushed to the door of the schoolroom, where he was seized by several indians, who threw him upon the ground amid a shower of balls and tomahawks. being a strong and active man, he rose, though wounded, and ran some rods, but was overtaken, surrounded, and cut down. mr. hoffman was cut down, after fighting desperately with a knife, his body cut open, and his heart and liver torn out. in the midst of all this fury and savage shedding of blood, _no children or servants of the hudson's bay company, or roman catholics, or such as professed friendship for that faith_, were harmed in the least. finlay, a half-breed of the company's, who had formerly kept its horses, was stopping close to the station, assisting and counseling with the indians; joe lewis selected the two manson boys and a half-breed spanish boy the doctor had raised, and arranged to send them to the fort. whoever this indian was, or wherever he was from, he seems to have understood and acted fully and faithfully his part in the "_great overturn_" that he said, while at boise, was to take place at that station and in the lower country. how he came to know there was to be any change or overturn is yet a secret only to be guessed at. mr. mcbean says he returned to boise and fort hall; and mr. mcdonald, that he killed the guide to a company of united states troops in the mountains, and was himself shot. chapter lvi. comments on vicar-general brouillet's arguments against the whitman massacre being the act of catholics.--joe stanfield: brouillet's story in his favor.--murders on the second day.--deposition of daniel young.--more murders. vicar-general brouillet, in his narrative of "protestantism in oregon," says: "i could admit that _joseph lewis_, _joseph stanfield_, and _nicholas finlay_, who may have been seen plundering" (as proved on the trial of stanfield), "_were catholics_, without injuring in the least the cause of catholicism; because, as in good reasoning" (roman catholic, of course), "it is never allowed to conclude from one particularity to another particularity, nor to a generality; in like manner, from the guilt of three catholics it can not be reasonably concluded that other catholics are guilty, nor, _a fortiori_, that all catholics are guilty and catholicism favorable to the guilt." no man, set of men, or sect, not interested in the result of a measure or a crime, will ever use an argument like the one we have quoted from this priest. dr. whitman and those about his station had been slaughtered in the most brutal and cowardly manner, by a band of indians that this priest, his bishop, and associates, backed by the consent and influence of the hudson's bay company, had brought about through the direct influence of these three men: all of whom knew, and consulted with the indians as to the commission of the crime. and we have the strongest reason to believe that this priest and his party were, by their conversation, instructions, and direct teachings, adding their influence and approval to that horrid transaction. besides, when the crime is committed, we find this same band of _fur traders and priests protecting, shielding, advising and assisting the murderers_ to the utmost of their power and influence, both in the country and in their foreign correspondence. if such facts do not implicate a party, we ask what will? the very book from which we are quoting, containing pages, has not a single sentence condemning the course or crime of these men, but every page contains some statement condemning spalding, whitman, or some american supposed to belong to, or in favor of, the american settlements or missions. but let us return to further particulars of this whitman massacre. we have gathered up the statements and facts on both sides of this question, and with our own knowledge, previous to and since its occurrence, we write with assurance, if not with the best judgment in selecting the facts and evidence to place the truth before the public. we were in the midst of describing that horrible scene of savage blood and carnage, when we stopped for a moment to inquire after the character of three of the prominent actors, in fact, the leaders in the tragedy. brouillet tells us (on page of his narrative, page of ross browne) in extenuation of the guilt of stanfield, that "the following circumstance, if true, speaks very highly in his favor, and shows that if he has at any time forgotten the good principles he had received in his infancy, once, at least, those principles prompted him to an heroic action. it was on the morning of the day that followed the massacre. there were several indians scattered in the neighborhood of the mission buildings, but especially a crowd of indian women was standing near the door of the house in which all the white women and children were living. stanfield, being then at a short distance from the house, tilokaikt, the chief of the place, came up and asked him if he had something in the house. 'yes,' said stanfield, 'i have all my things there.' 'take them away,' said the indian to him. 'why should i take them away? they are well there.' 'take them off,' he insisted, a second time. 'but i have not only my things there; i have also my wife and children.' 'yes,' replied tilokaikt, who appeared a little surprised, 'you have a wife and children in the house! will you take them off?' 'no,' replied stanfield, 'i will not take them away, and i will go and stay myself in the house. i see that you have bad designs; you intend to kill the women and children; well, you will kill me with them. are you not ashamed? are you not satisfied with what you have done? do you want still to kill poor innocent creatures that have never done you any harm?' 'i am ashamed,' replied tilokaikt, after a moment's hesitation. 'it is true, those women and children do not deserve death; they did not harm us; they shall not die.' and, turning to the indian women who were standing near the door of the house waiting with a visible impatience for the order to enter and slaughter the people inside, he ordered them to go off. the indian women then became enraged, and, showing them the knives that they took from beneath their blankets, they insulted him in many different ways, calling him _a coward, a woman who would consent to be governed by a frenchman_; and they retired, apparently in great anger for not having been allowed to imbrue their hands in the blood of new victims. the above circumstance was related at fort wallawalla to mr. ogden, by stanfield himself, under great emotion, and in presence of the widows, none of whom contradicted him. an action of that nature, if it took place, would be, of itself, _sufficient to redeem a great many faults_." we do not wish to question any good act this frenchman may have done; but the guilt of knowing that crime was to be committed, and that the americans were to be killed around him like the ox he had brought to the slaughter, which he knew was to be the signal for its commencement; and the manner he and his two associates conducted themselves on the ground; _the influence he had_ to stop the massacre at any time, and his _robbing the widows and orphans_ in the midst of the slaughter;--these make up a complication of crime that none but the vilest will attempt to excuse. on the th of november, mr. kimball and mr. young, a young man from the saw-mill, were killed. mr. kimball, in attempting to go from his concealment in the chamber for water for himself and the sick children, was shot by a young indian, who claimed his eldest daughter for a wife as his lawful pay for killing her father. we will now give an original deposition which explains the killing of mr. young, and also of two other young men, who escaped the first and second, and became victims of the third more brutal slaughter. _deposition of mr. daniel young relative to the wailatpu massacre._ question.--when, and in what manner, did you learn of the massacre? answer.--i was residing with my father's family at dr. whitman's saw-mill, about twenty miles from wailatpu, where we had gone for the winter. my brother, a young man about twenty-four years of age, and about two years older than myself, had gone down to the station, the tuesday before, with a load of lumber, and for provisions, and was expecting to return about the last of the week. joseph smith and family were also living at the saw-mill, except his oldest daughter, who was at the station. his family was out of flour and meat, and ours was now out of meat. on saturday evening, he proposed to me to go down the next day for provisions. i did not wish to go down; told him if he wanted provisions he could go. he said if he had a horse he would go. we offered him a horse. he still urged me to go, as there was no one, he said, to stay with his family. i went down on horseback on the sabbath, being the next sabbath after the massacre. i did not go to the place till about an hour after dark, and learned nothing of the massacre till after i had got into the house. in the room where i expected to find my brother, i found them eating supper, with several indians in the room. at the table was mrs. hays, and joseph stanfield, and mrs. hall, with the remnant of her family. about a couple of minutes after i went in, joseph stanfield left the table and went out of the house (this was some time previous to the rest leaving the table), and was gone for about three hours, i knew not where; but after he returned, he said he had started to go to nicholas finlay's, a half-breed's lodge, but had got lost. nicholas had come in about half an hour before stanfield returned. in the mean time i had learned from the indian beardy, through eliza spalding (his interpreter), of the massacre. this was in short sentences and much confused. beardy said, however, that the doctor was his friend, and he did not know of it until a good many had been killed, and he was sorry for what had taken place; he said the indians said the doctor was poisoning them, and that was the reason they did it, _but he_ (beardy) _did not believe it_. that he was there to protect the women and children, and no more should be killed. during the evening i also learned of the number that had been killed, and of those who had escaped from the place; but it was not known what had become of them. i was informed by stanfield that my brother had met an indian who had told him to go back and stay for a week, but another indian told him he could safely go on for provisions, and that he would go with him. he went on to within half a mile of the mission. the indians were said to have gone thus far with him. stanfield said he there found him dead, shot through the head near one eye, and there he buried him. _stanfield said_ also that evening that the doctor was poisoning the indians, which had caused the massacre; that joe lewis had heard from an adjoining room one night the doctor and mrs. whitman talking of poisoning them, and that the doctor had said it was best to destroy them by degrees, but that mrs. whitman said it was best to do it at once, and they would be rid of them, and have all their land and horses as their own; and that he (joe lewis) had told the indians this before the massacre. stanfield also asked me if i had heard of his being married. i told him i had heard from my brother that he was going to take mrs. hays for a wife. he said: "we are married, but have not yet slept together." i said: "yes, i understand, you pretend to be married." he said: "we are married; that is enough." i thought it strange why he was saved unless he was a catholic, and during the evening took an occasion, when i thought he would not suspect my object, to ask stanfield whether he was a catholic? he said, "_i pass for one._" i slept with stanfield that night; did not retire till late. next morning, crockett bewley, a young man about twenty-one or twenty-two, i should think, who was sick at the time of the first massacre, and whose clothes had been stolen (by stanfield), came into the room wrapped in a blanket or a quilt. _bewley seemed to speak of the doctor's poisoning the indians as something commonly reported among them_ as the cause of the massacre, but said he did not believe any thing of it, _but he believed joe lewis was one of the leaders_, and _the catholic priests were the cause of it_. stanfield replied, "_you need not believe any such thing, and you had better not let the indians hear you say that,_" and spoke in a voice as though _he was somewhat angry_. soon after this, bewley left the room; stanfield turned to me and said: "_he had better be careful how he talks; if the indians get hold of it the catholics may hear of it._" as soon as i could do it without being suspected, i sought an opportunity to caution bewley about the danger i thought he was running in speaking thus in the presence of stanfield, and asked him if he did not know of stanfield being a catholic? he said he did not. i told him he might have known it from the fact of most french being catholics. he replied he did not know of the french being catholics more than any other people. i told him to be cautious hereafter how he spoke, and he said he would. soon after the conversation with bewley, i told stanfield i must return home; he said i must not, the indian chiefs would be there after a while and would tell me what i must do; said he did not think i could get off till the next day. we now commenced making a coffin for one of the sager children that had died the night before. soon after, the chief tilokaikt came. he told me i could not go back till the next day, that he would then send two indians back with me. i told stanfield, in the chief's presence, that i had told my folks i should be back on monday if i came at all. stanfield told me in reply, that the chief says, "then you may go;" stanfield also said, "the chief says tell them all to come down and bring every thing down that is up there; we want them to come down and take care of the families and tend the mill. tell them, '_don't undertake to run away; if you do, you will be sure to be killed_;' not be afraid, for they shall not be hurt." the chief had now done talking. stanfield now told me to caution them, our people, at the saw-mill, as to _what they should say_; if they said any thing on the subject, "say that the doctor was a bad man, and was poisoning the indians." he had also before that told me the same. i got a piece of meat and asked for some salt; but he said there was none about the house; afterward i found this was not the case. i then returned home, and informed our people as to what had taken place, and my father's first reply was, "_the catholics are at the bottom of it._" mr. smith admitted it, but said, immediately, we must all become catholics for our safety, and before we left the saw-mill, and afterward, he said he believed the doctor was poisoning, and believed it from what joe stanfield had told him before about the doctor's misusing the half-breeds and children at his mission. the next day, tuesday, we went down to the mission, and arrived after dark; found the young men, bewley and amos sales, who were sick at the time of the first massacre, were both killed, and their bodies were lying outside of the door near the house where they lay during the night, and stanfield said he could not bury them until he got the permission of the indians. the next day we helped to bury them. here i would say that the two indians the chief wished to send with me, as he said, to see us safe down, as stanfield interpreted to me at the time, were the chief's sons, and he wished me to wait because edward, tilokaikt's son, had gone to the umatilla to the _great chief_, to see what to do with the two young men who were sick. this, stanfield told me, was the business which edward tilokaikt had gone for, and he would not get back so as to go with me that day. three indians, however, arrived within an hour after i got to the saw-mill, viz., clark tilokaikt, stikas and one whose name i never knew, and came down a part of the way with us next day. i learned from mrs. canfield and her daughter, that this same edward tilokaikt, after he returned from the umatilla, gave the first blow with his whip, and broke and run out of doors, when other indians finished the slaughter of the sick men. while at the station, joseph smith threatened me with the indians if i did not obey him. i felt our condition as bad and very dangerous from the indians, and feared that smith would join them. he sometimes talked of going on to the umatilla to live with them. his daughter was taken by the chief's sons (first clark, and in the second place, edward) for a wife. i told mr. smith, were i a father, i would never suffer that, so long as i had power to use an arm; his reply was, "you don't know what you would do; i would not dare to say a word if they should take my own wife." i continued to regard our situation as exceedingly dangerous till we got out of the country. after we had arrived at wallawalla, i said, in the presence of mr. mcbean, that i supposed there were present some of the indians who had killed my brother, and if i knew them i would kill them yet. mr. mcbean said, "_take care what you say, the very walls have ears._" he was very anxious to get us safe to the wallamet. q.--would you suppose one who was acquainted at that place liable to get lost in going that evening to finlay's lodge? a.--i would not. it was in sight and a plain path to it, and was not more than twenty-five yards off. q.--when did you learn from your brother that stanfield was going to take mrs. hays as a wife? a.--some two or more weeks before the massacre, something was said as to mr. hoffman taking mrs. hays. my brother says, "no, i heard joe stanfield say that he was going to take her as a wife." q.--did your brother appear to believe that this was about to take place? a.--he did, and my brother talked about it,--made us believe it was going to take place. q.--what opportunity had your brother to know about this, more than yourself? a.--he boarded at the station, and was some of the time teaming from the saw-mill, and mrs. hays cooked for him and several others of the doctor's hands, among whom was stanfield. q.--why did you think stanfield was a catholic, as a reason for his being saved? a.--because i heard dr. whitman say at the mill, that the catholics were evidently trying to set the indians upon him, but he thought he could keep it down for another year, when he would be safe. i supposed he expected safety from the government being extended over the country. q.--how did stanfield seem to know that the chief would be there after a while, and would tell you what you might do as to going back to the saw-mill? a.--i did not know. q.--why did you tell your people that you would be back on monday, if at all? a.--because we were in an indian country, and i remembered what i had heard the doctor say at the umatilla, and my brother had not returned as expected. q.--had you any means of knowing what "_great chief_," at the umatilla, tilokaikt spoke of, where his son edward had gone to learn what to do with the sick young men? a.--i had not. q.--did you know at that time that the bishop was said to be at umatilla? a.--yes. q.--did you form in your own mind, at that time, any opinion as to whom edward had gone to consult? a.--i thought the term "_great chief_" might have been put in to deceive me, as stanfield had told me, the evening before, that the catholics were going to establish a mission right away at that place, and that they would protect the women and children, and _i thought it might be the catholics_ he was consulting, or it might be some great indian chief. this talk of establishing a station there continued for more than a week after we got down to the station. after i found bewley and sales were killed, i seemed to forget much until even after i had got down, and even to the plains, when the facts again came more clearly to my recollection, and i spoke of them freely to my parents and to others. (signed,) daniel young. sworn and subscribed to, before me, this th day of january, a.d. , in tualatin plains, oregon territory. g. w. coffinbury, justice of the peace. chapter lvii. how the country was saved to the united states.--article from the new york _evening post_.--ingratitude of the american board.--deposition of elam young.--young girls taken for indian wives.--statement of miss lorinda bewley.--sager, bewley, and sales killed. in taking up our morning _oregonian_ of november , , our eye lit upon the following article from the new york _evening post_, which we feel assured the reader will not regret to find upon these pages, and which will explain the desperate efforts made to secure this country to the united states by dr. whitman, the details of whose death we are now giving from the depositions of parties upon the ground, who were eye-witnesses and fellow-sufferers at the fall of that good and noble man whose labors and sacrifices his countrymen are at this late day only beginning to appreciate. we ask in astonishment: has the american board at last opened its ears, and allowed a statement of that noble martyr's efforts to save oregon to his country to be made upon its record? it has! it has! and here it is:-- "we presume it is not generally known to our citizens on the pacific coast, nor to many people in the atlantic states, how near we came to losing, through executive incompetence, our just title to the whole immense region lying west of the rocky mountains. neither has due honor been accorded to the brave and patriotic man through whose herculean exertions this great loss and sacrifice was prevented. "the facts were briefly and freshly brought out during the recent meeting at pittsburg of the 'american board of commissioners for foreign missions,' in the course of an elaborate paper read by mr. treat, one of the secretaries of the board, on the 'incidental results of missions.' "in the year the american board undertook to establish a mission among the indians beyond the rocky mountains. two missionaries, rev. mr. spalding and dr. whitman, with their wives,--the first white women who had ever made that perilous journey,--passed over the mountains with incredible toil, to reach oregon, the field of their labor. after remaining there for a few years, dr. whitman began to understand the object of the misrepresentations of the hudson's bay company. he saw, contrary to the reiterated public statements of that company-- " . that the land was rich in minerals. " . that emigrants could cross the rocky mountains in wagons, a feat which they had constantly asserted to be impossible. " . that the hudson's bay company was planning to secure the sole occupancy of the whole of that country, by obtaining a surrender of the american title into the hands of the british government. "seeing these things, but not knowing how very near the british scheme was to its accomplishment, dr. whitman resolved, at every hazard, to prevent its consummation. he undertook, in , to make a journey on horseback to washington, to lay the whole matter clearly before our government by personal representations. being a man of great physical strength and an iron constitution, he accomplished the long and perilous journey, and reached washington in safety. the remainder of the story we will relate in the language of the boston _congregationalist_: reaching washington, he sought an interview with president tyler and daniel webster, then secretary of state, and unfolded to them distinctly what was going on. here he learned that a treaty was almost ready to be signed, in which all this northwestern territory was to be given up to england, and we were to have in compensation greater facilities in catching fish. dr. whitman labored to convince mr. webster that he was the victim of false representations with regard to the character of the region, and told him that he intended to return to oregon with a train of emigrants. mr. webster, looking him full in the eye, asked him if he would pledge himself to conduct a train of emigrants there in wagons. he promised that he would. then, said mr. webster, this treaty shall be suppressed. dr. whitman, in coming on, had fixed upon certain rallying-points where emigrants might assemble to accompany him on his return. he found nearly one thousand ready for the journey. after long travel, they reached fort hall, a british military station, and the commandant undertook to frighten the emigrants by telling them that it was not possible for them to go through with wagons; but dr. whitman reassured them, and led them through to the columbia, and the days of the supremacy of the hudson's bay company over oregon were numbered." twenty-four years after that noble, devoted, faithful servant and missionary of theirs had received a cold reproof, after enduring one of the severest and most trying journeys of several thousand miles, his board at home, and unreasonably cautious associates in oregon have consented to acknowledge that they owe to him a debt of respect for doing, without their consent or approval at the time, a noble, patriotic, and unselfish act for his country. and how shall we regard the cold indifference they have manifested to the present day, in regard to the infamous manner in which his life, and the lives of his wife and countrymen were taken, and the continued slanders heaped upon their names? have they asked for, or even attempted an explanation, or a refutation of those slanders? their half-century volume speaks a language not to be mistaken. mr. spalding, his first and most zealous associate, attempted to bring the facts before the world, but the caution of those who would whitewash his (dr. whitman's) sepulcher induced mr. spalding to give up in despair,--a poor broken-down wreck, caused by the frightful ending of his fellow-associates, and of his own missionary labors. is this severe, kind reader, upon the board and a portion of dr. whitman's associates? we intend to tell the truth if it is, as we are endeavoring to get the truth, the whole truth, and as few mistakes as possible in these pages. therefore we will copy another deposition relative to this massacre. _deposition of mr. elam young._ i met dr. whitman on the umatilla, about the st of october, . he engaged me to build a mill for him at his mission. as the lumber was not handy at the station, i moved up to the saw-mill to do a part of the work there. some time in november, my son james, who was teaming for the doctor, went from the saw-mill with a load of lumber for the mission station, and was to return with provisions for us. this was on tuesday after the murder. shortly after he had gone away, mr. smith, who was also at the saw-mill, appeared to be very uneasy; stated repeatedly that he was sure something had happened to him; said he had a constant foreboding of some evil; stated that dr. whitman was abusing the children at the mission, as he had understood by stanfield; frequently spoke against dr. whitman. the next sunday, beginning to feel uneasy, i sent my second son daniel down to the station, who returned on monday and brought the news of the massacre. _it instantly struck my mind that the catholic priests had been the cause of the whole of it._ this conviction was caused by repeated conversations with dr. whitman, together with my knowledge of the principles of the jesuits. mr. smith observed at the same time that we must all be jesuits for the time being. soon after daniel returned, three indians came up and told us we must go down to the station, which we accordingly did the next day. when we got there it was after night; we found that crockett bewley and amos sales had both been killed that day. the women told us that they had told the indians, before we came down, that we were english, and we must not contradict it. the indians soon began to question whether i was english. i told them i was of english parents, but born in the united states. a few days after we got there two young women were taken as wives for the indians, which i opposed, _and was threatened by mr. smith_, who was very anxious that it should take place, and that other little girls should be given up for wives. was employed while there in making coffins and grinding for the indians. while there, miss bewley was taken off to the umatilla. tried to comfort her as much as i could, believing she would be _safer there at the catholic station than where we were_. first ten days we were constantly told that the catholics were coming there to establish a mission. heard that mr. ogden had come up to wallawalla to rescue us from the indians. went to grinding and preparing provisions for our journey. smith and stanfield, who appeared to be very friendly with each other, had the management of the teams and loading, took the best teams and lightest loads, gave us the poorest teams and heaviest loads. on the way to wallawalla they drove off and left us. the hindmost teams had to double in the bad places. reached the fort perhaps half an hour after smith and stanfield had; met smith at the gate, who says: "well, you have got along?" "yes." "it is well you did, for the indians found out that _you were not an englishman, and were determined to have your scalp_." i asked him, "how do you know this?" to which he made no reply. went into the fort and met mr. mcbean and the priest; supposed they would all rejoice at our escape, but their manner was very cold and distant. but mr. ogden greeted us cordially. the next day the indians came into the fort in considerable numbers, and their actions were suspicious, and mr. mcbean seemed to interest himself very much in our behalf, and _told us to be very quiet and to keep in our own rooms_, and be careful what we said, as the very walls had ears. [if this does not show the sneaking dog, what does? ogden is apparently all friendship, and mcbean is all caution to the captives.] we arrived on monday, and mr. spalding on saturday after, and the next day all took boat for the lower country. q.--did your son give you any caution as to what to say when you reached the station. a.--he said stanfield said we must say the doctor poisoned the indians. q.--what did you learn about mr. rogers as having made a confession. a.--_stanfield said that mr. rogers had made a confession that the doctor had poisoned the indians._ i replied, "who knows this?" he said mrs. hays and mrs. hall heard it. i afterward asked mrs. hays if she did hear it. she replied, "_we must say so now_." i afterward, at the station, told stanfield he had better not mention that to americans, for there was not one from maine to georgia that would believe it. he replied, "we must say so." i told him i never would. q.--what conversation with the doctor led you to believe the catholics were at the bottom of the whole of it? a.--that some years before ( ) he had had difficulty with the indians, and he had found out satisfactorily where it came from, by charging the indians of having been made jealous of a certain man. i do not recollect the name, but i think he said he was from canada, and the indians acknowledged it. [the difficulty here spoken of was about the horses given as a present to rev. jason lee, on his way to wallamet. the indians had been told by the company's interpreter, old toupin, that he had as good as stolen their horses, as he made them no presents in return, and they were encouraged to make that a cause of difficulty with dr. whitman.] at that time they had knocked off his hat, etc., but other indians would obey him and pick it up, and so long as they would obey, he was satisfied of his safety; but this had long since passed off. [the writer was present, and saw the whole performance here alluded to, the particulars of which are given elsewhere]. and they were never in a better state until of late, when a body of priests and jesuits had come in, and were constantly saying in their ears that this sickness came on them by the americans; that the americans were a very bad people, that the good being had sent on them as a punishment. q.--why did mr. smith appear anxious to have the young women given to the indians? a.--i do not know, unless to appease them, and get their affection. q.--did the doctor appear to wish to remain, against the wish of a majority of the indians? a.--i heard him say repeatedly, if the indians wished him to leave he would, but a large majority said he must not, and he thought the times would soon change. i understood him to expect a change from the extension of government. q.--did your son daniel say any thing, before you moved from the saw-mill, of having cautioned c. bewley for speaking unadvisedly before joe stanfield? a.--yes, he gave that; that amounts to the same as he has given in his statement. q.--did you have any fears, while at the station, that mr. smith was liable, had the circumstances become more dangerous, to act with the indians? a.--certainly i did. q.--did you get any reason why bewley and sales were killed? a.--though i did not get it directly from them, the indian account was, the _great chief at the umatilla said their disease would spread; but i believe it was because bewley had spoken before stanfield unadvisedly_. (signed,) elam young. sworn and subscribed to before me, this th day of january, . g. w. coffinbury, justice of the peace. what shall we say of these depositions, and the facts asserted under the solemnity of an oath, the witnesses still living, with many others confirming the one fact, _that roman priests and hudson's bay men, english and frenchmen, were all safe and unharmed_ in an indian--and that american--territory, _while american citizens were cut down by savage hands without mercy_? can we regard the conduct of such men in any other light than as enemies in peace? without the aid of religious bigotry and the appeal to god as sending judgments upon them, not one of those simple-minded natives would ever have lifted a hand to shed the blood of their teachers or of american citizens. we see how faithful and persevering joe lewis, finlay, and stanfield were in their part, while the bishop and his priests, and sir james douglas, at vancouver, were watching at a distance to misrepresent the conduct of the dead, and excuse and justify their own instruments, as in mr. douglas's letters to governor abernethy and the sandwich islands; and vicar-general brouillet's narrative, with more recent proceedings, which are given in another chapter. we intended to give in this connection the account of this tragedy as given by vicar-general brouillet, but it accords so nearly with that given by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter to mr. castle, that the impression is irresistibly forced upon the mind that the whole account is prepared by one and the same person; hence we will not encumber our pages with more than a liberal amount of extracts, sufficient to show the full knowledge of the bishop and his priests of what was expected to take place at the whitman station, and the brutal and inhuman part they took in forcing miss bewley into the arms of five crows, after that indian was humane enough to permit her to return to the house of those, that mr. young, and all others who were ignorant of their vileness, might naturally suppose would be a place of safety from such treatment. she that was miss bewley is now dead, but she has left on record the statement of her wrongs. we give it a permanent place in our history, not to persecute or slander the jesuit fraternity (for truth is no slander), but to warn americans against placing their daughters and sons under any such teachings or influences. _statement of miss lorinda bewley._ q.--what time did the massacre commence? a.--i think half-past one. q.--who fled to the chamber? a.--mrs. hall, mrs. hays, mrs. whitman, mr. kimball, mr. rogers,--the three last wounded,--myself, catharine sager, thirteen years of age, her sisters elizabeth, louisa, and henrietta, the three half-breed girls,--miss bridger, mary ann, and helen,--last four very sick. after we got into the chamber the indians broke in the windows and doors, filled the house and broke down the stair-door. mr. kimball advised to attempt the appearance of defense at the stairway. mrs. whitman and mr. rogers said, let all prepare for death. i found an old gun, and it was held over the staircase by mr. rogers. they appeared cool and deliberate in ordering all to prepare for death, when they were breaking up the house. the appearance of the gun appeared to check the indians from coming up-stairs. a few words passed between mr. rogers and one of the indians. mr. rogers said, "the indians wish me to come down." mrs. whitman objected at first; some words passed between mrs. whitman and mr. rogers about his going down which i do not recollect; finally mrs. whitman took his hand and said, "the lord bless you; go!" and he went nearly to the bottom of the stairs, but his head was all the time above the stairs; he was not there longer than two or three minutes. a few words passed between them, but i did not understand the language. mrs. whitman said, "the indians say you have guns and want to kill us." mr. rogers says, "no, you wish to get us down to kill us." this seemed to be all they talked about. mr. rogers says to mrs. whitman, "shall we let them come up?" mrs. whitman says, "let one, tamsaky, come up." tamsaky came up and shook hands with us all, and spoke and advised us all to go down and go over to the other house, for the young men would burn the house; he led the way down while the indians were hallooing wildly in the room below, but when we had got down, the indians had gone out and were very still. while we were up-stairs the doctor's face had been cut awfully to pieces, but he was yet breathing. mrs. whitman saw him and said she wanted air; they led her to the settee and she lay down. she appeared to think then, that we were going to be spared, and told us to get all the things from the press we needed. i put a blanket i had over her, and got a sheet for myself, and we put a good many clothes from the press on the settee; mrs. hall and mrs. hays got their arms full also. mr. rogers was going to take us over to the other house, and then come back for the sick children. this was tamsaky's advice, as he said the indians were going to burn the house. it was now getting dark. mr. rogers and joe lewis carried out the settee, over the bodies of the doctor and john sager, which were dreadfully mangled; they passed through the kitchen, and through the outside door toward the end of the house occupied as the indian room. here, to our surprise and terror, the indians were collected, with their guns ready; the children from the school were huddled in the corner of the building. when the settee had gone about its length from the door, joe lewis dropped the end he was holding and the guns were immediately fired. mr. rogers had only time to raise his hands and say, "o my god, save me," and fell. i felt my fingers numb till next morning, from a ball that passed so near as to sting them. mrs. whitman received two balls when on the settee. i could not see what was done at the same time on all sides of me. on turning round i saw francis sager down bleeding and groaning. the children said an indian hauled him out from among them and joe lewis shot him with a pistol. mr rogers fell down by my feet and groaned loud. all three appeared in great agony, and groaned very loud. the indian women were carrying off things, and the indians were shouting terribly; the indians also started and cut mrs. whitman's face with their whips and rolled her into the mud. [this treatment of mrs. whitman will be explained in the statement of stikas, as given from mr. mclane's journal.] at this i attempted to escape to the other house. one of the indians from mrs. whitman caught me,--i had run about two rods,--when i screamed and he shook his tomahawk over my head, and i kept screaming, not knowing that he wanted me to hush; then a great many others came round, and pointed their guns and shook their hatchets. i finally discovered they wanted me to be still, and when i was silent, one of them led me by the hand over to the mansion. q.--was mr. rogers wounded when he started into the house? a.--yes; shot through the arm and tomahawked in the head. q.--did mr. rogers have any interview with the indians after he got in until the one on the stairs? a.--no. as soon as he got in the house was locked, and none got in after that till we were all up-stairs, when they broke the doors and windows. q.--did the indians have an interview with mr. rogers after the one on the stairs, up to the time he was shot? a.--no; the indians were not in the room, except tamsaky and joe lewis, and we were all very still and mr. rogers was all the time in my sight, except as i stepped to the bed for the sheet, and i was very quick. q.--did you hear it reported that mr. rogers said he overheard dr. and mrs. whitman and mr. spalding talking at night about poisoning the indians? a.--no; but after being taken to umatilla, _one_ of the two _frenchmen said_ that the indians' talk was that an indian who understood english overheard such conversation. q.--did you consider mr. rogers and mrs. whitman were meeting their fate like devoted christians? a.--yes. q.--when did the priest arrive? a.--wednesday, while the bodies were being prepared for the grave. the bodies were collected into the house on tuesday evening. q.--did the indians bury a vial or bottle of the doctor's medicine? a.--they said they did. joe stanfield made the box to bury it in, and the indians said they buried it. q.--why did they bury it? a.--they said _the priests said it was poison_. stanfield and nicholas were their interpreters to us. q.--how did they obtain this vial? a.--the indians said _the priests found it_ among the doctor's medicines, and showed it to them, and _told them if it broke it would poison the whole nation_. q.--was there much stir among the indians about this bottle? a.--yes, a great deal. q.--why did the indians kill your brother? a.--edward tilokaikt returned from the umatilla, and told us (after they had killed him) the _great chief told them their disease would spread_. q.--did your brother make any effort to escape? a.--he told me the night before he was killed that he was preparing to make an effort to escape. i told him he must not, he was not able to walk. he said he had that day agreed with stanfield to get him a horse, and assist him away. i said, "what will become of me?" he said, "i know you have been greatly abused, and all i care for my life is to get away, and make an effort to save you; but i may be killed before to-morrow at this time, but, if it is the lord's will, i am prepared to die." this was monday, a week from the first massacre. about three o'clock the next day my brother and mr. sales were killed, and _i have always thought that joe stanfield betrayed them_. q.--did the indians threaten you all, and treat you with cruelty from the first? a.--they did. q.--did they on tuesday assemble and threaten your lives? a.--yes, and frequently threatened our lives afterward. (see statement of stanfield by brouillet, in a previous chapter, confirming the fact of his unbounded influence over the indians.) q.--when were the young women first dragged out and brutally treated? a.--saturday night after the first massacre, and continually after that. q.--when were you taken to the umatilla? (miss bewley will answer this question after we have given vicar-general brouillet an opportunity to state his part in this tragedy.) chapter lviii. vicar-general brouillet's statement.--statement of istacus.--the priest finds the poison.--statement of william geiger, jr.--conduct of mr. mcbean.--influence of the jesuit missions. we left vicar-general brouillet and bishop blanchet and his priests on their way to their station on the umatilla, where they arrived on november . on the th, brouillet says, page : "the next day being sunday, we were visited by dr. whitman, who remained but a few minutes at the house, and appeared to be much agitated. being invited to dine, he refused, saying that he feared it would be too late, as he had twenty-five miles to go, and wished to reach home before night. on parting, he entreated me not to fail to visit him when i would pass by his mission, which i very cordially promised to do. "on monday, th, mr. spalding took supper with us, and appeared quite gay. during the conversation, he happened to say that the doctor was unquiet; that the indians were displeased with him on account of the sickness, and that even he had been informed that the murderer (an indian) intended to kill him; but he seemed not to believe this, and suspected as little as we did what was taking place at the mission of the doctor." the reader will note and remember the statement which follows: brouillet says, on the th page of his narrative, the th of j. ross browne's report:-- "before leaving fort wallawalla, it had been decided that, after visiting the sick people of my own mission on the umatilla, i should visit those of tilokaikt's camp, for the purpose of baptizing the infants and such dying adults as might desire this favor; and the doctor and mr. spalding having informed me that there were still many sick persons at their mission, i was confirmed in this resolution, and made preparations to go as soon as possible. "after having finished baptizing the infants and adults of my mission, i left on tuesday, the th of november, late in the afternoon, for tilokaikt's camp, where i arrived between seven and eight o'clock in the evening. it is impossible to conceive my surprise and consternation when, upon my arrival, i learned that the indians the day before had massacred the doctor and his wife, with the greater part of the americans at the mission. i passed the night without scarcely closing my eyes. early the next morning i baptized three sick children, two of whom died soon after, and then hastened to the scene of death, to offer to the widows and orphans all the assistance in my power. i found five or six women and over thirty children in a situation deplorable beyond description. some had just lost their husbands, and others their fathers, whom they had seen massacred before their eyes, and were expecting every moment to share the same fate. the sight of those persons caused me to shed tears, which, however, i was obliged to conceal, for i was the greater part of the day in the presence of the murderers, and closely watched by them; and if i had shown too marked an interest in behalf of the sufferers, it would only have endangered their lives and mine; these, therefore, entreated me to be upon my guard." the women that lived through that terrible scene inform us that this priest was as familiar and friendly with the indians as though nothing serious had occurred. we have seen and conversed freely with four of those unfortunate victims, and all affirm the same thing. their impression was, that there might be others he expected to be killed, and he did not wish to be present when it was done. according to the testimony in the case, mr. kimball and james young were killed while he was at or near the station. brouillet continues, on the th page:-- "after the first few words that could be exchanged under the circumstances, i inquired after the victims, and was told they were yet unburied. joseph stanfield, a frenchman, who was in the employ of dr. whitman, and had been spared by the indians, was engaged in washing the corpses, but being alone, he was unable to bury them. i resolved to go and assist him, so as to render to these unfortunate victims the last service in my power to offer them. what a sight did i then behold! ten dead bodies lying here and there, covered with blood, and bearing the marks of the most atrocious cruelty,--some pierced with balls, others more or less gashed by the hatchet. dr. whitman had received three gashes on the face. three others had their skulls crushed so that their brains were oozing out. "i assure you, sir, that, during the time i was occupied in burying the victims of this disaster, i was far from feeling safe, being obliged to go here and there gathering up the dead bodies. in the midst of assassins, whose hands were still stained with blood, and who, by their manners, their countenances, and the arms which they still carried, sufficiently announced that their thirst for blood was yet unsatiated. assuming as composed a manner as possible, i cast more than one glance aside and behind at the knives, pistols, and guns, in order to assure myself whether there were not some of them directed toward me." the above extract is from a letter addressed to colonel gilliam. the cause of the priest's alarm is explained in a statement found in the journal of mr. mclane, private secretary to colonel gilliam, while in the cayuse country, taken from the indians' statement in the winter of - . he was compelled to find the poison. brouillet says:-- "the ravages which the sickness had made in their midst, together with the conviction which a half-breed, named joseph lewis, had succeeded in fixing upon their minds that dr. whitman had poisoned them, were the only motives i could discover which could have prompted them to this act of murder. this half-breed had imagined a conversation between dr. whitman, his wife, and mr. spalding, in which he made them say that it was necessary to hasten the death of the indians in order to get possession of their horses and lands. 'if you do not kill the doctor,' said he, 'you will be dead in the spring.'" _statement of istacus, or stikas._ in the first place, joe lewis told the indians that the doctor was poisoning. tamsaky went to camaspelo and told him he wanted to kill the doctor, and wished him to help. he replied, pointing to his child, that his child was sick, and that was as much as he could attend to. tamsaky then went to tilokaikt, and he said he would have nothing to do with it. but his son and young men wished to do it, and they contended so long that at last he said: "if you are determined to do so, go and kill him." afterward, the indians presented a gun two different times to tamsaky, and told him to go and kill the doctor. he said he would not kill him. when the priests came, they got to quarreling; the catholic priests told them that what the doctor taught them would take them to the devil, and the doctor told them what the priests taught them would take them to the devil. after the priests told them that, the indians said they believed it, for the doctor did not cure them. after the doctor was killed, _the priest told the young chief_ that it was true that the doctor had given them poison; before that, the doctor had given them medicine and they died. after the massacre, all the indians went to the priest's house (an indian lodge near dr. whitman's station), and i said that i was going to ask the priest himself whether it was true or not, so that i could hear with my own ears. he (the priest) told them that the priests were sent of god. they did not know how to answer him. the five crows told me _that the priest told him the doctor was poisoning them. i then believed it._ they then went and killed the two sick men. i asked the indians, if he gave us poison, why did the americans get sick? [it is evident that this conversation took place at the camp of tilokaikt, where mr. brouillet says he spent the night of the th of november.] afterward, they went to the doctor's place, and _the priest was there too_, and they asked him where the poison was that the doctor gave them. after searching some time among the medicines, he found _a vial with something white in it_, and told them, "_here it is._" i tell you what i heard. the priest then told them that _mrs. whitman had a father in the states that gave poison to the people there_, and that he had given this to her, to poison them all; then they all believed. i told them that i did not believe that the doctor was poisoning them; i said i expected they brought the sickness with them from california, for many of them died coming from that place. joe lewis told them to make a box, and beardy buried the vial in the square box, stating, if they did not, the americans would get it and poison them all. _the head man of the priests told them all these things_, and the priest took all the best books to his house. * * * * * the above is a true extract from the journal of mr. mclane, private secretary to colonel gilliam, the same as was read in my hearing to mungo, the interpreter for colonel gilliam, when these statements were made, and he said it was true and correctly written. (signed,) l. h. judson. sworn to and subscribed before me, this th day of november, , champoeg county, oregon territory. aaron purdy, justice of the peace. * * * * * there are three important facts stated by this indian which are confirmed by other testimony. first. that the priest was upon the ground, or in at the death. second. he was ready to overhaul the doctor's medicines and hunt out some vial, and tell the indians, "_here it is,--the medicine the doctor has been killing you with._" third. that he told them it was sent to the doctor by mrs. whitman's father, who poisoned people in the states. this explains the terrible and brutal treatment of mrs. whitman's body, even after death. brouillet says, "_joseph lewis had succeeded in fixing upon their minds that dr. whitman had poisoned them_," but istacus, one of the first and most truthful indians we became acquainted with in the country, tells us that the indians did not believe joe lewis till the priest confirmed his statements, and this priest was required to show them the poison. it would not be strange, if, while he is compelled to hunt over the medicines of dr. whitman, to find any that he could call poison, and in exhibiting such evidence to the deluded murderers about him, that he should feel himself in danger, yet his whole conduct belies such a statement, for he well knew the ignorance of those about him as to any medicine he might select and call _poison_. this indian's statement also explains the killing of the two young men, sales and bewley, and that as these priests "were sent of god," the disease of these young men would spread; in other words, their testimony would convict the parties implicated. we find in this same letter to colonel gilliam, other statements that are important in the history we are giving. he says: "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans, and more enraged against mr. spalding than any other._" if this was the case, why did they not kill him first? there is certainly some mistake in this statement of mr. brouillet, or else the indians were too hasty, which is probably the case. the indians were not quite as much "_enraged_" against mr. spalding as his reverence, who claimed to know their feelings so well. again, on the th page ( th of ross browne), in answer to mr. spalding's wild, despairing cry, "but where shall i go?" he answers: "i know not; you know the country better than i; all that i know is that the indians say _the order to kill americans has been sent in all directions_." how did this rev. father brouillet know all this? we have yet to learn that he ever gave a single american, except mr. spalding, any information respecting their danger,--which he certainly could have done with perfect safety, by sending any one or all of them a written notice of the "order to kill americans;" but instead of warning them of their danger, he was present to show to the indians a vial of dr. whitman's medicine and tell them it was the _poison_. the long list of statements collected and given to the world as reliable historical data, by this priest, and embodied in an official report by j. ross browne, do but show the active part he, with his associate priests and the hudson's bay company, took to destroy the american influence and settlements then in the country. says the historian bancroft: "it is the duty of faithful history to trace events not only to their cause, but to their authors." we will direct our attention for a short time to the proceedings of mr. mcbean in charge of fort wallawalla (or fort nez percés), in council with the indians. from the statement of mr. wm. geiger, jr., who was at dr. whitman's station during the winter of - , teaching school, we learn that the indians showed some dissatisfaction, and were called together by dr. whitman, to consult and decide what they would do. the doctor proposed to them that a majority of the tribe should let him know definitely, and a vote was taken, and but two or three were found to favor his leaving. during this council mr. geiger and the doctor learned that there had been conversation and a council with the indians at the fort, by mr. mcbean. that he had informed them of the mexican war between the united states and mexico, and of the prospect of a war between the united states and england (king george men), and that he was anxious to know which side the cayuses would take in the event of such a war. this question mr. mcbean kept constantly before the indians whenever they went to the fort. they would return to the station and say that mr. mcbean had given them more news of the prospect of war between the king george people and americans, and that he wished to know which side they would take. tamsaky, tilokaikt, and one other indian said they had told mr. mcbean that they would join the king george. some said they had told him their hearts favored the americans; others professed to be on the "_back-bone_," _i.e._, hesitating. all matters and causes of dissatisfaction between the doctor's mission and the indians were amicably settled. the doctor and mr. geiger could not see why mr. mcbean should beset the indians on that subject, unless it was to bring about what had been before, viz., to make allies of the indians in case of war. on account of this dissatisfaction, the doctor thought of leaving. mr. geiger says, "i told them i thought it their duty to remain. i thought the indians as quiet as communities in general; in old places there were more or less difficulties and excitements." in the communication signed by mr. geiger, he is asked, "what was the cause of discouragement with the doctor and mr. spalding at that time?" a.--"the influence of the roman priests, exercised in talking to the indians, and through the french half-breed, lehai, tom hill, a delaware indian, and others." q.--"what did the indians mention was the instruction they received from roman catholics?" a.--"that the protestants were leading them in wrong roads, _i.e._, even to hell. if they followed the _suapies_ (americans) they would continue to die. if they followed the catholics, it would be otherwise with them; only now and then one would die of age. that they would get presents,--would become rich in every thing." we have a statement made by brouillet as to their influence among the indians on this coast, found on the th page of his narrative, "protestantism in oregon" ( th of ross browne.) he says:-- "messrs. blanchet and demerse, the first catholic missionaries that came to oregon, had passed wallawalla in , where they had stopped a few days, and had been visited by the indians. in , mr. demerse had spent three weeks in teaching the indians and baptizing their children. in , he had made there a mission so fruitful that the protestant missionaries had got alarmed, and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his missions among them. father de smet, after visiting the flatheads in , had come and established a mission among them in ; and from that time down to the arrival of the bishop, the indians of wallawalla and of the upper columbia had never failed to be visited yearly, either by mr. demerse or by some of the jesuits, and those annual excursions had procured every year new children to the church. almost every indian tribe possessed some catholic member." we can bear positive testimony as to the effect and influence of those teachings up to among the upper columbia indians; and it is to illustrate the bearing and result of those teachings, continued for a series of years upon the savage mind, and the influence of a foreign monopoly in connection with such teachers, that we bring these statements before the reader. the vast influence wielded by this foreign fur and sectarian monopoly was used to secure oregon for their exclusive occupation. the testimony of rev. messrs. beaver and barnley, and sir edward belcher, as given by mr. fitzgerald, and that of his reverence brouillet, as found on the th page of his narrative, all affirm the close connection of these two influences. leaving out of the question the statement of many others, we have that of this priest. he says:-- "some days after an express reached us from the fort, informing us that our lives were in danger from a portion of the indians who could not pardon me for having deprived them of their victim; and this was the only reason which prevented me from fulfilling the promise which i had made to the widows and orphans of returning to see them, and obliged me to be contented with sending my interpreter" to the scene of the murder, to bring miss bewley to be treated as the evidence in the next chapter will show. chapter lix. continuation of miss bewley's evidence.--the priests refuse her protection.--forcibly taken from the bishop's house by five crows.--brouillet advises her to remain with her indian violator.--indecent question by a priest.--mr. brouillet attempts to get a statement from her.--two questions.--note from mrs. bewley.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy.--comments on the jesuits' proceedings.--grand council at the bishop's.--policy in forcing miss bewley to five crows' lodge.--speeches by camaspelo and tilokaikt.--killing of elijah and the nez percé chief commented on.--the true story told.--dr. white's report.--the grand council again.--review of brouillet's narrative.--who were the real authors of the massacre. _miss bewley's deposition continued._ q.--when were you taken to the umatilla? a.--just at night, on thursday the next week after the first massacre, having shaken with the ague that day; slept out that night in the snow-storm. q.--whose horses came after you? a.--eliza spalding said they belonged to her father; this led us to suppose mr. spalding was killed. q.--when did you leave umatilla? a.--on monday before the wednesday on which we all went to wallawalla. q.--when did you reach wallawalla? a.--on wednesday before the saturday on which mr. spalding and company arrived, and we all started the next day for the lower country. q.--where did you spend your time when at the umatilla? a.--most of the time at the house of the bishop; but the five crows (brouillet's achekaia) most of the nights compelled me to go to his lodge and be subject to him during the night. i obtained the privilege of going to the bishop's house before violation on the umatilla, and _begged_ and _cried to the bishop for protection_ either at his house, or to be sent to wallawalla. i told him i would do any work by night and day for him if he would protect me. _he said he would do all he could._ [the sequel shows that in this promise the bishop meant to implicate and involve the five crows, should a war with the american settlement grow out of the massacre.] although i was taken to the lodge, i escaped violation the first four nights. there were the bishop, three priests, and two frenchmen at the bishop's house. the first night the five crows came, i refused to go, and he went away, apparently mad, and _the bishop told me i had better go_, as he might do us all an injury, and _the bishop sent an indian with me_. he took me to the five crows' lodge. the five crows showed me the door, and told me i might go back, and take my clothes, which i did. three nights after this, the five crows came for me again. _the bishop finally ordered me to go_; my answer was, i had rather die. after this, _he still insisted on my going_ as the best thing i could do. i was then in the bishop's room; the three priests were there. i found i could get no help, _and had to go, as he told me, out of his room_. the five crows seized me by the arm and jerked me away to his lodge. q.--how long were you at the umatilla? a.--two weeks, and from friday till monday. i would return early in the morning to the bishop's house, and be violently taken away at night. the bishop provided kindly for me while at his house. on my return one morning one of the young priests asked me, in a good deal of glee, _how i liked my companion_. i felt that this would break my heart, and cried much during the day. when the two nez percés arrived with mr. spalding's letter, they held a council in the bishop's room, and the bishop said they were trying to have things settled. he said mr. spalding was trying to get the captives delivered up; i do not recollect what day this was, but it was some days before we heard that mr. ogden had arrived at wallawalla. when the tall priest (brouillet) that was at the doctor's at the first was going to wallawalla, after hearing of mr. ogden's arrival, he called me out of the door and told me if i went to the lodge any more i must not come back to his house. i asked him what i should do. he said i must insist or beg of the indian to let me stop at his house; if he would not let me, then i must stay at his lodge. i did not feel well, and toward night i took advantage of this and went to bed, determined i would die there before i would be taken away. the indian came, and, on my refusing to go, hauled me from my bed and threw my bonnet and shawl at me, and told me to go. i would not, and at a time when his eyes were off i threw them under the table and he could not find them. i sat down, determined not to go, and he pushed me nearly into the fire. the frenchmen were in the room, and the bishop and priests were passing back and forth to their rooms. when the indian was smoking, i went to bed again, and when he was through smoking he dragged me from my bed with more violence than the first time. i told the frenchman to go into the bishop's room and ask him what i should do; he came out and told me that the _bishop said it was best for me to go_. i told him the tall priest said, if i went i must not come back again to this house; he said the priests dared not keep women about their house, but if the five crows sent me back again, why come. i still would not go. the indian then pulled me away violently without bonnet or shawl. next morning i came back and was in much anguish and cried much. _the bishop asked me if i was in much trouble?_ i told him i was. he said it was not my fault, that i could not help myself. that i must pray to god and mary. he asked me if i did not believe in god; i told him i did. * * * * * we will not stop to comment on the simple narrative of this young woman. no language of mine will more deeply impress the reader with the debasing character of these "holy fathers, the catholic priests," that served the _honorable_ hudson's bay company and mother church so faithfully. it appears that miss bewley arrived at the bishop's on the th of december. on the th page of brouillet's narrative ( st of browne's) we find the following language:-- "on the th of december we had the affliction to _hear_ that one of the captives had been carried off from the doctor's house by the order of five crows, and brought to him; and we learned that two others had been violated at the doctor's house." how seriously these holy fathers were afflicted, miss bewley has told us in language not to be misunderstood. her statement continues:-- * * * * * last summer, when i was teaching school near mr. bass, the tall priest, whose name i have learned was brouillet, called on me, and told me that mr. spalding was trying to ruin my character and his, and said that mr. spalding had said that i had told him (mr. s.) that the priests had treated me as bad as the indians ever had. i told him i had not said so. he said he wanted to ask me some questions, and would send the doctor, who could speak better english; he wished me to write it; i told him i would rather not do it. when at the umatilla, the frenchmen told me that they were making arrangements to locate the priests,--two at mr. spalding's as soon as mr. s. got away, and two at the dalles, and they were going to the doctor's next week to build a house. this conversation was before mr. ogden arrived at wallawalla. q.--did dr. whitman wish to have joe lewis stop at his place? a.--he let him stop at first only because he said he had no shoes nor clothes and could not go on; but when a good many, on account of sickness, had no drivers, the doctor furnished joe with shoes and shirts, and got him to drive a team. he was gone three days, and came back, but the doctor never liked it. i heard mrs. whitman and the sager boys say that joe lewis was making disturbance among the indians. q.--did you ever hear the doctor express any fears about the catholics? a.--only once; the doctor said at the table: "now i shall have trouble; these priests are coming." mrs. whitman asked: "have the indians let them have land?" he said: "i think they have." mrs. whitman said: "it's a wonder they do not come and kill us." this land was out of sight of the doctor's as you come this way (west of the station). when the frenchman was talking, at umatilla, of going to build a house there, he said it was a prettier station than the doctor's. (signed,) lorinda bewley. sworn to and subscribed before me, this th day of december, . g. walling, justice of the peace, clackamas county, oregon territory. we have another original statement of miss bewley's, as taken by rev. j. s. griffin, which we will give as a part properly belonging to the above statement. oregon city, february , . questions to miss lorinda bewley, in further examination touching the wailatpu massacre:-- q.--did the five crows, when you were taken to his lodge from the bishop's house by an indian, send you back with your things in apparent anger, or did he appear at that time to pity you? a.--i thought at the time that i had good evidence, from his manner and behavior to me at the lodge in giving me up, that he was disposed to pity me, and not to abuse me. q.--did you anticipate that evening that he would demand you afterward? a.--no; i did not think he was disposed to. q.--what was this five crows' english name? a.--hezekiah (brouillet's achekaia). q.--did you have evidence that it was necessary for hezekiah to hold you as a wife to save you from a general abuse by the indians? a.--i was overwhelmed with such evidence at wailatpu, but saw none of it at the umatilla. q.--what was the order of conversation to you when the priest went to wallawalla, after hearing of mr. ogden's arrival? a.--i besought him to do all he could at the fort to obtain my delivery from bondage, and he said he would. a little after he called me to step out of the door from the rest, and told me if i went with the indian i must not come back to his house any more, when i burst out crying, and asked him what to do; he said i must insist or beg the indian to let me remain, or i must remain there. i begged him, as i was alone there, he would do everything in his power to get mr. ogden to take me away, whether he could obtain all the prisoners or not. q.--did you know of the priests having baptized any at the time of the burial at wailatpu? a.--i did not; but they were baptizing a great many at the umatilla, principally children; two the same day after i went there, and very frequently afterward. on christmas day they baptized many. q.--was it understood among the indians that the families at the mill were english? a.--yes, sir; and mr. smith was an englishman. q.--did the report reach the indians at wailatpu before you went to umatilla, that the indians were told at the fort wallawalla that they must not kill any more americans? a.--yes, sir. this seemed to be generally understood. q.--was it made known to you captives what edward tilokaikt was gone to the umatilla for? a.--it was made known to us, after a council, that edward was to go to the big chief at the umatilla and see what was to be done with us, and especially with the young women; and, after his return, he immediately commenced the massacre of the sick young men, and the next morning announced to us that the arrangement had been made for hezekiah to come and take his choice among the young women, and that edward and clark tilokaikt were then to take the other two. hezekiah was a chief [the one appointed by dr. white in ], and regarded by us, and i believe by others, as a single man. edward and clark were only the sons of a chief. hezekiah did not come for me himself, but sent a man [brouillet says, page (ross browne, ), the caution he received from mr. mcbean "obliged me to be content with sending my interpreter"] and a boy for the young woman that was a member of mrs. whitman's family. the contract between my mother and mrs. whitman was, that i was to continue my studies with mrs. whitman, and take part with her in the instruction and care of the children. q.--after mr. rogers entered the house wounded, and closed the doors, did he have any conversation with nicholas or the manson boys? a.--no. neither of them came into the house. lorinda bewley. rev. j. s. griffin says he is ready to testify to the fact that the above is a true statement, as made by miss bewley, and it was his own oversight at the time that her oath was not attached before a justice of the peace. there was no other person living at the time that could positively state the facts as given by miss bewley; others have given their depositions, which confirm her statements, and show them to be the simple, unvarnished truth of the whole scene that passed before her, and her treatment by those "_holy fathers, the bishop and his priests_." we are forced to confess, that, after studying and copying these old documents and papers, we dare not trust ourselves to express an opinion, lest the reader should say our feelings have overcome our better judgment. therefore we will simply ask a question or two, and let each reader answer for himself. what think you, kind reader, of the hudson's bay company and roman catholic jesuits, and priests and bishop in oregon in - ? did not dr. whitman, his wife, and all at his mission suffer, and many of them die, to save oregon as a part of the great american republic? we know that a few of the poor miserably deluded indians belonging to his mission have suffered an ignominious death by being hung like dogs (a death, of all others, the most odious to them), and for what? simply because they were deceived by those who knew at the time they were deceiving them; and who have since so managed as to deceive the christian world, and bring falsehood to cover their participation in the transaction. we would not have been so particular, nor copied documents so extensively, had we not before us a narrative of pages, written by one of these "_holy fathers_," vicar-general brouillet, purporting to give the causes both remote and immediate of this horrible massacre; giving it the title of "_protestantism in oregon_, account of the _murder of dr. whitman_, and the ungrateful calumnies of h. h. spalding, protestant missionary," in which he searches back even before the arrival of dr. whitman in the country, and cites rev. mr. parker's first supposed or imaginary statements to the indians as a cause of the massacre, which we know to be false and unfounded from the six years' early acquaintance we had with those indians; and also from the personal allusions he makes to transactions with which we were intimately acquainted, and know to be false in fact and inference. these statements of this priest and his associates, mcbean and sir james douglas, have induced us to extend the particulars of that massacre beyond our original design in giving the history of oregon. as he claims great credit for himself and associates, stanfield in particular, in burying the dead, and showing kindness to the widows and orphans, we will give another item to show the character of the _thief_, _liar_, and _accomplice_ in that massacre, whom this priest is so ready in his narrative to claim as a saint. mrs. catharine bewley says: "dr. prettyman said to me that joe stanfield told him at his own house, when the sheriff had him in custody, that 'the morning of the day when young bewley was killed, he had gone into the room and had hid every thing in the room back of the bed he was upon.' this, the doctor thought, showed that he was the cause of his being killed." under date of umatilla, december , , father blanchet, bishop of wallawalla, writes to governor abernethy as follows:-- "as soon as i had been informed what had happened, i instantly told the two chiefs near my house that _i hoped the women_ and children would be spared until they could be sent to the wallamet. they answered: 'we pity them,--they shall not be harmed; they shall be taken care of, as before.' _i have since had the satisfaction to hear that they have been true to their word_, and that they have taken care of these poor people." in father brouillet's narrative, page (ross browne, page ), he says: "on the d, the bishop called for the young chief and his brother five crows, in order to express to them how deeply he had been pained by the news of the horrible affair at wailatpu, and _to recommend to their care the widows and orphans_, as well as the men who had survived the massacre. they protested to have given no consent to what had happened at wailatpu, and promised to do all in their power for the survivors. "on the th we received the painful intelligence that two other young men, who, being sick, had been spared by the indians at the time of the first massacre, had since been torn from their beds and cruelly butchered." the positive testimony in regard to these two young men is already before the reader. _if this bishop and priest do not act and narrate falsely, we ask, what is falsehood?_ after giving a description of the grand council held at the catholic mission house by tawatowe, tilokaikt, achekaia, and camaspelo, brouillet says, on page : "before taking leave of the chiefs, the bishop said to them all publicly, as he had also done several times privately, that those who had taken american girls should give them up immediately. and then all entreated five crows repeatedly to give up the one whom he had taken, but to no purpose." how does this compare with miss bewley's testimony? we must ask to be excused from at present commenting further upon the notes and extracts from the statements of these several parties. they are before you, reader, not as fiction or imagination; they are transactions connected with the history we are writing. the statements on the part of this bishop and his priests have been published and extensively circulated, and have been believed, and have had far too much influence in encouraging and sustaining them among their deluded victims; besides mystifying, and causing a public sentiment to be generally entertained derogatory to the protestant and american missionary influence in oregon. we have given an account of this bishop and his priests on the first commencement of their missionary efforts among the cayuse indians, and have followed them through their _labors_, and their legitimate results, till we now come to the th of december, the day on which they received a wild, incoherent--not to say injudicious and foolish--letter from rev. mr. spalding, which they gave, with a flourish of trumpets and shout of triumph, on their arrival in wallamet, to be published as evidence of their extensive influence over the indians, and to destroy the influence of mr. spalding as a missionary. in this they have succeeded but too well, and for which we should look closely into their proceedings with the indians. brouillet, on the th and st pages ( st and d of browne), in speaking of the nez percés who brought mr. spalding's letter, says:-- "we had reason to be astonished at that confidence of those indians, as we had had as yet no opportunity of seeing any one of the nez percés since our arrival in the country. "the two nez percé chiefs advised the cayuses to take measures for avoiding a war with americans. they requested the bishop to write to governor abernethy, begging him not to send up an army, but rather to come himself in the spring and make a treaty of peace with the cayuses, who promised that they would then release the captives of wailatpu,--promising besides to offer no injury to americans until they heard the news from wallamet. _the bishop told them that he was glad of their proceeding, and was disposed to assist them to the extent of his power_, but that he could not write without knowing the opinion of the cayuses, and that as soon as he could learn this he would send an express below. he then encouraged them to see all the chiefs about it." from the above and subsequent statements and transactions, we have no reason to doubt the truth of the bishop's remark, "_that he was glad of their proceeding_." there can be no question that he did all he could to help the indians, and to defeat the provisional troops and government, as is proved by the evidence already given, and will be seen as we proceed. he tells the indians that he could not write, without knowing the opinion of the cayuses; he must be satisfied that they are all united, and when he has learned that fact, he can write with more assurance and effect to the governor. he extends consolation and encouragement to camaspelo on the th, and two days after convenes the council alluded to. "accordingly, on monday, th december, , at the catholic mission, the cayuses assembled in grand council held by tawatowe (or young chief), tilokaikt, achekaia (or five crows), and camaspelo, all the great chiefs of the cayuses, in presence of many other great men (second chiefs) of the nation." this council was held just three months and three days after. brouillet says that bishop blanchet met dr. whitman at wallawalla, and said to him, "all is known. i come to labor for the conversion of indians, and even of americans, if they are willing to listen to me." and we say, to crush and drive the protestant missions from the country, including their heretical settlements. we wish to give these foreign _priests_ the full benefit of their own statements, as we shall express fully our opinion of them; besides, we presume that not one in a thousand will be able to understand the wonderful workings of jesuitism among the indians and the people of our country, without extensive quotations from their books. the narrative continues: "about ten o'clock in the morning they all entered the mission house. the bishop was present, together with messrs. rousseau, leclaire, and myself [vicar-general brouillet, the writer of the narrative we are quoting from]. after a deep silence of some minutes, the bishop explained to them the object of the meeting. he began by expressing to them the pleasure he felt in seeing them thus assembled for the purpose of deliberating on a most important subject,--that of avoiding war, which is always a great evil. he told them that in matters of importance they should always hold a council and consult those who might be best able to give them good advice; that in giving their advice separately, they were liable to be misunderstood, and thereby expose themselves and their people to great misfortunes; that he was persuaded that if the chiefs had deliberated together they would not now have to deplore the horrible massacre of wailatpu, nor to fear its probable consequences." the reader can understand how sincere these "holy fathers" were in saying "horrible massacre at wailatpu," when, instead of calling on dr. whitman, as brouillet says he "cordially promised to do," he went to an indian lodge, learned of the massacre, and remained all night, writing, the indians say, this false and infamous account of the transaction, to slander the dead and clear the guilty; and the next morning baptized three of the indian children before going to the assistance of the widows and orphans. the bishop told them "that two nez percé chiefs had asked him to write to the great chief of wallamet (governor abernethy) to obtain peace, but that he could not do so without the consent of the cayuses." it will be remembered that up to the arrival of dr. white, in , as an official spy upon the proceedings of the hudson's bay company, drawing the pay of a sub-indian agent, the company had not allowed any effort to combine the indians; but on the arrival of dr. white, they at once made use of him, and also of the bishop and his priests, to form just the combinations they wished to make use of, to strike at the settlements at the proper time. tawatowe, or young chief, was, up to the time of the taking of fort nez percés, considered a head chief; but in consequence of the part he had taken in that affair his power had been broken. his brother, five crows, was advanced, and had become the favorite of dr. whitman, as well as of dr. white, and was looked upon as friendly to the mission and the american cause. _miss bewley's being forced to become his wife was a part of the scheme to involve him in the war then in contemplation, and to bring about a union of the tribe under the very plausible reason given by this "holy father," and was one of the most important measures to implicate that humane and protestant indian in the war measures now in discussion before this grand indian council at the house of the bishop._ the bishop says "that the propositions which those chiefs wished to send were these: st. that americans should not come to make war; d. that they should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of peace; d. that when these great men should arrive, all the captives should be released; th. that they would offer no offense to americans before knowing the news from below. "the bishop then desired them to speak and to say what they thought of these propositions. "camaspelo spoke first. he said he was blind and ignorant, and had despaired of the life and salvation of his nation, but that the words of the bishop had opened his eyes, consoled and encouraged him; that he had confidence, and that he approved the propositions. "the chief tilokaikt then rose to say that he was not a great speaker, and that his talk would not be long. he then reviewed the history of the nation since the arrival of the whites (french people or hudson's bay company) in the country down to the present time. he said that before they had been visited by white men the indians were always at war; that at the place where fort wallawalla now stood nothing but blood was continually seen; that they had been taught by the _whites_ that there was a god who forbids men to kill each other." "a jewel of gold in a swine's snout." this is the indian that assisted in killing dr. whitman, and engaged his attention while his companion gave the first blow; and he afterward cut the doctor's face horribly with a hatchet, while he was yet alive. but let us continue this "holy father's" lesson of peace and morality from the mouth of his converted indian, for we have every reason to believe he is now fully converted to that faith, and has given us a specimen in the practice of the religion he has just commenced to learn. he says, "that since this time they had always lived in peace, and endeavored to persuade others to do the same. he eulogized mr. pambrun; spoke of a nez percé chief who had been killed when going to the states; afterward of the son of yellow serpent, who had been killed by americans in california; said that they had forgotten all this. he spoke also of dr. whitman and mr. spalding, and finished by saying that since they had forgotten all, he hoped that the americans would also forget what had been recently done; that now they were even." this priest is careful to make his converted indian tell a plausible story, as also to eulogize mr. pambrun and the hudson's bay company, and to state that two indians had been killed while in company with, or by americans. as to the killing of the nez percé chief (so called), we knew much more of it than this priest or his indian. the nez percé was killed in open fight with the sioux, at ash hollow, on the platte river, after the party had fought three hours, and killed fifteen and wounded eight of the sioux. he was no connection of this cayuse tribe, and is only referred to for effect. the bishop makes tilokaikt tell a falsehood to shield a crime in himself and associates. the killing of elijah, the son of yellow serpent, is equally false in the statement of the fact, and relation of the circumstances. dr. white, sub-indian agent, etc., was never known to tell the truth when a falsehood would suit his plans and purposes better; as is evident in this case, which is given that the reader may judge of its truth. mr. brouillet comments upon dr. white's letter to the department at washington, april , , as follows: "after speaking of some difficulties that occurred in california between the cayuses and wallawallas on one part, and the spaniards and americans on the other, on account of some stolen horses that the cayuses and wallawallas had taken from hostile indians by fighting them [this is altogether a mistake, as the horses belonged to the americans and spaniards and they had their indians guarding them, and the party here referred to killed the guard and attempted the life of an american], mr. white passes on to relate a murder there, committed coolly by an american the fall previous upon the person of elijah, the son of yellow serpent, the chief of the wallawallas, in the following way: 'the indians had gone to the fort of captain sutter to church, and, after service, elijah was invited into another apartment, taking with him his uncle, young chief, of the umatilla river, a brave and sensible chief of the age of five and forty.'" this priest, on page (j. ross browne, page ), makes mr. mckinley say that in the fall of , the indians, a short time after their return from california, met one day at fort wallawalla, seven hundred in number, all armed, and decided to walk down immediately upon the colony of the wallamet, and that they could be stopped only by the young chief, who, by his entreaties, decided them to abandon their undertaking and to go home. we are led to inquire, why did not these indians, at this time, direct their attention to the american missions in their midst, and take their revenge then, instead of waiting three years, and then, as brouillet says, making this murder a cause of the massacre? mcbean, and bishop blanchet and his priests, were not then at the fort, nor among those indians, to aid them in avenging themselves on the innocent. but let us finish the account of this horrid transaction on the part of our countrymen, as repeated by brouillet to excuse the wailatpu massacre. he says the young chief went into the room with elijah, and "while there in an unarmed and defenseless condition, they commenced menacing him for things alleged against the river indians of this upper country, in which none of them had any participation; called them indiscriminately dogs, thieves, etc." the truth is, that this party went from the cayuse country to california expressly to steal horses and cattle. this same educated indian boy was the leader of the party in going to the fort. he and the young chief were both arrested, and tried by a military court; the chief was acquitted, upon the evidence of the american referred to, as he saved his life, while elijah was for killing him. elijah was condemned, and shot, to prevent other similar parties from disturbing the settlements and killing peaceable indians in california. this is the reason, as mr. mckinley doubtless told brouillet, why the young chief used his influence to prevent any attempt at retaliation. the narrative continues: "this american then observed, 'yesterday you were going to kill me; now you must die,' and drawing a pistol--elijah, who had been five or six years at the methodist mission, and had learned to read, write, and speak english respectably, said deliberately, 'let me pray a little first;' and kneeling down, at once commenced, and, when invoking the divine mercy, was shot through the heart or vitals, dead upon the spot. taking for truth an indian report [which in this case suited this priest and dr. white's purposes better than a true statement of the facts would], this horrible affair created considerable excitement [which, he tells us in another place, the young chief, who was present, was able to quell], and there is some danger of its disturbing the friendly relations that hitherto existed between us here and all those formidable tribes in the region of wallawalla and snake river." this indian story or tragedy is useful for three purposes. first, to show dr. white's disposition to have his importance known to the department at washington. second, to show the disposition of this "_holy father, the catholic priest_," to quote a case of the kind, to justify the whitman massacre by the indians, and deceive his readers and the world as to the real cause of that transaction; thus aiding us in bringing home the guilt of a crime where it belongs. third, to show how capable he is of misrepresenting and falsifying historical facts, to excuse a foul murder of american citizens. he continues to quote dr. white as follows:-- "learning from dr. whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and, perhaps more especially by the loss they had sustained, and then, after suffering so many hardships and encountering so many dangers, losing the whole, i apprehended there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless, disaffected scamps, late from wallamet to california, loading them with the vile epithets of dogs, thieves, etc., from which they believed or affected to believe that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible. he, ellis, the nez percé chief, assured me that the cayuses, wallawallas, nez percés, spokans, ponderays, and snakes were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising a party of about two thousand warriors of those formidable tribes, and march to california at once,[ ] and, nobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and plunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils; while others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affair. a third party were for holding us responsible, as elijah was killed by an american, and the americans incensed the spaniards."[ ] [footnote ] brouillet, in his haste to bring dr. white to prove his statements of the causes of the whitman massacre, has forgotten that he was assured by mr. mckinley that they intended to go to the wallamet, instead of california. [footnote ] see the whole of dr. white's report, chapter , page _et seq._ the above extract is quoted by brouillet for so base a purpose, that it seems necessary, in order to correct the errors of dr. white and this priest, to give it in full. we have given the statement of mr. mckinley, as quoted by brouillet, which shows the absurdity of this whole document. if the young chief went into the room and saw elijah shot down in the brutal manner represented by dr. white, he certainly must have been a very remarkable and forgiving indian if he used his influence to prevent his tribe from seeking revenge; besides, we find in the subsequent history, that even elijah's own father did not seek to avenge his death, as stated by this priest on page of this narrative ( th of ross browne's report). he says: "and in the spring of , the wallawalla chief himself, yellow serpent, started with a party of wallawallas and cayuses for the purpose of attacking the americans in california, whom they thought unsuspicious. but having found them on their guard, and too strong to be attacked without danger, he took their part against the spaniards, offered his services to them, and fought in their ranks." this, with the statement of mr. mcbean, as will be given in his letter, shows that this very rev. father brouillet knew nothing of the subject he was writing about, and was ready to pick up any statement that might be made, without any regard to its absurdity or plausibility. i query whether there is a living man well acquainted with dr. white, who will state that he believes he would tell the truth, officially or otherwise, when a falsehood would suit his purposes better; and from a careful study of the statements and writings of this reverend priest, we are forced to the same conclusion. rev. mr. brouillet has filled four pages and a half of his narrative with the statements of william craig, in answer to questions asked by hon. p. h. burnett, all of which show that mr. craig knew nothing of the massacre only as he was told, by two indians, what some other indian said that some other indian had said. we are not surprised that mr. burnett gave up the contest with mr. spalding, after examining such a witness as mr. craig, and finding that he knew so little relative to the subject in question. suppose tom hill and the indian messenger that brought the news to mr. spalding's station told all they heard of the matter, did that make their statements true? or did the repeating of these indian statements by mr. craig make them true? rev. father brouillet has showed, in these four pages, a weakness we did not expect to find in a man with so many sacred titles to his name. in fact, the greater part of his statements are from persons who make them as coming second-hand from the indians. he makes mr. craig repent from the mouth of the indian messenger the statement first published in sir james douglas's letter to the sandwich islands; and then in conclusion says, on page :-- "now i am satisfied that every impartial and unprejudiced person, after reading attentively the above documents, will come with me to the conclusion that the true causes, both remote and immediate, of the whole evil must have been the following: st. the promise made by mr. parker to the cayuses and nez percés of paying for their lands every year, and the want of fulfillment of that promise." which promise mr. parker never made, and which the hudson's bay company and these roman priests made up to cause difficulty with the indians and american missions and settlements. " d. the death of the nez percé chief, killed on his way to the united states, when he was in company with mr. gray, and in his service." this mr. gray knows to be false, both in statement and inference, as already explained. this priest says: "the conclusion is evident, from the circumstances which preceded that death, and from the proceedings of the nez percés against mr. spalding and all the people of his establishment on account of it, and likewise from the general habit of the indians in such cases." we will here state that we were two years at mr. spalding's station, on returning from the states, and saw the whole nez percé tribe, and employed them for days and months, and worked with them, and explored their country to select farms for them, and know that the nez percés never, on any occasion, made the least disturbance about the station, or in any other place, on account of the death of that indian; and we know that neither mr. spalding nor any of the people at his place were ever confined in their houses for an hour on account of it; and we further know that the statement made by brouillet, as coming from old toupin, is false and malicious, and only shows the ignorance and malice of this priest, who has made these false statements, as he has those about the killing of elijah, to cover his own guilt in the infamous crime charged upon him and his associates. " d. the murder committed by an american in california on the person of elijah, the son of the wallawalla chief, in ." answered already. this priest says of yellow serpent: "on his way coming back from california he lost many of his people from sickness [to which istacus alludes in his reasons for not believing that dr. whitman was the cause of the indians dying by poison], so that he and his young men, when arrived at home in the fall, felt more ill-disposed than ever toward the americans." this priest's fourth reason embraces the tales told by tom hill, joe lewis, finlay, old toupin, and stanfield, which are all of the same class, and have all been learned from the same reverend teachers, and copied into sir james douglas's letter, for the benefit of the american board, going by way of the sandwich islands. his fifth reason, about the small-pox, as stated by craig--the doctor and gray's poisoning melons--the doctor being a physician, shows that he is terribly pressed for a plausible reason for the crime he attempts to excuse. his sixth reason--lack of sincerity. here he quotes mr. spalding's letter, written soon after his return home, after being exposed six days and nights to extreme fatigue, hunger, and cold,--his mind racked with anxiety and fear in regard to himself and family, and tortured with thoughts of the scene at wailatpu; being ignorant of any of the particulars of the massacre, and of the part the bishop and his priests were taking in it, he wrote as to friends whom he thought would feel for his situation. he also quotes a letter he received through p. h. burnett, signed j. magone, who says: "i recollect distinctly, however, that he (mr. spalding) was not in favor of killing all the cayuses, for he gave me names of some four or five that he knew to be friendly, and another whom i marked as questionable." (mr. s. had learned more of the particulars of the massacre.) does this letter prove that he was in favor of killing all the indians but the ones mentioned, or does it show his anxiety lest the innocent should perish with the guilty, which led him to give those names to major magone, an officer in the provisional army? we have naturally left that deep, silent grand council of indians, presided over by his reverence, bishop blanchet, and directed our attention to other important facts and statements relative to the subject of this chapter. we now have the touching appeal of edward tilokaikt, with whom the reader has become acquainted in the depositions already given. he is now brought before us in this grand council at the bishop's house (page of brouillet; page ross browne). "edward, the son of tilokaikt, then came forward, bearing in his hand the _catholic ladder_ stained with blood; he repeated the words which dr. whitman had used when he showed it to them, one or two weeks before he died: '_you see this blood! it is to show you that now, because you have the priests among you, the country is going to be covered with blood! you will have nothing now but blood!_' he then related what had passed, gave a touching picture of the afflicted families in seeing borne to the grave a father, a mother, a brother, or a sister; spoke of a single member of a family who had been left to weep alone over all the rest, who had disappeared. he stated how and for what the murder had been committed, entered into the most minute details, avoiding, however, _to give any knowledge of the guilty_, repeated the words which _joseph lewis_ said had passed between dr. whitman, his wife, and mr. spalding, and finally spoke of the pretended declaration of mr. rogers at the moment of his death: 'that dr. whitman had been poisoning the indians.'" reader, need i tell you that the language and sentiment above quoted as coming from edward tilokaikt, never entered his savage indian brain; that this speech is the carefully combined and studied production of the author of the narrative we have quoted it from? it is given in connection, repeated and combined with a little variation by every individual who makes a statement favorable to those priests; and in the whole list of statements this priest brouillet and mcbean are the only two that could write or translate the indian ideas into french or english; so that at the time these indian speeches were said to have been made, and purport to have been translated by brouillet, it is plain to be seen that he tells his own story to suit the case in hand; and the letter of sir james douglas to the sandwich islands shows this priest to be the author of the statements contained therein. these indian assemblies or councils were held to more closely unite the tribe, and give a coloring of truth to the malicious statements of joe lewis and edward tilokaikt. all these false statements were written out and sent to the sandwich islands under date, vancouver, th december, , while brouillet says this edward tilokaikt repeated them as a reason for the massacre on the th december, , eleven days before they are said to have been repeated by the indians. many important facts can only be reached by carefully studying the language of this priest, in connection with the evidence obtained from the survivors, and their subsequent conduct, and the foreign correspondence of the parties who were seeking the exclusive occupation of our country. from the statement that follows, it will be seen how careful this jesuit is to inform us that these propositions come from the nez percés. he says, on page : "after having deliberated together, the chiefs concluded by adding something to the propositions of the nez percés, insisting principally upon the reasons which they pretended ought to excuse their action, and requested the bishop to send to the governor in their name the following manifesto." before copying this important document and the letter which accompanied it to the governor of oregon, we will place before our readers the "preface" to the book in which we find it, that they may see the full object of the author of that narrative in publishing it:-- new york, june, . "the following interesting narrative was prepared by the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, at the time of the excitement consequent on the murder of dr. whitman by the indians, and in answer to mr. spalding, and other of dr. whitman's former associates. although the immediate occasion has passed away, it is proper, still, to put the _facts of the case_ on record; and these pages, which appeared recently in the columns of the new york _freeman's journal_, will form an interesting and authentic chapter in the history of protestant missions. "j. a. mcmasters." we will now turn to the th page of this false and malicious narrative, and find a document carefully prepared, _as stated by its author_, in grand council assembled under the eye of bishop blanchet, then bishop of wallawalla, by the very rev. mr. brouillet, etc. by a cursory glance at this narrative and document, it will be seen that it is prepared as coming from the indians for the express purpose of blackening the character of dr. whitman, his wife, mr. spalding, and mr. rogers, and of charging them with being the cause of their own murder, and the murder of all who fell at wailatpu by the hands of their own indians, the cayuses. that it embodies all the foul slanders against those missions that have been collected for a series of years, and asserts them to be true, without a single deposition or statement having been made before any court or justice of peace, known to the laws then in the country. these statements, from _preface to finis_, go upon the presumption that the title and professions of the men whose names are attached are sufficient evidence of the truth of any statements they may make, however unreasonable or false they may be. the documents above referred to are as follows (j. r. browne, page ):-- "the principal chiefs of the cayuses, in council assembled, state: that a young indian (joseph lewis) who understands english, and who slept in dr. whitman's room, heard the doctor, his wife, and mr. spalding express their desire of possessing the lands and animals of the indians; that he stated also that mr. spalding said to the doctor, 'hurry giving medicines to the indians, that they may soon die;' that the same indian told the cayuses, 'if you do not kill the doctor soon, you will all be dead before spring;' that they buried six cayuses on sunday, november , and three the next day; that mr. rogers, the schoolmaster, stated to them before he died that the doctor, his wife, and mr. spalding poisoned the indians; that for several years past they had to deplore the death of their children; and that, according to these reports, they were led to believe that the whites had undertaken to kill them all; and that these were the motives which led them to kill the americans. the same chiefs ask at present-- " st. that the americans may not go to war with the cayuses. " d. that they may forget the lately committed murders, as the cayuses will forget the murder of the son of the great chief of wallawalla, committed in california. " d. that two or three great men may come up to conclude peace. " th. that as soon as these great men have arrived and concluded peace, they may take with them all the women and children. " th. they give assurance that they will not harm the americans before the arrival of these two or three great men. " th. they ask that americans may not travel any more through their country, as their young men might do them harm. "(signed,) "tilokaikt. "camaspelo. "tawatowe. "achekaia. "place of tawatowe, umatilla, december , ." "the bishop accompanied this manifesto with a letter addressed to the governor, which concluded in these terms: 'it is sufficient to state that all these speeches went to show, that since they had been instructed by the whites they abhorred war, and that the tragedy of the th had occurred from an anxious desire of self-preservation, and that it was the reports made against the doctor and others which led them to commit this act. _they desire to have the past forgotten and to live in peace as before._ your excellency has to judge of the value of the documents which i have been requested to forward to you. _nevertheless, without having the least intention_ to influence one way or the other, _i feel myself obliged to tell you_, that by going to war with the cayuses, _you will likely have all the indians of this country against you. would it be for the interest of a young colony to expose herself?_ that you will have to decide with your council.'" reader, you now have before you a full statement of the most important facts of the whitman massacre, and of the part taken in it by "_the holy fathers, the catholic priests_," as they were styled by mr. mcbean, of fort nez percés, to mr. kimzey and his wife. the part taken by mr. mcbean, mr. ogden, and sir james douglas, will be given in another chapter. the above manifesto is given as having been made on the th of december, . on the d, three days after, when this very rev. mr. brouillet mounted his horse to go to the fort, he told miss bewley that "if she went to five crows' lodge any more she must not come back to his house." miss bewley says: "_the bishop told me i had better go._----the bishop sent an indian with me; he took me to five crows' lodge.----_the bishop finally ordered me to go._----_i found i could get no help._" these are the solemn affirmations of this intelligent young american lady, who was present at the bishop's house when this manifesto was prepared. were this bishop blanchet and his priests true and sincere in what they said, and in the advice they say they gave to the indians? we have now traced what may be termed the missionary account of this painful tragedy, as given by both parties. our readers must judge for themselves as to the guilt or innocence of all the parties involved, and also of the application to our subject of the extensive extracts we have given. we will now turn our attention to those whom we conceive to be the prime movers, and, in consequence, the most deeply implicated in this tragedy. we have had occasion to allude to the intimate connection existing between the jesuit missions in oregon and the hudson's bay company. as early as , that company brought a protestant episcopal chaplain to vancouver for political reasons, whom they soon dismissed and attempted to disgrace, as unworthy of belief in any statement he might make. soon after, in the fall of , two roman priests arrived at vancouver and took charge of the religious and literary instructions of the members of the company,--of their children and servants, and, as far as possible, of all the indians in the country; and while the company professed friendship for the american missionaries, they were active and vigilant to defeat all their efforts to enlighten and civilize the indians, enlisting sufficient american influence to distract and divide the american people, so as to cover up their main object of securing the country for british territory. this will be seen by evidence already quoted from our english authors, mr. fitzgerald and sir edward belcher, and the refusal of sir james douglas to aid the provisional government, or furnish supplies for their troops, and the fact that they did embrace every opportunity to supply the indians with guns, powder, and balls, and sought to combine the whole indian power and prejudice against the settlements. chapter lx. the hudson's bay company's and the priests' part in the massacre.--mcbean's messenger.--plot divulged to hinman, ogden, and douglas.--douglas's remark to hinman.--mcbean's letter.--his perversion of facts.--comments.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--his sandwich islands letter.--its falsehood and absurdity.--mr. hinman's letter to governor abernethy.--the dates.--assertion of robert newell.--hudson's bay company _v._ united states. we learn from mr. mcbean's letter, given below, that his horse guard and interpreter were at dr. whitman's mission and saw the dead bodies; and from indians we learn that they were kept by the rev. mr. brouillet, and took his account of the massacre (which he spent most of the night in preparing) to mr. mcbean. they also reported to him that three parties of indians were preparing and about to start, to destroy the remaining protestant missions and american settlements in middle oregon, including the station at the dalles; that the women and children were to be held as hostages, or captives for future disposal; that letters and a statement were prepared by mr. mcbean, and instructions given to his messenger that he might inform the indians on his way down to vancouver of what had happened, but he must not give any information to any american on the way, or at the dalles. we learn from the hon. a. hinman that this messenger went to him at the dalles station, and told him that he was sent by mr. mcbean to vancouver for men, to replace such as had died of sickness at fort nez percés. the messenger took dinner with mr. hinman, who went with him to the indian lodges, where the messenger told the indians of the massacre. mr. hinman procured a canoe and started with him to go to vancouver. they reached cape horn, some thirty miles above that place, and there, while windbound, he informed mr. hinman of what had occurred, making a full confession, that "the _priests_, mr. _mcbean_, and _he_ were bad in trying to deceive him and have his family and people killed by the indians;" told of his instructions, and of what was expected to be done with all the americans in the country, and that he was the bearer of letters to governor ogden from mr. mcbean. we will now go with this express to vancouver. says the hon. a. hinman, who is still alive, and has made oath to the truth of his statements: "we went first to mr. ogden's room and informed him of the massacre. he was shocked, and said: '_mr. hinman, you can now see what opposition in religion will do._' we then went to mr. douglas's room and informed him, and when mr. ogden was pacing the room, he said: '_mr. douglas, you see now what opposition in religion does._' after a moment's pause, mr. douglas replied, '_there may be other causes._'" reader, will you turn back and read over the chapter on the english hudson's bay company's effort to secure oregon, and see if there has not been a desperate effort made, since dr. mclaughlin left that company, to overcome his mistakes and his humane policy toward americans. look also at the chapter on the _english hudson's bay company's policy_ relative to rupert's land and oregon, and learn fully what mr. ogden and mr. (now sir james) douglas meant by these expressions made to mr. hinman, who says: "mr. douglas turned to me, and wished to know why i was not at home at so perilous a time. i told him i had received no letter from wallawalla, and did not learn of the massacre till below the cascades. at this he expressed surprise, and said, 'mr. mcbean ought by all means to have informed you of your danger.' "after this the express was opened, and mr. douglas read, and i listened to the account as given by mr. mcbean, and also of his account of three parties, which, mr. mcbean's letter said, indian report says are fitting out, one to the saw-mill to kill the americans at that place, and one to rev. mr. spalding's station to cut off the americans at that place, and one also to the dalles to cut off those at that station. "i said to mr. douglas, 'how is it possible that mr. mcbean could have treated me in this way? how is it possible he did not inform me?' mr. douglas, after a little pause, said, '_mr. hinman, we must consider that the poor man was in circumstances of great perplexity, and might not know what to do._'" this was not the case, for mr. mcbean did give him positive instructions, as we learn from mr. hinman's statement. he says: "after hearing this dreadful account from the canadian, i asked him why he did not inform me before i left my house. _he said mr. mcbean told him to say nothing about it to them at the dalles!_" soon after the messenger and mr. hinman left the dalles, the indians went to the station and informed p. whitman, the doctor's nephew, that his uncle and aunt, and all the americans at that place, were killed. this indian report was not credited; they could not believe that mr. mcbean would send a messenger, as he had done, and not inform them of what had actually taken place. the reader will remember the deposition of mr. kimzey in relation to mr. mcbean's statements about the "holy fathers, the catholic priests," and the subsequent instructions to him, to let the indians know he was from the fort. we will now direct our attention to the mutilated letter of william mcbean, as furnished by sir james douglas to governor abernethy, and published in the oregon _spectator_, december , :-- fort nez percÉs, nov. , . "_to the board of managers_: "gentlemen,--it is my painful duty to make you acquainted with a horrible massacre which took place yesterday at wailatpu, about which i was first apprised, early this morning, by an american who had escaped, of the name of hall, and who reached this place half-naked and covered with blood, as he started at the outset; the information i received was not satisfactory. he, however, assured me that the doctor and another man were killed, but could not tell us the persons who did it, and how it originated. i immediately determined on sending my interpreter and one man to dr. whitman to find out the truth, and, if possible, to rescue mr. manson's two sons and any of the survivors. it so happened that, before the interpreter had proceeded half-way, the two boys were met on their way hither, escorted by nicholas finlay, _it having been previously settled among the indians_ that these boys should not be killed [mr. mcbean should have added, as per my instructions]; as also the american women and children [as per joseph stanfield's direction, as he had taken mrs. hays for a wife, and several indians were to have the young women at the station for wives]. tilokaikt is the chief who recommended this measure. i presume that you are well acquainted that fever and dysentery have been raging here and in the vicinity, in consequence of which a great number of indians have been swept away, but more especially at the doctor's place, where he had attended upon the indians. about thirty souls of the cayuse tribe died, one after another, who evidently believed the doctor poisoned them, and in which opinion they were, unfortunately, confirmed by one of the doctor's party. as far as i have been able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the dreadful butchery. in order to satisfy any doubt on that point, it is reported that they requested the doctor to administer medicine to three of their friends, two of whom were really sick, but the third feigned sickness, and that the three were corpses the next morning. after they were buried, and while the doctor's men were employed slaughtering an ox, the indians came one by one to his house, with their arms concealed under their blankets, and, being all assembled, commenced firing on those slaughtering the animal, and in a moment the doctor's house was surrounded; the doctor, and a young lad brought up by himself, were shot in the house. his lady, mr. rogers, and the children had taken refuge in the garret, but were dragged down and dispatched (excepting the children) outside, where their bodies were left exposed. "it is reported that it was not their intention to kill mr. rogers, in consequence of an avowal to the following effect, which he is said to have made, and which nothing but a desire to save his life could have promoted him to do. he said, 'i was one evening lying down, and overheard the doctor telling rev. mr. spalding that it was best you should all be poisoned at once, but that the latter told him it was best to continue slowly and cautiously, and between this and spring not a soul would remain, when they would take possession of your lands, cattle, and horses.' "these are only indian reports, and no person can believe the doctor capable of such an action without being as ignorant and brutish as the indians themselves. one of the murderers, not having been made acquainted with the above understanding, shot mr. rogers." this confession is made, as the reader will notice, and attributed to mr. rogers, in order to give the coloring of truth to joe lewis's statement. there appears, as will be seen by comparing the statements of vicar-general brouillet's indian council and this of mcbean's, a little doubt which to make the author of that story. sir james douglas has adopted mcbean's statement, as the most plausible, in his report, as it is attributed to one of the _doctor's own party_. the whole thing, as will be seen by the testimony of miss bewley, is utterly false, and, as mcbean has said, only indian reports; and, we will add, told to them by _stanfield_, _joe lewis_, and _finlay_, a frenchman, an indian, and a half-breed, all under the influence, and probably in the service, of the hudson's bay company and priests. and mcbean, sir james douglas, and brouillet are more brutish than the indians, in putting such reports in circulation. if they had no confidence in them, why did they repeat them, giving them the color of truth? and why do they pretend to say "his life would have been spared," and it was only a mistake that he was shot? bewley and sales were brutally murdered the eighth day after rogers was, for bewley's saying he did not believe the stories about poisoning indians, and that he believed the priests were the cause of it. if the doctor, and mr. spalding, and mrs. whitman were the only ones they thought injuring them, why attempt to kill all the americans at the station? why make the arrangements as extensive as vicar-general brouillet tells mr. spalding they were (on page of his narrative, of ross browne's report): "_i knew that the indians were angry with all americans_, and more enraged against mr. spalding than any other;"--on th page: "i know not; you know the country better than i do. all that i know is, that the indians say _the order to kill americans has been sent in all directions_." without the history of the hudson's bay company and the northwest fur company before us, we would be quite incapable of comprehending the expressions and statements of this priest to mr. spalding. were we ignorant of that history, and without a knowledge of the statements to which they have made oath in relation to their claims against our government, we could not understand these letters of mcbean and douglas. we are also in possession of other facts, respecting the treatment of their own countrymen who have unfortunately fallen under their displeasure, which is here repeated upon dr. whitman and mr. rogers. we would cut all these communications short, and make a general statement, but we would be charged (as we have already been) with "stringing together statements without facts;" besides, all these hudson's bay documents and statements have had a powerful influence to destroy the characters of good men who are dead, and shield the vile conduct of the guilty, who are still living. so far as mcbean was concerned, he obeyed orders as implicitly as grant of the hudson's bay company did, when _he sent forty families, in , into the mountains of california, to perish in the snow with cold and hunger_. mcbean must assist in blackening the character of whitman, rogers, and spalding, to protect that of the "_holy fathers, the catholic priests_." mcbean in his letter further says: "it is well understood that eleven lives were lost and three wounded. it is also rumored that they are to make an attack upon the fort; let them come if they will not listen to reason; though i have only five men at the establishment, i am prepared to give them a warm reception; the gates are closed day and night, and bastions in readiness. in company with mr. manson's two sons was sent a young half-breed lad brought up by dr. whitman; they are all here, and have got over their fright." this portion of the letter is supposed, by mr. hinman, to have been put in by mr. douglas in place of that which related to sending parties to destroy americans at other places; and to show to the world that they were threatened by the indians, as well as the americans. the same as brouillet is careful to tell us that "he was afraid the indians would kill him," and that the priests were not safe among them. "the ringleaders in this horrible butchery are tilokaikt, his son, big belly, tamsaky, istacus [a true friend of the americans, who was only a witness of the murders], towmoulisk, etc. i understand from the interpreter that they were making one common grave for the dead. the houses were stripped of every thing in the shape of property; but when they came to divide the spoils, they all fell out among themselves, and all agreed to put back the property. _i am happy to state the wallawalla chief_ had no hand in the whole business." if this is true, the killing of the wallawalla chief's son in california could not have been one of the causes of the massacre, as alleged in the narrative of the very rev. mr. brouillet. "_they were all the doctor's own people,--the cayuses._" this we should expect, as it would enable those who wished to make their own guilt appear innocence. the doctor's people alone were to commence killing the americans. it is asserted by good authority, that a part of mr. spalding's, and the indians at the dalles, were ready to engage in the same business, from the same advice and orders. "_one american shot another, and took the indians' part to save his own life._" this statement by mcbean is made, as will be seen, to give the impression that there was a quarrel among the americans, and that they were ready to betray and shoot each other and take the part of the indians. the reader will recollect that this shooting refers to the indian joe lewis, in killing one of the sager boys, and is explained particularly by sir james douglas in his sandwich islands letter, for the information of the american board of missions. this fact goes to show that sir james had received a more particular and carefully prepared account than mr. mcbean had; while the one was a summary, the other was the particulars so arranged as to implicate dr. whitman, mr. spalding, mr. rogers, mrs. whitman, and another american, to show that they were not only ready to poison the indians, but to kill and betray each other to save their own lives; thus showing the intimate connection and complicity of sir james with the very rev. vicar-general, in giving countenance to this infamous slander, and publishing it to the world over his own signature, and using all his influence to shield and clear the instigators of the crime. it can not be urged that sir james received his particular information at some other time, for his letters to governor abernethy and the sandwich islands were dated, the one to the governor, december , , in which he says, "a copy of mr. mcbean's letter herewith will give you _all the particulars known to us_ of this indescribably painful event;" and the one to the islands, december , , in which he gives more particulars. the impression is irresistibly fixed in the mind, that mr. brouillet spent most of the night, on arriving at wailatpu (before the dead were buried), in tilokaikt's lodge or camp, arranging and writing those statements and particulars, so that sir james douglas could give his approval, and that they would go to the american board of missions and the friends of the murdered dead, with the sanction of his name, implicating the dead as having brought about this horrible massacre. another reason for this impression is, that in all the public and private correspondence between any of these parties, there is, and always has been, the most intense anxiety shown to prevent the open discussion of that transaction, as will be seen in the next paragraph in mcbean's letter, and by the promptness with which mr. ogden reported to bishop blanchet; mr. spalding's injudicious remarks to major magone on the trip down the river; the manner of mr. spalding's very unwise and imprudent letter to the bishop and his priests, was published and commented upon by them; the promptness of mr. douglas to demand an explanation of colonel gilliam's supposed statement; the refusal of the hudson's bay company to furnish supplies to the provisional troops; and the fact that the company did supply , pounds of powder, , pounds of balls and shot to the priests for the indians, with three cases containing thirty-six guns, all of which were seized by lieutenant rogers at the dalles, and should have been (but were not) confiscated. we will now ask the attention of the reader to the remainder of this (to the hudson's bay company and romanists in general) glorious news of the complete victory they had obtained over _protestantism_ and its missions in oregon. mr. mcbean, or sir james douglas, we do not know which, says: "allow me to _draw a veil over this dreadful affair_ which is too painful to dwell upon, and which i have explained conformable to information received and with sympathizing feelings. "i remain, with much respect, gentlemen, "your most obedient humble servant, "william mcbean." we can scarcely retain the expressions of whew! horrible! etc., as we give the balance of this important letter, copied and given to the public of oregon, under the eye of sir james douglas, with the-- "n. b.--i have just learned that the cayuses are to be here to-morrow to kill serpent jaune, the wallawalla chief. "w. mcb." "names of those who were killed: dr. whitman, mrs. whitman, mr. rogers, hoffman, sanders, osborn [not killed], marsh, john and francis sager, canfield [not killed], and a sailor, besides three that were wounded more or less--messrs. hall, kimball, and another whose name i can not learn. "w. mcbean." could the reader look at the exact original copy of that letter, and of that as found in the _spectator_ of december , , and hear the expressions of sentiment and feeling among a portion of the people at oregon city; and listen to some of the private consultations, and hear the opinions there expressed, he would be able to understand the impression that this, with some other letters published at that time, made upon the public mind. there was in one little council of a number of the then representatives of oregon, a disposition to let that foul murder pass, without making an effort to avenge those deaths, or punish the indians. one of that little council exclaimed with an oath, "gentlemen, we must not allow that murder to pass, without an effort to punish those concerned in it; and for one, i know that dr. whitman did not bring it upon himself. our own existence in this country is involved in the action we take in this matter. it becomes absolutely necessary that we take measures to protect ourselves and punish the murderers." fort vancouver, dec. , . "_george abernethy, esq._: "sir,--having received intelligence last night (on the th), by special express from wallawalla, of the _destruction_ of the _missionary settlement_ at wailatpu _by the cayuse indians of that place_, we hasten to communicate the _particulars_ of that dreadful event, one of the most atrocious which darkens the annals of indian crime. "our lamented friend dr. whitman, his amiable and accomplished lady, with nine other persons, have fallen victims to the fury of those remorseless savages, who appear to have been instigated to the appalling crime by a horrible suspicion which had taken possession of their superstitious minds, in consequence of the number of deaths from dysentery and measles, that dr. whitman was silently working the destruction of their tribe, by administering poisonous drugs under the semblance of salutary medicines. "with a goodness of heart and benevolence truly his own, dr. whitman had been laboring incessantly, since the appearance of the measles and dysentery among _his indian converts_, to relieve their sufferings, and _such has been the reward of his generous labors_. "_a copy of mr. mcbean's letter herewith will give you all the particulars known to us of this indescribably painful event._ "mr. ogden, with a strong party, will leave this place as soon as possible for wallawalla, to endeavor to prevent further evil, and we beg to suggest to you the propriety of taking instant measures for the protection of the rev. mr. spalding, who, for the sake of his family, _ought to abandon_ the clearwater mission _without delay_, and retire to a place of safety, as he can not remain at that isolated station without imminent risk in the present excited and irritated state of the indian population. "i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient servant, "james douglas." we now give sir james douglas's letter to the sandwich islands, as found in the march number of the _friend_:-- "fort vancouver, dec. , . "_s. n. castle, esq._: "sir,--it is with feelings indescribably painful that i hasten to communicate to you, _for the information of the board of missions_, intelligence of a disastrous event which lately occurred at the mission station of wailatpu. our esteemed friend dr. whitman, his amiable and accomplished lady, and nine men and youths in the mission employ, were murdered on the th ultimo by the cayuse indians, with circumstances of the most revolting cruelty. the lives of the women and children, with the exception of the lamented lady already mentioned, were spared. the mission being situated in the cayuse country, they had a peculiar interest in protecting it from harm, in gratitude for past favors, and for the blessings of religious instruction so assiduously dispensed to them and to their families; yet those very people, the objects of so much solicitude, _were alone concerned in effecting the destruction of the establishment_ founded solely for their benefit. "the cayuses are the most treacherous and untractable of all the indian tribes in this country [contradicted by mr. ogden], and had on many former occasions alarmed the inmates of the mission by their tumultuous proceedings and ferocious threats; but, unfortunately, these evidences of a brutal disposition were disregarded by their admirable pastor, and served only to arm him with a firmer resolution to do them good. he hoped that time and instruction would produce a change of mind,--a better state of feeling toward the mission,--and might have lived to see his hopes realized [had not the hudson's bay company and the roman priests determined otherwise], had not the measles and dysentery, following in the train of emigration from the united states, made fearful ravages this year in the upper country, many indians having been carried off through the violence of the disease, and others through their own imprudence. "the cayuse indians of wailatpu being sufferers in the general calamity, were incensed against dr. whitman, [by the tales of joe lewis, stanfield, and the very rev. mr. brouillet, who afterward found a vial of white powder and called it poison, and ordered the indians to bury it, as per evidence in the case] for not exerting his supposed supernatural power in saving their lives. they carried this absurdity beyond that point of folly. "their superstitious minds became possessed with the horrible superstition that he was giving poison to the sick instead of wholesome medicine, with the view of working the destruction of the tribe; their former cruelty probably adding strength to their suspicions. still some of the more reflecting had confidence in dr. whitman's integrity, and it was agreed to test the effect of the medicine he had furnished on three of their people, one of whom was said to be in perfect health." the absurdity of this statement is so palpable, and so perfectly improbable in every respect, that, with all my study of indian character, i am unable to understand why this statement is repeated by any of the parties concerned in bringing about that massacre. it can only be believed by the most stupid, as it has not the plausibility of truth in it; and mr. douglas showed a debasement of mind beyond comprehension in quoting it to his friend. we quote this whole letter, that it may be seen how low sir james felt himself obliged to descend, to make an absurdity appear reasonable. the idea is started by brouillet, increased by mcbean, and completed by douglas, who would give such accounts to the public to make others equally false appear probable. he continues:-- "_they unfortunately died, and from that moment it was resolved to destroy the mission._" but we have positive testimony that the destruction of that mission, with mr. spalding's, was determined upon, and so stated by mcbean before an indian was known to be sick in the tribe or at the station. mr. douglas says:-- "it was immediately after burying the remains of these three persons, that they repaired to the mission one after another, with their arms hid under their blankets. the doctor was at the school with the children, the others were cutting up an ox which they had just killed. when the indians were numerous enough to effect their object, they fell upon the poor victims, some with guns and others with hatchets, and their blood was soon streaming on all sides. "some of the indians turned their attention toward the doctor; he received a pistol-shot in the breast from one, and a blow on the head from another. he had still strength enough to reach a sofa, where he threw himself down and expired. mrs. whitman was dragged from the garret and mercilessly butchered at the door. mr. rogers was shot after his life had been granted to him. "the women and children were also going to be murdered, when a voice was raised to ask for mercy in favor of those whom they thought innocent, and their lives were spared. "it is reported that a kind of deposition made by mr. rogers incensed the fury of this savage mob. mr. rogers was seized, was made to sit down, and then told that his life would be spared if he made a full discovery of dr. whitman's supposed treachery. that person then told the indians that the doctor intended to poison them; that one night, when mr. spalding was at wailatpu, he heard them say that the indians ought to be poisoned, in order that the americans might take possession of their lands; that the doctor wished to poison them all at once, but mr. spalding advised him to do it gradually. mr. rogers, after this deposition, was spared, but an indian, who was not present, having seen him, fired at and killed him. "an american made a similar deposition, adding that mrs. whitman was an accomplice, and she deserved death as well as her husband. "it appears that he concluded by saying that he would take the side of the indians, and that he detested the americans. an indian then put a pistol into his hand, and said to him, 'if you tell the truth, you must prove it by shooting that young american;' and this wretched apostate from his country fired upon the young man shown to him, and laid him dead at his feet. "it was upon the evidence of that _american_ that mrs. whitman was murdered, or she might have shared in the mercy extended to the other females and children. "_such are the details, as far as known, of that disastrous event, and the causes which led to it._ "mr. rogers' reported deposition, if correct, is unworthy of belief, having been drawn from him by the fear of instant death. the other american, who shed the blood of his own friend, must be a villain of the darkest dye, and ought to suffer for his aggravated crime." there is no evidence that sir james douglas ever exerted the least influence to arrest or punish one of those murderers; on the contrary, there is evidence that the hudson's bay company assisted them and facilitated their escape from justice, and supplied the indians with arms and ammunition to carry on the war that followed. particulars of the whole truth, are given in another chapter. this letter of sir james douglas continues:-- "on the th instant, mr. ogden proceeded toward wallawalla with a strong party of the hudson's bay company's servants, to endeavor to prevent further evil. "accompanying, you will receive a copy of a letter which i addressed to governor abernethy immediately after the arrival of the melancholy intelligence at this place. "all that can be collected will be considered important by the friends of doctor and mrs. whitman in the united states, who will be anxious to learn every particular concerning their tragic fate. it will be a satisfaction for them to know that these eminent servants of god were faithful in their lives, though we have to deplore the melancholy circumstances which accompanied their departure from this world of trial. "i am, sir, your obedient servant, "james douglas." we now have before us the statements of all the parties concerned in the most inhuman and disgraceful tragedy that has darkened the pages of our history. the crime itself was most inhuman and brutal, but, being mixed with religious prejudice and sectarian hate, guided and brought about by foreign commercial influences under the direction of a british monopoly, it demands a national investigation. that sir james douglas knew more of the inception and ultimate designs of that transaction is evident from the prompt and careful manner in which he answered mr. ogden's remark, that it was brought about from religious causes; he affirmed that "_there might be other causes_;" and when he had read the dispatches, he said, "_we must consider the poor man was in great perplexity, and might not know what to do._" these two expressions of sir james douglas to mr. ogden and mr. hinman are the key that unlocks the whole mystery in this desperate arrangement to hold this whole country for the exclusive benefit of that monopoly. as to the morality of the transaction, the great sympathy of sir james and his conclave of bishops and priests, the church assumes all. the baptizing of three indian children was of more importance to the church than all the suffering widows and orphans at that missionary settlement. the particular account, as given by sir james, was of more importance than punishing the murderers, or even casting a suspicion, such as mr. ogden, his associate, had done, upon his accomplices in crime. these two letters show his duplicity, and the unblushing manner in which he gives one statement to governor abernethy, for oregon, and another for the board of missions, and how careful he is to state circumstances and false impressions as to the facts he pretends to give with so much sympathy and apparent interest in the fate of the murdered dead. there are but two other persons who have given us any information of this tragedy, on the part of the priests and the hudson's bay company. one of those was, at the time, in charge of fort nez percés. his account was sent to sir james,--mutilated, and not as carefully prepared for the people of oregon as was this one for the great world beyond. the other is prepared by the very rev. mr. brouillet, vicar-general of wallawalla, and given to the world to form an "_interesting and authentic chapter in the history of protestant missions_," and contains all the imaginary circumstantial statements of the massacre, as given over the name of james douglas, and officially in the report of j. ross browne, december , . if these statements had first appeared, as they now do, over the name and by the authority or affirmation of the very rev. mr. brouillet, etc., all the world, as j. ross browne did, would have adopted the idea of mr. ogden, and said truly this was the result of _opposition in religion_. but sir james douglas proves, by his own statements and letters, and subsequent conduct all through the war that followed, that it was not "_opposition in religion_ alone." it was a predetermined arrangement of the "_powerful company, the practical monopoly of the fur trade_," which, in , he affirmed this company held over the country in . the profits of that business were not to be lost to his powerful company by any missionary settlement in it. are we correct in these conclusions? the statements are given by the parties implicated. were we to allow our personal feelings and sectarian preferences to influence our conclusions, we would join in the general conclusion of mr. ogden; but a full knowledge of the facts forces us to believe the statement of mr. douglas as being the most correct; nevertheless, we will not abate one iota of the scathing condemnation justly due to the foreign sectarianism brought into the country to effect the object of that corporation, nor of the scorn and infamy due to the immediate controlling actors--bishop blanchet and his priests--under the garb of religion. we wish to keep as distinctly as possible before the mind the separate part each party has performed in this great drama of which we have been writing. as we have before said, there were four distinct parties or influences in the country, and the indian formed the fifth. the hudson's bay company and the roman priests combined and formed one; the missionaries with the settlers formed another; and the indian was between them. for a time, the american influence was the most prominent,--say in , , and . in , bishop blanchet was in europe, making extensive preparations for missionary operations in oregon, corresponding in extent with those made by the rev. jason lee in - . "on august , , bishop blanchet arrived in the mouth of the columbia river, in the _morning star_, captain menes, five and a half months from brest, with five priests, three jesuits, three lay brothers, two deacons, and seven nuns." in addition to these, we had, overland, eight priests and two nuns that same year. these, with the priests already in the country, gave us twenty-five of the roman clerical order and fifteen nuns. this was a powerful and extensive effort to recover the lost foreign influence in the country. how well they succeeded is now a matter of history, and will enable the reader to understand the bold and defiant attitude of mr. douglas and his efficient co-laborers, bishop blanchet and his priests, among the indians. the missionary settlement at wailatpu was the most important point in the whole upper country. the influence and position of those indians were such, that special efforts were required to commence and carry on the destruction of all american settlements in the country. we come now to the letter of hon. a. hinman, properly belonging to this chapter. fort vancouver, december , . _mr. george abernethy_: dear sir,--a frenchman, from wallawalla, arrived at my place on last saturday, and informed me that he was on his way to vancouver, and wished me to assist in procuring him a canoe immediately. i was very inquisitive to know if there was any difficulty above. he said four frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to get others to occupy their places. i immediately got him a canoe, and concluded to go in company with him, in order to get some medicine for the indians, as they were dying off with measles and other diseases very fast. i was charged with indifference. they said we were killing in not giving them medicines, and i found if we were not exposing our lives, we were our peace, and consequently i set out for this place. this side of the cascades i was made acquainted with the horrible massacre that took place at wailatpu last monday. horrid to relate! dr. and mrs. whitman, mr. rogers, mr. osborn, mr. sanders, a school-teacher, the two orphan boys (john and francis sager), together with all the men at that place,--eleven in all. some are living at the saw-mill, which is situated about twenty miles from the doctor's. a party set out for that place to dispatch them; also a party for mr. spalding's, to dispatch them; and they are not satisfied yet, but a party is said to have started for my place, and has, if true, reached them before this time. oh! had i known it when i was at home. i can neither sleep nor take any rest, on account of my family and those with them, viz., my wife and child, the doctor's nephew, dr. saffron, and mr. mckinney and wife. if i had ten men i could defend myself with perfect ease, by occupying the meeting-house, which is very roomy and close. you see my situation, as well as mr. spalding's. i have perfect confidence in your doing all you can to get a party to come up and spend the winter there, and likewise to go to the rescue of the women and children, and mr. spalding, if alive, which i think very doubtful. delay not a moment in sending a few men for my protection; a few moments may save our lives. i expect to leave to-morrow for home, and perhaps the first salutation will be a ball. my family is there, and i must return if it costs my life. we are in the hands of a merciful god, why should we be alarmed? i will close by saying again, send a small force immediately without the delay of one day. farewell. yours truly, alanson hinman. it will be seen that the main facts are given by mr. hinman, with the designs of other indian parties to cut off the americans at mr. spalding's, the saw-mill, and at the dalles, which mr. douglas omits in his letter to governor abernethy, but informs him of the indians' threatened attack upon fort nez percés (wallawalla). that part of mr. douglas's letter relating to mr. rogers' supposed statement to the indians, the brother (still living) has requested mr. douglas to explain; but no explanation has been given. we know, from the depositions given, that mr. douglas made the statement without evidence of its truth; and it is evident he is too stubborn or proud to acknowledge or explain his error. there is one other fact in connection with this transaction that looks dark on the part of sir james douglas. it is shown in the dates of the several letters. mr. hinman's is dated december ; mr. douglas's, december ; that to the sandwich islands, december . now, between the th and th are three days. in a case of so much importance, and professed sympathy,--as expressed in his letter,--how is it, that three, or even two days were allowed to pass without sending a dispatch informing governor abernethy of what had happened, and of what was expected to take place? which last he had left out of his letter, and the copy of mcbean's; but does inform him of the threatened danger to fort nez percés, as coming from mcbean. mr. douglas is prompt to urge the removal of mr. spalding, but unreasonably slow to send an express twenty or thirty miles to notify the american settlement of its danger. we wish to say, once for all, that we are not giving the private history or character of any man or set of men. their public conduct and proceedings are a part of our history. mr. douglas was, at the time we are writing, the acknowledged head of the hudson's bay company, and, as such, acted and controlled the movements of its members. bishop blanchet was the acknowledged head of the roman church, and, as such, acted with mr. douglas; for while not one roman priest, or a servant of either of these two parties were disturbed or harmed in the least, all protestant missionaries and american citizens were either killed, or driven from the upper country by order of that company. as robert newell asserts, under date of october , : "_and they could not have remained in the country a week_ without the consent and aid of that company, nor could any mission, in my opinion, in those days have been established in this (wallamet) or that (wallawalla) valley, without the aid and influence of the hudson's bay company, nor could the settlers have remained in the country as they did up to , for the same reasons." this statement is made by a gentleman who professes to know more of, and has been (without a question) more favored by the hudson's bay company than any other american in the country. if his statement is true, which we have no doubt he believes it to be, then who is responsible for all the murders of american hunters, trappers, missionaries, immigrants, and settlers on their way to our country and in it. but we will not risk our conclusions upon the statement of an individual, who is totally ignorant of the policy of the company he undertakes to defend. we have, in addition, the sworn statement of sir james douglas as to the power and influence of his company, one year previous to the cutting off of the missionary settlement at wailatpu. he says, under oath: "their posts were so arranged as to practically enjoy a monopoly in the fur trade, and they possessed an extraordinary influence with the nations west of the rocky mountains." (answer to interrogatory in claim hudson's bay company _v._ united states.) that this influence was exerted to destroy that mission there can be no question; and that the same influence has since been exerted to spread, far and wide, statements originated by them and their associates to blast the character of the dead, and destroy the influence of the living in the cause of truth, is equally true. we find it stated in brouillet's narrative that the most friendly and cordial relations existed between the hudson's bay company and his mission; so much so, that he is present by special invitation at mr. ogden's council for arranging the purchase of the captives. he informs us, on page , "protestantism in oregon," that mr. ogden told them that "the hudson's bay company had never deceived them; that he hoped they would listen to his words; that the company did not meddle with the affairs of the americans; that there were _three parties_; the _americans_ on one side, the _cayuses_ on the other, and the _french_ people and the _priests_ in the middle; the company was there to trade and the priests to teach them their duties; 'listen to the priests,' said he, several times; 'listen to the priests; they will teach you how to keep a good life; the priests do not come to make war; they carry no arms,--they carry but their crucifixes,[ ] and with them they can not kill.' he _insisted particularly_, and at several times, upon the _distinction necessary_ to be made between the affairs of the company and those of the americans." [footnote ] the oblates, who constantly carry a crucifix on their breasts, were present. the company's interests must not be interfered with. the professions of sympathy found in mr. douglas's letters are all explained, when the facts are fully developed. the complaint of the company, as stated in the memorial presented to the commissioners, april , (hudson's bay company _v._ united states, page ), states that "among these circumstances may be specified the aggressive acts and the general conduct of american citizens, and of persons acting under the authority of the united states, commencing shortly after the th of june, , and continuing from year to year, by which the rights of the claimants under that treaty were violated and denied, and their property and possessions were, in some instances, usurped and taken from them, and, in others, were necessarily abandoned. this course of conduct was, perhaps, to be expected, from the anomalous position in which the company was placed,--a foreign corporation exercising a _quasi_ sovereignty and exclusive rights over territory transferred to a power whose policy in dealing with such territory was diametrically opposed to that which the company pursued, and from which they derived their profits." this complaint demands careful consideration at the present time. the statements of mr. ogden to the indians, the memorial of the company, and the testimony it has produced in support of its claims, the statements and correspondence of the jesuit missionaries, all go to prove the settled policy of the company to maintain its "_quasi_ sovereignty" and exclusive asserted claims to the country at the time of the wailatpu massacre. that company, with less than half its then powerful influence and capital, had compelled the more powerful and active french-canadian northwest company, numerically stronger than itself, to yield and accept its terms of a union in . they had driven from the country all american traders. they had, as they vainly imagined, secured an influence in the provisional american government sufficient to control all danger from that source, while they were ready to let loose the indians upon the settlers, and prepared to supply them with the means to destroy or drive them from the country. chapter lxi. preliminary events of the cayuse war.--message of governor abernethy.--journal of the house.--resolutions.--assembling of the people at the call of the governor.--enlisting of men.--names of the volunteers.--names of the officers.--their flag.--their departure.--letter to sir james douglas.--his reply.--commissioners return.--address to the citizens.--public meeting.--report of commissioners to the legislature.--messenger sent to washington.--memorial to congress.--champoeg county tax.--strength of the settlement called for.--bishop blanchet's letter to governor abernethy. _message of governor abernethy._ oregon city, december , . gentlemen,--it is my painful duty to lay the inclosed communications before your honorable body. they will give you the particulars of the horrible massacre committed by the cayuse indians on the residents at wailatpu. this is one of the most distressing circumstances that has occurred in our territory, and one that calls for immediate and prompt action. i am aware that to meet this case funds will be required, and suggest the propriety of applying to the hudson's bay company and the merchants of this place for a loan to carry out whatever plan you may fix upon. i have no doubt but the expense attending this affair will be promptly met by the united states government. the wives and children of the murdered persons, the rev. mr. spalding and family, and all others who may be in the upper country, should at once be proffered assistance, and an escort to convey them to places of safety. i have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant, george abernethy. to the honorable legislative assembly, oregon. _journal of the house, december , _ at two o'clock the house met. the sergeant-at-arms announced a special communication from the governor, which was read by the clerk. it consisted of letters from messrs. douglas and mcbean, of the forts on the columbia, announcing the horrid murder of dr. whitman's family and others, accompanied by a letter from the governor, praying the immediate action of the house in the matter. mr. meek moved the reference of the communications to a committee of the whole house, which was lost. mr. nesmith offered the following, which was adopted:-- "_resolved_, that the governor be, and is hereby, authorized and required to raise, arm, and equip a company of riflemen, not to exceed fifty men, with their captain and subaltern officers, and dispatch them forthwith to occupy the mission station at the dalles, on the columbia river, and hold possession until re-enforcements can arrive at that point, or other means be taken, as the government thinks advisable." messrs. nesmith, reese, and crawford were appointed a committee to wait on the governor and inform him of said resolution. the communications concerning the indian depredations were referred to a committee consisting of messrs. ford, rector, and white. the committee appointed to wait on the governor concerning the resolution for raising a company of riflemen, reported that they had discharged their duty, and received, in answer, that the governor will use his utmost endeavors to accomplish the object. * * * * * the governor called the people together in the evening, and, after the statements of the object of the meeting, some forcible and earnest remarks from judge nesmith and messrs. lee, barlow, and others, the enrollment of the first company of oregon riflemen commenced. the following true and noble-hearted men sprang to arms, and, in fifteen hours from the time they had enrolled their names as defenders of oregon, were on their way to protect their own and their countrymen's lives from hudson's bay company, jesuitical, and indian savagism. we will give the names of this noble little band a place in the history of the country they were so prompt and ready to defend. they are as follows:-- joseph b. proctor, j. s. rinearson, h. a. g. lee, thomas purvis, j. magone, c. richardson, j. e. ross, isaac walgamoutts, john g. gibson, b. b. rogers, benjamin bratton, samuel k. barlow, wm. berry, john bolton, george moore, henry w. coe, william buckman, s. a. jackson, jacob witchey, john fleming, a. c. little, a. j. thomas, george westby, edward robson, andrew wise, d. averson, j. h. mcmellen, john c. danford, w. m. carpenter, lucius marsh, joel mckee, h. levalley, j. w. morgan, o. tupper, r. s. tupper, c. h. devendorf, john hiner, c. w. savage, g. h. bosworth, jacob johnson, stephen cummings, george weston. forty-two as noble and true men as ever breathed. they were soon organized under a set of energetic and brave young officers, who feared no danger, and were ready to meet in open fight the combined enemies of their country's rights upon the shores of the pacific or in the mountains or valleys of oregon. their officers were:-- _captain_, h. a. g. lee. _first lieutenant_, j. magone. _second lieutenant_, j. e. ross. _commissary_, c. h. devendorf. _surgeon_, w. m. carpenter, m. d. _first sergeant_, j. s. rinearson. _second sergeant_, w. savage. _third sergeant_, wm. berry. _first corporal_, stephen cummings. _second corporal_, j. h. mcmellen. * * * * * "at twelve o'clock on the afternoon of tuesday, the company assembled at the city hotel, where they were presented with an appropriate flag, by judge nesmith, in behalf of the ladies of oregon city, with an appropriate address. (no record of that address or of the names of the donors can be found.) captain lee, on the part of the company, made an exceedingly happy reply upon receiving the beautiful token of the patriotism of the lovely donors." in two hours after, the company started, amid the firing of cannon and the cheers of the assembled citizens. it speaks well for our city, that in less than twenty-four hours this detachment was raised and had started for the scene of action. it is to be regretted that the editor of the oregon _spectator_, at the time these deeply-interesting events were occurring, should fill the only public journal on the coast with accounts of personal piques, and allow the remarks of judge nesmith and the reply of captain lee to pass with the meager notice we have quoted; that the deeply-stirring events respecting the murder of his countrymen should find so small a place in his editorial. he tells us in this same paper that he means to keep us posted in the war news, but the next paper is filled with a personal war between himself and the directors of the printing association, about some political resolutions that did no good or harm to anybody, except to show the party spirit then existing in the country, in which he is foolish enough to engage, and degrade his noble position as a journalist and editor, which compels us to look to other sources for facts relative to the history of those times. our little army of braves were accompanied by governor abernethy and three commissioners to vancouver, where they completed their outfit before proceeding to the dalles. they arrived at vancouver on the th of december. on the th, the commissioners addressed a letter to mr. douglas, requesting him to furnish supplies, as follows:-- fort vancouver, december , . _to james douglas, esq._: sir,--by the inclosed document you will perceive that the undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provisional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field, a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the cayuse indians for the late massacre at wailatpu, and protect the white population of our common country from further aggression. in pursuance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate application to the honorable hudson's bay company for the requisite assistance. though clothed with the power to pledge, to the fullest extent, the faith and means of the present government of oregon, they do not consider this pledge the only security of those who, in this distressing emergency, may extend to the people of this country the means of protection and redress. without claiming any especial authority from the government of the united states to contract a debt to be liquidated by that power, yet from all precedents of like character in the history of our country, the undersigned feel confident that the united states government will consider the murder of the late dr. whitman and lady as a national wrong, and will fully justify the people of oregon in taking active measures to obtain redress for that outrage, and for their protection from further aggression. the right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic in the confederacy to which we claim to belong and in every case similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of the measures taken by the constituted authorities to protect the lives and property of those residing within the limits of their districts. if the citizens of the states and territories east of the rocky mountains are justified in promptly acting in such emergencies, who are under the immediate protection of the general government, there appears no room to doubt that the lawful acts of the oregon government will receive a like approval. should the temporary character of our government be considered by you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge, and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government of the united states, we feel it our duty, as private individuals, to inquire to what extent and on what terms advances may be had of the honorable hudson's bay company, to meet the wants of the force the authorities of oregon deem it their duty to send into the field. with sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe ourselves, your most obedient servants, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners.[ ] geo. l. curry, } [footnote ] mr. douglas's reply to the above was, in substance, _a refusal to advance the means asked for in consequence of the stringent rules laid down for his government by the home company_. he, however, upon the security of the governor and two of the commissioners, advanced the amount necessary to fit out the first company of oregon riflemen, $ . .--(see report of loan commissioners, _oregon archives_, p. .) captain lee's company received their outfit as per arrangements through the governor, mr. applegate, and mr. lovejoy, and proceeded to the dalles. the commissioners returned to oregon city, and on the th december, , addressed the merchants and citizens of oregon as follows:-- gentlemen,--you are aware that the undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provisional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the cayuse indians, for the late massacre at wailatpu, and protect the white population of our common country from further aggression. in furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate application to the merchants and citizens of the country for the requisite assistance.[ ] [footnote ] the paragraphs here omitted are the same as those addressed to the hudson's bay company. * * * * * though the indians of the columbia have committed a great outrage upon our fellow-citizens passing through their country, and residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may, and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of oregon, yet, as that duty more particularly devolves upon the government of the united states, and admits of delay, we do not make this the strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for pecuniary assistance. it is a fact well known to every person acquainted with the indian character, that, by passing silently over their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our fellow-citizens, they have been emboldened to the commission of the appalling massacre at wailatpu. they call us women, destitute of the hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this wholesale murder to pass by as former aggressions, who can tell how long either life or property will be secure in any part of this country, or what moment the wallamet will be the scene of blood and carnage? the officers of our provisional government have nobly performed their duty. none can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sons of the west to offer their personal service in defense of a cause so righteous; so it now rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. hoping that none will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg leave, gentlemen, to subscribe ourselves, your servants and fellow-citizens, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners. geo. l. curry, } on the evening of the th december, , a public meeting of the citizens was called, and a public loan effected, and subscriptions commenced for the equipment and supply of the army, as will be seen by the following report of the commissioners:-- _to the honorable the legislative assembly of oregon territory:_ the undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable body for the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the provisions of an act entitled "an act to authorize the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers," etc., have the honor to inform you, that, fully realizing the heavy responsibilities attached to their situation, and the peculiarly difficult nature of their duties, they at once determined to act with promptness and energy, and to leave no fair and honorable effort untried that might have a tendency to a successful termination of their undertaking. they accordingly proceeded to fort vancouver on the th instant, and there addressed a communication to james douglas, chief factor of the hudson's bay company, a copy of which is already given. the commissioners had anticipated the unfavorable reply of mr. douglas, as agent of the hudson's bay company, and its only effect was to heighten their zeal and to occasion them stronger hopes of a more satisfactory reliance upon the citizens generally of our common country. however, two of the commissioners, with the governor, became responsible for the amount of the outfit for the first regiment of oregon riflemen, being $ . . not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful issue of their mission, the commissioners returned to this city on the th instant, and at once entered into negotiations, the revelation of which herewith follows. the commissioners, through a public meeting held at oregon city, on the night of the th instant, addressed the "merchants and citizens of oregon," at which meeting, from citizens generally, a loan of about one thousand dollars was effected.----the commissioners are happy to state that they have succeeded in negotiating a loan of sixteen hundred dollars from the merchants of oregon city, with, perhaps, a likelihood of a further advance. the commissioners feel well assured, from the interest manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and the prompt action they have proposed to take in the several counties in the territory to assist the commissioners in the successful discharge of their duties, that the government will ultimately succeed in negotiating an amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs. the commissioners would beg your honorable body, with as little delay as possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to set a cash valuation upon produce and other property, which may be converted into means to assist government in its present operations. therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to our fellow-citizens as a board, we hope to be permitted to resign our trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this government. we have the honor to remain, jesse applegate, } a. l. lovejoy, } commissioners. geo. l. curry, } it will be seen by reference to this last report of the loan commissioners, and the answer to their letter of the th december, , that sir james douglas had made up his mind to enforce "the _stringent rules_ laid down for his government _by the home company_." in other words, the time had now arrived to allow the indians and half-breeds in the country to destroy the missionary settlements that were beginning to extend beyond the wallamet valley; and in case they succeeded in defeating the provisional troops, the settlement in the wallamet would become an easy prey to the combined indian forces, while the hudson's bay company would pursue its accustomed trade without any further interference from american settlements. in addition to the proceedings above referred to, the legislative assembly, on the th of december, on motion of hon. j. w. nesmith,-- "_resolved_, that in view of our critical situation with the powerful tribes of indians inhabiting the banks of the columbia, and with whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the duty of this legislature to dispatch a special messenger, as soon as practicable, to washington city, for the purpose of securing the immediate influence and protection of the united states government in our internal affairs." on the th december, cornelius gilliam was elected by the legislative assembly, colonel commandant; james waters, lieutenant-colonel; h. a. g. lee, major; and joel palmer, commissary-general, in compliance with the bill passed on the th, authorizing the governor to call for one regiment of not to exceed five hundred men. on the th, mr. nesmith presented a bill to provide for sending a special messenger to washington. on the th, on motion of mr. crawford, "_resolved_, that a delegation of three persons be appointed by this house to proceed immediately to wallawalla, and hold a council with the chiefs and principal men of the various tribes on the columbia, to prevent, if possible, their coalition with the cayuse tribe in the present difficulties." on the th, it was "_resolved_, that the commodore of the united states squadron in the pacific ocean be solicited to send a vessel of war into the columbia river for our relief, and to send such other assistance as may be in his power." a motion was adopted to appoint a committee of five to prepare a memorial to congress. on the th, an act was passed appropriating one thousand dollars to defray the expenses of j. l. meek, special messenger to washington. on the th, mr. meek resigned his seat in the legislative assembly, preparatory to leaving for the united states with dispatches and a memorial to congress. as to what those dispatches were, we have no copy or public document that gives us any information, but we presume he carried a copy of mr. mcbean's mutilated letter, and one of sir james douglas's, such as we have already given; and also the following: _memorial to congress._ "to the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the united states in congress assembled: "your memorialists, the legislative assembly of oregon territory, would respectfully beg leave once more to lay before your honorable body a brief statement of their situation and wants. "having called upon the government of the united states so often in vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its protection, yet we trust that our present situation, when fully laid before you, will at once satisfy your honorable body of the great necessity of extending the strong arm of guardianship and protection over this remote, but beautiful portion of the united states domain. "_our relations_ with the proud and powerful tribes of indians residing east of the cascade mountains, hitherto uniformly amicable and pacific, have recently assumed quite a different character. they have shouted the war-whoop, and crimsoned their tomahawks in the blood of our citizens. the cayuse indians, after committing numerous outrages and robberies upon the late immigrants, _have, without the semblance of provocation or excuse, murdered eleven_ [seventeen] american citizens. among the murdered were dr. marcus whitman and his amiable wife, members of the american board of foreign missions. "called upon to resent this outrage, we feel sensibly our weakness and inability to enter into a war with powerful tribes of indians. such outrages can not, however, be suffered to pass unpunished. it will be the commencement of future and more extensive murders, and our hitherto peaceful settlement will become the scene of fierce and violent warfare. we do not doubt the readiness of the people of this country to defend their lives and property, and to submit to all the privations incident to a state of war in a new and remote settlement like this. circumstances warrant your memorialists in believing that many of the powerful tribes inhabiting the upper valley of the columbia have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against our settlements. the number of white population in oregon is alarmingly insignificant compared with the swarms of indians which throng its valleys. "to repel the attacks of so formidable a foe, and protect our families and property from violence and rapine, will require more strength than we possess. we are deficient in many of the grand essentials of war,--such as men, arms, and treasure; for them, our sole reliance is on the government of the united states; we have the right to expect your aid, and you are in justice bound to extend it. for although we are separated from our native land by ranges of mountains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows; although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which is a howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital, yet our hearts are unalienated from the land of our birth. our love for the free and noble institutions, under which it was our fortune to be born and nurtured, remains unabated. in short, we are americans still,--residing in a country over which the government of the united states have sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty,--and under such circumstances we have the right to claim the benefit of its laws and protection. "your memorialists would avail themselves of this opportunity to invite your attention to other subjects of deep and vital interest to the citizens of this territory. the very nature of our compact formed between the citizens of a republic and the subjects and official representatives of a monarchy, is such that the ties of political union could not be drawn so closely as to produce that stability and strength sufficient to form an efficient government. this union between the democrats of a republic and wealthy aristocratic subjects of a monarchy could not be formed without reserving to themselves the right of allegiance to their respective governments. political jealousy and strong party feeling have tended to thwart and render impotent the acts of government, from its very nature weak and insufficient." the deep, dark, and infamous schemes of a foreign monopoly and religious bigots were but just developing themselves; but, thank god, there was strength enough in the provisional government, which was formed in the face of their combined opposition. they had yielded to its power, to gain time to organize their savage hosts to crush it; calculating, no doubt, that the mexican war would prevent assistance reaching us from the united states. the indians, let loose upon the settlements, would soon clear the country. that such was the general english idea, we know from two different english subjects. the one, a chief trader in the hudson's bay company, who said all they had to do was _to organize the indians, under the direction of their eight hundred half-breeds, to drive back any american force_. the other, a gold commissioner, a mr. saunders, direct from england, in speaking of the small number of troops the english government had in british columbia, remarked to us, that if they had not troops enough to subdue the americans in british columbia, "_all they had to do was to let loose the indians upon them_." such being the facts, it is not surprising that our legislative assembly should be made to feel its weakness, under this powerful combination,--the british monopoly that had refused to furnish necessary supplies to the provisional troops sent to punish the murderers of our citizens. it was not yet apprised of the efforts made by mr. ogden to supply the indians with munitions of war, and the determination of the company not to allow itself to be considered by the indians as favoring the american settlement of the country. mr. hines' book, in which he says dr. mclaughlin had announced to those indians in "that in case the americans did go to war with them, the hudson's bay company would not assist them," had not yet been published. the memorial continues:-- "in establishing a regular form of government, creating tribunals for the adjustment of the rights of individuals, and the prevention and punishment of crime, a debt has accumulated, which, though an insignificant amount, your memorialists can devise no means of liquidating. the revenue laws, from not being properly executed, while they are burdensome to classes of our citizens and sections of country, are wholly disregarded by others, and whole counties, which for numerical strength are equal to any in the territory, and fully participating in all the advantages of our compact, have never contributed any assistance in bearing the common burdens.[ ] "to coerce obedience to our temporary government would at once destroy the great object which called it into existence,--the peace and harmony of our country. anxiously looking forward to that happy period when we should again be under the protection of our revered and parent republic, we have rather endeavored to maintain peace by forbearance, hoping that the dangers and difficulties to be apprehended from domestic discord and from the savages around us, would be postponed until we became an acknowledged people, and under the protection of our mother country. "the action of your honorable body in regard to the land in oregon would seem to justify the expectation that liberal grants would be made to our citizens; yet the uncertainty of our title, and the uneasiness which is felt upon this subject, urge to press this subject upon your attention. our citizens, before leaving their homes in the united states for oregon, have had the strongest inducements held out by congress to settle in this country, and their just expectations will not be met short of liberal donations of land. "on the subject of filling the offices that will be created in the event of the extension of the jurisdiction of the united states over this territory, your memorialists would respectfully represent, that, as the pioneers of the american population in this country, the present citizens of this country have strong claims upon the patronage of the general government, and that it would be gratifying to have them filled by our fellow-citizens; but as few of them of an equally deserving number can enjoy this mark of the approbation of our parent republic, and in view of our peculiar and difficult situation, it is the opinion of your memorialists that it will be better for the future prosperity of our country, and that the great mass of the people will concur with them in requesting that important and responsible offices created here, such as the office of governor and the several judgeships, should be filled with men of the best talent and most approved integrity, without regard to their present location." [footnote ] champoeg county being one, and represented by dr. r. newell, then speaker of the house. in relation to this last paragraph, emanating as it did from the legislative assembly of oregon, it may appear strange that a body of men possessing the talent and ability there was in that assembly, should be so liberal in requesting that most of the important federal appointments for the territory should be filled from abroad, or with strangers to the condition and wants of the people; but the fact is plainly stated, and it becomes our duty to impart such information as will explain so strange a request. no one will contend for a moment that we did not have the men who were abundantly qualified to fill those offices, for they have since been filled with far better satisfaction to the country by men who were then in it, than by those sent by the federal government; hence we are led to inquire what was the reason for this request. the general politics of the country, as intimated in the memorial, were _english aristocratic_ and _american democratic_. the parties were nearly equally divided. at the same time, there was the pro-slavery influence laboring to so mold the territory as to bring it in as a slave state, though it had started free, and upon the most liberal principles of a free government. the democratic pro-slavery influence was not strong enough to secure the federal appointments without cousining with the english aristocrats, who looked upon african slavery with abhorrence. under these circumstances, the democrats of this assembly became liberal, and naturally sought aid from that party in the united states to which the anti-slavery influence yielded, and took their chances in the federal appointments. there was also in this assembly a strong personal feeling against judge thornton, who was supposed to be in the federal capital seeking the organization of the territory, as also its governorship; and, in that case, though mr. thornton was then acting with the democratic party, should he become the governor, or one of the judges, the pro-slavery influence would be the loser. hence the "rule or ruin" party chose to make the strange request found in this memorial. the closing paragraph seems to be a flourish of rhetoric, and an appeal to _uncle samuel's_ tender feelings. notwithstanding, it took him till august , , to say that oregon should be a territory under its protection. the remainder of the memorial is as follows:-- "if it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her guardian wing over her sons and daughters in oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thickening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads. when the ensuing summer's sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look with glowing hopes and restless anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms. "the accompanying documents will afford additional information concerning some of the subjects of which we have spoken. "to insure the speedy conveyance of these papers to the federal government, your memorialists have elected j. l. meek, esq., a special messenger to bear the same, and respectfully ask your honorable body to make him such compensation therefor as you may deem just. and your memorialists will ever pray, etc." it will be seen by a reference to the first day's proceedings of this legislative assembly that dr. newell was chosen its speaker. in tracing the history of events, we find this man always intimately in council with the english aristocratic party in the country. although he sometimes favored unimportant american measures, he seemed always to guard carefully those in any way affecting the interests of this english monopoly. champoeg, the county he in part represented, was the most numerous in population and wealth, and by reference to the _spectator_ of february , , we find the following: "_champoeg county tax._--there has been no tax for the year , received by the treasurer from champoeg county. how is this? who is to blame, and where is the honorable county court of champoeg county?" this note explains the critical relations of the country and the scheming policy of the enemy we had to contend with, as also the personal bickerings among the americans. when mr. crawford, on the th of december, introduced his resolution for a delegation of three persons to endeavor to prevent a coalition with the indians, we find this measure deferred till near the close of the session, and this honorable hudson's bay company speaker of the assembly is one of the commissioners, as we shall see hereafter. on the th of december, messrs. nesmith, rice, and rector were appointed a committee to correspond with the american consul at the sandwich islands, and also with the commander-in-chief of the army and navy on this coast, in california, soliciting help from them. on the th, the house went into secret session for the purpose of conferring with the governor, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and commissary-general, in relation to our indian difficulties. the result of that secret council was embodied in a resolution presented to the house by mr. nesmith. "_resolved_, that the executive, as commander-in-chief, has full power to adopt all measures necessary for the prosecution of the existing war, and that it is the opinion of this house, that it is expedient for the executive to issue orders for five hundred men, and trust to the patriotism of the citizens of oregon for their support in the field." it will be seen by this resolution that there was sufficient reason to justify the calling of the whole strength of the settlement into the field. the captives had reached the settlement, and his _reverence bishop blanchet_ had seen proper to inform the governor, "_that by going to war with the cayuses to get redress for the murders committed at wailatpu, he would have the whole indian combination, or confederation, against him_. this, however, he must determine with his council," which we see was done, and the american settlement and protestant missionaries gave them a cordial support. the indian combination, which, the jesuit brouillet says, dr. whitman attempted to form, is here admitted by the bishop's letter to governor abernethy to have been formed, and ready to fight the american settlement. who formed this confederation of indian tribes is no longer a doubt. but we have kept our readers too long from the proceedings of our little army, under the command of captain h. a. g. lee, which we left on its way to the dalles, to save that station from falling into the hands of the indians. chapter lxii. the cayuse war.--letter of captain lee.--indians friendly with the hudson's bay company.--conduct of mr. ogden.--his letters to mr. walker and mr. spalding.--note of rev. g. h. atkinson.--sir james douglas's letter to governor abernethy.--a rumor.--the governor's reply.--another letter from sir james.--mr. ogden.--extraordinary presents to the indians of arms and ammunition.--colonel gilliam's campaign.--indian fight.--property captured.--the des chutes indians make peace.--captain mckay's company of british subjects join the army.--a nuisance.--"veritas."--nicholas finlay gives the signal for battle.--running fight.--captain mckay's company.--council held by the peace commissioners with the indians.--governor abernethy's address.--speeches of the indians camaspelo, joseph, jacob, old james, red wolf, timothy, richard, and kentuck.--letters of joel palmer, r. newell, james douglas, and william mcbean.--who is responsible for the cayuse war? if the reader has carefully perused the foregoing pages, he will be able to understand the movements of our little army in the cayuse war, as to the prime cause of which, the development of twenty-five years, and the monstrous claims of the hudson's bay company, have relieved our present history from all mystery and doubt, and have enabled us to arrange and combine the facts, without fear of a truthful contradiction. major h. a. g. lee, in a letter dated at wascopum, december , , writes:-- _to governor abernethy:_ "sir,--i reached this place on the evening of the st instant, with ten men, including mr. hinman, whom i met on his way to wallamet at wind river mountain, thirty miles below. the boats being windbound, and hearing from mr. hinman that a party of the cayuses and river indians had been down and driven off some horses from the mission, and that he had left with his family soon after, thinking it unsafe to remain longer, i was induced to lead the few men that were with me (for we had been separated by the wind and could not get together), and press to this place by land with all dispatch, to save the houses from destruction; and i am very happy to inform you that we arrived just in time, and that all is now safe. the natives immediately about this place are friendly, and hailed our arrival with much joy. seletsa professes friendship, but i shall keep an eye on him; his men have been killing cattle, and i suspect with his consent, though he promises to make them pay for them. we have been collecting the cattle and placing them below, in order to stop the slaughtering that has been carried on above. we have not yet learned the amount of mischief done at this place, but are getting things under way quite as well as i could have anticipated. mr. hinman has been of great service to me here; he leaves to-day to join his family, whom he left on the river. "we have no intelligence from wailatpu, except indian report, which, if we may credit, is awful enough. it is said, after the murder of the whites at the place, a general council had been held, and that the nez percés were present by special invitation, _i.e._, the chiefs; that it was determined to make '_a clean sweep_' of all the bostons, including messrs. spalding, eells, and walker above, and hinman here; that they had, in execution of that resolution, returned and murdered all the women and children who had been spared in the first place, with the exception of three females who had been reserved for wives. remember this is but native news. i must refer you to mr. hinman for many other items which i dare not write. "from all i can gather, the country east of the river des chutes is all an enemy's country, and our movements should be directed accordingly. can you have us two or three small guns cast at the foundery? each one would be equal in effect to fifty men. i am satisfied that the enemy is going to be much more formidable against an invading force than many in wallamet are willing to believe. _the indians are all friendly with the hudson's bay company's men, and i am truly sorry to learn that mr. ogden paid them powder_ and _ball_ for making the portage at the dalles. i hope this will be stopped, and their supplies of ammunition immediately cut off. please take some measures to effect this without delay. "mr. rogers and mr. savage return immediately from this place, feeling that the object for which they enlisted has been accomplished; and as they would have to return, according to promise, in the course of ten or twelve days, and there being no active employment for them, they are permitted to return now. you are aware that they are among my best men, and for their persevering energy, so far, they deserve the praise due to good soldiers, although they have not had the pleasure of a fight. they are therefore honorably discharged from service in the st company of oregon riflemen. "sergeant mcmellen will bear this to you and return to me as soon as possible. if he gets down in time to accompany the next party, he will be of much service to them on the river; he has few equals in the service. "while writing the above, one horse which had been stolen from the immigrants has been brought in, and others reported on the way. i think most of the property stolen near this place will be returned; that above des chutes will probably be contended for. the indians about this place are evidently terrified, and i shall avail myself of that fact, as far as possible, in furthering the object of our trip. i have no fears of an attack on this place, yet i shall be as vigilant as though an attack were certain. the boats which were windbound eight days arrived this morning all safe and well. "i remain, your most obedient humble servant, "h. a. g. lee." with the light that twenty-two years have shed upon the early history of oregon, how shall we regard the policy and practice of the professedly kind and generous chief factors of the hudson's bay company? the one, sir james douglas, attempting to deceive the american settlement and the world as to the real danger of the settlement and the cause of the massacre; the other, mr. ogden, supplying the indians on his route, and at wallawalla, with ammunition, and "_insisting_," while bargaining with the murderers for their captives, "_upon the distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the company and those of the americans_." we undertook, in our third position, to show the influences of this hudson's bay company, as well as romanism, upon our early settlements, and the causes of the indian wars. these were backed by one of the most powerful nations then on the globe, while a handful of american pioneers found themselves involved in a savage war. _the indians were advised, aided, and urged on by the teachings of roman priests and this hudson's bay company_, sustained by the british government, with assistance pledged to them by bishop blanchet and chief-factor ogden, as he received the captives from their hands, and gave them more ammunition and guns than had ever before been given to them at any one time. he says, in a letter dated fort nez percés, december , , addressed to rev. e. walker, at cimakain: "i have been enabled to _effect my object without compromising myself or others_, and it now remains with the _american government_ to take what measures they deem most beneficial to restore tranquillity to this part of the country, and this, i apprehend, can not be finally effected without blood being made to flow freely. so as not to compromise either party, i have made a _heavy sacrifice of goods_; but these, indeed, are of trifling value, compared to the unfortunate beings i have rescued from the hands of the murderous wretches, and i feel truly happy. let this suffice for the present. "on my arrival at the dalles, mr. hinman's mission, the previous day, had been plundered of four horses in open day, and in presence of all the inmates of the mission; and on consulting me on the propriety of remaining or removing under the present distracted state of the country, _i advised him to move_, leaving a trusty indian, on whom he could rely, and who speaks the english language, to remain in charge of the establishment; and he would have started the same day i left it. i trust this arrangement will meet with your approbation; under existing circumstances, could not consistently give any other." "yours truly, "p. s. ogden."[ ] with such powerful combinations, and such experienced, wise, and reverend advisers, it is not surprising that those indians should feel themselves able to make, as captain lee says, "_a clean sweep of all the bostons in the country_." mr. ogden, in his letter to mr. walker, does not intimate that the provisional government will presume to attempt to seek any redress for the murders committed; but consoles himself with the "_happy_" thought that the difficulty is to be settled by the united states. mr. hinman he advises to leave, and to mr. spalding he sends the following letter:-- "fort nez percÉs, december , . "_rev. h. h. spalding:_ "dear sir,--i have assembled all the chiefs and addressed them in regard to the helpless situation of yourself and the rest at wailatpu, and i have got them to consent to deliver them all to me: yourself and those with you, _save the two canadians, who are safe enough among the indians_; and have now to advise you to lose no time in joining me. at the same time, _bear in mind, sir, you have no promises to make them_, or payments to make. once more, use all the diligence possible to overtake us. "yours truly, "p. s. ogden."[ ] [footnote ] copied from the original letter. we place a note of rev. g. h. atkinson, d.d., in this connection, to show the influences that have for a series of years been operating, and how careful that unscrupulous monopoly was to combine its influences, and to deal out its hospitalities, to secure a good word from a reverend protestant divine, who was connected with the united states home missionary board, whose character is unimpeachable, and to whom it refers for evidence of its generosity. we are not surprised to find doctor atkinson attempting to ease the weight of censure due to that overgrown monopoly, from the fact, that on his first arrival in the country (after the cayuse war), on one of the company's ships, unusual attention and kindness were evidently shown to him and his family by the company's agents, to gain his favorable representations of their proceedings, and a name for _honorable_ dealing and generous treatment of missionaries, as intimated in his note. doctor atkinson says:-- "the agents of the hudson's bay company in oregon furnished all the missionaries with supplies at the usual trade rates until they could supply themselves from home." in this the doctor is mistaken, as we have shown in previous pages. he continues:-- "after the death of mr. whitman and family, mr. ogden, an agent of the company, brought the rest of the mission and the american families to the wallamet valley, at considerable risk and sacrifice to himself. the guilt of the plot to massacre dr. whitman and other americans is understood to belong to the jesuits." the letters above quoted, from mr. ogden and captain lee, show the doctor's great mistake in this statement. mr. ogden ran no risk, and made no sacrifice, as the hudson's bay company presented their bills, and have been paid every dollar they had the impudence to demand of our government, for transporting the captive women and children to a place of safety, and for all the supplies they so reluctantly furnished to our provisional troops. we do not believe it is good morals, or divinity, to say nothing of politics, to praise, encourage, or warm the serpent that improves every opportunity to sting us with his poisonous fangs. that company has enjoyed the monopoly of this vast country, and prevented its settlement too long, for any one to seek its praise or favor. we have another letter from sir james douglas, which shows us more clearly the exact position of that monster monopoly. it is as follows:-- "fort vancouver, dec. , . "_to governor george abernethy, esq.:_ "sir,--a rumor having been in circulation, for some days past, that it is general gilliam's intention to levy contributions on the hudson's bay company's property, for the purpose of completing the equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation, for the intended operations against the indians, i feel it my duty to communicate with you frankly on the subject, as it is most important, in the present critical state of our indian relations, that there should be an entire absence of distrust, and that the most perfect unanimity should exist among the whites of every class. from my personal knowledge of general gilliam, and his highly respectable character, i should be the last person to believe him capable of committing an outrage which may prove so disastrous in the immediate and remoter consequences to the peace and best interests of this country; _at the same time, as the representative of a powerful british association_, it becomes my duty to take instant measures for the protection of their property, until i receive, through you, a distinct disavowal of any such intention as herein stated. difficulties of that nature were certainly not contemplated by us when we dispatched a large part of our effective force into the interior for the purpose of _receiving_ the unfortunate women and children, the survivors of the massacre at wailatpu, who remained in the hands of the indians. it was never supposed that our establishment would be exposed to _insult or injury_ from american citizens, while we are _braving the fury of the indians_ for their protection." _what a powerful and noble company_, and how much "_fury of the indians_" they had to contend with, when they were handing them _guns and ammunition_ by the quantity; and all their servants and posts were unharmed by either whites or indians, during all the indian wars that have occurred on this coast. this letter continues:-- "such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every principle of _honor and sound policy_, that i can not believe any attempt of the kind will be made; but i trust this explanation will satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the present arrangement of this establishment. "trusting that this note will be noticed at your earliest convenience, i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient, humble servant, "james douglas, c. f., h. b. co." mr. douglas, in this letter, has suddenly assumed a very honorable, as well as powerful position. as to his personal bravery, there is no question; but as to truth, there is. he says, "i can not believe any attempt of the kind will be made," and then tells us not to be alarmed; or, at least, as the "_rumor_ having been in circulation," we must excuse him for his "unusual _precaution_" in his establishment, while he has deceived, and intends to continue to deceive, the governor and the settlers as to his real motives of caution, and the deep-laid schemes that he and his "_powerful british association_" are bringing about, not against the "_fury of the indians_," but against the american settlements. as was to be expected in those times, our governor and general gilliam wilted right down, and the governor wrote:-- "oregon city, january , . "sir,--i received your favor of st ultimo yesterday evening, and, in answering it, would thank you for your frankness in communicating with me on the subject. having had conversation with colonel gilliam on this subject, i can state that he has no intention of levying contributions on the hudson's bay company's property for any purpose whatever. he will probably cross the columbia river at the mouth of sandy." this was the information that mr. douglas wished to obtain, as we have since learned from one of the company's clerks, and also the extent of information received from mr. lee by his express. "i trust nothing will occur that will in any way cause distrust among the whites during this crisis. the reports from above lead to the conclusion that messrs. spalding, walker, and eells have been cut off, and the women and children, spared in the first place, have since been murdered. should these rumors prove true, we know that peace can not be restored between the indians and whites without bloodshed." as near as we can learn, governor abernethy was disposed to follow the counsels of a writer in the _spectator_, signed "veritas," which was, to wait till spring opened, and then make a decent demonstration in the summer to punish the murderers. the energy of the people overruled his tender spirit, to use no harsher term, and pushed their forces up in the winter, which allowed most of the men to return in time to secure the following harvest, and produced the desired effect upon the hudson's bay company and the indians. the governor says:-- "captain lee informs me that mr. ogden paid the indians powder and ball for making the portage. the legislature passed an act during their last session prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, caps, etc., to indians. i trust you will see the necessity of complying with this act; it will be published in the next _spectator_. "i trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satisfactory to you. i have the honor to remain, sir, "your obedient servant, "george abernethy." the next day, the th of january, mr. douglas returned a long letter, which is as follows:-- "fort vancouver, january , . "_george abernethy, esq.:_ "sir,--i have to acknowledge yours of yesterday's date, and consider it perfectly satisfactory. i place little confidence in the late reports from the dalles, and entertain sanguine hopes that they will prove unfounded. "the indians have been always paid with ammunition and tobacco by our traveling parties, for passing boats at the portages of this river, and _i can not see that mr. ogden had any reason to depart from the established practice on the occasion mentioned in your letter_, as these indians have no fellow-feelings with the cayuses." this statement of sir james is notoriously untrue; the cayuses have always had more or less trade with the dalles indians, in dried salmon, horses, etc., and have always been the superiors, and treated them as they pleased. mr. douglas has invariably cautioned us, in passing those portages, not to give ammunition, as it was against the rules of the company to do so, _except to a very few_, and in small quantities, and _that_ for packing goods by trusty indians. this sudden change from tobacco to powder is only a part of the policy now being executed. "these indians behaved in the most friendly manner, and, i am convinced, will not enter into any combination against the whites, unless there be great mismanagement _on our part_. "in fact, when we consider the object of mr. ogden's journey to wallawalla [which we consider really to have been to inform the indians, _as he did_, that the hudson's bay company would take no part in this quarrel between the indians and americans, and that the company would supply them with ammunition and aid them in the present war, we are not disposed to question but that the lives of some of the men that were left would have been taken, but we doubt if any more women would have been killed, unless the company had consented to it; but it answered for a plausible argument for sir james, who says], and that the lives of sixty or seventy fellow-creatures were, under providence, mainly dependent on the celerity of his movements, it can not be supposed he would allow any minor consideration to weigh one moment in his mind against the great object of their preservation. as he could not carry his boats over the portages of the falls without the assistance of the indians, it would have been an act of great indiscretion on his part to have _excited alarm_ and _created suspicion_ in their minds." doctor saffron, in answer to the interrogatory, "in what way did you become acquainted with the whitman massacre?" makes the following reply: "i was residing at the dalles mission when the canadian, bearing an express from fort nez percés to vancouver, came to the station and ate dinner, and with whom mr. hinman went to the lodge, and secured a canoe to assist him on his way to vancouver, and went to vancouver with him. a very short time after they were off,--i did not think they had scarcely got off before the indians came from the lodges, and told what they said the frenchman had told them, that doctor whitman was killed. the next information was from an indian lad from des chutes, who came on horseback, in great haste, and said that two cayuses were at des chutes, and had told them that dr. whitman, his wife, and all his people were killed, except the women, who had been taken for wives for the chiefs. in giving the causes which the two cayuses had given them, he spoke of the sickness, and _also that the priests had made known to them that the doctor was a dangerous medicine man to have among them_, and said something of their having said about the doctor's medicines being the cause of their dying; and also of what mr. mcbean had said of dr. whitman's determining to have all their spotted horses. i can be _certain as to the priests'_ part, but not so certain as to mcbean's part, being said by the young indian at that time, or told me afterward by other indians." dr. saffron states in this deposition that the indians were very threatening about the station, and that he thinks the reason they did not commence the massacre of all at the station was the report that mr. ogden was just below with a party. "on mr. ogden's arrival, we stated to him these things, and he informed _mr. hinman_ that we _had better get away as soon as possible_, which we did." in this letter from mr. douglas, in answer to governor abernethy, about supplying the indians with powder, etc., he says:-- "it would have been an act of great indiscretion on his part to have excited alarm and caused suspicion in their minds by withholding the compensation of two or three pounds of gunpowder and lead, which they had been _accustomed_ to receive for such service, when it was certain that the omission would be regarded as evidence of a hostile intent, and induce them to put every possible obstacle in his way, whereby the object of the journey must have been entirely defeated, and the unfortunate women and children left to their cruel fate. "to prohibit the sale of ammunition within certain districts in arms against the whites would be the proper course; but to extend the measure to every part of the country is to make the innocent suffer with the guilty, and a departure from the conciliatory course of policy which we have always found to answer best with indians; and will, i much fear, drive them to the most desperate course. i am now only expressing an opinion on what the law is reported to be, and await the next issue of the _spectator_ with some impatience, to discover its real character and value. "you may rest assured that we will do nothing improper, or which will, in any way, endanger the safety of the country. "we have not yet heard from mr. ogden since he left the dalles, but are now daily expecting to hear from him. "i have the honor to be, sir, "your most obedient servant, "james douglas." the careless reader, or one that is disposed to regard sir james douglas as an honorable, truthful, and upright man, will, on first reading this letter, in all probability, consider it a satisfactory reply to governor abernethy, and his reasons sufficient to justify mr. ogden's course at the dalles and at wallawalla. doctor saffron tells us, under oath, "on mr. ogden's arrival, we stated to him these things," about the massacre, the priests, mcbean, and the indians threatening, which mr. ogden admits in his letter to mr. walker, when he advised them to leave. he then proceeds on up the river, and does a thing which sir james says was _common_, which we know mr. douglas has said to us _was not common_, for the company to give ammunition to the indians for making those portages. on the present occasion, knowing all the facts, and the danger to the lives of all at the dalles station, mr. ogden deliberately gave (mr. douglas says, "_as usual_") an unusual amount of war material; he then proceeds to wallawalla, called the indians together, and gave them "_twelve_ common guns, _six hundred_ loads of ammunition, twelve flints, thirty-seven pounds tobacco, sixty-two three-point blankets, sixty-three common cotton shirts." and what was the service that these indians had rendered, for which these goods were given by this "_powerful organization_?" six years before, when a hudson's bay servant got into a drunken row, and was killed by an indian at the mouth of the columbia, the americans and company went in a body, and demanded and hung the murderer; but now, when dr. whitman and fifteen other _americans_ are murdered, mr. ogden goes up and pays them more _guns_, _ammunition_, _blankets_, and _shirts_, than had ever before been given to them on any one occasion. was that company weaker at this time than they had been before, that they could not manage or conquer the cayuses? sir james douglas, under oath, says the company in "_practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade, and possessed extraordinary influence with the natives_." and we say, the whitman massacre is the result of that influence. mr. ogden, distinctly, and at several times, insisted upon the distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the americans and the company, and why? simply, because the company had determined to suppress and crush the american settlements, if it could be done, by the indians. they were now in a condition to furnish the indians directly, or clandestinely, through their jesuit missionaries, all the ammunition required. hence the liberality of mr. ogden, and the care of mr. douglas to catch "_a rumor_" to defend mr. ogden's course; to manifest great sympathy for the sufferers, to deceive the settlement in every way possible; and refuse, under the plea of the "_stringent rules of the home department_," to supply munitions to the provisional troops. on the d of february, colonel gilliam, with fifty of his men, arrived at wascopum, an express having been sent by major lee for him to hasten forward with his troops. on his arrival, he learned that the des chutes indians were hostile. was mr. douglas correct in his opinion? the main body of his troops having arrived on the th, he started with of his best mounted men, crossed des chutes, and ascended on its east or right bank. on the th, he sent forward major lee with twenty men to find the indians, they all having fled from their usual encampments. at twelve o'clock at night, major lee returned, having found the indians, and made the following report, which we give in major lee's own language. he says:-- "we proceeded this morning up the river some twenty miles, when we discovered a considerable party of indians with their families, removing across the plains, and evidently to station themselves higher up the cañon, which was close by. we charged upon them, killed one, took two females prisoners, and several horses; the rest escaped into the cañon, which was close by. expecting a large war party out immediately, we hastened toward camp with the prisoners, but had not proceeded far when we discovered a large party of mounted indians making after us with all possible speed; we rode down into a small cañon, turned our horses loose below us, and prepared for battle,--the indians by this time all around us on the hills, tumbling down huge stones in our midst, and annoying us much with their savage yells, some with their arms. we were fighting some two or three hours, killed and wounded, i suppose, some six or eight, as they took care to keep at a respectful distance. they drew no blood from us, and got only in return for their loss their horses which we had taken, with four or five of ours that went out with them, unperceived, through a small cañon, during the engagement. we have all returned safe, though much fatigued." on the th of this month the whole of the camp moved to the mouth of the cañon, at the meek crossing. on the th, ten a.m., as they entered the mouth of the cañon, the indians appeared on the hills immediately above, drawn up in order of battle, to about their own number. the colonel ordered his horses and train to a safe position under a strong guard, dismounted his men, ascended the hill, drove and killed, as was supposed, some twenty or thirty indians, with but one man (a spaniard) slightly wounded, capturing forty horses, four head of cattle, and three hundred dollars' worth of personal property, which the colonel had sold to the regiment, and credited to the paymaster, amounting to fourteen hundred dollars. mr. brown, first lieutenant, th company, died at vancouver. the skirmishing and battle with the des chutes indians brought them to terms, and a treaty of peace was made with them. the army was re-enforced by the arrival of captain mckay's company of _british subjects_, as claimed by a writer in the _spectator_, of february , , who says:-- "the party consisted of _two canadians_, fifty or sixty half-breeds,--all _british subjects_,--and two or three american citizens, while there is not a single frenchman in it. it is due to the _british subjects, canadians, and half-breeds_, to state, that many more would have gone, but, they know well, that winter is not the time, in this country, to go to war, and that all that can be done at this season is, to rescue the prisoners, which could be effected only by negotiation, and acquire correct information, and make all preparations necessary, so as to be able to act with the _propriety_, _decorum_, and energy which the case required. "veritas." by the statements of "veritas," the feelings of the _british subjects_ in our midst, at that time, can be seen. he evidently wished to claim credit for the british and half-breed subjects, who, in the operations of the provisional army, were found to be, to use no harsher term, a nuisance in the american camp, keeping the indians and murderers well informed as to all the movements of the army, so that while they were permitted to remain, no movement of the army produced any satisfactory results. this statement is made upon the verbal information given to us at the time, as well as from personal knowledge, and a letter of colonel waters to governor abernethy, under date, wailatpu, april , , in the _spectator_, april , . the colonel says of the indians, "they know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly." soon after the re-enforcement of this provisional army by captain t. mckay's _british subjects_, there was a general engagement or battle. it commenced while the army was on the march in the open rolling prairie, between mud spring and the umatilla. nicholas finlay, of the whitman-massacre notoriety, met the scouts and officers, and while there was a consultation, or parley, it appears he prolonged it, to give time for the main body of the indians to surround the troops; he then turned his horse, rode a short distance toward a party of indians, and discharged his gun in the air, as a signal to commence the attack, while the peace commissioners were attempting to effect a compromise. at finlay's signal, from five to seven hundred indian warriors appeared on the plains all about them, with from two to three hundred indian camp-followers, as spectators, all on horseback, consisting of boys and women, who had come to see the slaughter, and gather up the property that the americans were going to throw down and run from, as soon as nicolas finlay fired his gun, and the warriors raised the yell. but instead of this, colonel gilliam, as soon as finlay made his appearance, and other indians were seen in the distance, ordered a hollow square to be formed to protect his train and cattle, and by the time the indians were ready, he was, and the fight commenced, a sort of running, dashing, and, on the part of the indians, retreating performance. there being no water near the place where the attack was commenced, it became necessary to continue upon the march, and they drove the indians before them, till they reached water at night. by this time the indians found that the bostons were not _all clochemen_ (women), as they had been told by the "_british half-breeds_." a stranger would naturally conclude from the accounts published in the _spectator_ at that time, that the company under captain t. mckay did all the fighting on this occasion. they, we infer from the printed account as given in c. mckay's letter, made some gallant dashes in true indian style, and as prudent retreats back to the protection of the "_boston men_," making a great show of bravery and fight, without much effect. at the close of this demonstration, the indians retired in their usual confused manner, while the americans moved on to find water and a camp for the night. they continued their march till they reached fort waters, at wailatpu. at this place the commissioners called for the principal chiefs of all friendly tribes to meet them, to have a big talk. in this council, one cayuse war-chief, camaspelo, and two of the lower grade of the nez percés,--joseph and red wolf,--with several prominent indians of the nez percés, were present, and received the commissioners with the governor's letter, and made the speeches hereafter given. _governor abernethy's address_ to the indians asserted the fact, that dr. whitman was invited by the indians themselves to remain in their country, and teach them the arts of civilization, agriculture, a knowledge of books and of religion; that the indians had not regarded the doctor's instructions, else they would not have stolen property belonging to the immigrants, and, on the th of november, murdered him and mrs. whitman. that the doctor, in giving them medicine, was not poisoning them, but doing all he could to save their lives, and relieve their sick. that americans died of the disease as well as the indians. that if the doctor was poisoning them, which they knew was not the case, why did they kill all the americans at his place? that the doctor was their best friend, and always trying to do them good; and now he required of them, that they should give up the murderers, and those who had taken and forced young women to be their wives, to be punished according to our laws. he named tilokaikt and tamsaky in particular. they were also required to restore or pay for the property stolen from the immigrants, while on their way to the wallamet valley. camaspelo (a cayuse chief).--"my people seem to have two hearts. i have but one; my heart is as the nez percés. i have had nothing to do with the murder. tamsaky came to me to get my consent to the murder, before it was committed. i refused. i pointed to my sick child, and told him my heart was there and not on murder; he went back and told his friends he had obtained my consent; it was false. i did not give my consent to the murder, neither will i protect or defend the murderers." joseph (a nez percé chief, half-brother of five crows).--"now i show my heart. when i left my home i took the book (a testament mr. spalding had given him) in my hand and brought it with me; it is my light. i heard the americans were coming to kill me. still i held my book before me, and came on. i have heard the words of your chief. i speak for all the cayuses present and all my people. i do not wish my children engaged in this war, although my brother (five crows) is wounded. you speak of the murderers; i shall not meddle with them; i bow my head; this much i speak." jacob.--this indian had once been a celebrated medicine man among the nez percés. he said: "it is the law of this country that the murderer shall die. that law i keep in my heart, because i believe it is the law of god,--the first law. i started to see the americans, and when on the way i heard the americans were coming to kill all the indians; still i came. i have heard your speech, and am thankful. when i left home i believed the americans were coming for the murderers only. i thank the governor for his good talk." james was an old indian who was for a long time a pet of mr. spalding's; but, through the influence of mr. pambrun and the priest, he had been induced to receive a cross and a string of beads. he was the acknowledged owner of the land on which the lapwai station was located, and, by the influence above referred to, caused mr. spalding considerable annoyance, though nothing of the difficulty asserted by brouillet, page . he says: "the indians then met together and kept all the whites who lived at the station blockaded in their houses for more than a month." living at the station at the time, i know there was no quarrel or disturbance with the indians, nor were any at the station confined to their houses for a moment at any time, as stated by this priest; it is one of a great number of just such statements made to cover their guilt in a great crime. old james said: "i have heard your words and my heart is glad. when i first heard of this murder, our white brother spalding was down here; i heard the cayuses had killed him also, and my heart was very sad. a few days after, when he returned, i met him as one arose from the dead. we spoke together; he said he would go to wallamet. i told him to tell the chiefs there my heart. we have been listening for some word from him. all these chiefs are of one heart." red wolf was connected by marriage with the cayuses, and, it seems from his speech, was instructed as to the information he should give to the americans. he says: "you speak of doctor whitman's body. when i heard of the doctor's death, i came and called for the murderers. i wished to know if it was the work of the chiefs. i went to tawatowe, and found it was not of all, but of the young men. i did not sleep. i went to mr. spalding and told him the chiefs were engaged in it. mr. spalding said, 'i go to wallamet and will say the nez percés have saved my life, and i will go to wallamet and save yours.' we have all been listening to hear from the white chief." timothy.--this indian had always been a firm friend of the americans, and of the mission, and was a consistent member of the mission church. he seems to have taken no decided part. he says: "you hear these chiefs; they speak for all. i am as one in the air. i do not meddle with these things; the chiefs speak; we are all of the same mind." richard was one of the indian boys taken to the states by doctor whitman from the american rendezvous in , and brought back in , and was always more or less about the mission. he was an active and intelligent young indian, and was basely murdered by a catholic indian after being appointed a chief by indian agent h. a. g. lee. he said: "i feel thankful for the kind words of your chief. my people will take no part in this matter. our hearts cling to that which is good. we do not love blood. this is the way our old chief (cut nose) talked; his last words were: 'i leave you; love that which is good, be always on the side of right, and you will prosper.' his children remember his words. he told us, take no bad advice. why should i take bad words from your enemies, and throw your good words away? your chief's words are good; i thank him for them. my chief is in the buffalo country; he will be glad to hear i talk thus to you. they would be sorry should i talk otherwise. this much i tell you of the hearts of my people." kentuck, a good-natured, sensible, and yet apparently crazy indian, said: "the chiefs have all spoken; i have listened, and now i wish to speak a little. i have been much with the americans and french; they know my heart, can any one tell any thing bad of me? in war with the blackfeet, i and my father fought with the americans, and my father was killed there. he (pointing to mr. newell) knows it. last year i was in california at captain sutter's, and helped captain fremont,--not for pay, but from a good heart. i came home, and heard the doctor was killed! we heard that the whites were told we were with the cayuses. we have not such hearts. i and my people are from the furthermost part of our country. we had heard there that you were coming to kill off the last indian west of the mountains. we have never shed the blood of the americans. we are glad to hear that you want none but the murderers." in the _spectator_ of march , , we find the following letters:-- "wailatpu, march , . "_william mcbean, esq.:_ "dear sir,--i have been requested by captain mckay to apprise you of the progress we have made in adjusting the difficulties between the whites and cayuses, and i am happy to say that matters are assuming a favorable appearance. with your and his assistance, with that of a little forbearance on the part of the troops, i believe all that could be devised will be accomplished without further shedding of blood. "_captain mckay thinks that captain grant_ (of the hudson's bay company) _can travel through the country with perfect safety_. mr. meek will leave the first of the week. doctor newell will write to captain grant, according to your request. in haste, i have the honor to subscribe, "your humble servant, "joel palmer." dear sir,--i only have time to say a word. stikas was here yesterday, and things look more favorable since gervais arrived. _i wish to go down when your people go._ i will be ready in a few days and come to the fort; no time for particulars; _mr. meek leaves to-night._ "with respects, yours, etc., "r. newell." "fort vancouver, march , . "_governor abernethy, esq.:_ "dear sir,--one of the company's servants has this moment arrived with dispatches from wallawalla, of date the th instant; i hasten to communicate the intelligence received, for your information. the army had made its way to wailatpu, and taken possession of the remains of the mission, the cayuses having been defeated, with considerable loss, some days previously, in a pitched battle near the umatilla river; and had since fallen back upon the nez percé country. serpent jaune, chief of the wallawalla tribe, had visited the commissioners, and decided on remaining quiet; the nez percés had in part also decided for peace, and were expected in camp within a few days. the remaining part of the tribe appeared still undecided about the part they would take, and will, no doubt, be much influenced in their future conduct by the success which attends the operations of the army. _their sympathies are with the cayuses_; but fear may restrain them from taking an open part against the whites. the cayuses remain, therefore, without any open support from the more powerful tribes in their neighborhood, and in such circumstances can not be expected to make a very protracted defense. "the accompanying copy of a letter from mr. palmer possesses much of interest, and will put you in possession of further particulars. "our dates from fort colville are up to the d of january; the indians were all quiet and well disposed, _though they had been severe sufferers from the measles and dysentery_. their detestation of the brutal conduct of the cayuses has been openly and generally expressed, as well as their determination to oppose the repetition of such atrocities in the country. messrs. walker and eells have been induced, by the friendly protestations of the indians about them, to continue their residence at the mission near spokan. "we have letters from fort hall up to the th of december. a city has sprung up, as if by enchantment, in the midst of the desert, near the southern extremity of great salt lake. it contains a population of , , and numbers within its precincts houses. one flour-mill was in operation, and four saw-mills were nearly finished. "in haste, yours truly, "james douglas." as to the letter of general palmer, he has informed us that, while he was attempting to effect an arrangement with the indians, he was satisfied that mcbean was using his influence against the americans, and doing all he could to keep up the hostile feelings then existing, but, by humoring and flattering him, he would do less harm than by opposing his self-conceit. as to dr. newell's note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the shade of mcbean and the hudson's bay "_people_" and to give them information that would enable them to cut off the messenger sent to washington. general palmer informed mcbean that he would leave the first of the week. newell says, "_mr. meek leaves to-night._" mr. douglas is all friendship and affection. he has just learned that a large body of american people are in salt lake valley, and that the indians about the spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the measles and dysentery have been severe among them. the indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but the "_sympathies of the nez percés are with the cayuses_." whence did sir james get this information? when he wished to convince governor abernethy that mr. ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for making the portages at des chutes, he said, "_these indians have no fellow-feeling with the cayuses._" we will give _another remarkable letter_, in answer to the one mr. douglas refers to:-- "fort nez percÉs, march , . "_to the commissioners, messrs. palmer and newell:_ "gentlemen,--i have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this date, which was handed me this evening. "i am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far rewarded your endeavors, and that the nez percés _are on your side_. previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs came to me, to know your real intention, which i fully explained, and addressed them at length. they left me well disposed, and, i am glad to learn, have acted up to their promise." put this statement of mr. mcbean by the side of that of sir james douglas, and how does it read? march , "_their sympathies are with the cayuses._" what are we to understand by such information given to two different parties? mr. mcbean professes to know the views of the nez percés, and, on march , tells the american commissioners he is happy to learn they are on their side; and, three days after, writes to his superior, at vancouver, "_their sympathies are with the cayuses._" general palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a man; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time. "i now forward letters to fort hall and fort boise, and have to request, in behalf of the company, that you be kind enough to get them forwarded by mr. meek. they are of importance. on their being delivered depends loss or gain to the company. "william mcbean. "p. s.--please present my best respects to general gilliam and major lee." there are two remarkable facts in these two letters. the first, "the most influential chiefs" went to him, and he explained the real intentions of the americans, which, according to his report to his superior, made them sympathize with the cayuses; but to accomplish another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. this would have done very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the indians, the part this agent of the company was playing. query . how came the nez percés, who had always been friendly with the americans, and never had shed any of their blood, but always fought with and for them, to be at war--that it should require the consent or advice of mcbean, or any other hudson's bay company's servant or clerk, to go and make peace with friends? query . the importance of two letters to forts boise and hall? the _loss or gain_ to the company was of more importance to him than the lives of the missionaries and all at the dalles, for he would not allow his messenger to inform them of their danger. we have in their communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company during the cayuse war. _the cayuse tribe_ was always more dependent upon fort nez percés for supplies than the nez percés, who have always had more or less intercourse with american traders. from the deposition of mr. geiger, we learn that this agent (mcbean) of the company was in the habit of interfering with the affairs of the american indians and missionaries, and from the deposition of mr. kimzey, that he was equally officious in favoring the jesuit missions. and now, from his own officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in progress; that he was attempting to deceive the commissioners, as to his operations and instructions to the indians, is shown in the information he communicated to mr. douglas, and in the letter of colonel waters to governor abernethy. putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the massacre and the war with the cayuses? chapter lxiii. letter to general lovejoy.--call for men and ammunition.--yankama chief.--his speech.--small supply of ammunition.--letter of joseph cadwallader.--claim and a girl.--combined indian tribes.--ladies of oregon.--public meeting.--a noble address.--vote of thanks.--address of the young ladies.--death of colonel gilliam.--his campaign.--colonel waters' letter.--doubtful position of indians.--number at fort wallawalla.--results of the war.--jesuit letters.--fathers hoikin and de smet.--the choctaws.--indian confederacy.--last hope of the indian.--jesuit policy.--the irish in the war of the rebellion.--father hecker.--boasts of the jesuits.--letter of lieutenant rogers.--priests supply the indians with arms and ammunition.--ammunition seized.--oregon _argus_.--discovery of gold.--no help for the indian.--withdrawal of the hudson's bay company to vancouver.--the smooth-tongued jesuits yet remain. let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as can not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the heart. we find in the _old spectator_, april , :-- "_general a. l. lovejoy:_ "sir,--the following was written for the _express_, but in the hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: to call the men ( ) who fought on the tukanon and tuchet rivers brave were but common praise,--officers and privates fought with unequaled bravery and skill. captains hall, owens, and thompson behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle. "the incomparable services of sergeant-major birch, quartermaster goodhue, judge-advocate rinearson, sergeant cook, paymaster magone, can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises. captains english and mckay were not in the engagement--the latter being sick, the former returning from the tuchet with the wagons and the stock. "h. j. g. maxon, "commanding at fort wascopum." "fort wascopum, april , . "_general a. l. lovejoy:_ "sir,--we received your letter of instructions, by express, on the d instant, and i assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make them known to the troops under my command. since the promotion of major lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing under your promises to stick it out like men. "give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with colonel lee at our head, and i think we will soon bring the war to an honorable close. "_the yankama chiefs_ came over to see us a few days ago, and stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no answer. [who was the writer for the indians? no american dare remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] therefore they had come over to see him. they spoke to us as follows:-- "'we do not want to fight the americans, nor the french; neither do the spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. last fall the cayuses told us that they were about _to kill the whites at dr. whitman's_. we told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. we loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill you. this made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill us they might. we should feel happy to know that we die innocently.' "i answered them as follows: 'we are glad you have come, because we like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent people. the great spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends. our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our countrymen, and insulted our women. when we get those wicked men we will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight until we do get them. we do not want to kill any but the murderers; but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. all tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their hearts are bad, and we know that the great spirit is angry with them. we hope your nation will not receive them. we hope that you will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to kill innocent people. we hope, that if the murderers come among you, you will bring them to us; then the great spirit will not be angry with you. we that fight do not care how many bad people we have to fight. _the americans and hudson's bay company people are the same as one_, and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close.' "i gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that i gave that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would make them happy. they remained with us a day and night, and then left for their country with an assurance of friendship. "the ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and i shall start to-morrow for wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving mckay's company to guard this place until colonel lee's arrival here. "the _scanty supply of ammunition_ sent us is almost disheartening. if the rumor that the indians brought us this evening be true, i fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the indians before we can reach the boys. the indians reported here this evening that the horse-guard at wailatpu was killed by the indians, and all the horses run off. i shall lose no time, i assure you, but will relieve them with all possible speed. "your obedient servant, "h. j. g. maxon, s. c. c. o. d." we will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the yankama indians and captain maxon's remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of jesse cadwallader from fort waters, april , . at the time of writing, he did not know of colonel gilliam's death. he says:-- "at present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we are but in number, and nearly out of ammunition. colonel gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the th ult. for the dalles for supplies. we look for them in a few days, and hope to see more men with them. we look for the indians to come upon us every day. they say they will give us one more fight, and drive us from the country. we expect they will number , . the cayuses, nez percés, wallawallas, spokans, and paluces will all join and fight us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are preparing for an attack. we are killing beef and drying it to-day. i think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the attempt.---- "we can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef and bread, nearly all the time. we have found several _caches_ of wheat, peas, and potatoes. we have about thirty bushels of wheat on hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding. "i wish you would see to my claim on clear creek, for i expect to return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man's girl as a companion." the following proceedings of the ladies of oregon city and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of oregon and this pacific coast can respond to the call of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the _spectator_. we understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army:-- "at a meeting convened at the methodist church, according to previous notice, on the th instant, to consult upon the best means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the meeting was called to order by mrs. hood, when mrs. thornton was called to the chair, and mrs. thurston (the wife of our first delegate to congress), was appointed secretary. mrs. thornton (whose husband was then in washington, doing all he could for the country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when, on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (sanitary society). on motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers; which resulted in the election of mrs. thornton, president; mrs. robb, vice-president; mrs. leslie (second wife of rev. d. leslie), treasurer; and mrs. thurston, secretary. "on motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. the president appointed mrs. hood (an active, energetic old lady), mrs. crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and mrs. herford, said committee. "mrs. robb then introduced the following address as expressive of the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was unanimously adopted:-- "'oregon city, april , . "'the volunteers of the first regiment of oregon riflemen will please accept from the ladies of oregon city and vicinity the articles herewith forwarded to them. the intelligence which convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants. "'these articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation for your services rendered; we know that a soldier's heart would spurn with contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object; accept them as a brother does, and may, accept a sister's tribute of remembrance--as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have gone to, and i remain with you in your privations, your marches, your battles, and your victories. "'your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privations and sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish undisturbed freedom east of the rocky mountains; your and our mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and providing clothing for the soldiers. accept this trifling present as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic. "'the war which you have generously volunteered to wage was challenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and brutal. "'perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands of american citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent, induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the americans are "women" and dare not resent an outrage, however shameful, bloody, or wicked. your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish error from the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect for the american arms and name. "'we have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and enormities at wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. we know that your hardships and privations are great; but may we not hope, that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a conviction never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of american women will be protected, defended, and avenged by american men. "'the cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. we believe that the god of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant settlement, that she will come out of this contest clothed in honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory. "'the widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called you to the field, unite with us in the bestowment of praise for the valuable service already rendered by you; and he who has already proclaimed himself the widow's god, judge, and husband, and a father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid your exertions. fight on, then!--fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory awaits you.' * * * * * "on motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to mrs. hood for her unwearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers. "mrs. robb moved, that when this society adjourn, it do so to meet at this place again on the th instant. "on motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting, with the address adopted, be published in the oregon _spectator_. "on motion, the meeting then adjourned. "mrs. n. m. thornton, president. "mrs. e. f. thurston, secretary." the thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our people. no one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast mountains and plains of north america, found a home in oregon, and fought back the savages, and their more savage foreign leaders. _oregonians_, the fact that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to your honor,--as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on the eastern part of our continent, strengthened and nerved our hearts, when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their ruthless hordes! we know not who the author of that address is, but the sentiment--the soul--belongs alone to oregon. in the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a declaration of a number of young ladies. we only regret that we have not their names; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and daughters of oregon, in those trying times. the communication is as follows:-- "wallamet valley, oregon. "response by young ladies to the call of captain maxon for young men in the army. "we have read with much interest the late report from the army, and feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us in that report. we are asked to evince our influence for our country's good, by withholding our hand from any young man who refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country's right. "in reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good will, solemnly pledge ourselves to comply with that request, and to evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for any and all young men, who _can_, but _will not_, take up arms and march at once to the seat of war, to punish the indians, who have not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex. we never can, and never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who has neither patriotism nor courage enough to defend his country and the girls;--such a one would never have sufficient sense of obligations to defend and protect a _wife_. "do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley; while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching yours. you must not be discouraged. fight on, be brave, obey your officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered; and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in your sufferings and dangers." (signed by fifteen young ladies). soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter, the colonel and major left for the lower country. they arrived at the dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to remove a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons; the cap was burst, and he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours. in his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good soldier, and his family a kind husband and affectionate father. as a commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as any man could under the circumstances. _the deep schemes_ of the british fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the jesuits, both working together, and in connection with the indians and all the american dupes that they with their influence and capital could command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he was expected to punish. in fact, but few at the present day are able to comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. one of the commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and power and control of the troops. he lacked an essential quality as a commander--promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. yet, for this he is to a certain extent excusable, as he had with his army the indian peace commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war. one of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the foreign monopoly in our midst, as his own history before and since has proved. he claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. this influence was felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and, as we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel's being ordered to report at head-quarters. after lying at fort waters for a considerable time, his men becoming dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most of his men volunteered to follow him for a fight. he pursued what he supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the murderers were at the crossing of snake river, some thirty miles distant. he continued his march all night. the next morning, the murderers having learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and surprised their whole camp. an old man came out of the lodge and made signs of submission and pretended that the murderers were not in his camp, but that their cattle were upon the hills. this induced the colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and return to fort waters (while tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking them, as he should have done. the indians soon gathered their best horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the ford on the tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made to get possession of the ford by the indians, which it required all the colonel's force to defeat; and like the crow and the fox in the fable, while the colonel was giving the indians a specimen of american fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the indians drove them off. but few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting, which continued till dark. the indians retired with their cattle, and next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached fort waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and report at head-quarters. while major lee is on his way with the body of colonel gilliam to the wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of arms and ammunition, we will see what colonel waters is about at wailatpu, april , . in his letter of the above date, he says:-- "since colonel gilliam's departure from this place, our relations with the _supposed friendly_ indians have undergone a material change; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several days, i concluded to send an express to fort wallawalla, and if possible to gain some information concerning their movements, as i had reason to believe from their long silence that there was something wrong; i accordingly addressed a short note to mr. mcbean on the evening of the st of april, and dispatched two of my men with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the day, and return, as they went, in the night. they returned yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with mr. mcbean's written statements, fully confirms me in my previous views. "the wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of friendship to colonel gilliam and the bostons, now looks upon us as enemies. the law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be his principal hobby. by refusing it to him and his people he says we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law is not abrogated, they will become murderers. this sentiment he expressed in the presence of our express bearers. [the sentiment of sir james douglas, as expressed in his letter to governor abernethy.] "there were then at the fort some sixty lodges, and between two and three hundred warriors. mr. mcbean gave what purported to be information where the murderers had gone, stating that ellis and sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the measles, and this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends. "the cayuses and nez percés have had a big feast, which to my mind speaks in language not to be misunderstood. mr. mcbean further states, that the paluce indians, cayuses, and part of the nez percés, are awaiting the american forces, to fight them on the nez percés, or snake river; but the signs of the times justify the conclusion that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. they know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly. "welaptulekt (an indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered to mr. mcbean; says he was afraid colonel gilliam would kill him, which was the reason of his not meeting him. this is the report of the men; mr. mcbean did not mention his name. my opinion is that we have nothing to hope from his friendship. "i see by general palmer's letter to colonel gilliam, that he (mcbean) _refused to accept the american flag_, which was presented by his own indians; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them. "i have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant situation, and doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us ammunition, and _men too of the right stripe_. i have exaggerated nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you upon this subject. if they do come upon us, be their numbers what they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will be taught to believe that the bostons are not all _clochemen_ (women). "i have succeeded in getting the mill to work, and we are grinding up the little grain we found. mr. taylor died on the th of march. the wounded are doing well. i regret to say our surgeon talks strongly of leaving us the first opportunity. my impression is that a more suitable person could not be obtained in that capacity. his commission has not been sent on, which no doubt has its weight with him. "i have the honor to remain, "your obedient servant, "james waters, lieutenant-colonel." as to the propriety of governor abernethy's publishing this entire letter, there was at the time a question. with the facts since developed, it is plain that it should not have been given to the public; but, as we have before stated, the governor was one of those easy, confiding, unsuspecting men, that gave a wily and unprincipled enemy all the advantage he could ask. it was only the determined energy and courage of the settlers that enabled them to overcome their secret and open foes. the evidence is conclusive, that colonel gilliam, through the influence and duplicity of newell, mcbean, and the jesuits, was induced to withhold his men from punishing the indians, and received and treated with bands as guilty as the murderers themselves, thus giving an impression to the indians of weakness and cowardice on the part of the troops, as well as a want of the requisite qualities for a successful commander. major lee returned to the settlement, obtained more troops and ammunition, and was appointed colonel of the regiment in place of colonel gilliam, deceased. this place he was justly entitled to fill by seniority in the service. he then returned to fort waters, and, finding the troops in the field satisfied with colonel waters, resigned at once, and filled a subordinate place in the army. the troops were soon put in motion. captain mckay and his company of _british subjects_ were disbanded, after being stationed a short time at wascopum. the troops soon drove the murderers off _to buffalo_, "_with the propriety, decorum, and energy which the case required_," as per "veritas." they gathered up such of the murderers' cattle and horses as were not claimed by professed friendly indians, and retired to the wallamet, leaving a small garrison at fort waters and at wascopum. the war, though attended with little or no loss of life to the settlement or the indians, was of incalculable value to the american cause. it taught the indians, the british monopoly, and their allies, the jesuits, that, not withstanding they could drive from the upper country, or middle oregon, the missionaries of the american board, they could not conquer and drive the settlements from the country. while the main effort of the hudson's bay company was to rid the country of american settlements, the jesuits were working against american protestantism, and endeavoring to secure the whole country, middle oregon in particular, for their exclusive indian mission. one of them, a. hoikin, s. j., in a letter to the editor of the _précis historiques_, brussels, dated "mission of flatheads, april , " (this mission was established by father de smet as early as in opposition to that of the american board at spokan), says:-- "if the less well-intentioned indians from the lower lands would keep within their own territory, and if the whites, the number of whom is daily augmenting in st. mary's valley, could act with moderation and conduct themselves prudently, i am convinced that soon the whole country would be at peace, and that not a single indian would henceforward imbrue his hands in the blood of a white stranger. "were i authorized to suggest a plan, i would have all the upper lands _evacuated by the whites and form of it a territory exclusively of indians_; afterward, i would lead there all the indians of the inferior portion, such as the nez percés, the cayuses, the yankamas, the coeur d'alênes, and the spokans. well-known facts lead me to believe that this plan, with such superior advantages, might be effected by means of a mission in the space of two or three years. "for the love of god and of souls, i conjure you, reverend fathers, not to defer any longer. all the good that _father de smet and others have produced by their labors and visits will be lost_ and forgotten if these indians are disappointed in their expectation. they weigh men's characters in the balance of honesty; in their eyes, whosoever does not fulfill his promises is culpable; they do not regard or consider whether it be done for good reason, or that there is an impossibility in the execution. "some of them have sent their children to _protestant schools_, and they will continue to do so as long as we form no establishments among them. from all this you may easily conclude that there is _apostasy and all its attendant evils_." in connection with the above, father de smet says:-- "these four letters of rev. father hoikin show sufficiently, my dear and reverend father, the spiritual wants of these nations and their desire of being assisted. _apostasy_ is more frequent than is generally believed in europe. oh, if the zealous priests of the continent _know what we know_,--had they seen what we have witnessed, their generous hearts would transport them beyond the seas, and they would hasten to consecrate their lives to a ministry fruitful in salutary results. "time passes; already the _sectaries_ of various shades are preparing to penetrate more deeply into the desert, and will wrest from those degraded and unhappy tribes their last hope,--that of knowing and practising the _sole_ and _true faith_. shall they, in fine, obtain the _black-gowns_, whom they have expected and called for during so many years. "accept, reverend father, the assurance of my sincere friendship. "p. j. de smet." would men entertaining the sentiments above expressed--sent among our american indians, carried about, supplied and fed, by a fur monopoly, who were seeking in every way possible, to hold the country themselves--be likely to teach the indians to respect american institutions, american missionaries, or american citizens? let us look at another sentiment of this father hoikin; he says: "when, oh, when! shall the oppressed indian find a poor corner of the earth on which he may lead a peaceful life, serving and loving his god in tranquillity, and preserving the ashes of his ancestors, without fear of beholding them profaned and trampled beneath the feet of an _unjust usurper_." we can not discover in this sentiment any respect or love for the american people, or for their government, which is looked upon by this reverend priest, as an "_unjust usurper_" of indian privileges;--something their own church and people have done the world over; but being done by a free american people, it becomes "_unjust_," profane, and horrible. we will make a few other quotations, which we find in the very extensive correspondence of these jesuitical fathers, with their society in brussels. the writer, father p. j. de smet, after enumerating the usual complaints against our government and its agents, makes his indian complainingly to say, "the very contact of the whites has poisoned us." he then puts into the mouth of a choctaw chief, a proposition from a senator johnson to establish three indian territorial governments, "with the provision of being admitted later as distinct members of the _confederate united states_." "on the th of last november, ," he says, "harkins, chief among the choctaws, addressed a speech on this subject to his nation assembled in council. among other things he said: 'i appeal to you, what will become us, if we reject the proposition of senator johnson? can we hope to remain a people, always separate and distinct? this is not possible. the time must come; yes the time is approaching in which we shall be swallowed up; and that, notwithstanding our just claims! i speak boldly. it is a fact; our days of peace and happiness are gone, and forever.----if we will preserve among us the rights of a people, one sole measure remains to us; it is to _instruct_ and _civilize_ the youth _promptly and efficiently_. the day of fraternity has arrived. we must act together, and, by common consent, let us attentively consider our critical situation, and the course now left us. one false step may prove fatal to our existence as a nation. i therefore propose that the council take this subject into consideration, and that a committee be named by it, to discuss and deliberate on the advantages and disadvantages of the proposition made to the choctaws. is it just and sage for the choctaws to refuse a liberal and favorable offer, and expose themselves to the destiny of the indians of nebraska?' "according to news received recently, through a journal published in the indian country, the speech of the chief has produced a profound impression, and was loudly applauded by all the counselors. all the intelligent choctaws approve the measure. "_the protestant missionaries oppose the bill, and employ all their artifices and influence to prevent its success. harkins proposes their expulsion._ 'it is our money,' said he, 'that these missionaries come here to get. surely, our money can get us better teachers. let us therefore try to procure good missionaries, with whom we can live in harmony and good understanding; who will give us the assurance that their doctrine is based on that of the apostles and of jesus christ.' "the chickasaws are represented as opposed to senator johnson's measure. we trust, however, that the vote of the majority will prove favorably and that the three territorial states will be established. "it is, in my opinion, a last attempt, and a last chance of existence for the sad remnants of the poor indians of america. it is, i will say, if i may here repeat what i wrote in my second letter in , their only remaining source of happiness; _humanity and justice_ seem to demand it. if they are again repulsed, and driven inland, they will infallibly perish. such as refuse to submit, and accept the definite arrangement,--the only favorable one left,--must resume the nomad life of the prairies, and close their career with the vanishing buffaloes and other animals." we have known this father de smet for many years, and have known of his connection as chaplain in the united states army, and of his extensive travels among the various indian tribes of our country. we were well aware of his zeal and bigotry as a jesuit; but we did not suppose he would take the first opportunity to combine all his associates, and the indians under his influence, against the government that had favored him and his indian missionary operations so readily. yet perhaps we ought not to be surprised at this even, as the roman hierarchy expressed more open sympathy and favor to the southern rebellion than any other european power, by acknowledging the southern confederacy, and furnishing a man to assassinate president lincoln. we have introduced these quotations in our sketches of early history, in order to show to the reader the far-reaching policy, as also the determination of foreign powers, through the jesuit missionaries, to accomplish the overthrow of our american institutions, and prevent the spread of them upon this coast. the following is copied from the _christian intelligencer_:-- "_rome in the field._ "there are those who believe that rome has an evil eye on this country, and that our next great battle will be with her hosts, rapidly mustering on these shores. we would not be alarmists, but we would not have our countrymen ignorant of matters which most nearly and vitally concern our country's welfare. if the policy of rome is to rule or ruin, let us know it. if it be first to ruin, and then to rule, let us know that. "we purpose to go no further back than the beginning of the war, and to let the facts which we shall name speak for themselves. if they have no other lesson, they will, at least, show that rome, during our terrible struggle for national existence, was true to her ancient history and traditions, as the enemy of civil liberty and the friend of the oppressor the world over. "it will not be forgotten how generally and enthusiastically our adopted citizens, the irish, enlisted in the army when the call first came for men to put down rebellion. in the early part of the war, there were irish battalions, and regiments, and brigades, but there were few, if any, at its close. the truth is, after the second year of the war, the irish changed front, and suddenly became sympathizers with treason and rebellion. it was noticed that the girls in the kitchen began to roll their fierce gutturals against mr. lincoln; their brothers in the army began to curse the cause for which they fought; desertions were frequent; enlistments stopped; and the attitude of the irish mind before mr. lincoln's second election was one of disloyalty and hostility to the government of the united states. "and these facts can not be changed by the habit which these people have of boasting about fighting our battles, and saving our country. by actual examination of our muster-rolls, the simple truth appears to be, that only eight per cent. of our grand army were of foreign birth; the balance--ninety-two per cent.--were native americans, who returned at length, worn and battle-scarred, to find their places on the farms, in the factories, and elsewhere, filled by irish who had sought safety and profit at home, while our boys were courting danger and death in battle. "it may be interesting to know when this change came over the irish mind. what dampened their ardor, what quenched the glow of their patriotic impulse? the coincidence is so complete, that the cause is doubtless the same. "it will be remembered that bishop hughes went abroad during the second year of the war, as was supposed, by authority of our government to interest the catholic sovereigns of europe in our favor. instead of this, however, the archbishop went direct to rome, and straightway the pope acknowledged the independence of the confederate states. his insignificance gave him impunity, and purchased our silence. but the act had its influence; biddy in the kitchen, mike in the army, patrick on the farm, and mac in the factory, fell to cursing mr. lincoln as a tyrant and butcher. enlistments among the irish stopped from that time, unless it was bounty-jumpers and deserters. they banded together to resist the draft, as in new york, where they rioted in blood for three long days, and only yielded to the overwhelming power of united states troops. the spirit that actuated these human fiends came from rome, and to rome must be awarded the sole honor of welcoming to the family of nations a confederacy whose first act was treason, and whose last was assassination. indeed, it was rome that furnished the assassin and his conspirators against the greatest life of modern times. and that assassin struck not against the life of a man, but against the life of the republic; and if guilt lies in the intent, then is rome guilty of the nation's life. "with such a record, rome vainly puts herself among the friends of our free institutions. she misjudged, we think, but she no doubt thought the time had arrived to destroy what had come of puritanism. and for this, she was willing to be the ally of a government whose corner-stone was negro slavery. are we still dreaming that rome is changed, or that she has surrendered the hope of supplanting protestant freedom on these shores? would not every fenian lodge in the country rally to the help of the south, if there was a chance to restore the old negro-hating oligarchy to power. "it can hardly have escaped every observing man that the irish mind is expectant and exultant in regard to this country. they do not conceal their belief that the catholic church is to rise to the ascendant here, and that protestantism is to do it reverence. "but a few weeks since, father hecker, one of the lights of the catholic church in this country, said in a public lecture, in new york, that his church had numbered eleven millions of our people, or one-third of our population; and that if the members of his church increased for the next thirty years as it had for the thirty years past, in rome would have the majority, and would be bound to take the country and rule it in the interest of the church. 'and,' continued the reverend father, 'i consider it my highest mission to educate our people up to this idea, that america is ours, and belongs to the church.' "it is all of a pattern. rome during the war sought to ruin us in order to rule us. she failed in the first, but is no less tenaciously striving to accomplish the last. in a future number we will hope to show how she means to do this through the freedmen." it appears that, when our government became apprised of the value of oregon as a part of its domain, and was informed officially by the provisional government of the situation of affairs generally at the time of the whitman massacre, at the same time the information was so arranged, and the circumstances so stated, that the government and people were generally deceived as to the cause and ultimate object of that transaction. it is clear that the hudson's bay company designed to hold the country. it is also evident that the british government expected that the arrangements of the company were such that their title to the oregon territory was secured beyond a question. the far-seeing shrewdness of p. j. de smet, s. j., in relation to his efforts and church influence, was in a measure superior to both; for he made use of both to secure his object and add to the numerical strength of his church, and by that means gain political consideration in the united states and in other countries. for instance, all the indian children and adults they have ever baptized (as may be seen by their letters to their society in brussels) are counted, numbering two hundred and ninety-four thousand,--nearly one-half of their american converts. this, with all their foreign population, as claimed by them, and improperly allowed in the united states census, gives to that sect a political influence they are not entitled to; and were the question agitated openly, as it was undertaken once secretly, the result would show their weakness. while that church professes the open catholic faith, it still holds to its secret society of jesus, and through it has carried its missions and influence into every department of our american government, more especially into that of the indians. general grant seems to understand our indian relations, and has advised the best plan for disposing of the indian question, _i.e._, place it under the exclusive control of the military department; and if an indian becomes a settler, let him be protected as such. after the greater portion of our provisional troops had been disbanded, revs. eells and walker and their families were ordered out of the upper country, it not being deemed safe for them to remain, on account of hostile indians who were notoriously friendly with every one claiming to belong to the hudson's bay company or to the priests' party; as asserted by father hoikin, who says: "_the country is as safe for us as ever_; we can go freely wherever we desire. no one is ignorant that the black-gowns are not enemies; those at least who are among the indians." notwithstanding the order had been given, by indian agent major lee, that all the missionaries among those indians should leave the country till troops could be stationed to protect all alike, still not one of the jesuit missionaries obeyed it. on the st of august, lieutenant a. t. rogers writes to governor abernethy, as follows:-- "fort lee, wascopum, aug. , . "believing it to be my duty to let you know any thing of moment that transpires at this station, for this purpose i now address you. "at about o'clock, p.m., at this place, a boat arrived, consigned to the french priests who have taken up their residence here, loaded with eight casks of powder; six of them pounds each, and two of them pounds each, making , pounds. i also took fifteen sacks of balls, pounds in each cask; three sacks of buck or goose shot, pounds each, making , pounds of ball and buck-shot; counted one sack of the balls and found about , balls. i also took three boxes of guns; opened one box, and found twelve guns. "the general conviction at the fort was, that not more than pounds of powder in all had been forwarded for the army by the government, probably not even that amount. i was told by the priest from an interior station, as also by one at the dalles, that the powder was for four stations, viz.: coeur d'alênes, flatheads, ponderays, and okanagons; and this had been purchased at vancouver the year before. i judged that at least one-third of their outfit was ammunition. "three days previous to the arrival of the ammunition, four indians, embracing their chief from the waiama village, near the mouth of des chutes, came into the fort, much alarmed, saying there had been cayuses to them, declaring that the priests were going to furnish them plenty of ammunition, and that they were going to kill off all the americans and all the indians about that place, and the cayuses wanted them to join them; said also that out of fear of the cayuses they had sent away all their women and children. we had the best of evidence that they were frightened. out of some four or five hundred souls along the river, between the fort and the chutes of the columbia, not a soul was to be seen on either side,--all, they said, were hid in the mountains. it was some ten days before the indians came from their hiding-places. "when the munitions came, quartermaster johnson swore he believed the priests designed them for the cayuses; said also, a man in this country did not know when he was in a tight place. "i must say i also believed it. "a. t. rogers, lieutenant commanding post."[ ] [footnote ] from original letter. the following editorial notice of the above letter is copied from the oregon _spectator_ of september , :-- "by reference to the above letter by lieutenant rogers to governor abernethy, it will be seen that the arms and ammunition attempted to be taken into the upper indian country by catholic priests, have been seized by lieutenant rogers, and deposited in fort lee. orders had been dispatched to lieutenant rogers to seize and detain those munitions. [a mistake of the editor. lieutenant rogers seized the ammunition, and wrote for orders.] much credit is due to lieutenant rogers and the little garrison at fort lee for the promptness and efficiency with which they acted in the matter. "we understand that there was no disposition on the part of the officers of the government to destroy or confiscate those munitions, but that they were detained to prevent their transportation into the indian country under the present juncture of affairs. "we had intended to have spoken upon the attempt by catholic priests to transport such a quantity of arms and ammunition into the indian country at this time, but as those munitions have been seized and are now safe, we abstain from present comment upon the transaction!" the above notice of the transaction, as given by lieutenant rogers, is a fair specimen of the man who occupied the place of an editor at the time this infamous course was being carried on in oregon by the two parties engaged in supplying the indians with war materials. no one will suppose for a moment that these priests ever bought or owned the powder and arms; their own private supplies may have been in the cargo, but the ammunition and arms were on the way into the indian country, under their priestly protection, for the benefit of their masters, the hudson's bay company, who, as we have repeatedly proved, were acting in concert upon the prejudices and superstitions of the indians. was it a great undertaking for that company to drive a thousand or twelve hundred american settlers from oregon at that time? robert newell, already known to our readers, says, in speaking of missionaries and settlers, "they could not have remained in the country a week without the consent and aid of that company, nor could the settlers have remained as they did up to ." we are willing to admit mr. newell's position only in part. we know that company's power and influence in washington and london; we also know fully what they attempted to do from to , and only succeeded by a compromise with their opponent. we also know all about their operations and influences in oregon, and are ready to admit that they had the disposition to destroy the american settlements. we also know the extent of the effort made to establish a claim to the oregon country by means of their french and hudson's bay half-breeds, and we are fully aware of their effort to procure witnesses to substantiate their monstrous claims for old rotten forts and imaginary improvements. knowing all this, we deny that that company had the courage, or would have dared to molest a single american citizen or missionary, only as they could influence the indians by just such means as they used to destroy _smith's party on the umpqua_, drive captain wyeth and the american fur company from the country, and destroy dr. whitman's settlement. any other course would have involved the two countries in a war, and led to an investigation of their proceedings and of their charter. "that company," says mr. fitzgerald, "have submitted to all manner of insult and indignity, and committed all manner of crime, and they dare not go before any competent tribunal for the redress of any real or supposed injury, or right they claim." this brings us to the reason that mr. douglas gave in answer to mr. ogden, in the presence of mr. hinman, "_there might be other than sectarian causes_" _for the whitman massacre_, and here we have the united effort of priests and hudson's bay company to attribute the massacre to _measles_ and _superstition_, while we have the positive testimony of mr. kimzey and others to show that the whole was determined upon before any sickness was among the indians. from the testimony of general palmer, the donner party, mr. hines, and mr. ogden, we find but the one effort; which was, to prevent, or diminish as much as was possible, the settlement of the country. and why? to answer this question clearly, we have traced the early history of that _monster monopoly_ in previous chapters, and given their proceedings in countries under their exclusive control. to illustrate more clearly the subject of the previous and present chapters, we will give an article we find in the oregon _argus_ of february , , eight years after the war. the article is headed:-- "_the catholic priests and the war--'a catholic citizen' attended to._ "_to the editor of the oregon argus:_ "sir,--for the past month i have noticed several virulent articles in each issue of your paper, all tending to impress upon the minds of your readers the idea that the catholic priests were the head and front of the present indian difficulties; and being fearful that your constant harping upon that one subject might render you a monomaniac, i am induced to submit to your _argus_ eyes a few facts in relation to the conduct of the catholic priests prior to and during the present war. in your issue of the th inst., i find an article based upon the following extract from the official report of colonel nesmith:-- "'with sundry papers discovered in the mission building, was a letter written by the priest, pandozy, for kamaiyahkan, head chief of the yankama tribe, addressed to the officer in command of the troops, a copy of which is communicated with this report. there was also found an account-book kept by this priest pandozy, which is now in the custody of major raines. this book contains daily entries of pandozy's transactions with the indians, and clearly demonstrates the indisputable fact that he has furnished the indians with large quantities of ammunition, and leaving it a matter of doubt whether _gospel_ or _gunpowder_ was his principal stock in trade. the priest had abandoned the mission, but it gave unmistakable evidence of being cared for, and attended to, during his absence, by some yankama indian parishioners.' "you then proceed with great _sang froid_ to pride yourself upon the correct 'position' which you took about a month previous, relative to the above subject, and presuming upon the safe 'position' which you thus assumed, you say the priests have in a measure prompted the indians to the late outbreak! a bold presumption, truly, when we find the puny evidence which you have to back your 'position.' you further assert as a fact, 'that in this, as in the cayuse war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy.' this, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated from your own disordered imagination, as during the cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it; but then, it must be recollected that a little buncombe capital does not come amiss at this time, and if you can make it off of a poor priest by publishing a tissue of groundless falsehoods against him, why even that is 'grist to your mill.'" "the foregoing is a portion of a communication which appeared in the _standard_ of december , over the signature of 'a catholic citizen.' the writer of that article, in endeavoring to blind the eyes of his readers, and his pretending to correct us in reference to certain statements we had made concerning a few things connected with the present indian war, as also the cayuse war of , in which the catholic priests had by their intercourse with the savages created more than a suspicion in the minds of the community that they were culpably implicated in the crimson character of these tragedies, wisely intrenched himself behind a fictitious signature. he has thereby thrown the responsibility of some three columns of pointless verbiage, flimsy sophistry, and jesuitical falsehoods, upon the shoulders of an irresponsible, intangible, ghostly apparition, probably very recently dismissed from some sepulcher at rome, or from the carcass of an irishman just swamped in the bogs of ireland. "seven or eight weeks have now elapsed since we called upon this roman catholic citizen to emerge from his hiding-place among the tombstones, and if he was really incarnate, with a body of flesh and bones, such as the rest of us have, to throw off the mask, and not only give us a full view of his corporeal developments, but also to send us a copy of the book by which he cleared pandozy, and justified himself in issuing, from his sweat-house vatican, his bull of excommunication against us. "we have thus far 'harked' in vain for a sound 'from the tombs.' like a true jesuit, that loves darkness rather than light, he not only still persists in keeping his name in the dark, and keeping the 'book' we rightfully called for in the dark, but attempts to enshroud the whole subject in total darkness, by making up his own case from such parts of pandozy's book as he chooses to have exposed, and then thrusting the whole manuscript into a dark corner of his dark-colored coat, and in order to darken what light we had already shed in upon the dark nest of jesuits, among the dark-skinned and dark-hearted savages, he most solemnly denies as false the most important of the dark charges we made against them, and then, after 'darkening counsel' by a whole column of 'words without knowledge,' by which, like the cuttle-fish, he darkens the waters to elude the hand of his pursuer, and then, under cover of all this darkness, he dodges into his dark little sweat-house, and issues his terrible bull consigning us to a _very_ dark place, where the multitudes of dark jesuits that have gone before us have doubtless made it 'as dark as a stack of black cats.' but what makes the case still darker is, that while 'catholic citizen' refuses to expose his personal outlines to our 'argus eyes,' but intimates that as he is a member of the catholic church, and of the democratic party, if we let off a broadside upon either of these societies, and wound either of their carcasses, the one bloated on the blood of saints, and the other on the juice of corn, we shall of course inflict a material injury upon him, upon the principle that 'when one of the members suffers, all the members suffer with it;' we say, that in view of the fact that after 'catholic citizen' has claimed to be a member of both these organizations, the corvallis organ of the sag nichts and jesuits has whet the razor of authority, and lopped him off, as a heterodox member, and consigned him to the fires of damnation, because 'catholic citizen' has intimated that the two bodies were not identical, thus wisely enveloping him in a dark cloud, and translating him far beyond the reach of our guns, makes the case terribly dark indeed. "'he (catholic citizen) displays the cloven foot of either direct opposition to the democratic organization, or sore-head-ism and disaffection with that organization.----we can hardly conceive that the author of that communication is a catholic, or a friend of the catholic church.'--_statesman_ of dec. . "thus it will be seen that the editor of the 'organ' takes him by the top tuft, and applies the 'rapin hook' to his neck as a heretic, and not a genuine catholic, because of his 'sore-head-ism and disaffection with the democratic organization,' thus unequivocally asserting that the church and the clique are identical, or so closely identified that in placing himself in opposition to the one, he proves that he is not a friend of the other. now whether the action of the organ has been from a malicious desire to 'bury him out of our sight' as an 'unfruitful branch' of the catholic and democratic trunk, or whether he intended in _mercy_ to wrap him up in his nessean shirt, and hide him from our view by denying to him the only earthly position he assumed, it matters not particularly to us. we shall probably teach him, or his ghost, in due time, a lesson which we long since whipped into the tough and slimy hide of the biped who controls the _statesman_, and which he and his ilk would do well to read in the welts that checker his back, before they make their onslaughts upon us, viz., whenever we state a thing to be true, you may rest assured that it _is_ so, and by calling it in question, you may be sure you will provoke the _proof_. we are not of that class of lying editors who make false charges which they are not able to sustain, and we have never yet vouched for the truth of a statement, and been afterward compelled to back out of it. whenever we make a mistake, on account of bad information, we are sure to make the correction as soon as we are apprised of it, whether the statement affects the character or interest of friend or foe, or neither. "your vile innuendo, that we wished to make a little buncombe capital off a poor sniveling priest, is readily excused, knowing as we do your impressions from associating with political comrades who neither yield to nor expect justice or decency from their political opponents; and presuming also that the moment you stepped your foot upon american soil, with your little budget of irish rags, some demagogue put a loco-foco hook into your nose, and led you off to the political pound to learn your catechism, so fast that the remaining half of the nether extremity of your old swallow-fork made a right angle with your stalwart frame. we know very well what sort of lessons you have learned out of that catechism; how you have been duped to believe that the principles of jefferson and other old sainted democrats were still cherished by the designing demagogues who have taken you in tow; how we who oppose this office-hunting party are 'down upon catholics and foreigners' simply because they are such; and how you had only to put in the 'clane dimocratthic ticket' to insure yourself great and glorious privileges. under this sort of training, it is not surprising to us that you not only expect us to persecute you to the full extent that a priest is sworn to 'persecute' heretics, but that you are constantly in fear that the '_noo nothins_' will soon be ladling soup from a huge kettle that contains your quarters boiled up with irish potatoes. "we were not led to make the remarks we did in reference to the priests because they were _papists_, but because we had reason to believe they were traitors to our government, and were identified with the savages in the present war. if methodist, presbyterian, or _any other protestant clergymen_ had rendered themselves equally obnoxious, we should probably have given our opinion at the time, that they deserved to be brought out of the indian country, with all their 'traps,' to undergo a trial before a jury for their lives. "but, sir, to one of your falsehoods:-- "'you further assert as a fact, "that in this, as in the cayuse war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy." this, sir, is a _fact_ which emanated from your own distorted imagination, as during the cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you _know_ it.' "now, sir, we did not suppose that there was a man green enough in all oregon (excepting, perhaps, the _statesman_) to call our statement in question. we happen to be an old oregonian ourself, and profess to be pretty well posted in reference to many occurrences which will make up the future history of this lovely yet blood-stained land. the proof of our assertion we _supposed_ could be come at by our file of the _spectator_. the fact was still vivid in our memory. at the date of this transaction (august , ), there were three papers printed in the territory: the _free press_, an by sheet, edited by g. l. curry, present governor of oregon, and the oregon _spectator_, a by sheet, edited by a. e. wait, esq., both published at oregon city; besides a semi-monthly pamphlet, printed in the tualatin plains, and edited by rev. j. s. griffin. although all of these papers at the time spoke of the transaction referred to, we believe none of them, excepting the _spectator_, contained the official correspondence necessary to make out our case. we supposed, and so did many others, that all the old files of the _spectator_ were long since destroyed, excepting the imperfect one in our office. when 'a catholic citizen' called our statement in question, we, of course, referred to our 'file' for proof, but to our astonishment this particular paper was missing, although the immediate preceding and succeeding numbers were all there, embracing the whole summer of . the missing number was _accidentally_ (?) misplaced, of course, and the _proof_ of that transaction supposed to be beyond our reach. by the kindness of a gentleman we have been furnished with the desired copy from his own file." (see official note and letter as previously quoted.) "now, will 'a catholic citizen' contend that our statement, in reference to the 'large quantities of powder,' is not fully covered by '_seven or eight hundred pounds of powder, fifteen hundred pounds of lead, and three boxes of guns_.' "a man who can unblushingly utter such a falsehood as he has been guilty of, to create a public sentiment in favor of these priests, is below contempt, and we feel our task of exposing him to be truly humiliating. we have branded this goat with an l----, which will stick to his hide as long as cain carried _his_ mark; and we now turn him out to browse for a while with b., who wears about a dozen of the same brands, under the pain of which we have sent him off howling. 'a catholic citizen' may feed on '_ferrin_' till we get time to clap the same brand to him again, when we shall tie him up to the post and again scorch his wool." in reference to the article, as quoted from the oregon _argus_, it is not certainly known who "catholic citizen" is, but the impression is that the production is from the pen of hon. p. h. burnett or sir james douglas, and not impossible from robert newell, with such assistance as he could obtain. if from either of those gentlemen, he may have been correctly informed as to the real owners of the munitions, but we can hardly believe mr. douglas or newell would lay themselves liable to the falsehood charged upon them, as they were in the country, and must have known of the facts in the case. mr. burnett was in california, and may have been misled by his informant. be that as it may, the munitions were found on their way into the indian country in charge of the priests, and the remarks of the editor of the _argus_, w. l. adams, esq., shows the true history of the times, and the continued effort of the jesuits and their neophytes to continue the indian wars, to prevent the protestant missionary stations from being reoccupied and the settlement of the country by the americans, as intimated by father hoikin, in his letter to his society in brussels. our provisional army did not capture a single murderer or prominent indian engaged in the massacre, though many of them were known to have been frequently with the priests and at fort wallawalla. neither the priests, mcbean, nor the indescribably sympathizing sir james douglas made the least effort to bring the murderers to justice. a part of them were given up by the tribe,--tried and hung at oregon city under the territorial government of the united states, judge pratt presiding. in the trial, the same influence was used to get the murderers acquitted that had instigated and protected them in the commission of the crime. the discovery of gold in california took place before our troops had all returned; the universal excitement in relation to it caused the desertion of a large portion of the hudson's bay company's men, and almost an abandonment of the fur trade in the country for the time. they, however, still kept up the semblance of fur trade; and, at the expiration of their parliamentary license in , withdrew to british columbia and vancouver island to repeat upon their own people what they have practiced so successfully and so long upon the americans. there is, connected with this foreign company, a sort of jesuitical suavity of manner and boasting propensity that naturally deceives all who come within its influence. all its titles and little performances of charity are sounded forth with imperial pomposity. the man that does not acknowledge his obligations to it for being permitted to remain in the country previous to the expiration of its parliamentary license, is considered ungrateful by it, and by such as are blind to its infamous practices. chapter lxiv. missions among the western indians.--the coeur d'alêne mission.--protestant and catholic missions compared.--what the american protestant missionaries have done for the country and the indians.--extent of their influence, progress, and improvements.--patriotism of dr. whitman. any person who has read the previous pages of this volume will not charge us with being ignorant of missionary operations on our western coast. though we were but eight years connected in mechanical and business relations with them, still we have never lost sight of their labors, or their intellectual, moral, religious, political, or physical operations, nor of their personal conduct, or their adaptation to the work assigned them. we have spoken plainly our views, and impressions of the character, conduct, and influence of all prominent men in the country. our main object has been to introduce the reader to the people of oregon at the time in which they were acting in a public capacity. the private morals of the country have only been incidentally drawn out by reference to a petition sent to congress, signed by the rev. david leslie, in . in that document mr. leslie does himself and the country an injustice, by asserting that "theft, murder, infanticide, etc., are increasing among them to an alarming extent" (senate doc., th congress, st session, no. ). those charges mr. leslie no doubt sincerely thought to be true at that time, from the occurrence of the two most serious crimes about the time he wrote. but such crimes were by no means common. it is often asked, _what good have the missionaries done to the indians?_ if this question applied alone to the jesuit missionaries, brought to the country by the hudson's bay company, we would say unhesitatingly, _none at all_. what few indians there are now in the country that have been baptized by them, and have learned their religious catechisms, are to-day more hopelessly depraved, and are really poorer and more degraded than they were at the time we visited them twenty-two years since, looking carefully at their moral and pecuniary condition then and now. in proof of which we give the following article:-- "_coeur d'alêne mission._ "the old mullan road from the bitter root or missoula river to the coeur d'alêne mission, shows to the traveler little evidence that it was once explored, laid out, and built by a scientific engineer. decayed remnants of bridges are scattered all along the coeur d'alêne and st. regis borgia rivers; excavations have been filled up by the _débris_ of fallen timber; huge bowlders that have rolled down the mountain side, constantly crumbling masses of slate, and huge chasms, worn or torn by the furious progress of the streams swollen by the melting snows and spring rains, obstruct entirely the passage of vehicles of all kinds, and render the passage of pack and saddle horses almost impossible. in the distance of eighty miles, you cross these two rivers one hundred and forty-six times, climb the precipitous sides of numerous mountains, continually jumping your horses over fallen timber, and filing to the right and left to avoid the impassable barriers which the mountain tornadoes have strewn in your way. the gorges, through which the road sometimes winds to avoid the mountains of rocks that close in even to the edge of the main stream, are narrow, and so completely shaded, that the rays of the sun have never penetrated, and one everlasting cold chill dampness prevails. our party were halted for an hour in one of those passes to allow the passage of a herd of two hundred spanish cattle, and, although when we emerged from the cañon we found the sun oppressively hot, i do not remember ever to have suffered more from cold in any climate or in any altitude. the oppressiveness seemed to spring from something besides the mere temperature. we found but one living thing in those narrow cañons, and that was the most diminutive of the squirrel species. there was no song of birds or whir-r-r of partridge or grouse. it had the silence of the cold, damp grave. "after arriving within six miles of the mission, the cañon of the coeur d'alêne opens out to about four miles in width, and you come suddenly to mud prairie,--a broad, open park, with here and there a solitary pine, and the ground covered with a heavy growth of swamp grass, which stock will only eat when nothing better can be obtained. two hours more, and the mission, with its stately church (so it appears in the mountains), suddenly presents itself to view. "dilapidated fences are passed, rude indian houses made of 'shakes,' fields of wheat and vegetables overrun with weeds, and at last, making the one hundred and forty-sixth crossing of the river, you halt your hungry and jaded horses in front of the rudest piece of architecture that ever supported a cross or echoed to the _ave maria_ of the catholic faith. rude though it is, when we consider the workmen by whom it was constructed and the tools employed, the feeling of ridicule and smile of contempt will give way to admiration of the energy and (though i think mistaken) zeal which sustained the jesuit fathers during what was to them, at that time, a most herculean labor. the building is by feet, and feet posted, and was two years in process of construction. the workmen were two or three jesuit priests, assisted by a few indians, and the reverend fathers showed me a saw, an auger, an ax, and an old jack-plane, their only tools. it is situated on a little elevation from the main valley. on the left is the dwelling of the fathers, and still to the left is the storehouse, hospital, workshop, and building for the sick and crippled recipients of their benefactions. around the slope of the elevation are scattered indian huts and tepees, and at its base lies the resting-place of departed indians who had died in the faith and gone to the hunting-grounds of the great spirit. in front of all, the coeur d'alêne, seemingly satisfied with the havoc which its furious progress had made, runs slowly and sluggishly along. the interior of the church is a curiosity. here you see the marks of an unfortunate stroke from a clumsy ax-man; there a big indian had sawed a stick of timber half off in the wrong place; in another spot, a little indian had amused himself boring holes with the auger, while the joints 'broke' like a log-house before chinking. i was told that in its original construction there was not a nail used; but lately some efforts have been made to smooth down the rough exterior by the addition of cornice and corner-boards. "the priests are very jealous of their claims to the territory around the mission, and regard the unlimited control of the indians as a right which they have acquired by their self sacrificing labors, and as a duty on the part of the indians in return for the salvation of their souls and absolution from their sins. for my part, from an acquaintance with twelve tribes of indians, among whom the gospel has been preached, and the forms, mysteries, and ceremonies of the catholic church introduced, i have failed to see a soul saved, or one single spark of indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished. the lamented general wright thrashed the murdering propensities of the coeur d'alêne indians out of them. the balance of their virtues--stealing, drinking, and supreme laziness--they possess in as large a share as they did before the heart of saint alêne was sent among them. i would like to give a favorable portrait of this mission and its occupants, if i could. i would like to say that the reverend fathers were neat, cleanly, intelligent, hospitable individuals, but there are too many who travel that road, and it would be pronounced false. i would like to say they were sowing the seed of civilization and cultivating it successfully in the untutored mind of the poor red man, but truth forbids. i would at least be glad that they urged upon the indians to obey the laws of this government and respect the property of its citizens, but must leave that task to some one who has never bought of them horse meat for beef, and traveled for days on foot, because they would not, from pure deviltry, sell him one horse out of a band of two or three hundred. i say not these things with any reference to the catholic church or its belief, nor am i forgetful of what i have read of the jesuits of st. bernard and their acts of humanity; but for the filthy, worthless, superannuated relics of italian ignorance, who have posted themselves midway between the extremes of pacific and atlantic civilization, acknowledging no law save that of their church, i have not the slightest particle of respect, and believe with an old packer, 'that it was a great pity general wright had not carried his threat into execution, and blown the den over the range.'"[ ] [footnote ] from the oregon herald of may , . these indians were among the most honest, peaceable, and hopeful of any west of the rocky mountains. the mission here spoken of is the one represented by fathers de smet and hoikin as their most successful one west of the mountains. we have reason to believe that colonel dow's statements are correct, from remarks made by other travelers, as also from father joset's own confession. on the st page of "indian sketches," he says: "i have been here nearly fifteen years; i am not yet master of the language, and am far from flattering myself with becoming so. my catechist remarked to me, the other day, 'you pronounce like a child learning to talk; when you speak of religion we understand you well, but when you change the subject it is another thing,' that is all i want, i have at last succeeded in translating the catechism; i think it is _nearly_ correct. you can hardly imagine what it cost me to do it; i have been constantly at it since my arrival here; i finished it last winter; nevertheless it is short; it has but fourteen lessons; it is based upon the first part of the catechism of lyons. this catechism is printed, not on paper, but on the memory of the children." according to father joset's own statement, it has taken him nearly fifteen years to learn their language sufficiently well to teach the children fourteen lessons in the catechism, about as much time as some of our protestant missionaries have consumed in translating the whole of the new testament, and a large part of the old, into heathen languages, besides establishing schools, where they teach the people to read the pure word of god and practice its sacred principles, instead of following the traditions of men. father joset continues: "from the end of november to palm sunday, on which day this ceremony (children's first communion) took place, they had catechism at the church three times a day, and it was rare that one missed the exercise; besides this, there was a repetition every day, either before the chief or the catechist. i give catechism three hundred times a year. i doubt whether there is a catechist in the world more utterly deprived of the means of encouraging his pupils. some prayer beads would have been a great reward, but i could give them nothing but a medal to each, as a memorial of their first communion." this reverend father, in speaking of the church of the sacred heart, as it is called, says: "it is a magnificent monument to the faith of the coeur d'alênes, who have given the lie to their name by its erection. if it were finished, it would be a handsome church even in europe. the design is by father ravalli; it is ninety feet long by forty wide; it has twenty-eight pillars, two and a half feet square by twenty-five feet in height; all the rest is of timber, and in proportion." compare this with colonel dow's description of the same building. it will be seen, by the quotations we have given, how these "_filthy, worthless, superannuated relics of italian ignorance_" employ themselves and the indians under their instruction. none but a bigot or a jesuit will pretend that such instructions tend to enlarge, to elevate, or civilize the savage mind. we have only to look to countries grown old under just such teachings, to see its legitimate results. from the roman catholic works before us, on the oregon missions, embracing over eight hundred pages, one would conclude that over forty different tribes who have been visited by these jesuits, in the territory of the united states, were all converted and christian indians, ready to shout, "glory to god in the highest," and peace all over our indian country. but colonel dow says he failed to see "one single spark of indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished" among the tribes he visited, who were taught by these priests. de smet, the prince and father of jesuitism in the indian country, as early as december , , five years before the southern rebellion commenced, communicated to his society in brussels his approval and desire to have all these indians join the confederate united states, as their last and only hope. this measure, he says, the protestant missionaries strongly opposed. he says, also, that harkins, the choctaw chief, proposes the expulsion of the protestant missionaries; we add, for their strong allegiance to their government, and their opposition to this jesuitical confederate united states scheme (see his letter, "western missions," page ). such missionaries, we are forced to admit, have done no good to the indians, and, we again repeat the question, _what good have the missionaries done?_ the writer will answer, that before he left the whitman station in , there were three hundred and twenty-two indian families among the cayuse and nez percé tribes that had commenced to cultivate, and were beginning to enjoy the fruits of their little farms. about one hundred of them were talking about locating, and were looking for places and material for building themselves more permanent houses. we have never doubted for a moment that the cayuse, nez percé, and spokan tribes would, in twenty-five years from the time the missions of the american board were located among them (if let alone by the hudson's bay company and roman priests), have become a civilized, industrious, and happy christian people, ready to have entered as honorable and intelligent citizens of our american republic. the unparalleled energy and success attending the efforts of the missionaries among these two powerful migratory tribes excited the jealousy, and aroused the extreme opposition of the hudson's bay company, and caused them to encourage the largest possible number of jesuits to come to the country and locate themselves immediately in the vicinity of those missions, and use every possible influence to dissuade the indians from attending the missionary schools, cultivating their little farms, or attending in the least to any instruction, except such as was given by the priests when they came to the hudson's bay company's forts for trade, as they came at stated times to the fort, before the american missionaries came to the country. the jesuit missionary teaching did not interfere with the roving and hunting life of the indians, while the plan of settling and civilizing them proposed, and in a measure carried out, by the american missions, did directly interfere with the company's fur trappers and hunters. this at first was not so regarded, but a moment's reflection establishes the fact. every indian that became a settler, or farmer, had no occasion to hunt for furs to get his supplies. the moral influence of those missions upon the indians was good: the nez percé and the protestant part of the cayuses and spokans have, through all the indian wars, remained true and loyal to the american government, while, with perhaps a single exception, those who have been under the opposing religious teachings have been at war with our american people all over our territory. the methodist missionary influence upon the natives was good, so far as they had an opportunity to exert any. at the dalles it was certainly good and lasting, notwithstanding the jesuits placed a station alongside of them. the methodists were, from the commencement of their mission, interfered with in every way possible, in their efforts to improve the condition of the indians, and induce them to cultivate their lands and leave the hunting of fur animals. as rev. mr. beaver said of the hudson's bay company, the life (and, we will add, the present condition and future happiness) of the indian race had no influence upon that company when put in comparison with the few beavers they might hunt and sell to them. still the methodist influence was sufficient, up to the arrival of the french priests, and four years after, to keep up a flourishing native school, notwithstanding the french half-breed children were withdrawn from them, and placed under the tuition of the priests on french prairie. the result of that jesuitical teaching is embodied in the law disfranchising all half-breeds, except american, from the privileges of american citizens, for the course they took in the indian wars against the american settlements and government. the larger portion of them, and especially those adhering to the company and the teachings of their priests, have gone into british columbia, carrying with them an implacable hatred of our people and government. as to the good the american missionaries have done to the indians on this coast, we can point to-day, more than thirty years from the commencement of their labors, to improvements, made and kept up by the indians, that were commenced under the direction of those missionaries. we can point to indian families who have strictly adhered to the protestant religious forms of worship taught them by the american missionaries. we have the testimony of general benjamin alvord, of the united states army, on this point. after saying (september , ) that the nez percés never shared in the hostile feelings of the cayuses, declined to join in the war of against the whites, and have since steadily and repeatedly refused to do so, he proceeds as follows: "in the spring of a white man, who had passed the previous winter in the country of the nez percés, came to the military post at the dalles, and, on being questioned as to the manners and customs of the tribe, he said that he wintered with a band of several hundred in number, and that the whole party assembled every morning and evening for prayer, the exercises being conducted by one of themselves, and in their own language. he stated, that on sunday they assembled for exhortation and worship. the writer of this communication made repeated inquiries, and these accounts have been confirmed by the statements of others who have resided among them. thus, six years after the _forced_ abandonment of the mission, its benign effects are witnessed among that interesting people." in addition to the above, we would add our own observations made in among those indians. that year they were more sorely tried than ever before. gold had just been discovered in their country, and thousands of unarmed miners were passing and repassing all through it. the disaffected cayuses were among them, urging them to join and rescue their country from the bostons. we met some twenty-five of the chiefs and principal men, and conversed with them in the most friendly and familiar manner about their country and their situation; the old scenes of the mission; the killing of dr. whitman and those at his station; all the reasons assigned; the causes and the result of the doctor's death, and its effect on the cayuses. having no disposition to deceive them, we inquired distinctly if there was gold in their country. they told us frankly there was, and that they had seen it, as the americans had taken it away. they then asked what they had better do;--if it was not best for them to join the cayuses, and drive the americans from their country. they said the agent had told them to keep quiet, and in a few years the whites would get out the gold and leave the country, and their buildings and improvements would be their own. we replied: there are two things you can do. these miners will come to your country; they are bound to have the gold. now, you can join the cayuses, and go to killing them off if you choose, but you will soon find yourselves in the condition of the cayuses,--roving about, without a home or country, and the more miners you kill, the sooner you will be cut off, and your country occupied by strangers. our advice is, that you remain quiet and improve your farms; as fast as you can, educate your children; become like the americans, and live in peace with all who come to settle, or dig gold in your country. this course will insure you protection from the american people. we have reason to believe this advice was followed in a measure, at least, as no whites have been killed by them, and they remain peaceable and friendly. in this same meeting they wished to know if mr. spalding could come back as their teacher. we inquired particularly how many of them wished him to come back, and found that a majority of the tribe were in favor of his return. he went back as their teacher; but we have since learned that such influences were brought to bear upon him, as made him feel that he was compelled to leave the tribe. the mission right of the property, as we are fully assured, has since fallen into jesuit hands, for the paltry sum of $ in greenbacks. who is responsible for the giving up of that mission, we are unable to say. no money consideration should ever have induced the american board of missions to relinquish their legitimate claim. we have not recently been permitted to visit the indians at rev. messrs. walker and eells' station; but we have the testimony of others in regard to the good effect of the teachings of their missionaries upon them. major p. lugenbeel, who was in command of new fort colville for years, and also acted as indian agent, said to mr. eells in , "those indians of yours are the best i ever saw. i wish you would go back and resume missionary labor among them." mr. eells says, in the _missionary herald_, december, :-- "some fifteen or twenty of these indians spent a portion of last winter in wallawalla. on the sabbath a larger proportion of them than of the citizens of the place could be collected in a house of worship. i met them as my class in connection with the sabbath school in the congregational church. as we were allowed our share of the time allotted to singing, we sang, in their tongue, the words which i arranged for them more than twenty-five years ago. so far as i have learned, their conduct in transactions with whites has been less objectionable than that of the superior race." we have frequently met individual indians from about all those early stations, and found a most cordial greeting from them, and always a regret that they have lost their boston teachers. we have always regretted the course pursued by the american board, in allowing those missions to be given up, as unwise and injudicious. if the men who first commenced them had not the courage to return and continue their labors, others should have been sent to take their places. the whitman institute has come up from the ashes of that noble and devoted martyred missionary, which to the writer looks like "white-washing the sepulchers of the prophets" whose death we have seemed to approve, by our silence (not to say cowardice) in not ferreting out and exposing the authors of that crime. mr. spalding has not been sustained in his recent efforts among the nez percés, but feels that he has been driven away from among his indian brethren and disciples by jesuit influence. the cowardly, timid, hesitating, the half-god and half-mammon christian may say, what will you have us do? we answer, maintain the natural rights of men and christians, and leave consequences to a higher power. we have thus briefly summed up the labors of the protestant and roman missions, and shown the influence of each upon the indians on the western portion of our american continent. in further proof that this roman jesuit influence tends only to the destruction of the indian race, i might refer to california, mexico, and other countries where they have had the exclusive religious teaching of the people; the result is the same. we know from long experience that it has always been the policy of the hudson's bay company to place an opposing post or trader by the side of an opponent in the fur trade. the same policy was adopted, and carried out by the jesuits in regard to the protestant missions in american territory. we will be told that the hudson's bay company people were principally of the english episcopal church. this is true, and they, to satisfy the christian sentiment of the english people, brought an episcopal minister to vancouver, and allowed a few in the vicinity of moose factory, when they wished to renew their fur license, but dismissed them as soon as possible after their object was accomplished, for reasons already stated, and introduced these jesuit missionaries for no other purpose than to facilitate their trade among the indians, and destroy the american influence in the country. but, thank god and the energy of a free people, the country, with all its untold wealth and prospective grandeur, is ours, and to-day, as we hear the lightning tap of intelligence, from the old world to oregon, we have not one solitary regret that thirty of the best and most active years of our life have been spent, in contending publicly and privately, by day and by night, in season and out of season, against that influence. we know what it is to feel its power, as an assistant missionary, as a settler, as a representative and as an officer of the provisional, territorial, and state governments. we have no complaint of personal unkindness to us, or ours; but we feel that the withering condemnation of every true american, and englishman too, should rest upon the hudson's bay company while that name is claimed by any association of men, for the unrighteous course they have been, and still are, pursuing. it is obvious that to the american missionaries our nation owes an honorable record, and the names of dr. whitman, rev. j. lee, mr. c. shepard, mr. c. rogers, rev. harvey clark, mr. a. beers, and dr. wilson, and mrs. whitman, mrs. spalding, mrs. lee, mrs. leslie, mrs. beers, and mrs. smith, among the dead, and many others still living, should find a prominent place in the catalogue of noble men and women who not only volunteered to civilize and christianize the indians, but did actually save this western golden coast, to honor and enrich the great republic in the time of her greatest peril. it would be ungenerous to confine the answer to our question alone to the good that the early american missionaries did to the indians of our western coast. the whole country, now within the jurisdiction of the united states, is more indebted to them than most men are willing to admit. the country, as all are aware, was first occupied by astor's company in , followed by the northwest company in , and by the hudson's bay company in . for twenty-three years the british hudson's bay company was scarcely disturbed by an american. no effort was made by it to comply with the conditions of its charter, in regard to the civil and religious instruction of the indians, supposing that charter to have been valid. in , the indians themselves asked for the american missionary. they had previously asked the hudson's bay company for religious teachers, but they only allowed a few indian boys to go to red river, there to receive a very limited english education, and return to be employed by the company as interpreters or traders. this did not satisfy the indian longing for light and knowledge. the tribes in middle oregon resorted to the american rendezvous, and, although there was little or no moral influence there, they discovered a more liberal and generous spirit among the americans than among the english or french. this led to further inquiry as to the cause, and by some means they concluded that it must arise from their religious notions or worship. they asked to see the americans' sacred book, about which they had heard, as it was said that book told about the great spirit above. for a time they received packs of cards, but were not satisfied,--there must be something more. they sent some of their number to st. louis, and as has been before stated, mr. catlin learned their object, and gave the information that started the missions. while the american missionaries were going to the country, the american fur traders were being driven from it. rev. jason lee and associate were allowed to locate in the wallamet valley. he labored, and measurably filled, gratuitously, the chartered stipulations of the company. as there were no women in this first missionary party, no fears were excited as to the supremacy of the soil, or the future occupation of the country by the company's retired servants. in , dr. whitman and mr. spalding and their wives arrived, with cattle and other material for a distinct and independent mission. they at once commenced their labors, and sent for assistance by the overland route. rev. mr. lee received a re-enforcement by sea, with which came a wife for himself and mr. shepard. dr. whitman and mr. spalding's associates arrived overland; more cattle were brought across the mountains, and, through the exertions and means of mr. lee and his associates, cattle were brought through from california. schools and farms were opened; mills, houses, and churches built; and more and better improvements made by the missionaries, than were then owned by the company, with the single exception of a farm at vancouver. the american missionaries did not stop with the mills and farms, nor with cattle and swine. sheep and a printing-press were brought from the sandwich islands, and soon the indian beholds the clean white paper made into a book, and his own thoughts and words placed before him, and he is taught to read for himself. in the wallamet valley an extensive building for an indian boarding-school was erected, and one for whites and half-breed children, almost entirely by the american missionaries. a second school was started by the rev. harvey clark and his friends at forest grove, which is now pacific university. there were also private schools and churches all through the settlements, mostly under the methodist influence; while the hudson's bay company, with their priests, established three schools,--one for boys at vancouver, one for girls at oregon city, and one at french prairie. these last institutions were particularly an opposition to the american schools. the improvements spoken of above were accomplished within twelve years from the first arrival of the american missionaries. this laid the foundation for education and civilization, upon which the country has been steadily advancing. while the legislative assemblies refused to take action on the subject of education, the missionary influence was active, and strongly in favor of sectarian schools. in the legislature of , an ineffectual effort was made to establish a common-school system for the country. in , mr. t. vault, from the committee on education, made a report recommending a memorial to congress on the subject of education. this is all that was done that year. in - , the cayuse war, the liquor question, and the gold mines excitement, seem to have absorbed the whole attention of the legislature; hence the subject of education was left to the direction and influence of the religious sects and individual effort, until the territorial organization in , in which we find a very imperfect school law; and the one at the present day, , is no honor to our state. this, however, is wholly due to the influence of the various sects, each seeking to build up its own peculiar sectarian schools, thus dividing the whole educational interests of the country to promote sectarian education. it is to be hoped that our next legislature will adopt a system that will at once lay aside all sects, and place the education of our youth upon a national, instead of a sectarian basis, honorable alike to the state and nation. with all due credit and honor to all previous missionary and sectarian efforts, we say, give us a national standard of education that shall qualify our youth to become the honored sovereigns of a free, intelligent, industrious, virtuous, and forever united nation. we have occupied much more space than we would, in giving quotations, knowing, as we do, the ignorance there is in relation to our early history, and the efforts of the british hudson's bay company and roman church to secure the exclusive control of oregon. we will here give an article which we find in the _missionary herald_. the writer says:-- "while it is apparent from the letters of dr. whitman at the missionary house, that, in visiting the eastern states in - , he had certain missionary objects in view, it is no less clear that he would not have come at that time, and probably he would not have come at all [which we know to be the case], had it not been for his desire to save the disputed territory to the united states. it was not simply an american question, however,--it was at the same time a protestant question. he was fully alive to the efforts which the roman catholics were making to gain the mastery on the pacific coast, and _he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interest of the hudson's bay company_, with a view to this very end. the danger from this quarter had made a profound impression upon his mind. under date of april , , he said: 'in the autumn of - , i pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations.'" to the statement of dr. whitman as here quoted from his letter to the board, we can bear positive testimony. he did point out to his associates all the dangers to which they were exposed. "dr. whitman evidently regarded his visit to washington, and his success in conducting the immigrants of [eight hundred and seventy-five souls] across the rocky and blue mountains, as settling the destiny of oregon. in the letter just referred to, he said, 'it may be easily seen what would have become of american interests in this country, had the immigration of been as disastrous as were the immigrations of and .' [in both those years the route which he had selected was abandoned for another.] in confirmation of this opinion, we find a writer in the _colonial magazine_ using this language:-- "'by a strange and unpardonable oversight of the local officers, missionaries from the united states _were allowed_ to take religious charge of the population; and these artful men lost no time in introducing such a number of their countrymen as reduced the influence of the british settlers to complete insignificance.'" the above quotation from the _colonial magazine_ is but a repetition of evidence already given from other english testimony, relative to their determination to hold the country. we also have the expectation of chief-factor a. mcdonald, as expressed in to rev. c. eells: "he also gave it as his opinion that if england should obtain the desired portion of oregon, it would be made over to the hudson's bay company." he thought that fifty years from that time, the hudson's bay company's descendants would be the only occupants of the country. dr. whitman, in expressing an opinion upon the same subject, thought that fifty years from that time they would not be found. in the closing remarks of the article from which we have quoted the above, there is a strange mixture of truth and ignorance. the writer says: "it is not too much to say, perhaps, that dr. and mrs. whitman lost their lives in consequence of the success of the endeavors already described. the immigrants of carried diseases into the indian country, which proved very fatal to the aborigines. some became suspicious of him; some were exasperated; and a few affirmed that he was poisoning them with his medicines, to get them out of the way. it is believed by many, moreover, that the roman catholics were in a measure responsible as directly or indirectly, for the catastrophe of wailatpu. but it is inexpedient to discuss this question at the present time." it is evident from this last quotation, that sir james douglas's letter for the information of the board of missions produced its desired effect; and it is only from the recent statements respecting that transaction, that the board have allowed the subject to come before them; they have asked and received from the most cautious missionary they have ever sent to the country, a statement of the facts in the case. he has complied with their request, and the result is a repetition of the _slander_ of the murdered dead. we are unwilling to believe that the rev. mr. treat, d.d., in this closing paragraph, intended to give the impression that he believed the statement; yet we can not understand his object in reporting the statement made to blast the character of a good man, and to shield his murderers from the punishment due to their crime; leaving the impression upon the mind, that it was the _indian superstitions_ alone that were the cause of the massacre. those who have read the foregoing pages will not be deceived as to those causes. mr. treat should have given us the benefit of his authority for that statement, as we are assured by the indians themselves that there is not one of them that ever believed those reports till they were affirmed by the priests, and even then they doubted. we have been several times among the indians of that tribe; and were present at the first consultation held with them by indian agent r. r. thompson in , and took particular pains to inquire as to their belief in that matter. i could not find one, even among the roman catholic indians, that would say he believed that dr. whitman did as he is represented by the priests and the company to have done. the indians invariably told me that the priests, finlay, stanfield, joe lewis, or mr. mcbean said so, but they believed dr. whitman was their friend, and their hearts had wept and cried because they had consented to his being killed. it was to develop the facts and influences operating in our early history that we commenced to write. it does not matter to us whence a statement comes or by whom it is made, if it does not correspond with the facts in the case, we intend to give what we conceive and firmly believe to be the truth; letting such as are ignorant of the facts, or have been deceived by commercial, religious, or sectarian statements, judge as to the correctness or truth of our conclusions. a great crime has been committed in our land;--a poor, ignorant, and harmless and comparatively innocent people, have been charged with committing it through "_superstitious prejudices_," which, if the very men who make the charge are to be believed, fixes the crimes upon their own heads, for they tell us that they were unharmed amid the scenes of blood and murder, while gathering up the remains of the first missionary victims and consigning them to a common grave. their messengers pass and repass all through the country, and mingle freely, and "_rejoice_" that the ignorant murderers will come to them for advice, which is cheerfully given, and a pledge made to assist them to avoid its consequences; while the commercial party in this great crime is handing over to the murderers munitions for defense, and to continue the slaughter of american settlers, the jesuitical party is confirming the doubtful mind of the indians in the justness of the crime they have committed. such were the parties seeking to control our destiny from to , and such as we have quoted are the sentiments of men high in giving direction to truth and righteousness in a great nation in - . we feel, and admit, that our task has been most difficult and arduous,--to seek out and bring to light the truth in relation to events so momentous, and consequences so important to the interests of this western part of our continent. it would be far more gratifying to us to dwell upon the pleasing and happy influences and incidents that float upon the surface of society; but these are commonplace and the natural growth of circumstances, such as the most careless could scarcely fail to observe. oregon was ours by right of discovery, exploration, and cession; as well as settlement by astor in - . a foreign monopoly, having knowledge of the american fur company's weakness and danger, paid a nominal price for its goods and possessions, and has held and robbed the country, as by its own statements, of twenty million pounds sterling, in profits. as we have before stated, that company dared not use the same instruments at first, to drive out or destroy the missionaries, that it had used against fur traders and hunters. the indians regarded the american missionaries as teachers sent from god, and received them, and protected them, till forced by the teachings and influence of their masters to attempt to cut off the american settlement. the english people, as a whole, charge the american missionaries, _and justly_, with being the means of their losing oregon. they also charge the hudson's bay company, _wrongfully_, as favoring the american settlement of the country. dr. john mclaughlin, all honor to his name and memory, told his superiors in london the truth, when he said to them, "gentlemen, as a man of common humanity, i could not do otherwise than to give those naked and starving people to wear and to eat of our stores. they were not our enemies. i did what i thought was right, and must leave consequences to god and the government, and if you insist upon my compliance with your rules in this particular, _i will serve you no longer_." contrast this noble sentiment of dr. mclaughlin, though a canadian-born subject and supporter of the roman catholic faith in the country, with that of his successor, sir james douglas, who refused supplies to punish the murderers and protect the american settlements, he having been an officer under the provisional government, and taken an oath to protect and defend it. did it conflict with his duties as a british subject? the reason assigned by him for his refusal was, "_the stringent rules laid down for his government by the home company_," which the noble old canadian said he would resign his position sooner than obey. it is not difficult to see that oregon, during the existence of the provisional government, was a country possessing peculiarly interesting relations to the two nations who were claiming its allegiance and sovereignty. had the hudson's bay company been true to its own country, and encouraged the settlement of loyal british subjects in it, there is no question but, with the facilities and capital at its command, it could have secured the country before an american settlement could have acquired any strength in it. the same was the case with california. one or two ships a year from to , or even , leaving out the roman and jesuit missionaries, could have brought substantial english families with their english chaplains, and formed their colonies and absorbed the american missionary settlements in it, and no one would have questioned their right, or attempted to defeat them; but the £ , or more of clear profits in the fur trade, and native associations, were too strong. the country becomes valuable in its estimation, as others have improved and developed its wealth. the natives with the furs of the country were the only source of wealth to it, and especially to the home company in london. if the least possible credit is due to it from any source, it is for its stupidity and ignorance as to the real value of the country, of which no one can give a true history without developing the avaricious character and degrading influences and proceedings of that company; for it had, as we remarked at the commencement of our history, and as every one knows, the absolute control of it up to the organization of the provisional government in . those influences were active and in full operation up to , when it was discovered, by dr. whitman and a few others, that the whole country was about to pass into the hands of the english, as was asserted by the over-zealous priest at wallawalla: "_the country is ours! america is too late! they may now whistle._" an american heard, and to hear with him was to act. "_if the board dismisses me, i will do what i can to save oregon to my country_," was his remark to us, as he gave his hand and mounted his horse, to see what could be done at washington. the result of that trip was the delay of the boundary question and an immigration and settlement, that no hudson's bay and jesuit exterminating combinations have been able to overcome or drive from the country. chapter lxv. description of the face of the country.--agricultural and mining productions.--timber.--the wallamet.--columbia.--dalles.--upper columbia.--mountains.--rivers.--mineral wealth.--climate.--the northern pacific railroad.--conclusion. thus far i have confined myself to the history of the hudson's bay company, the early settlement of the country, its public men, the provisional government, adverse influence, and the american and jesuit missions. we will now proceed to describe its geographical and physical position and value. previous to the treaty of , all that portion of country lying south of the russian possessions, west of the rocky mountains, and north of california, was called oregon. by that treaty the th parallel was constituted the boundary line between the united states and the british possessions. in the act of congress passed august , , the boundaries were thus defined: "all that part of the territory of the united states which lies west of the summit of the rocky mountains, north of the d degree of north latitude, known as the territory of oregon, shall be organized into, and constitute a temporary government, by the name of the territory of oregon." unfortunately, though our national congress contained many noble, intelligent, and talented men, none of them knew any thing about the country they were defining as oregon territory. thomas h. benton, about this time, made his famous oregon speech. in it he declared that all north of the th parallel of latitude was only fit for the poorest and most meager animal existence; that it was the "derelict of all nations," not fit for the subsistence of civilized man. this impression of mr. benton was received from high british--and no doubt he thought the most correct and reliable--authority. in fact, in the mind of this, and many other of our statesmen, the entire territory was of but little value. it is scarcely necessary to say whence this impression arose, and for what purpose it was so persistently kept before the minds of our most eminent statesmen. the immense fur trade of the country, carried on at a nominal expense, was too profitable to allow the truth to be told, or an experiment to be made, to show the value of the soil, or the amount or variety of its productions. the soil, like the furs and the natives, must be misrepresented, neglected, and slandered, that it may yield its silent income to avarice and idleness. the american missionary arrives in the country, and is assured by the hudson's bay company that but a very small portion of the country is susceptible of cultivation; that no extensive settlements can ever be formed in it. these statements are made by men who have spent their lives in the country, and say they have tested the qualities of the soil faithfully, and found it to be unproductive. the missionaries partially believe these statements, and communicate to their friends in the east their doubts as to the extent and richness of the arable land in the country. in the mean time they must provide for their own subsistence. the missionary boards that sent them out are not able to pay the prices demanded for a continual supply of such food as can be raised in the country. this they knew and were prepared for it, and at once commenced to experiment upon the soil for themselves. their first effort astonishes and delights them. instead of a hard, barren, unproductive soil, as they had been told, it proves to be a light rich clay loam all through the wallamet valley, and in the interior, a dark, mellow, inexhaustible alkali soil, of the richest kind, and, when properly cultivated, very productive. the missionary experiments are continued and extended. they soon begin to send glowing accounts to their friends of the richness of the valleys of oregon--eight hundred bushels of potatoes, or from thirty to sixty bushels of wheat, to the acre. the american trappers and hunters gather into the wallamet valley, around the methodist mission. the canadian-french, british subjects, who have become worn out and unprofitable to the company, are permitted to locate in the same valley, but, with the clumsy and imperfect farming implements furnished them, and their ignorance of farming, they were not able to accomplish much, and are still referred to, as proof of the worthlessness of the country. the american settler comes in, and proves the truth of the missionaries' large farming stories, and finds that he can do, with two yoke of oxen, what it required six to do in the mississippi valley--his labor producing double pay. he is more than satisfied--he is delighted--with the soil, the climate, and country, and reports his success to his friends. by this time a few peaches and apples have been produced outside the inclosures and garden of fort vancouver, which convinces the american settler that fruit can be produced in oregon; and soon we find every known variety to be profitably cultivated. _timber._--the fir, spruce, and hemlock are superabundant, all along the coast range, from california to puget sound. the fir, pine, oak, ash, and maple are abundant in the valleys of the wallamet and cowlitz, and on the western slope of the cascade range of mountains; there is also an abundance of pine, fir, oak, and maple on the eastern slope. the wallamet valley is from forty to sixty miles wide, and one hundred and eighty long. it has less timber land than fine level prairie; through which winds with its tributaries the beautiful wallamet, skirted all along its banks and level bottoms with cotton-wood, ash, alder, oak, fir, yellow pine, yew, and soft maple, with a small amount of cedar. this river has its source in the umpqua mountains; and its tributaries in the coast and cascade ranges,--the main river running north, or west of north, till it joins the majestic columbia. its meandering streams, and valleys composed mainly of prairie interspersed with groves of oak, pine, fir, and cotton-wood, make up a scenery which for beauty and loveliness can not be surpassed. the cascade range on the east is dotted, at intervals of from a hundred to a hundred and fifty miles apart, with towering, snow-capped mountains from , to , feet high, and is cut at right angles, midway between the california mountains on the south, and mount baker on the north, by the great river of oregon, the noble columbia, which forces its resistless current over its rocky bed, till it finds its way to the ocean. ascending this river from the ocean, for sixty miles, to the mouth of the cowlitz, we find it lined on either bank with lofty and dense forests of spruce, hemlock, cedar, and fir, with scarcely a sign of prairie; from, this up, the timber is interspersed with prairie, till we enter the cascade mountains, one hundred and twenty-five miles from the ocean, and ten below the cascade portage, which is five miles long,--now made by railroad; thence to the dalles is thirty-eight miles, making fifty miles of the roughest and grandest river and mountain scenery on our continent. old ocean in its mightiest heavings is but a placid lake, when compared with this fifty-five miles of mountain roughness, grandeur, and sublimity, from various points of which may be seen mounts baker, rainier, st. helens, adams, hood, and jefferson, with others of less note, all raising their lofty heads above the regions of perpetual snow. prominent among them stands mount hood, about thirty miles south of the columbia, towering to the height of , feet, with his everlasting white cap on, and overlooking the lovely valleys of the wallamet to the south and west; the columbia and cowlitz to the west and north; and the great upper basin of the columbia to the northeast, east, and southeast. from the dalles we ascend this mighty river fourteen miles by rail, where the water has worn its crooked course amid solid basaltic rocks to unknown depths, not exceeding a hundred and fifty feet in width, causing the river, in discharging its annual floods, to rise at this point over eighty feet in perpendicular height. at the end of the railroad the steamboat receives the traveler, when, as he ascends the river, the land on either side diminishes in height, till he reaches castle rock; seventy-one miles above the dalles. this is a lone pile of basaltic rocks having the appearance of an old castle in the midst of a great plain to the east, south, and west of it. a large portion of this plain, lying along the river, is of course gravel and sand, dry, and comparatively barren; yet producing the artemisia, sage, and a luxurious growth of wild mustard in the early spring; with but little grass, and abundance of the low sunflower. the lands back from the river are high rolling prairie, covered with rich bunch grass, having a light soil composed of pulverized basaltic sandstone. this soil, to the eye of the careless observer, though it is thickly set with the bunch grass, generally appears barren and worthless; yet, with irrigation, or with winter grains, or grasses adapted to the soil, it can not be exhausted. twenty-five miles above castle rock stands the thriving little town of umatilla, at the mouth of the river of the same name, and nine miles above is windmill rock. in ascending the river fifteen miles from this place, the land on either side rises to some fifteen hundred feet above the level of the river which occupies the entire bottom from rocks to rocks on either side; when the land suddenly drops from this high plain which extends from the blue mountains on the east to the cascade range on the west, forming, as it were, a great inland dam across the columbia river, fifteen hundred feet high at the place where the river has broken through the dam. as you pass out of this gap, in looking to the north and east, the eye rests upon another vast, high, rolling plain, in the southeastern part of which lies the beautiful valley of the wallawalla. at the upper or eastern end was situated the whitman or cayuse mission. some six miles above is the flourishing town of wallawalla. the most of this vast, high, rolling plain, and especially the valleys, have more or less of alkali soil; the high plains are similar to those we have just passed,--destitute of all kinds of timber, except at the foot of the mountains, and small patches of willow and cotton-wood, in some little nook or corner, near some spring or stream. imagine wallawalla a little east of the center of a great plain one hundred miles wide, east and west, one hundred and eighty long, north and south, situated just inside of this great mountain dam we have described; with the majestic cascade range of mountains on the west, the blue mountains on the east, and this vast open plain covered with bunch grass, and no tree in sight, except upon the mountains; you can then form some idea of the middle columbia plains. ascending to the north one hundred miles, over the same high rolling plains, you begin to find the yellow pine and larch; not in dense forests, but scattering trees, the ground beneath being covered with a species of coarse, wild grass. these woods form a delightful change to the traveler after riding for days beneath the scorching rays of a summer sun. as you near the forty-ninth parallel, the timber increases in size, quantity, and quality. the soil is light, and, when the frosts of winter give place to the sleet and rain of early spring, forms a soft, deep mud, till the ground becomes settled, which is generally about the first of may; then all this vast country is in full bloom, with its myriads of beautiful wild flowers. the northern portion of oregon, now washington territory, is beautifully interspersed with timber and prairie, in good proportions, and has a rich clay soil. the whole country abounds in trap-rock and granite, singularly mingled with basalt. near the mouth of spokan river is found a splendid variety of marble; some sections of it are of a pure white, while others are beautifully clouded with blue, brown, and green. the face of the country is not so uneven as that further south. some sixty miles south of the forty-ninth parallel, we come to the mouth of the okanagon river, which is the outlet of a chain of lakes in british columbia, from which it takes its name; it has an extensive and rich valley for settlement. at colville, in the vicinity of the kettle falls, on the columbia, are a united states military post, the hudson's bay company's post, and a considerable settlement. some fifteen miles from the mouth of the spokan, and sixty from kettle falls, was located the cimakain--or rev. messrs. walker and eells'--mission. about sixty miles in a southeasterly direction is the coeur d'alêne italian jesuit mission. turning to the north, east, and southeast, we enter the gold and silver mountains of the pacific slope; this range is cut through by the snake river, or south branch of the columbia. millions of dollars' worth of treasure is taken out of the mines within these desolate and barren-looking regions, and untold millions still await the miner's toil. the reader will remember that we are now traveling east. this range is, on the north of snake river, called salmon river mountains, and on the south, the blue mountains; thence, on to the southern portions of oregon, it joins the sierra nevada and cascade ranges, bends to the west, and, near the forty-second parallel, runs into those vast promontories that jut into the pacific ocean. passing through this range of salmon river and blue mountains, which are not as high as the cascade range, we descend into the great basin of the rocky mountains, which is intersected by high, broken ranges running east and west for about three hundred miles, to what is usually called the top of the rocky mountains, and the eastern boundary of this vast basin. the principal rivers which flow into and through this immense plain, are the boise, snake, portneuf, owyhee, and their tributaries. on the north is clarke's or flathead river, which runs northwest into the columbia, near the northern boundary of the united states. in all the northern portion of this great inland mountain plain there is an extensive placer and quartz mining country, besides numerous rich farming valleys, with an abundance of timber for all practical uses; most of the rough, rocky ranges of mountains being covered about half-way up their sides with timber, till you reach the open prairies along the main valley. to the south, and along snake river, are the high barren sage plains, extending from the rocky mountains on the east to the blue mountains on the west. there are large tracts of arable land in the region just described, though to the weary traveler coming from the green plains of kansas or the valley of the wallamet, every thing looks forbidding and desolate, especially during the dry season. but remove the sage from any of these dry, barren places, and the rich bunch-grass takes its place. as well might the farmer expect his wheat to grow in a hemlock wood or cedar swamp, as for any thing but sage to grow on these plains till that is destroyed. hence, from the experiments we have made on the soils of which we have been speaking, we are confident that the greater portion of the country now and for years past pronounced barren and useless, will be found, with intelligent and proper cultivation, to rank among as good lands as any we have, and probably more desirable. as to timber, that must be cultivated till it becomes accustomed to the soil. cotton-wood is found in small quantities all over this plain, in the vicinity of streams and springs. the northeastern part of this basin is montana; the southwestern is idaho. the mineral wealth of this country, especially that of north idaho and montana, is inexhaustible. gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, cinnabar, and tin, are found in abundance in these territories, and in eastern and middle oregon. "_owyhee bullion._--john a. post, internal revenue collector, furnishes the following _resumé_ of the bullion product from january to november , , as assayed by different parties. the figures are greenback valuation:-- january $ , february , march , april , may , june , july , august , september , october , ------------- total $ , , "during the early part of the year, mr. post says, there was a great amount of treasure sent out in various shapes, of which he could get no account. to the foregoing must still be added the many tons of ruby, silver, polybasite, etc., shipped just as it came from the poorman mine,--enough, at a rough estimate, to increase the total to fifteen hundred thousand, at least. it is safe to say that the product of the present year will be two millions, and that of next year go beyond five millions."[ ] [footnote ] from the _oregonian_. "_treasure._--there has been shipped from this city during the past year, the sum of $ , , in treasure. the amount passing through private hands may be safely estimated at $ , , ."[ ] [footnote ] from the _portland herald_. we take the following from an official report to the secretary of the treasury, a copy of which has been sent to congress:-- "from the best information available, the following is a near approximation to our total gold and silver product for the year ending january , :-- california $ , , nevada , , montana , , idaho , , washington , , oregon , , colorado , , new mexico , arizona , add for bullion derived from unknown sources within the states and territories, unaccounted for by assessors and express companies, etc. , , ----------- total product of the united states $ , , "the bullion product of washington is estimated by the surveyor-general at $ , , . that of oregon is estimated at $ , , . intelligent residents of idaho and montana represent that the figures given in the above estimate, so far as these territories are concerned, are entirely too low, and might be doubled without exceeding the truth. the product of idaho alone, for this year, is said to be $ , , to $ , , . that of montana is estimated by the surveyor-general at $ , , . similar exceptions are taken to the estimates of colorado, new mexico, and arizona." _the climate_ varies in the three sections of country we have described, exactly in the ratio of soil and timber. on the coast, contiguous to the ocean, we have more rain than we require. like our superabundance of the tallest and best of fir-timber, there is so much of it that we would be glad if we could divide with the second and third places we have described. we have enough rain and timber to supply all the country; and perhaps, when we can cut down our tall trees, that filter the rain out of the clouds, they may get more and we less. be that as it may, our winters are mild and rainy, our summers cool and pleasant, with sufficient rain and ocean mist to supply the vegetable creation with abundant moisture. in middle oregon the winters are mild and frosty, with a small amount of snow--seldom severe; farmers should feed stock a month or six weeks; summers warm, and sometimes sultry in july and august; rains in the spring and late in the fall, scarcely enough for the farmers' use. in the eastern plain or great mountain basin, the winters are cold and dry, snow and frost severe. snow seldom falls to exceed two feet in depth,--average winters, eighteen inches,--but it falls deep upon the mountains and remains till it is melted by the warm winds and sun of early summer, causing the summer floods. the principal rise in the rivers is during the mouths of june and july. less rain, spring and fall, than in middle oregon; summers dry and hot. in the northern part, the country is better supplied with rain. this may arise from the ranges of the mountain currents of air and the winds from the south pacific ocean along the inland plains, and the cool atmosphere around our snow-clad mountains. we will leave further speculation on this point to those who have had more experience in such matters than ourselves. taking the country as a whole, with our inexhaustible gold, silver, and other minerals; our extensive farming valleys; our vast forests of timber upon the borders of an ocean comparatively destitute of this essential element of civilization; there is no plausible reason why this western portion of the united states may not in a few years become the abode of industrious and thriving millions. _the northern pacific railroad._ the following article on the northern pacific railroad is from the pen of mr. philip ritz:-- "having spent most of the last year in traveling through washington, idaho, and montana territories, and having crossed the continent in midwinter, partly on both of the great railroad routes, and at the earnest request of ex-governor smith, of massachusetts, who is president of the northern pacific railroad company, and of some members of congress, i compiled, while in washington, the following statistics, on the practicability of the northern route:-- "on the first section of the country from puget sound, there are two routes, both practicable; one _via_ the columbia river, to the mouth of snake river; the other _via_ snoqualmie pass and yakima river, to the same point. on either route there will not be much heavy grading. there is on this section an abundance of the finest timber, excepting on that part of the columbia from the dalles to snake river, and a short distance of the route from yakima to the mouth of snake river. "the second section, lying between the columbia river and the bitter root mountains, a distance of about two hundred and twenty miles, is over a rolling prairie country, with splendid grazing, and fine timber on the spokan river, a distance of about one hundred miles. "on the third section, which includes the mountainous part, a distance of two hundred and fifty miles, and lying between the th and th degrees of longitude, the grading will, in places, be heavy, and will require three or four short tunnels. this will include the entire rocky mountain district, the work on which will be heavy, but not more difficult than on the baltimore and ohio road, between the ohio river and harper's ferry. on this entire section there is an abundance of the finest timber. on this section there is considerable good wheat land, as has been proven by the fine crops raised in hell gate valley last season. "this extends from the eastern slope of the rocky mountains to lake superior, a distance of about one thousand and ten miles. the route here passes over a rolling prairie, susceptible of settlement the entire distance. "it will be seen that the entire distance on this route, between the head of lake superior and puget sound, is about , miles, and that there is scarcely a mile of the entire country but will eventually be settled. it is much shorter than any other route across the continent, connecting navigable waters. the mountains are much lower and the country much more fertile. it is really the only easy pass across the american continent, for it is the only part of the continent where two large rivers rise immediately together and flow in opposite directions--the columbia cutting its way entirely through the mountains on a water level to the pacific; and the missouri connecting with the great plains bordering on the lakes. the rocky mountains at this point are really so low, that the miners, last summer, actually took large streams in ditches from the waters of the missouri, over the divide to the pacific side for mining purposes. in consequence of the low passes through to the pacific, the climate is warmer than it is in the mountains in the latitude of salt lake city, miles due south. i crossed the summit of the rocky mountains near deer lodge valley, in montana, on the th of december. there was no snow; the roads dry and dusty, and the weather mild and pleasant, and none of the streams frozen over. when i reached salt lake city, the snow on the wasatch and rocky mountain ranges was twenty-six inches deep, and the night we crossed the wasatch range, the thermometer stood at ten degrees below zero, and green river and all those streams in the mountains had been frozen over six weeks, so that the stage rolled over on the ice. such was the difference in the climate of the two routes. the differences in the real wealth and resources of the two routes is perhaps even greater than that of climate. the central route, after it leaves the mining country of nevada, around virginia city, passes up the humboldt country toward salt lake, for a distance of or miles, over the most desolate and barren country on the american continent. the country has neither mines, timber, nor any other redeemable quality about it. salt lake valley is a small and rather fertile valley; the only fertile spot for hundreds of miles. from salt lake city to denver, a distance of six hundred miles, the route lies over an alkali and sage plain. on the other hand, there is not one mile on the northern route that does not either furnish timber, grazing, agricultural lands, or minerals, and, in some instances, all together. montana is just in its infancy; its mines scarcely prospected; and yet, last season, according to the report of the treasury department, montana stood second on the list in the amount of gold produced; california producing $ , , ; montana, $ , , ; idaho and colorado, $ , , each; and nevada, $ , , . "the mountains of montana are a perfect net-work of quartz ledges, immensely rich in gold and silver. five years from this time, i believe there will be as much as $ , , of gold and silver taken from the mines of montana per year; more than one-fourth enough to build and equip the northern pacific road, ready for use. there are also immense mines of coal, iron, copper, and lead, in the country. the northern route crosses but one range of mountains, and that at a point which, so far as the experience of white men have gone, is known to be as passable in winter as the michigan central railroad. in deciding the question of relative distance, we must consider the entire distance between liverpool and canton. say the mean latitude of the north pacific route is degrees, and of the central - / , and a difference of nine degrees exists. now a degree of longitude (longitude contracting as we approach the poles) is about six miles shorter on the former than the latter. there are degrees of longitude between liverpool and canton; this makes the navigator's distance, on the line of the north pacific, , miles less than the central. this longitudinal difference is quite an item. this difference in distance is not the only item in favor of the northern route. it is an established fact that every sailing vessel, bound directly from san francisco to hong kong, comes up to, and even beyond, the latitude of puget sound, before striking directly west, in order to take advantage of the wind currents of the pacific ocean. time, these days, being an important consideration in commercial transactions, the argument would still be in favor of the north pacific route, admitting rates of transportation to be equal on both lines. but these rates would not be the same, even if the distance of the two were equal, for the reason that the country would be self-supporting on nearly every mile of the northern route, while on the central, for hundreds of miles between salt lake and nevada, not a tie for the track, nor a stick, nor a pound of coal for fuel can be had. all these things must be brought from abroad. "now, owing to adventitious circumstances,--the discovery of the precious metals in california, nevada, and colorado, and the settlement of mormons in utah,--the bulk of local business seems to be on the side of the central route. but montana will soon outstrip california in the yield of gold; besides, the route passes through a country susceptible of settlement all the way from lake superior to puget sound, and there is no doubt but that five years hence there will be as much local business through minnesota, dakota, montana, idaho, washington, and oregon, as through nebraska, colorado, utah, nevada, and california. accident gives the central route the present pre-eminence; nature insures the northern the final victory. "it is not generally known, the large amount of business that was done in montana last season. from may, , to october , , c. c. huntley carried, on his line of stages between fort benton and helena, , passengers, and during the same period , tons of freight passed from benton to helena; , freight-wagons passed over the same route; steamboats, with passengers and freight, arrived at fort benton from st. louis and other points in the east, and this, be it remembered, is the first season that this trade has been carried on to any extent, and also, that this is but one point in the territory. it is really the commencement of a great trade, that will require a vast capital, and employ the energy and industry of a large number of persons. "there are no less than four lofty ranges of mountains to cross on the central route, the rocky mountains, at bridger's pass, being the most passable crossing; the wasatch, the humboldt, and the sierra nevada are barely passable in summer. by the way of pen d'oreille lake, on the northern route, freight can be taken from the columbia to the missouri nearly all winter. another advantage possessed by the northern route is, that at present the distance is less than miles between the head of steamboat navigation on the missouri and snake rivers, and when the boats are completed which are now building on the pen d'oreille lake and clarke's fork of the columbia, the land travel will be reduced to about miles. "did time and space permit, i might give further proof of the superiority of the northern route. in my comparative reasoning, i have made these distinctions with no invidious feeling. the sooner san francisco is connected by rail with new york, the better for washington and montana, in common with all the mountain regions. it is gratifying to see our friends to the southward prosecuting their enterprise with so much vigor. but i am perfectly satisfied in my own mind that the time will come when the trafficking wealth of europe and asia will be poured across the mountains and valleys of washington and montana territories. "our prospects, it is true, look rather dull here at present, the whole energy of the pacific coast being concentrated in building the central road, and for a short time we may expect dull times. the attention of capitalists can not be diverted from this enterprise much longer, and when once fully examined, there will be millions of capital ready to invest in it. "let us open up the mullan road and the lake route, and all other routes to the missouri river, and invite travelers and emigrants to come this way and see the advantages of this northern country, and then we will have no trouble in getting money to build a railroad." conclusion. as the reader will have discovered, we commenced our history with oregon as it was in . with the single exception of the feeble effort made by mr. astor in - , and captain wyeth in - , no one ever attempted any thing like an organized opposition to the british fur companies on the pacific coast. in regard to captain wyeth, we admit with mr. newell that he was driven from the country "not by fair and open competition in the trade," and that he is entitled to much credit for his discernment and forethought in leaving when he did, for if he had not accepted the terms offered to him by dr. mclaughlin, that gentleman said to us that the company would have insisted on other means being used to relieve its trade from his competition, so that whatever credit or honor there is due in the case belongs to captain wyeth's judgment and decision in accepting such compensation as the company chose to give, and not to the company for giving it; for it was that, or a crime to be committed in getting rid of him and his party; and, as in the case of smith and dr. whitman, to be charged upon the indians. as americans, we must not conclude that it could do a dishonorable or mean act to our traders, hunters, missionaries, or even settlers. no one must presume to think that the honorable hudson's bay company would ever conduct any but an honorable trade, or engage in any but an honorable business, in the country; notwithstanding, its own countrymen charge it with having seized and sunk vessels belonging to them, by running them ashore in hudson's bay; robbed and fought with the northwest company before they combined their interests; and had its own governor semple killed in fighting for its interests, besides all its transactions with its own countrymen; this would be ungenerous and mean in the estimation of men unable to distinguish between a selfish and a generous act, or a cause and a crime of civilized and savage men. missionary efforts were first made in the country by rev. jason lee. he, being a canadian-born subject, was received with less objection than rev. messrs. parker and spalding, and dr. whitman; but, as has been shown, the english people expected to hold the country by the power and influence of their hudson's bay company. the company, as such, could not act against the american missionaries as it did against american traders and hunters; hence, the episcopal or established church influence from london was made use of, and a clergyman sent to vancouver. while missionary operations were confined to the wallamet valley this was sufficient, but when those efforts were extended to the cayuses and nez percés, and efforts were being made to establish missions further north by another responsible religious society, the company became alarmed for its profits by the fur trade; and by one of its own unprincipled, dishonorable, as well as hypocritical arrangements, under the specious pretense of having religious teachers to look after the moral and religious instructions of its canadian-french catholic servants, it sent for, and continued in its service, the very religious order of the roman church that was at that time proscribed by the laws of the country from which it held its license. this showed the moral principle by which it was governed in relation to its own country. the interests of its trade were paramount to all moral principles or religious teachings; and while it was professing warm friendship for one religious sect, it was encouraging secretly and openly an opposite and strongly bigoted one, to divide and distract the moral and religious sentiments of the ignorant natives; claiming for itself an exclusive monopoly in trade, as being beneficial to the indian race, which was admitted by all. this was the moral and religious condition of the whole country when the american settlers came to it. they, with the american missionaries, combined in forming a provisional government, and established a _quasi_ independent american republic, with the condition that, whenever the united states government saw fit to extend its jurisdiction over the country, this temporary government should cease. the english and french united with us in this organization, on condition that they should not be required to do any thing that would conflict with their duties as subjects of great britain. the reader will perceive that, in carrying out the plan laid down in our preface, we have been obliged to give the hudson's bay company a prominent place in our history, as we have had to meet them in every step of our progress. no history of oregon can be written, without acknowledging the immense influence that company held in the country, and the zeal and energy it put forth, in counteracting american ideas and influence. it was its original design to colonize and secure to the british crown all the countries which it might explore and occupy. and had it carried out that design, no american effort could have succeeded in securing the country to the government of the united states. but from a selfish, short-sighted, and mistaken policy; and a blind perception of its asserted commercial rights, privileges, and powers, it "_hunted up_" the country, and expected to secure to itself undisturbed possession of the northwestern part of the continent. for this purpose, while it was destroying the valuable fur animals in what is now united states territory, it was protecting such as were to be found further north; and by this means continued the enormous profits of its trade, for a series of years longer than it otherwise could have done. the discovery of gold on the frazer river in , the rush of miners, and the organizing of british columbia, partially checked this fur company, and led to the formation of a sickly colony strangled in the embrace of an avaricious monopoly. to counteract the american and protestant missionary efforts, it brought to oregon the roman and french jesuits. to compete with the americans in stock and agricultural products, it originated the puget sound company. to outnumber the american settlers, it brought on a colony of half-breeds from red river. while by the influence of its jesuits it could destroy one branch of the protestant missions, and bring on an indian war, the settlement had gained strength sufficient to maintain independence without its aid. while the country has increased in population and wealth, this english monopoly has been decreasing in power and influence. while the protestant religion has continued to widen and deepen its hold upon the american people, the papal superstition has increased among the indians, thus rendering them more hopelessly depraved, and consigning them and their descendants to unending superstition and ignorance, or to utter oblivion as a race, to be superseded by an enlightened christian, american people. with unfeigned thanks to all who have assisted us in this work, we take our leave, hoping the facts we have given will be useful, and abundantly reward the reader for his time and money. * * * * * transcriber notes: punctuation has been corrected without note. footnotes have been moved closer to their reference point. "corrections" noted at the beginning of the book have not been incorporated. "hudson bay company" changed to "hudson's bay company" without note for consistency. page : "by" added (would not be made slaves by the king george warriors). page : "kingdon" changed to "kingdom" (from the united kingdom). page : duplicate word "to" removed (who went to london). page : "monoply" changed to "monopoly" (a commercial monopoly) and (to the fur monopoly). page : the table regarding property values has several either typos and/or incorrect calculations based on the text preceding. corrections of typos have been made to match the preceding text, however, the total dollar amount stated in the next paragraph is incorrect and has not been changed. page : "supppose" changed to "suppose" (i suppose by this expression). page : "bring" changed to "bringing" (bringing with them to fort hall). page : "foregn" changed to "foreign" (generous to a foreign monopoly). page : "sufficent" changed to "sufficient" (a sufficient number to command). page : "sufferered" changed to "suffered" (suffered for willful murder). page : duplicate "of" removed (repetition of the threats made). page : "peace'" changed to "peace's" (for some peace's sake). page : "souyht" changed to "sought" (prize they sought). page : duplicate "and" deleted (messrs. eells and walker). page : "scull" changed to "skull" (but none in the skull). page : "how" changed to "now" (any person now holding). page : duplicate "their" removed (starvation was their only portion). page : "peculiary" changed to "peculiarly" (so peculiarly republican and in accordance with). page : duplicate "only" removed (not only by giving in). page : "surpise" changed to "surprise" (here, to our surprise and terror). page : "though" changed to "through" (and through the french half-breed). page : "victms" changed to "victims" (sustaining them among their deluded victims). page : duplicate "that" removed (said that they had forgotten all this). page : "witman's" changed to "whitman's" (slept in dr. whitman's room). page : "againt" changed to "against" (that assassin struck not against). the original book included a list of errata which has been applied to the text. the original list of errata is below. errata. (from original text) page , th line from top, for "becamed," read "became." page , th line from bottom, for "moxon," read "maxon." also on pages and the same error occurs. page , th line from top, for "that british," read "that the british." page , th line from bottom, for "propriety," read "propensity." page , th line from top, for "where," read "when." page , th line from bottom, for "ten," read "one hundred." https://archive.org/details/earlywesterntrav thwa early western travels - volume xxx early western travels - a series of annotated reprints of some of the best and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the aborigines and social and economic conditions in the middle and far west, during the period of early american settlement edited with notes, introductions, index, etc., by reuben gold thwaites, ll. d. editor of "the jesuit relations and allied documents," "original journals of the lewis and clark expedition," "hennepin's new discovery," etc. volume xxx palmer's journal of travels over the rocky mountains, - [illustration: decoration] cleveland, ohio the arthur h. clark company copyright , by the arthur h. clark company all rights reserved the lakeside press r. r. donnelley & sons company chicago contents of volume xxx preface. _the editor_ journal of travels over the rocky mountains, to the mouth of the columbia river; made during the years and : containing minute descriptions of the valleys of the willamette, umpqua, and clamet; a general description of oregon territory; its inhabitants, climate, soil, productions, etc., etc.; a list of necessary outfits for emigrants; and a table of distances from camp to camp on the route. also; a letter from the rev. h. h. spalding, resident missionary, for the last ten years, among the nez percé tribe of indians, on the kooskooskee river; the organic laws of oregon territory; tables of about words of the chinook jargon, and about words of the nez percé language; a description of mount hood; incidents of travel, &c., &c. _joel palmer._ copyright notice author's dedication publishers' advertisement text: journal, april , -july , necessary outfits for emigrants traveling to oregon words used in the chinook jargon words used in the nez percé language table of distances from independence, missouri; and st. joseph, to oregon city, in oregon territory appendix: letter of the rev. h. h. spalding to joel palmer, oregon territory, april , organic laws of oregon (with amendments). illustration to volume xxx facsimile of title-page, palmer's journal of travels. preface to volume xxx in the wake of the pathfinders, fur-traders, indian scouts, missionaries, scientific visitors, and foreign adventurers came the ultimate figure among early western travellers, the american pioneer settler, the fore-runner of the forces of occupation and civilization. this concluding volume in our series is, therefore, fitly devoted to the record of an actual home-seeker, and founder of new western communities. the significant feature of american history has been the transplanting of bodies of colonists from one frontier to a newer frontier. in respect to the oregon country, our interest therein is enhanced not only by the great distance and the abundant perils of the way, but also by the political result in securing the territory to the united states, and the growth of a prosperous commonwealth in the far northwest corner of our broad domain. in several previous volumes of our series we have witnessed the beginnings of oregon civilization. two of our travellers, franchère and ross, have graphically detailed the astoria episode, giving us, not without some literary skill, the skeleton of facts which irving's masterful pen clothed with living flesh and healthful color; in townsend's pages we found an enduring picture of the régime of the all-powerful hudson's bay company; de smet, with faithful, indeed loving, touches has portrayed the vanishing aborigines, whose sad story has yet fully to be told--eventually, when the last vestige of their race has gone, we shall come to recognize the tale as the sorriest chapter in our annals; farnham shrewdly narrates the sharp transition to american occupancy; but palmer tells us of the triumphant progress of the conquering pioneer, and in his pages the destiny of oregon as an american state is clearly foreshadowed. "fifty-four forty, or fight," the belligerent slogan with regard to oregon, adopted in the presidential campaign of , was after all not so much a notice to the british government that the united states considered the oregon country her own, beyond recall, as an appeal to the pioneers of the west to secure this vast inheritance by actual occupation. as such it proved a trumpet call to thousands of vigorous american farmers, most of them already possessed of comfortable homes in the growing communities of the middle west. "i have an uncle," declared one of the pioneers to dr. john mcloughlin, hudson's bay factor on the pacific coast, "who is rich enough to buy out your company and all this territory." "indeed!" replied the doctor, courteously, "who is he?" "uncle sam," gayly responded the emigrant, with huge enjoyment in his well-worn witticism. it was at the supposed behest of this same "uncle sam" that farms were sold, wagons and oxen purchased, outfits prepared, and long caravans of permanent settlers slowly and painfully crossed the vast plains and rugged mountains lying between the comfortable settlements of the "old northwest"--the "middle west" of our day--and the new land of promise in the far northwest of the pacific slope. the emigration of exceeded all that had gone before. that of , eight hundred strong, had startled the indians, and surprised the staid officials of the hudson's bay company. that of had occupied the fertile valleys from puget sound on the north to calapooia on the south. that of determined that the territory should be the home of americans; it doubled the population already on the ground, reinforced the compact form of government, and laid broad and deep the foundations of new american commonwealths. our author, joel palmer, a shrewd, genial farmer from indiana, was a leader among these emigrants of . born across the canada line in , he nevertheless was of new york parentage, and american to the core. in early life his family removed to indiana, where joel founded a home at laurel, in northwest franklin county. by the suffrages of his neighbors palmer was sent to the state legislature in , but the following year determined to make a tour to oregon for personal observation, before deciding to remove his family thither and cast his future lot with its pioneer settlers. arrived on the missouri frontier, he found that the usual wagon train had gone in advance. however, he overtook the great body of the emigrants in time to assist in the organization of the caravan on big soldier's creek, in kansas. gathered from all parts of the middle west, with no attempt at organization nor any pre-arrangement whatsoever, the emigrants, who had not yet forgotten the frontier traditions of their fathers, proved to be a homogeneous body of about three thousand alert, capable travellers, provided in general with necessities and even comforts for the hardships of the long journey; indeed, after the manner of their aryan forbears in the great westerly migrations of the past, they were accompanied by herds of cattle, to form the basis of agricultural life in the new land. each of the several hundred wagons was a travelling house, provided with tents, beds, and cooking utensils; clothing and food were also carried, sufficient not only for the journey out, but for subsistence through the first year, always the crucial stage of agricultural pioneering. the draught cattle were largely oxen, but many of the men rode horses, and others drove them with their cows and bulls. aside from the duties of the nightly encampment and morning "catch-up," life upon the migration progressed much as in settled communities. there were instances of courtship, marriage, illness, and death, and not infrequently births, among the migrating families. these, together with the ever-shifting panorama of sky, plains, and mountains, made the incidents of the long and tedious journey. occasionally there appeared upon the horizon an indian gazing silently at these invaders of his tribal domain, and at times he came even to the wagon wheels to beg or trade; the mere numbers of the travellers gave him abundant caution not to attempt hostilities. the wagons were so numerous as to render a compact caravan troublesome to manage and disagreeable to travel with. the great cavalcade soon broke into smaller groups, over one of which, composed of thirty wagons, palmer was chosen captain. at fort laramie they rested, and feasted the indians, who, in wonderment and not unnatural consternation, swarmed about them in the guise of beggars. palmer afterwards harangued the aboriginal visitors, telling them frankly that their entertainers were no traders, they "were going to plough and plant the ground," that their relatives were coming behind them, and these he hoped the red men would treat kindly and allow free passage--a thinly veiled suggestion that the white army of occupation had come to stay and must not be interfered with by the native population, or vengeance would follow. from fort laramie the invaders, for from the standpoint of the indians such of course were our western pioneers, followed the usual trail to the newly-established supply depot at fort bridger. thence they went by way of soda springs to fort hall, where was found awaiting them a delegation from california, seeking, with but slight success, to persuade a portion of the emigrants in that direction. following lewis river on its long southern bend, the travellers at last reached fort boise, where provisions could be purchased from hudson's bay officials, and a final breathing-spell be taken before attempting the most difficult part of the journey--the passage of the blue and cascade ranges. a considerable company of the emigrants, accompanied by the pilot, stephen h. meek, left the main party near fort hall, to force a new route to the willamette without following columbia river. the essay was, however, disastrous. meek became bewildered, and was obliged to secrete himself to escape the revenge of the exasperated travellers, who reached the dalles of the columbia in an exhausted condition, having lost many of their number through hunger and physical hardships. palmer himself continued with the main caravan on the customary route through the grande ronde, down the umatilla and the columbia, arriving at the dalles by the closing days of september. here a new difficulty faced the weary pioneers--there was no wagon road beyond the dalles; boats to transport the intending colonists were few, and had been pre-empted by the early arrivals, while provisions at the dalles would soon be exhausted. in this situation palmer determined to join samuel k. barlow and his company in an attempt to cross the cascades south of mount hood, and lead the way overland to the willamette valley. this proved an arduous task, calling for all the skill and fortitude of experienced pathfinders. in its course, palmer ascended mount hood, which he describes as "a sight more nobly grand" than any he had ever looked upon. at last the valley of the clackamas was reached, and oregon city, the little capital of the new territory, was attained, where "we were so filled with gratitude that we had reached the settlements of the white man, and with admiration at the appearance of the large sheet of water rolling over the falls, that we stopped, and in this moment of happiness recounted our toils, in thought, with more rapidity than tongue can express or pen write." the distance that he had travelled from independence, missouri, our author estimates at , miles. passing the winter of - in oregon, palmer made a careful examination of its resources, and in his book describes the country in much detail. the ensuing spring, after a journey to the lapwai mission for horses, he started on the return route, arriving at his home in laurel, indiana, upon the twenty-third of july. palmer's experience, although trying, had been sufficiently satisfactory to justify his intention to make a permanent home in oregon. in he took his family thither, the emigration of that year being sometimes known as "palmer's train," he having been elected captain of the entire caravan, also in recognition of his great utility to the expedition. the new caravan had but just arrived in oregon--now belonging definitely to the united states--when the whitman massacre aroused the colonists to punish the indian participants in order to ensure their own safety. in the organization of the militia force, joel palmer was chosen quartermaster and commissary general, whence the title of general, by which he was subsequently known. he was also made one of two commissioners to attempt to treat with the recalcitrant tribes, and win to neutrality as many as possible. accompanied by dr. robert newell, a former mountain man, and perrin whitman, the murdered man's nephew, as interpreter, palmer risked his life in the land of the hostiles, and succeeded in alienating many nez percés and wallawalla from the guilty cayuse. thus was laid the foundation of that full knowledge of aboriginal character that availed him in his service as united states superintendent of indians for oregon. to this difficult position general palmer was appointed by president pierce in , just on the eve of an outbreak in southern oregon, and his term of office coincided with the period of indian wars. after pacifying the southern tribes, palmer inaugurated the reservation system, removing the remnants of the tribes of the willamette valley and their southward neighbors to a large tract in polk and yamhill counties, known as grande ronde reservation. this ended the indian difficulties in that quarter until the modoc war, twenty years later. palmer found the tribesmen east of the mountains more difficult to subdue. scarcely had he and isaac t. stevens, governor of washington territory, made a series of treaties ( ) with the nez percés, cayuse, wallawalla, and neighboring tribes, when the yakima war began, and embroiled both territories until . during these difficulties the military authorities complained that commissioner palmer was too lenient with former hostiles, and pinned too much faith to their promises. consequently the oregon superintendency was merged with that of washington ( ), and james w. nesmith appointed to the combined office. retiring to his home in dayton, yamhill county, which town he had laid out in , general palmer was soon called upon to serve in the state legislature, being speaker of the house of representatives ( - ), and state senator ( - ). during the latter incumbency he declined being a candidate for united states senator, because of his belief that a person already holding a public office of emolument should not during his term be elected to another. in he was republican candidate for governor of the state, but was defeated by a majority of less than seven hundred votes. from this time forward he lived quietly at dayton, and there passed away upon the ninth of june, . his excellent portrait given in lyman's _history of oregon_ (iii, p. ) is that of an old man; but the face is still strong and kindly, with a high and broad forehead, and gentle yet piercing eyes. one of palmer's fellow pioneers said of him, "he was a man of ardent temperament, strong friendships, and full of hope and confidence in his fellow men." another calls his greatest characteristic his honesty and integrity. widely known and respected in the entire north-west, his services in the up-building of the new community were of large import. not the least of these services was, in our judgment, the publication of his _journal of travels over the rocky mountains_, herein reprinted, which was compiled during the winter of - , and planned as a guide for intending emigrants. the author hoped to have it in readiness for the train of , but the publishers were dilatory and he only received about a dozen copies before starting. the book proved useful enough, however, to require two later editions, one in , another in , and was much used by emigrants of the sixth decade of the past century. palmer makes no pretence of literary finish. he gives us a simple narrative of each day's happenings during his own first journey in , taking especial care to indicate the route, each night's camping places, and all possible cut-offs, springs, grassy oases, and whatever else might conduce to the well-being of the emigrant and his beasts. the great care taken by the author, with this very practical end in view, results in his volume being the most complete description of the oregon trail that we now possess. later, his account of passing around mount hood and the initial survey of the barlow road, produces a marked effect through its simplicity of narrative. his incidents have a quaint individuality, as for instance the reproof from the cayuse chief for the impiety of card-playing. no better description of the willamette valley can be found than in these pages, and our author's records of the climate, early prices in oregon, and the necessities of an emigrant's outfit, complete a graphic picture of pioneering days. in the annotation of the present volume, we have had valuable suggestions and some material help from principal william i. marshall of chicago, professor edmond s. meany of the university of washington, mr. george h. himes of portland, dr. joseph schafer of the university of oregon, and mr. edward huggins, a veteran hudson's bay company official at fort nisqually. with this volume our series of narratives ends, save for the general index reserved for volume xxxi. the western travels which began in tentative excursions into the indian country around pittsburg and eastern ohio in , have carried us to the coast of the pacific. the continent has been spanned. not without some exhibitions of wanton cruelty on the part of the whites have the aborigines been pushed from their fertile seats and driven to the mountain wall. the american frontier has steadily retreated--at first from the alleghanies to the middle west, thence across the mississippi, and now at the close of our series it is ascending the missouri and has sent vanguards to the farthest northwest. the ruts of caravan routes have been deeply sunk into the plains and deserts, and wheel marks are visible through the length of several mountain passes. the greater part of the continental interior has been threaded and mapped. the era of railroad building and the engineer is at hand. the long journey to the western ocean has been ridded of much of its peril, and is less a question of mighty endurance than confronted the pathfinders. when francis parkman, the historian of new france, going out upon the first stages of the oregon trail in --the year following the date of the present volume--saw emigrant wagons fitted with rocking chairs and cooking stoves, he foresaw the advent of the commonplace upon the plains, and the end of the romance of early western travels. throughout the entire task of preparing for the press this series of reprints, the editor has had the assistance of louise phelps kellogg, ph. d., a member of his staff in the wisconsin historical library. others have also rendered editorial aid, duly acknowledged in the several volumes as occasion arose; but from beginning to end, particularly in the matter of annotation, dr. kellogg has been his principal research colleague, and he takes great pleasure in asking for her a generous share of whatever credit may accrue from the undertaking. annie amelia nunns, a. b., also of his library staff, has rendered most valuable expert aid, chiefly in proofreading and indexing. the editor cannot close his last word to the reader without gratefully calling attention, as well, to the admirable mechanical and artistic dress with which his friends the publishers have generously clothed the series, and to bear witness to their kindly suggestions, active assistance, and unwearied patience, during the several years of preparation and publication. r. g. t. madison, wis., august, . palmer's journal of travels over the rocky mountains, - reprint of original edition: cincinnati, journal of travels over the rocky mountains, to the mouth of the columbia river; made during the years and : containing minute descriptions of the valleys of the willamette, umpqua, and clamet; a general description of oregon territory; its inhabitants, climate, soil, productions, etc., etc.; a list of necessary outfits for emigrants; and a table of distances from camp to camp on the route. also; a letter from the rev. h. h. spalding, resident missionary, for the last ten years, among the nez percé tribe of indians, on the kooskooskee river; the organic laws of oregon territory, tables of about words of the chinook jargon, and about words of the nez percé language; a description of mount hood; incidents of travel, &c., &c. by joel palmer. cincinnati: j. a. & u. p. james, walnut street, between fourth and fifth. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by j. a. & u. p. james, in the clerk's office of the district court of ohio. to the pioneers of the west, and their descendants, the bone and muscle of the community, who improve and enrich the country in peace, and protect and defend it in war, this work is respectfully dedicated. publishers' advertisement in offering to the public a new work on oregon, the publishers feel confident that they are performing an acceptable service to all who are desirous of obtaining full and correct information of that extensive and interesting region. the facts contained in this journal of travels over the rocky mountains were obtained, by the author, from personal inspection and observation; or derived from intelligent persons, some of whom had resided in the country for ten years previously. it contains, as is believed, much very valuable information never before published, respecting the oregon territory. mr. palmer's statements and descriptions are direct and clear, and may be relied on for their accuracy. he observed with the eye of an intelligent farmer the hills and valleys; timbered land and prairies, soil, grass, mill sites, &c.; all of which he has particularly described. to the man about to emigrate to oregon just the kind of information needed is given. he is informed what is the best season for setting out; the kinds and quantities of necessary outfits; where they may be purchased to the best advantage, so as to save money, time and useless hauling of provisions, and to promote comfort and prevent suffering on the long journey. {vi} a particular account of oregon city is given; the number of houses and inhabitants; the number and kinds of mechanical trades carried on; and the prices current during the author's stay there. the objects of natural curiosity on the route--the solitary tower--the chimney rock--independence rock--the hot springs--the devil's gate--the south pass--the soda springs, and many others--are noticed. the work is enlivened with anecdotes of mountaineer life--shooting buffalo--hunting bear--taking fish, &c. mr. palmer made the ascent of one of the highest peaks of mount hood, almost alone, and with a very scanty supply of provisions. an extraordinary achievement, when the circumstances under which it was accomplished are taken into consideration. _cincinnati, january, ._ journal of travels over the rocky mountains having concluded, from the best information i was able to obtain, that the oregon territory offers great inducements to emigrants, i determined to visit it with a view of satisfying myself in regard to it, and of ascertaining by personal observation whether its advantages were sufficient to warrant me in the effort to make it my future home.[ ] i started, accordingly, on the morning of the th of april, , in company with mr. spencer buckley. we expected to be joined by several young men from rushville, ind., but they all abandoned the enterprise, and gave us no other encouragement than their good wishes for our success and safety. i took leave of my family, friends and home, with a truly melancholy heart. i had long looked forward and suffered in imagination the pain of this anticipated separation; but i had not tasted of its _realities_, and none but those who have parted with a family under similar circumstances, can form any just conception of the depth and power of the emotions which pervaded my breast on that occasion. the undertaking before me was arduous. it _might_ and doubtless _would_ be attended with various and unknown difficulties, privations and dangers. a doubt arose in my mind, whether the advantages, which were expected to result from the trip, would be likely to compensate for the time and expense necessary to accomplish it: but i believed that i was right, hoped for the best, and pressed onward. we were favoured with a pleasant day and good roads, which tended in some degree to dissipate the gloom which { } had weighed down my spirits upon leaving _home_. our day's travel ended at blue river, on the banks of which we encamped for the first time on the long and tedious journey before us.[ ] _april ._ arrived at indianapolis, in the afternoon, where we expected to meet a number of persons, who had expressed a determination to join the party.[ ] but here too, as in the case of our rushville friends, we were doomed to meet disappointment;--not one was found willing to join us in our expedition. after having had our horses well shod, (we traveled in an ordinary wagon drawn by two horses,) and having laid in a supply of medicines, we put up for the night. _april ._ we this day had a sample of what might be called the _mishaps_ of travelers--an encounter with a wild animal, the first which we met in our journey. one of our horses becoming lame, we were obliged to trade him away, and received in exchange one so wild, that it required the greatest vigilance and exertion on our part to prevent him from running away with our whole concern. we reached mount meridian after a day's journey of about thirty-four miles, during which we succeeded admirably in taming our wild horse.[ ] _april ._ reached the mississippi, opposite to st. louis, having traveled daily, and made the best of our time after leaving mount meridian. _april ._ we made a few purchases this morning, consisting chiefly of indian trinkets, tobacco, powder, lead, &c. and, soon after, resumed our journey upon the road to st. charles, the seat of justice for st. charles county.[ ] we reached this place at the close of the day, and encamped upon the banks of the missouri, which appears to be about as wide as the ohio at cincinnati, in a fair stage of water; the current is quite strong; the water very thick and muddy. here, we overtook a company of germans, from st. louis, who had started for california. the company consisted of four men, two women and three children; they traveled with a wagon drawn by six mules, and a cart drawn by two,--a very poor means of conveyance for such a long and tedious route. we traveled the same road until we reached fort hall. _april ._ at nine o'clock a. m. we crossed the river and traveled twenty-eight miles. the surface of the country is somewhat undulating; the soil, though poorly watered, appears to be good, and produces respectable crops. _april ._ we traveled thirty-one miles. the day was rainy { } and unpleasant. the country through which we passed is a rolling prairie: some parts of it are very well timbered. on account of the scarcity of springs, the people rely generally upon their supplies of _rain_ water. there we were joined by a clever backwoodsman, by the name of dodson, who was making the best of his lonely journey to join an emigrating party at independence; upon his consenting to bear an equal share in our expenses and outfit at that place, we took him in, and traveled together. _april ._ we started this morning at sunrise, and traveled to lute creek, a distance of six and a half miles.[ ] this stream was so much swollen, in consequence of the recent rains, that we were unable to ford it, and were forced to encamp upon its banks, and remain all day. while there, we were greatly annoyed by the _wood-tick_--an insect resembling, in size and in other respects, the _sheep-tick_. these insects, with which the bushes and even the ground seemed to be covered, fastened themselves with such tenacity upon our flesh, that when picking them off in the morning, the head would remain sticking fast to the skin, causing in most cases a painful wound. _april ._ we traveled about twenty-six miles, through a gently undulating country: the principal crops consisted of corn, oats, tobacco and some wheat. we passed through williamsburgh and fulton. the latter town is the seat of justice for callaway county.[ ] _april ._ we made an advance of about thirty miles through a well timbered country, and passed through columbia, the seat of justice for boone county. the town is pleasant and surrounded by a fertile and attractive country. we made our halt and encamped for the night, five miles westward of this town. _may ._ we started this morning at the usual hour, and after a ride of eight miles, reached and re-crossed the missouri, at rocheport, and continued our journey until night, passing through booneville, the county seat of cooper--a rich and fertile county, making in all a ride of twenty-six miles.[ ] _may ._ passed through the town of marshall, the seat of justice for saline county. the town stands upon an elevated prairie, upon which may be found a few groves of shrubby timber. the country upon this [the west] side appeared to be much better supplied with water, than that upon the east side.[ ] _may ._ we traveled about twenty-eight miles, over a thinly-settled { } prairie country. the crops, cultivated generally by negroes, consisted of hemp, corn, oats, and a little wheat and tobacco. the soil appeared to be good, but the scarcity of timber will prove a serious barrier to a complete settlement of the country. _may ._ we traveled twenty-three miles this day, through a better improved and pleasanter part of missouri, than any we have yet seen. the crops appeared well; there were fine orchards under successful cultivation. the country is well timbered, and there appears nothing to hinder it from becoming the seat of a dense and thriving population. _may ._ reached independence at nine o'clock a.m.;[ ] and as the main body of emigrants had left a few days previous, we hastily laid in our supplies, and at five o'clock p. m., pushed forward about two miles, and encamped upon the banks of a small creek, in company with four wagons, bound for oregon. from one of the wagons they drew forth a large jug of whiskey, and before bed-time all the men were completely intoxicated. in the crowd was a mountaineer, who gave us a few lessons in the first chapter of a life among the mountains. at midnight, when all were quiet, i wrapped myself in my blanket, laid down under an oak tree, and began to realize that i was on my journey to oregon. _may ._ after traveling about fifteen miles we halted and procured an extra set of horse-shoes, and a few additional wagon bows. the main body of the emigrants is twenty-five miles in advance of us: we have now passed out of missouri, and are traveling in an indian country--most of which is a rolling prairie.[ ] _may ._ we started at seven o'clock, a. m. and traveled about twenty miles. towards evening we overtook an emigrating company, consisting of thirty-eight wagons, with about one thousand head of loose cattle, all under the direction of a mr. brown. we passed this company, expecting to overtake a company of about one hundred wagons, which were but a few miles before us. the night, however, became so dark that we were compelled to encamp upon the prairie. soon after we had staked our horses, a herd of wild indian horses came galloping furiously by us, which so alarmed our horses and mules, that they broke loose and ran away after them. dodson and myself pursued, but were distanced, and after running two or three miles, abandoned the chase as hopeless, and attempted to return to the camp. owing to the darkness, we { } were unable to find our camp, until the night had far advanced; and when we finally reached it, it required all my logic, supported by the positive testimony of buckley, to convince dodson that we were actually there. _may ._ at daylight, dodson and i resumed the search for our lost stock. after a fatiguing tramp of several hours, i came upon _one_ of the mules, which being hobbled, had been unable to keep with the herd. dodson was unsuccessful, and returned to camp before me; during our absence, however, the herd had strolled near the camp, and buckley had succeeded in taking our two _horses_. having taken some refreshments, we started again in search of the lost animals. as i was returning to camp, hopeless, weary and hungry, i saw at a distance dodson and buckley mounted upon our two horses, and giving chase to the herd of indian horses, among which were our two mules. the scene was wild, romantic and exciting. the race was untrammeled by any of those arbitrary and useless rules with which the "knights of the turf" encumber their races, and was pursued on both sides, for a nobler purpose; it was to decide between the rights of _property_ on the one side, and the rights of _liberty_ on the other. the contest was for a long time doubtful; but the herd finally succeeded in winning the race, and poor buckley and dodson were compelled to yield; the former having lost his reputation as a sportsman, and the latter--what grieved him more,--his _team_; and _both_ had ruined the character of their coursers in suffering them to be beaten. sad and dispirited, they returned to camp, where, after a short consultation, it was unanimously resolved,--inasmuch as there was no _other_ alternative,--to suffer the mules freely and forever to enjoy the enlarged liberty which they had so nobly won. the day was nearly spent, but we harnessed up our team and traveled four miles, to the crossing of a creek, where we encamped for the night. _may ._ re-considered our resolution of last evening, and spent the morning looking for the mules--re-adopted the _same_ resolution, for the _same_ reason, and then resumed our journey. we advanced about eighteen miles through a very fertile and well watered country, and possessing, along the banks of the water courses, a supply of bur and white oak, ash, elm, and black walnut timber, amply sufficient for all practical purposes. in our travel, we crossed a stream called the walkarusha, extending back from which, about two miles in width, { } we discovered a fine bottom covered with heavy bur oak and black walnut timber. after passing through this bottom, the trail strikes into a level and beautiful prairie, and crossing it--a distance of four miles--rises gradually to the ridge between the walkarusha and the caw, or kansas river.[ ] we encamped upon the ridge, in full view of the two streams, which at this place are from six to eight miles apart. the banks of both streams, as far as can be seen, are lined, either way, with excellent timber: the country rises gradually from the streams, for fifteen or twenty miles, with alternate forests and prairies, presenting to the eye a truly splendid scene. i noticed here almost a countless number of _mounds_, in different directions--some covered with timber, others with long grass. the caw or kansas indians dwell along these streams. through this part of the route there are _two_ trails, uniting near our camp; the difference in the distance is small.[ ] _may ._ we traveled about twenty miles, and passed a company of twenty-eight wagons. the road runs upon the ridge, which after a distance of ten or twelve miles becomes a broad rolling prairie. as night came on, we came up with the company of one hundred wagons which we were in pursuit of: they were encamped upon the banks of a small brook, four miles from the kansas, into which it empties. we joined this company. at dark the guard was stationed, who becoming tired of their monotonous round of duty, amused themselves by shooting several dogs, and by so doing excited no small tumult in the company, which after some exertion on the part of the more orderly portion was quelled, and tranquility restored. _may ._ we traveled about four miles to caw or kansas river. this is a muddy stream, of about two hundred and fifty yards in width. we were obliged to be ferried over it in a flat boat; and so large was our company, and so slowly did the ferrymen carry on the necessary operations, that darkness overtook us before half the wagons had crossed the stream. fearing molestation from the numerous indians who were prowling about, we were compelled to keep a strong guard around our camp, and especially around our cattle; and when all the preliminaries had been arranged, we betook ourselves to rest; but our tranquility was soon interrupted by one of the most terrific thunder storms that i ever witnessed. it appeared to me that the very _elements_ had broken loose, and that each was engaging madly in a desperate struggle for the mastery. all was confusion in our camp. the storm had so frightened the cattle, { } that they were perfectly furious and ungovernable, and rushed through the guard, and dashed forward over the country before us: nothing could be done to secure them, and we were obliged to allow them to have out their race, and endeavor to guard our camp. _may ._ early this morning we succeeded in finding and taking possession of our cattle, and by noon all our wagons had crossed the river. soon after we took up our line of march, and after advancing about three miles, encamped near the banks of big soldier creek, for the purpose of organizing the company by an election of officers; the officers _then_ acting having been elected to serve only until the company should reach _this place_.[ ] it was decided, when at independence, that _here_ there should be a thorough and complete organization. great interest had been manifested in regard to the matter while upon the road; but _now_ when we had reached the spot and the period for attending to the matter in earnest had arrived, the excitement was intense. the most important officers to be elected were the pilot and captain of the company. there were two candidates for the office of pilot,--one a mr. adams, from independence,--the other a mr. meek, from the same place. mr. adams had once been as far west as fort laramie, had in his possession gilpin's notes,[ ] had engaged a spaniard, who had traveled over the whole route, to accompany him, and moreover had been conspicuously instrumental in producing the "oregon fever." in case the company would elect him pilot, and pay him five hundred dollars, _in advance_, he would bind himself to pilot them to fort vancouver. mr. meek, an old mountaineer, had spent several years as a trader and trapper, among the mountains, and had once been through to fort vancouver;[ ] he proposed to pilot us through for two hundred and fifty dollars, _thirty_ of which were to be paid in advance, and the balance when we arrived at fort vancouver. a motion was then made to postpone the election to the next day. while we were considering the motion, meek came running into the camp, and informed us that the indians were driving away our cattle. this intelligence caused the utmost confusion: motions and propositions, candidates and their special friends, were alike disregarded; _rifles_ were grasped, and _horses_ were hastily mounted, and away we all galloped in pursuit. our two thousand head of cattle were now scattered over the prairie, at a distance of four or five miles from the camp. { } about two miles from camp, in full view, up the prairie, was a small indian village; the greater part of our enraged people, with the hope of hearing from the lost cattle, drove rapidly forward to this place. as they approached the village, the poor indians were seen running to and fro, in great dismay--their women and children skulking about and hiding themselves,--while the chiefs came forward, greeted our party kindly, and by signs offered to smoke the pipe of peace, and engage with them in trade. on being charged with the theft of our cattle, they firmly asserted their innocence; and such was their conduct, that the majority of the party was convinced they had been wrongfully accused: but one poor fellow, who had just returned to the village, and manifested great alarm upon seeing so many "pale faces," was taken; and failing to prove his innocence, was hurried away to camp and placed under guard. meanwhile, after the greater part of the company had returned to camp, and the captain had assembled the _judges_, the prisoner was arraigned at the bar for trial, and the solemn interrogatory, "are you guilty or not guilty," was propounded to him: but to this, his only answer was--a grunt, the import of which the honorable court not being able clearly to comprehend, his trial was formally commenced and duly carried through. the evidence brought forward against him not being sufficient to sustain the charge, he was fully acquitted; and, when released, "_split_" for his wigwam in the village. after the excitement had in some degree subsided, and the affair was calmly considered, it was believed by most of us that the false alarm in regard to the indians had been raised with the design of breaking up or postponing the election. if such _was_ the design, it succeeded admirably. _may ._ immediately after breakfast, the camp was assembled, and proceeded to the election of officers and the business of organization. the election resulted in the choice of s. l. meek, as pilot, and doctor p. welch,[ ] formerly of indiana, as captain, with a host of subalterns; such as lieutenants, judges, sergeants, &c. after these matters had been disposed of, we harnessed up our teams and traveled about five miles, and encamped with big soldier creek on our right hand and caw river on our left. the next day we were delayed in crossing big soldier creek, on account of the steepness of its banks; and advanced only twelve miles through a prairie country. here { } sixteen wagons separated from us, and we were joined by fifteen others. _may ._ we traveled eighteen miles over a high, rolling prairie, and encamped on the banks of little vermilion creek, in sight of a caw village. the principal chief resides at this village.[ ] our camp here replenished their stores; and, although these indians may be a set of beggarly thieves, they conducted themselves honorably in their dealings with us; in view of which we raised for their benefit a contribution of tobacco, powder, lead, &c., and received in return many good wishes for a pleasant and successful journey. after leaving them, we traveled about twelve miles over a fertile prairie. in the evening, after we had encamped and taken our supper, a wedding was attended to with peculiar interest. _may ._ this day our camp did not rise. a growing spirit of dissatisfaction had prevailed since the election; there were a great number of disappointed candidates, who were unwilling to submit to the will of the majority; and to such a degree had a disorderly spirit been manifested, that it was deemed expedient to divide the company. accordingly, it was mutually agreed upon, to form, from the _whole_ body, three companies; and that, while each company should select its own officers and manage its internal affairs, the pilot, and capt. welsh, who had been elected by the whole company, should retain their posts, and travel with the company in advance. it was also arranged, that each company should take its turn in traveling in advance, for a week at a time. a proposition was then made and acceded to, which provided that a collection of funds, with which to pay the pilot, should be made previous to the separation, and placed in the hands of some person to be chosen by the _whole_, as treasurer, who should give bonds, with approved security, for the fulfilment of his duty. a treasurer was accordingly chosen, who after giving the necessary bond, collected about one hundred and ninety dollars of the money promised; some refused to pay, and others had no money in their possession. all these and similar matters having been satisfactorily arranged, the separation took place, and the companies proceeded to the election of the necessary officers. the company to which i had attached myself, consisting of thirty wagons, insisted that i should officiate as their captain, and with some reluctance i consented. we dispensed with many of the offices and formalities which { } existed in the former company, and after adopting certain regulations respecting the government of the company, and settling other necessary preliminaries, we retired to rest for the night. _may ._ we have this day traveled fifteen miles, through a prairie country, with occasionally a small grove along the streams. _may ._ yesterday after moving thirteen miles we crossed big vermillion, and encamped a mile beyond its west bank; we found a limestone country, quite hilly, indeed almost mountainous. to-day we have crossed bee, and big blue creeks; the latter stream is lined with oak, walnut, and hickory.[ ] we encamped two and a half miles west of it. during the night it rained very hard. our cattle became frightened and all ran away. _may ._ made to-day but eight miles. our pilot notified us that this would be our last opportunity to procure timber for axle trees, wagon tongues, &c., and we provided a supply of this important material. our cattle were all found. _may ._ early this morning we were passed by col. kearney and his party of dragoons, numbering about three hundred. they have with them nineteen wagons drawn by mules, and drive fifty head of cattle and twenty-five head of sheep. they go to the south pass of the rocky mountains.[ ] our travel of to-day and yesterday is thirty-two miles, during which we have crossed several small streams, skirted by trees. the soil looks fertile. _may ._ overtook capt. welsh's company to-day. we passed twelve miles through a rolling prairie region, and encamped on little sandy. _may ._ as it was now the turn of our company to travel in advance, we were joined by capt. welsh and our pilot. the country is of the same character with that we passed through on yesterday, and is highly adapted to the purpose of settlement, having a good soil, and streams well lined with timber. _may ._ in the afternoon of the th we struck the republican fork of blue river,[ ] along which for fifty miles lay the route we were traveling. its banks afford oak, ash and hickory, and often open out into wide and fertile bottoms. here and there we observed cotton wood and willow. the pea vine grows wild, in great abundance on the bottoms. the pea is smaller than our common garden pea and afforded us a { } pleasant vegetable. we saw also a few wild turkies. to-day we reached a point where a trail turns from this stream, a distance of twenty-five miles, to the platte or nebraska river. we kept the left hand route, and some nine or ten miles beyond this trail, we made our last encampment on the republican fork. _june ._ we set out at the usual hour and crossed over the country to platte river; having measured the road with the chain, we ascertained the distance to be eighteen and a half miles, from our encampment of last night. it is all a rolling prairie; and in one spot, we found in pools a little standing water. some two miles before reaching the platte bottom the prairie is extremely rough; and as far as the eye can reach up and down that river, it is quite sandy.[ ] we encamped near a marshy spot, occasioned by the overflow of the river, opposite an island covered with timber, to which we were obliged to go through the shallows of the river for fuel, as the main land is entirely destitute of trees. near us the platte bottom is three and a half miles wide, covered with excellent grass, which our cattle ate greedily, being attracted by a salt like substance which covers the grass and lies sprinkled on the surface of the ground. we observed large herds of antelope in our travel of to-day. in the evening it rained very hard. _june ._ our week of advance traveling being expired, we resolved to make a short drive, select a suitable spot, and lay by for washing. we accordingly encamped about six miles up platte river. as i had been elected captain but for two weeks, and my term was now expired, a new election was held, which resulted in the choice of the same person. the captain, welsh, who was originally elected by all the companies, had been with us one week, and some dissatisfaction was felt, by our company, at the degree of authority he seemed disposed to exercise. we found, too, that it was bad policy to require the several companies to wait for each other;--our supply of provision was considered barely sufficient for the journey, and it behooved us [to] make the best use of our time. at present one of the companies was supposed to be two or three days travel in the rear. we adopted a resolution desiring the several companies to abandon the arrangement that required each to delay for the others; and that each company should have the use of the pilot according to its turn. our proposition was not, for the present, accepted by the other companies. while we were at our washing encampment one { } of the companies passed us, the other still remaining in the rear. _june ._ having traveled about eight miles, we halted at noon, making short drives, to enable the rear company to join us. we have no tidings of it as yet. we met seventy-five or eighty pawnee indians returning from their spring hunt.[ ] _june ._ yesterday we traveled about twelve miles, passing captain stephens, with his advance company. to-day we traveled about the same distance, suffering stephens' company to pass us.[ ] at noon they were delayed by the breaking of an axletree of one of their wagons, and we again passed them, greatly to their offence. they refused to accede to our terms, and we determined to act on our own responsibility. we therefore dissolved our connection with the other companies, and thenceforward acted independently of them. _june ._ we advanced twenty miles to-day. we find a good road, but an utter absence of ordinary fuel. we are compelled to substitute for it buffalo dung, which burns freely. _june ._ we find in our sixteen miles travel to-day that the grass is very poor in the platte bottoms, having been devoured by the buffalo herds. these bottoms are from two to four miles in width, and are intersected, at every variety of interval, by paths made by the buffaloes, from the bluffs to the river. these paths are remarkable in their appearance, being about fifteen inches wide, and four inches deep, and worn into the soil as smoothly as they could be cut with a spade. we formed our encampment on the bank of the river, with three emigrating companies within as many miles of us; two above and one below; one of fifty-two wagons, one of thirteen, and one of forty-three--ours having thirty-seven. we find our cattle growing lame, and most of the company are occupied in attempting to remedy the lameness. the prairie having been burnt, dry, sharp stubs of clotted grass remain, which are very hard, and wear and irritate the feet of the cattle. the foot becomes dry and feverish, and cracks in the opening of the hoof. in this opening the rough blades of grass and dirt collect, and the foot generally festers, and swells very much. our mode of treating it was, to wash the foot with strong soap suds, scrape or cut away all the diseased flesh, and then pour boiling pitch or tar upon the sore. if applied early this remedy will cure. should the heel become worn out, apply tar or pitch, and singe with a hot iron. at our encampment to-night we have abundance of wood for fuel. { } _june ._ we advanced to-day about twelve miles. the bottom near our camp is narrow, but abounds in timber, being covered with ash; it, however, affords poor grazing. so far as we have traveled along the platte, we find numerous islands in the river, and some of them quite large. in the evening a young man, named foster,[ ] was wounded by the accidental discharge of a gun. the loaded weapon, from which its owner had neglected to remove the cap, was placed at the tail of a wagon; as some one was taking out a tent-cloth, the gun was knocked down, and went off. the ball passed through a spoke of the wagon-wheel, struck the felloe, and glanced. foster was walking some two rods from the wagon, when the half spent ball struck him in the back, near the spine; and, entering between the skin and the ribs, came out about three inches from where it entered, making merely a flesh wound. a small fragment of the ball had lodged in his arm. _june ._ the morning is rainy. to-day we passed stephens' company, which passed us on yesterday. our dissensions are all healed; and they have decided to act upon our plan. _june ._ yesterday we traveled fifteen miles; to-day the same distance. we find the grazing continues poor. in getting to our encampment, we passed through a large dog town. these singular communities may be seen often, along the banks of the platte, occupying various areas, from one to five hundred acres. the one in question covered some two hundred or three hundred acres. the prairie-dog is something larger than a common sized gray squirrel, of a dun color; the head resembles that of a bull dog: the tail is about three inches in length. their food is prairie grass. like rabbits, they burrow in the ground, throwing out heaps of earth, and often large stones, which remain at the mouth of their holes. the entrance to their burrows is about four inches in diameter, and runs obliquely into the earth about three feet, when the holes ramify in every direction and connect with each other on every side. some kind of police seems to be observed among them; for at the approach of man, one of the dogs will run to the entrance of a burrow, and, squatting down, utter a shrill bark. at once, the smaller part of the community will retreat to their holes, while numbers of the larger dogs will squat, like the first, at their doors, and unite in the barking. a near approach drives them all under ground. it is singular, { } but true, that the little screech-owl and the rattlesnake keep them company in their burrows. i have frequently seen the owls, but not the snake, with them. the mountaineers, however, inform me, that they often catch all three in the same hole. the dog is eaten by the indians, with quite a relish; and often by the mountaineers. i am not prepared to speak of its qualities as an article of food. during the night, a mule, belonging to a mr. risley,[ ] of our company, broke from its tether, and in attempting to secure it, its owner was repeatedly shot at by the guard; but, fortunately, was not hit. he had run from his tent without having been perceived by the guard, and was crawling over the ground, endeavoring to seize the trail rope, which was tied to his mule's neck. the guard mistook him for an indian, trying to steal horses, and called to him several times; but a high wind blowing he did not hear. the guard leveled and fired, but his gun did not go off. another guard, standing near, presented his piece and fired; the cap burst, without discharging the load. the first guard, by this time prepared, fired a second time, without effect. by this time the camp was roused, and nearly all seized their fire-arms, when we discovered that the supposed indian was one of our own party. we regarded it as providential that the man escaped, as the guard was a good shot, and his mark was not more than eighty yards distant. this incident made us somewhat more cautious about leaving the camp, without notifying the guard. _june ._ to-day we traveled ten or twelve miles. six miles brought us to the lower crossing of platte river, which is five or six miles above the forks, and where the high ground commences between the two streams. there is a trail which turns over the bluff to the left; we however took the right, and crossed the river.[ ] the south fork is at this place about one fourth of a mile wide, and from one to three feet deep, with a sandy bottom, which made the fording so heavy that we were compelled to double teams. the water through the day is warm; but as the nights are cool, it is quite cool enough in the morning. on the west bank of the river was encamped brown's company, which passed us whilst we were organizing at caw river. we passed them, and proceeded along the west side of the south fork, and encamped on the river bank. at night our hunters brought in some buffalo meat. _june ._ yesterday we followed the river about thirteen miles, and encamped on its bank, where the road between the { } two forks strikes across the ridge toward the north fork. to-day we have followed that route: directly across, the distance does not exceed four miles: but the road runs obliquely between the two streams, and reaches the north fork about nine miles from our last camp. we found quite a hill to descend, as the road runs up the bottom a half mile and then ascends the bluff. emigrants should keep the bluff sixteen or seventeen miles. we descended a ravine and rested on the bank of the river. _june ._ yesterday we advanced eight miles, and halted to wash and rest our teams. we have remained all this day in camp. at daylight a herd of buffalo approached near the camp; they were crossing the river, but as soon as they caught the scent, they retreated to the other side. it was a laughable sight to see them running in the water. some of our men having been out with their guns, returned at noon overloaded with buffalo meat. we then commenced jerking it. this is a process resorted to for want of time or means to cure meat by salting. the meat is sliced thin, and a scaffold prepared, by setting forks in the ground, about three feet high, and laying small poles or sticks crosswise upon them. the meat is laid upon those pieces, and a slow fire built beneath; the heat and smoke completes the process in half a day; and with an occasional sunning the meat will keep for months. an unoccupied spectator, who could have beheld our camp to-day, would think it a singular spectacle. the hunters returning with the spoil; some erecting scaffolds, and others drying the meat. of the women, some were washing, some ironing, some baking. at two of the tents the fiddle was employed in uttering its unaccustomed voice among the solitudes of the platte; at one tent i heard singing; at others the occupants were engaged in reading, some the bible, others poring over novels. while all this was going on, that nothing might be wanting to complete the harmony of the scene, a campbellite preacher, named foster, was reading a hymn, preparatory to religious worship. the fiddles were silenced, and those who had been occupied with that amusement, betook themselves to cards. such is but a miniature of the great world we had left behind us, when we crossed the line that separates civilized man from the wilderness. but even here the variety of occupation, the active exercise of body and mind, either in labor or pleasure, the commingling of evil and good, show that the likeness is a true one. { } _june ._ on our travel of eight miles, yesterday, we found the bluffs quite high, often approaching with their rocky fronts to the water's edge, and now and then a cedar nodding at the top. our camp, last night, was in a cedar and ash grove, with a high, frowning bluff overhanging us; but a wide bottom, with fine grass around us, and near at hand an excellent spring. to-day five miles over the ridge brought us to ash hollow. here the trail, which follows the east side of the south fork of platte, from where we crossed it, connects with this trail.[ ] the road then turns down ash hollow to the river; a quarter of a mile from the latter is a fine spring, and around it wood and grass in abundance. our road, to-day, has been very sandy. the bluffs are generally rocky, at times presenting perpendicular cliffs of three hundred feet high. we passed two companies, both of which we had before passed; but whilst we were lying by on the north fork, they had traveled up the south fork and descended ash hollow. _june ._ we met a company of mountaineers from fort laramie, who had started for the settlements early in the season, with flat-boats loaded with buffalo robes, and other articles of indian traffic. the river became so low, that they were obliged to lay by; part of the company had returned to the fort for teams; others were at the boat landing, while fifteen of the party were footing their way to the states. they were a jolly set of fellows. four wagons joined us from one of the other divisions, and among them was john nelson, with his family, formerly of franklin county, indiana. we traveled fifteen miles, passing captain smith's company. _june ._ five miles, to-day, brought us to spring creek; eleven miles further to another creek, the name of which i could not ascertain; there we encamped, opposite the solitary tower.[ ] this singular natural object is a stupendous pile of sand and clay, so cemented as to resemble stone, but which crumbles away at the slightest touch. i conceive it is about seven miles distant from the mouth of the creek; though it appears to be not more than three. the height of this tower is somewhere between six hundred and eight hundred feet from the level of the river. viewed from the road, the beholder might easily imagine he was gazing upon some ancient structure of the old world. a nearer approach dispels the illusion, and it looks, as it is, rough and unseemly. it can be ascended, at its north side, by clambering up the rock; holes having been cut in its face for that purpose. the second, or { } main bench, can be ascended with greater ease at an opening on the south side, where the water has washed out a crevice large enough to admit the body; so that by pushing against the sides of the crevice one can force himself upward fifteen or twenty feet, which places the adventurer on the slope of the second bench. passing round the eastern point of the tower, the ascent may be continued up its north face. a stream of water runs along the north-eastern side, some twenty rods distant from the tower; and deep ravines are cut out by the washing of the water from the tower to the creek. near by stands another pile of materials, similar to that composing the tower, but neither so large nor so high. the bluffs in this vicinity appear to be of the same material. between this tower and the river stretches out a rolling plain, barren and desolate enough. _june ._ traveling fourteen miles, we halted in the neighborhood of the chimney rock. this is a sharp-pointed rock, of much the same material as the solitary tower, standing at the base of the bluff, and four or five miles from the road. it is visible at a distance of thirty miles, and has the unpoetical appearance of a hay-stack, with a pole running far above its top.[ ] _june ._ since the th we have traveled about sixty-two miles, and are now at fort laramie; making our whole travel from independence about six hundred and thirty miles. on the d we passed over scott's bluffs, where we found a good spring, and abundance of wood and grass. a melancholy tradition accounts for the name of this spot. a party who had been trading with the indians were returning to the states and encountering a band of hostile savages, were robbed of their peltries and food. as they struggled homeward, one of the number, named scott, fell sick and could not travel. the others remained with him, until the sufferer, despairing of ever beholding his home, prevailed on his companions to abandon him. they left him alone in the wilderness, several miles from this spot. here human bones were afterwards found; and, supposing he had crawled here and died, the subsequent travelers have given his name to the neighboring bluff.[ ] _june ._ our camp is stationary to-day; part of the emigrants are shoeing their horses and oxen; others are trading at the fort and with the indians. flour, sugar, coffee, tea, tobacco, powder and lead, sell readily, at high prices. in the { } afternoon we gave the indians a feast, and held a long _talk_ with them. each family, as they could best spare it, contributed a portion of bread, meat, coffee or sugar, which being cooked, a table was set by spreading buffalo skins upon the ground, and arranging the provisions upon them. around this attractive board, the indian chiefs and their principal men seated themselves, occupying one fourth of the circle; the remainder of the male indians made out the semi-circle; the rest of the circle was completed by the whites. the squaws and younger indians formed an outer semicircular row immediately behind their dusky lords and fathers. two stout young warriors were now designated as waiters, and all the preparations being completed, the indian chiefs and principal men shook hands, and at a signal the white chief performed the same ceremony, commencing with the principal chief, and saluting him and those of his followers who composed the first division of the circle; the others being considered inferiors, were not thus noticed. the talk preceded the dinner. a trader acted as interpreter. the chief informed us, that "a long while ago some white chiefs passed up the missouri, through his country, saying they were the red man's friends, and that as the red man found them, so would he find all the other pale faces. this country belongs to the red man, but his white brethren travels through, shooting the game and scaring it away. thus the indian loses all that he depends upon to support his wives and children. the children of the red man cry for food, but there is no food. but on the other hand, the indian profits by the trade with the white man. he was glad to see us and meet us as friends. it was the custom when the pale faces passed through his country, to make presents to the indians of powder, lead, &c. his tribe was very numerous, but the most of the people had gone to the mountains to hunt. before the white man came, the game was tame, and easily caught, with the bow and arrow. now the white man has frightened it, and the red man must go to the mountains. the red man needed long guns." this, with much more of the like, made up the talk of the chief, when a reply from our side was expected. as it devolved on me to play the part of the white chief, i told my red brethren, that we were journeying to the great waters of the west. our great father owned a large country there, and we were going to settle upon it. for this purpose we brought with us our wives and little ones. we were compelled { } to pass through the red man's country, but we traveled as friends, and not as enemies. as friends we feasted them, shook them by the hand, and smoked with them the pipe of peace. they must know that we came among them as friends, for we brought with us our wives and children. the red man does not take his squaws into battle: neither does the pale face. but friendly as we felt, we were ready for enemies; and if molested, we should punish the offenders. some of us expected to return. our fathers, our brothers and our children were coming behind us, and we hoped the red man would treat them kindly. we did not expect to meet so many of them; we were glad to see them, and to hear that they were the white man's friends. we met peacefully--so let us part. we had set them a feast, and were glad to hold a talk with them; but we were not traders, and had no powder or ball to give them. we were going to plough and to plant the ground, and had nothing more than we needed for ourselves. we told them to eat what was before them, and be satisfied; and that we had nothing more to say. the two indian servants began their services by placing a tin cup before each of the guests, always waiting first upon the chiefs; they then distributed the bread and cakes, until each person had as much as it was supposed he would eat; the remainder being delivered to two squaws, who in like manner served the squaws and children. the waiters then distributed the meat and coffee. all was order. no one touched the food before him until all were served, when at a signal from the chief the eating began. having filled themselves, the indians retired, taking with them all that they were unable to eat. this is a branch of the sioux nation, and those living in this region number near fifteen hundred lodges.[ ] they are a healthy, athletic, good-looking set of men, and have according to the indian code, a respectable sense of honor, but will steal when they can do so without fear of detection. on this occasion, however, we missed nothing but a frying pan, which a squaw slipped under her blanket, and made off with. as it was a trifling loss, we made no complaint to the chief. here are two forts. fort laramie, situated upon the west side of laramie's fork, two miles from platte river, belongs to the north american fur company.[ ] the fort is built of _adobes_. the walls are about two feet thick, and twelve or fourteen feet high, the tops being picketed or spiked. posts are planted in these walls, and support the timber for the roof. { } they are then covered with mud. in the centre is an open square, perhaps twenty-five yards each way, along the sides of which are ranged the dwellings, store rooms, smith shop, carpenter's shop, offices, &c., all fronting upon the inner area. there are two principal entrances; one at the north, the other at the south. on the eastern side is an additional wall, connected at its extremities with the first, enclosing ground for stables and carrell. this enclosure has a gateway upon its south side, and a passage into the square of the principal enclosure. at a short distance from the fort is a field of about four acres, in which, by way of experiment, corn is planted; but from its present appearance it will probably prove a failure. fort john stands about a mile below fort laramie, and is built of the same material as the latter, but is not so extensive. its present occupants are a company from st. louis.[ ] _june ._ this day, leaving fort laramie behind us, we advanced along the bank of the river, into the vast region that was still between us and our destination. after moving five miles, we found a good spot for a camp, and as our teams still required rest, we halted and encamped, and determined to repose until saturday the th. _june ._ a drive of ten miles brought us to big spring, a creek which bursts out at the base of a hill, and runs down a sandy hollow. the spring is one fourth of a mile below the road. we found the water too warm to be palatable.[ ] five miles beyond the creek the road forks; we took the right hand trail, which is the best of the two, and traversed the black hills, as they are called. the season has been so dry that vegetation is literally parched up; of course the grazing is miserable. after proceeding eighteen miles we encamped on bitter cottonwood.[ ] _june ._ to-day we find the country very rough, though our road is not bad. in the morning some of our cattle were missing, and four of the company started back to hunt for them. at the end of fourteen miles we rested at horse shoe creek, a beautiful stream of clear water, lined with trees, and with wide bottoms on each side, covered with excellent grass. at this point our road was about three miles from the river.[ ] _july ._ as the men who left the company on the th, to look for our lost cattle, were not returned, we remained in { } camp yesterday. game seemed abundant along the creek, and our efforts to profit by it were rewarded with three elk and three deer. to-day our cattle hunters still remain behind. we sent back a reinforcement, and hitching up our teams advanced about sixteen miles. eight miles brought us to the dalles of platte, where the river bursts through a mountain spur. perpendicular cliffs, rising abruptly from the water, five hundred or six hundred feet high, form the left bank of the river. these cliffs present various strata, some resembling flint, others like marble, lime, &c. the most interesting feature of these magnificent masses, is the variety of colors that are presented; yellow, red, black and white, and all the shades between, as they blend and are lost in each other. on the top nods a tuft of scrubby cedars. upon the south side, a narrow slope between the bluff and river, affords a pass for a footman along the water's edge, while beyond the bluff rises abruptly. frequently cedar and wild sage is to be seen. i walked up the river a distance of half a mile, when i reached a spot where the rocks had tumbled down, and found something of a slope, by which i could, with the assistance of a long pole, and another person sometimes pushing and then pulling, ascend; we succeeded in clambering up to the top--which proved to be a naked, rough black rock, with here and there a scrubby cedar and wild sage bush. it appeared to be a place of resort for mountain sheep and bears. we followed this ridge south to where it gradually descended to the road. the river in this _kanyon_ is about one hundred and fifty yards wide, and looks deep.[ ] at the eastern end of this _kanyon_ comes in a stream which, from appearance, conveys torrents of water at certain seasons of the year. here, too, is a very good camp. by going up the right hand branch five or six miles, then turning to the right up one of the ridges, and crossing a small branch (which joins the river six or seven miles above the _kanyon_) and striking the road on the ridge three miles east of the big timber creek, a saving might be made of at least ten miles travel. we did not travel this route; but, from the appearance of the country, there would be no difficulty. _july ._ this day we traveled about sixteen miles. the road left the river bottom soon after we started. a trail, however, crosses the bottom for about two miles, and then winds back to the hill. the nearest road is up a small sandy ravine, for two miles, then turn to the right up a ridge, and follow this ridge for eight or ten miles. at the distance of thirteen { } or fourteen miles, the road which turned to the left near the big spring, connects with this. the road then turns down the hill to the right, into a dry branch, which it descends to big timber creek, where we encamped.[ ] _july ._ this day we traveled about fifteen miles. six miles brought us to a small branch, where is a good camp. near this branch there is abundance of marble, variegated with blue and red, but it is full of seams. the hills in this vicinity are of the red shale formation. in the mountain near by is stone coal. the hills were generally covered with grass. the streams are lined with cotton wood, willow and boxalder. the road was very dusty. _july ._ we traveled about fifteen miles to-day, the road generally good, with a few difficult places. two wagons upset, but little damage was done. we crossed several beautiful streams flowing from the black hills; they are lined with timber. to-day, as on yesterday, we found abundance of red, yellow and black currants, with some gooseberries, along the streams. _july ._ we this day traveled about twelve miles. three miles brought us to deer creek.[ ] here is an excellent camp ground. some very good bottom land. the banks are lined with timber. stone coal was found near the road. this would be a suitable place for a fort, as the soil and timber is better than is generally found along the upper platte. game in abundance, such as elk, buffalo, deer, antelope and bear. the timber is chiefly cotton wood, but there is pine on the mountains within ten or twelve miles. the road was generally along the river bottom, and much of the way extremely barren. we encamped on the bank of the river. _july ._ in traveling through the sand and hot sun, our wagon tires had become loose; and we had wedged until the tire would no longer remain on the wheels. one or two axletrees and tongues had been broken, and we found it necessary to encamp and repair them. for this purpose all hands were busily employed. we had neither bellows nor anvil, and of course could not cut and weld tire. but as a substitute, we took off the tire, shaved thin hoops and tacked them on the felloes, heated our tire and replaced it. this we found to answer a good purpose. _july ._ this day we traveled about ten miles. in crossing a small ravine, an axletree of one of the wagons was broken. { } the road is mostly on the river bottom. much of the country is barren. _july ._ six miles travel brought us to the crossing of the north fork of the platte. at o'clock, p. m. all were safely over, and we proceeded up half a mile to a grove of timber and encamped.[ ] near the crossing was encamped colonel kearney's regiment of dragoons, on their return from the south pass. many of them were sick. _july ._ we traveled about ten miles this day, and encamped at the mineral spring. the road leaves the platte at the crossing, and passes over the _red buttes_.[ ] the plains in this region are literally covered with buffalo. _july ._ to-day we traveled about ten miles. the range is very poor, and it has become necessary to divide into small parties, in order to procure forage for our cattle. out of the company five divisions were formed. in my division we had eleven wagons; and we travel more expeditiously, with but little difficulty in finding grass for our cattle. _july ._ we this day traveled about twelve miles. soon after starting we passed an excellent spring: it is to the right of the road, in a thicket of willows. one fourth of a mile further the road ascends a hill, winds round and passes several marshy springs. the grass is very good, but is confined to patches. our camp was on a small branch running into the sweet water. _july ._ this day we arrived at _independence rock_. this is a solitary pile of gray granite, standing in an open plain. it is about one-eighth of a mile long and some six or eight rods wide, and is elevated about sixty or seventy feet above the plain. on the north-eastern side the slope is sufficiently gradual to be easily ascended. portions of it are covered with inscriptions of the names of travelers, with the dates of their arrival--some carved, some in black paint, and others in red. sweet water, a stream heading in the wind river mountains, and entering the platte, runs immediately along its southern side, leaving a strip of some twenty or thirty feet of grassy plain between the base of the rock and the creek. we encamped two miles above the rock, having traveled about thirteen miles.[ ] _july ._ we traveled about thirteen miles this day. three miles brought us to the _gap_, or _devil's gate_, as it is sometimes called. the sweet water breaks through a spur of the mountain, which from appearance is four or five hundred feet high. { } on the south side the rocks project over the stream, but on the north slope back a little. the whole mountain is a mass of gray granite rock, destitute of vegetation, save an occasional scrubby cedar or bush of artemisia. from where the creek enters to where it emerges from this _kanyon_ is three or four hundred yards. the water rushes through like a torrent. at the distance of one hundred rods south of this is the gap, where the road passes; but the rock is not so high. south of this again is another gap, perhaps half or three-fourths of a mile wide. the rocks there rise mountain high.[ ] south-west of this is a valley extending as far as the eye can penetrate. as the road passes through this gap, it bears to the right, up the valley of the sweet water. _july ._ this day we traveled about twenty-two miles. the road sometimes leaves the creek for several miles, and passes over a barren, sandy plain; no kind of vegetation but the wild sage. we this day met a party of men from california and oregon. a portion of those from california spoke unfavorably of that country; and those from oregon spoke highly of the latter country. on this day's march we came in sight of the long-looked-for snowcapped mountains. they were the wind river mountains. on our right is a mass of naked rock; on our left and to the distance of ten or twelve miles is a high range of mountains, mostly covered with timber; whilst in the valley there is no timber, and much of the plain entirely destitute of vegetation. we encamped near the narrows.[ ] _july ._ we traveled about eleven miles to-day. there are two trails, which diverge below the narrows. the nearest and best is that to the right up the creek, crossing it several times; they unite again near where we encamped. the road was good, but as usual very dusty. our hunters wounded a buffalo, and drove him into camp. about twenty men ran to meet him. he gave them battle. they fired a volley that brought him to his knees, and whilst in that position mr. creighton (a young man from ohio) ran across the creek, intending to shoot the animal in the head. when creighton had approached within ten or twelve feet, the enraged animal sprung to his feet and made at him. creighton wheeled and "split" for the camp; the buffalo pursuing to near the bank of the creek, where he stopped. by this time others had arrived with guns, and the buffalo was compelled to yield. in the "spree" one of my horses was shot with a ball in the { } knee; no bones were broken, and he was able to travel, but he was a long time very lame. _july ._ this day we traveled about twenty-six miles. four miles brought us to a marshy bottom, where was very good grass. in the centre of this quagmire and near where the road crosses the bottom is a spring of good water. eight miles brought us to a small stream; but little grass. six miles brought us to sweet water; crossed and left it and struck it again in six or eight miles. the grass here is good. wild sage was our only fuel. this night there was a heavy frost. _july ._ our cattle being much fatigued, we drove but five miles. the road is up the creek bottom, which is mostly covered with grass. a heavy frost: ice formed in buckets one-fourth of an inch thick. we here found the celebrated mountaineer walker, who was traveling to bridger's fort.[ ] _july ._ we traveled about twenty-two miles this day. the road ascends the bluff and winds among rocky hills for six miles, passing over ledges that are entirely naked for rods. the appearance of the country is extremely barren. we passed several rivulets where small parties may obtain grazing for their stock. the day has been quite cold. the wind river mountains are on our right, about twenty miles distant. they presented a most grand appearance. huge masses of ice and snow piled up peak upon peak, with large bodies of timber covering portions of the mountains. we viewed the southern termination of this range; but they extend to the north further than the eye can penetrate. the country between us and the mountains is rolling, and much of it apparently barren. hard frost. _july ._ this morning we ascended the bank on the south side of sweet water. six miles brought us again to the creek, where is good grass in the bottom and willow for fuel. we crossed, went up the bottom two miles, and crossed back and left the sweet water. _this day we passed over the dividing ridge which separates the waters flowing into the atlantic from those which find their way into the pacific ocean._ we had reached the summit of the rocky mountains. six miles brought us to a spring, the waters of which run into green river, or the great colorado of the west.[ ]--here, then, we hailed oregon. here we found a bottom covered with good grass, where we halted until four o'clock, p. m., when we again hitched up and took the plain for little sandy. ten miles brought us to a dry branch, where by digging to the { } depth of one foot we procured water; but it was brackish, and had a very unpleasant taste. a white sediment, such as we had noticed elsewhere on the road, covered the surface of the ground. ten miles more brought us to little sandy, which we reached at one o'clock in the night, having traveled thirty-one miles. the road was over a barren plain of light sand, and was very dusty. from the spring to little sandy there is no vegetation but the wild sage, and it had a withered appearance. the night was cold, freezing quite hard. little sandy has its source in the wind river mountains.[ ] along this stream is a narrow bottom, covered with grass and willows. we are now out of the range of the buffalo, and although not often mentioned, we have seen thousands of these huge animals. there have been so many companies of emigrants in advance of us, that they have frightened the buffalo from the road. we daily see hundreds of antelope. _july ._ this day we traveled about thirteen miles, to big sandy. the road was over a level sandy plain, covered with wild sage. at little sandy the road forks--one taking to the right and striking big sandy in six miles, and thence forty miles to green river, striking the latter some thirty or forty miles above the lower ford, and thence to big bear river, striking it about fifteen miles below the old road. by taking this trail two and a half days' travel may be saved; but in the forty miles between big sandy and green river there is no water, and but little grass. camps may be had within reasonable distances between green and bear rivers.[ ] the left hand trail, which we took, twelve miles from little sandy strikes the big sandy, follows down it and strikes green river above the mouth of big sandy. _july ._ we traveled about fourteen miles to-day. six miles brought us to green river, or colorado. this is a beautiful clear stream, about one hundred yards wide, with a rapid current over a gravelly bottom. it flows through a barren, sandy country; occasionally the bottoms spread to a mile in width, covered with grass. there is mostly a belt of timber along the banks of the stream.--emigrants had been in the habit of crossing the river on rafts. we succeeded in finding a place where, by hoisting up the wagon-beds six inches, we could ford the river without damaging our goods. this was done by cutting poles and placing them under the wagon-beds, and in one hour we were all safely over. we proceeded down the river eight miles, and encamped in a grove near some { } cabins built by a party of traders. there is an abundance of fish in this stream, and we had great sport in fishing. _july ._ this day we traveled about fifteen miles. the road leaves green river near our camp, and passes over a high, barren country, to black's fork; this we followed up some four miles and encamped.[ ] as upon other streams, there is occasionally a grassy bottom with a little cotton wood and willow brush. snowy mountains to be seen in the south. _july ._ we traveled, to-day, about fourteen miles, over a barren country, crossing the creek several times. we noticed a number of piles of stone and earth, some forty or fifty feet high, scattered in different directions, giving the appearance of the general surface having been worn away to that extent by the ravages of time and the elements. _july ._ this day we traveled about sixteen miles, crossed the creek several times, and encamped near fort bridger. this is a trading fort owned by bridger and bascus. it is built of poles and daubed with mud; it is a shabby concern.[ ] here are about twenty-five lodges of indians, or rather white trappers' lodges occupied by their indian wives. they have a good supply of robes, dressed deer, elk and antelope skins, coats, pants, moccasins, and other indian fixens, which they trade low for flour, pork, powder, lead, blankets, butcher-knives, spirits, hats, ready made clothes, coffee, sugar, &c. they ask for a horse from twenty-five to fifty dollars, in trade. their wives are mostly of the pyentes and snake indians.[ ] they have a herd of cattle, twenty-five or thirty goats and some sheep. they generally abandon this fort during the winter months. at this place the bottoms are wide, and covered with good grass. cotton wood timber in plenty. the stream abounds with trout. _july ._ remained at the fort the whole of this day. _july ._ we traveled about eight miles, to-day, to little muddy. the grazing and water bad. several bad hills. _july ._ to-day we traveled about sixteen miles. ten miles brought us to the big muddy.[ ] country barren. our course is up the big muddy, and nearly north. encamped on the creek. very poor grazing. this is a limestone country. _july ._ this day we traveled about sixteen miles. our course is still up the muddy. emigrants would do well to push on up to near the head of this creek, as the grass is good, { } and there are excellent springs of water. the country is very rough. we saw a few beaver dams. _july ._ we traveled about twenty-five miles this day. twelve miles brought us to the dividing ridge between the waters of green and bear rivers. the ridge is high, but the ascent is not difficult. from this ridge the scenery is most delightful. in one view is the meanders of muddy creek. two companies with large herds of cattle are winding their way up the valley. the bold mountains on either side are very high and rugged. in front and at the distance of twelve miles is the valley of big bear river. a ravine at our feet cuts the spur of the mountain, and empties its waters into bear river. the valley of bear river is four or five miles wide, with willows along its banks. at a distance beyond the bear river is a range of high mountains, stretching as far as the eye can reach, their snowy tops glistening in the rays of the sun. the mountains near the trail are rough and have a singular appearance; the earth being of various colors--black, white, red, yellow, and intermediate shades. occasionally there is a grove of quaking aspen, and a few sour-berry bushes and some cedar. our camp to-night was on bear river; the bottom is sandy, and mostly covered with wild sage.[ ] _july ._ this day we traveled down bear river fifteen miles. the bottom is from two to four miles wide, and mostly covered with good grass. the road excellent. we encamped two miles above smith's fork. the upper road from green river comes in two miles back. _august ._ we traveled fifteen miles this day. two miles brought us to smith's fork. this is a bold, clear, and beautiful stream, coming in from the east. it is about fifteen yards wide, lined with timber and undergrowth.[ ] in this stream is an abundance of mountain trout, some of them very large. the road leads down the bottom of bear river three miles to spring branch, one mile to the narrows and three miles to the first crossing of bear river.[ ] here are two trails. the nearest turns to the right up a creek for a mile and a half, crosses the creek and passes over the hill, and strikes the other trail at the foot of big hill, six miles from the crossings. the other trail crosses the river, follows up its bottom round the bend for eight miles, to where it crosses the river, then follows down the bottom three miles, and takes up a valley for one mile to the foot of the big hill, where it intersects the other trail. this is the most level road, but the other is not a bad one. { } the hills bordering on bear river on this day's travel are very high and rugged; they are covered with grass. the bottoms are from one to four miles wide. we saw this day large herds of antelope. we encamped in the bend of the river, near the second crossings. _august ._ this day we traveled about nineteen miles. four or five miles brought us to the big hill or mountain. it is about half a mile to the top of the first ridge, and quite steep. the road then turns a few rods to the right, then to the left down a ravine for three hundred yards, and then up a ravine for half a mile to the top of the mountain. we traveled about two miles along the ridge, and then turned to the left down the mountain. it is about one mile to the plain, and generally very steep and stony; but all reached the plain safely, and were truly thankful that they had safely passed one of the most difficult mountains on the road. from the top of this mountain we had a most delightful view of the surrounding country. this is one of the ranges which border this stream. at this place they close in upon both sides so as not to admit of a passage with teams along the river. a road could easily be cut around the point, and save the fatigue of climbing this mountain; the distance would not be materially increased. the valley of bear river bears off to the northwest, and can be seen a great distance. from the south comes in a broad valley, up which can be seen bear lake. a high range of mountains separates it from the river. the outlet of this lake is two or three miles below the narrows made by this mountain.[ ] a high range of snow covered mountains can be seen to the southwest. the road strikes the river two miles from the foot of the mountain, at big timber. here is a good camp. eight miles brought us to a spring branch. the bottom here is wide; a low marsh prevents driving to the river. the grass is good. there is a little timber on the mountains. at big timber is a company of trappers and traders attached to bridger's party. _august ._ we traveled about fourteen miles, crossing a number of spring branches, coming in from the mountains. these branches abound in trout. the ground, for a strip of about four miles, was covered with black crickets of a large size. i saw some that were about three inches in length, and measuring about three-fourths of an inch in diameter; but the common size were two inches in length and one-half or five-eighths of an inch in diameter; their legs were large in proportion { } to the size of their bodies. some were singing on stalks of wild sage; others crawling in every direction. our teams made great havoc among them; so numerous were they that we crushed them at every step. as soon as one was killed, others of them would alight upon it and devour it. the bottoms are wide, and covered with grass, and the soil looks well. a few patches of snow were seen upon the mountain some ten miles distant. a portion of the mountain is covered with fine timber. the bottoms are rolling. _august ._ we reached the soda springs, having traveled about eight miles.[ ] the first view we had was of two or three white hillocks or mounds, standing up at different points to the right of the road, and near a grove of cedar and pine timber. one of them is about ten rods long at the base, and three or four rods in width; its elevation is probably twenty-five or thirty feet from the plain in which it is situated. the size of these mounds continually increases, as the water oozes out at different points, and produces a crust which becomes quite hard. the rocks, for miles around, are of the soda formation. upon these mounds the water is warm. in a small bottom, immediately before reaching the first of these mounds, and about two hundred yards above the road, is a hole about eight feet in diameter; in this is a pool of water, strongly impregnated with soda. i had no means of ascertaining the depth, but believe it to be considerable; at one edge of it the water was boiling and sparkling; it would sometimes swell four inches above the surface. this pool, and others contiguous, affords excellent drinking water; it was cool, and, when sweetened, would compare favourably with any soda water. just below the mound, and near the grove, is a rapid stream of water, coursing over a rocky bottom, formed by soda. at the crossing of this creek, and below the road, is a morass; and immediately on the bank of the rivulet, is a crevice in the rock, from which a small stream of water issues; this was the best to drink of any i found. after crossing the creek, the distance to the springs generally resorted to is about three-fourths of a mile; they boil up in every direction. several mounds have been formed, of ten feet in height. the water has found some other passage, and left them to moulder away. the centre or middle of these are concave. the surface of the earth here is some twelve or fifteen feet above the level of the river, the bank of which is of rock, of the soda formation. a grove of cedar and pine timber extends from the river back to { } the mountain, a distance of two and a half or three miles; the space between the road and the river is covered with grass; but between it and the mountain it is barren of vegetation of any kind. the soda has left a sediment, which is now crumbled and loose, with an occasional mound of ten or twelve feet elevation, but no water running. the river here is about one hundred yards in width, and about eighteen inches in depth, running very rapidly. the soda water is bubbling up in every direction, and sometimes rises six inches above the surface of the river. this bubbling extends for near half a mile. a stream comes in from the north at the western edge of the springs, tumbles over the rocks, and finally into the river. near where one branch of this falls over the rock (it has several passages where the road crosses it) is a circular basin in the rock, being two feet in diameter at the top, but larger below. it was covered with grass; and, in walking along, i barely avoided stepping into it; whilst at its edge the purling or gurgling of the water, as it boils up, apprized me of its vicinity. the surface of the water is about three feet below the top of the rock. the water is cool, much more so than the water of the springs, and is remarkably clear. three hundred yards below the crossing of this branch, and immediately on the bank of the river, is the steamboat spring.[ ] the water has formed a small cone of about two and a half feet in height, and three feet in diameter, at the base. a hole of six inches in diameter at the top, allows the water to discharge itself. it swells out at intervals of eight or ten seconds, and sometimes flows four or five feet in disjointed fragments. it is lukewarm, and has a milky appearance; but when taken in a vessel becomes as transparent as crystal. it produces a sound similar to the puffing of a steamboat, but not quite so deep. it can frequently be heard at the distance of a quarter of a mile. about six feet from this is a small fissure in the rock, which is called the escape-pipe or gas-pipe. it makes a hissing noise, corresponding with the belching of the spring. the gas emitted from this fissure is so strong that it would suffocate a person, holding his head near the ground. to the rear of this, across the road, are mounds fifty or sixty feet in height; these were entirely dry. up this creek is very good grazing for cattle, but there are found some marshy places contiguous. the bottom upon the opposite side of the river is four or five miles in width, and covered with a good coat of grass. the soil looks good; and if the seasons are not too { } short, would produce well. the mountain upon the south side is covered with heavy pine timber; on the north side but little timber was observed; what little was noticed consisted principally of scrubby cedars. antelope found in abundance. the water, in many of the springs, is sufficiently strong to raise bread, equally as well as saleratus or yeast. were it not for their remote situation, these springs would be much resorted to, especially during the summer months. the country is mountainous, and its altitude so great, that the air is always cool, and consequently must be healthy. companies wishing to remain for a length of time at the springs, would pursue a proper course in driving their cattle over the river, as good grazing can thereby be had. _august ._ we traveled about nineteen miles. five miles brought us to where the road leaves the river, and bears northward through a valley. the river bears to the southward and empties its waters into big salt lake.[ ] the range of mountains bounding the north side of the river here comes to within a half mile of it, then bears off to the north, leaving a valley of about seven or eight miles in width between it and a range coming from lewis river, and extending south towards salt lake. the range bounding the south side of the river comes abruptly to the stream at this point, presenting huge and cumbrous masses of basaltic rock, but it is generally covered with heavy timber. at this point two trails are found: one striking west, across the valley, to the opposite side; the other, which is the nearest and best, follows around the point, hugging the base of the mountain for several miles. two and one half miles distant, and immediately beneath a cliff of rocks by the road side, is to be found a soda pool. a little spring of cool soda water runs out at the base of the rock, and a basin of eight or ten yards in extent, and about two and one half feet high has been formed. inside of this, is a pool of water;--the material composing the bank around, is of a white color. in a few miles travel, we crossed several spring branches. we then directed our course through the plain for some eight or nine miles, to where we encamped. our camp was located near a spring branch; but a small quantity of wood was found; grazing was excellent. from where the road leaves the river, the country presents every appearance of having been volcanic at some period. craters are yet standing in the plain, exhibiting positive evidence of this fact. a large mound has been formed by the lava ejected from this crater. in the centre is { } a deep cavity; now partially filled, from the falling in of the masses of bank surrounding it. in every direction the eye rests upon fragments of rock, which have been thrown out in a hot and burning condition, many of them melted and united; pieces resembling broken junk bottles or black glass lay scattered over the plain. the valley for ten or twelve miles is covered with stone of this description. in many places the rocks have been lifted or bulged up to an elevation of ten or fifteen feet, the top has been burst asunder, presenting a cavity of eight or ten feet in width, caused by the fragments having been cast out; the depth of the cavity is from twenty to thirty feet, the sides have a black appearance, and exhibit indications of having been burned; at other places the rock had been lifted up, and elevated above the surface of the earth some five or six feet, and about the same in width, having numerous small apertures in it, the centre being concave. the stone forms a complete arch. at other places the rock has been rent, and a chasm of thirty or forty feet in depth and from two to ten feet in width, has been the result. these chasms are about one quarter of a mile in length. the fragments lay in every direction. the country over this plain is rather barren; but at certain seasons of the year, is covered with grass, which during the summer months dies, leaving but little appearance of vegetation. after we had halted for the night, three families who had separated from our company at the soda springs, passed us. a few hours had elapsed, and we espied one of their number returning post haste to our camp. when he arrived, he was so paralysed with fear, that it was with difficulty we obtained from him the cause of his alarm. it appeared evident, from his statement, that a party of snake indians meditated an attack upon their party. we dispatched a company to their relief, but soon had the gratification to witness the return of their wagons to our camp. it appears that one of their number had marched about two miles in advance of the wagons, when he was discovered by a party of snake indians, lurking in the vicinity, who immediately gave him chase, at every step uttering the most terrific yells, and endeavoured to surround him; but as he was astride a fleet american courser, he succeeded in outstripping them, and arrived at the wagons in time to prepare for their approach. the wagons were then in a deep ravine, and could not be seen, by the indians in pursuit, until within seventy-five yards. as soon as the indians discovered { } their proximity to the wagons they commenced a precipitate retreat, and the emigrants rejoined our party. _august ._ we traveled this day about fifteen miles. the road for seven miles is up the valley; it then takes over the mountain, to the waters running into snake or lewis river. the high range of mountains which bears off towards _salt lake_, terminates near the road on the left. the road follows a ravine, and winds about among the hills, and thickets of quaking aspen, until it reaches a spring branch, down which it follows, to near fort hall. over the ridge, and for two miles down the branch, there is but little grass found. at the distance of three miles, on our left up the mountain, were several patches of snow. a few of our party brought some of the snow to our camp. _august ._ this day we made about eighteen miles. for ten miles the road is very good. along the stream is found willow brush, answering for fuel. the last seven miles is over a sandy plain; it was dry, and very heavy traveling. our camp was at a large spring of cold water; grazing was very good. _august ._ we traveled but five miles, which brought us to fort hall.[ ] this is a trading post in the possession of the _hudson's bay company_. like the forts on the east side of the mountains, it is built of mud or adobes. (this term applies to sun-burnt brick.) they are of a similar construction. at each corner is a bastion, projecting out some eight or ten feet, perforated with holes for fire-arms. captain grant is now the officer in command; he has the bearing of a gentleman.[ ] the garrison was supplied with flour, which had been procured from the settlements in oregon, and brought here on pack horses. they sold it to the emigrants for twenty dollars per cwt., taking cattle in exchange; and as many of the emigrants were nearly out of flour, and had a few lame cattle, a brisk trade was carried on between them and the inhabitants of the fort. in the exchange of cattle for flour, an allowance was made of from five to twelve dollars per head. they also had horses which they readily exchanged for cattle or sold for cash. the price demanded for horses was from fifteen to twenty-five dollars. they could not be prevailed upon to receive anything in exchange for their goods or provisions, excepting cattle or money. the bottoms here are wide, and covered with grass. there is an abundance of wood for fuel, fencing, and other purposes. { } no attempt has, as yet, been made to cultivate the soil. i think the drought too great; but if irrigation were resorted to, i doubt not it would produce some kinds of grain, such as wheat, corn, potatoes, &c. our camp was located one mile to the southwest of the fort; and as at all the other forts, the indians swarmed about us. they are of the snake tribe, and inhabit the country bordering on lewis and bear rivers, and their various tributaries. this tribe is said to be numerous; but in consequence of the continual wars which they have engaged in with the sioux, crows and blackfeet, their numbers are rapidly diminishing. snake river, which flows within one half mile of the fort, is a clear and beautiful stream of water.[ ] it courses over a pebbly bottom. its width is about one hundred and fifty yards. it abounds in fish of different varieties, which are readily taken with the hook. while we remained in this place, great efforts were made to induce the emigrants to pursue the route to california. the most extravagant tales were related respecting the dangers that awaited a trip to oregon, and of the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. the perils of the way were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey to oregon almost impossible. for instance, the two crossings of _snake_ river, and the crossing of the columbia, and other smaller streams, were represented as being attended with great danger; also that no company heretofore attempting the passage of these streams, succeeded, but with the loss of men, from the violence and rapidity of the current; as also that they had never succeeded in getting more than fifteen or twenty head of cattle into the willamette valley. in addition to the above, it was asserted that three or four tribes of indians, in the middle region, had combined for the purpose of preventing our passage through their country, and should we attempt it, we would be compelled to contend with these hostile tribes. in case we escaped destruction at the hands of the savages, a more fearful enemy, that of famine, would attend our march; as the distance was so great that winter would overtake us before making the passage of the cascade mountains. on the other hand, as an inducement to pursue the california route, we were informed of the shortness of the route, when compared with that to oregon; as also of many other superior advantages it possessed. { } these tales, told and rehearsed, were likely to produce the effect of turning the tide of emigration thither. mr. greenwood, an old mountaineer, well stocked with falsehoods, had been dispatched from california to pilot the emigrants through;[ ] and assisted by a young man by the name of mcdougal, from indiana, so far succeeded as to induce thirty-five or thirty-six wagons to take that trail.[ ] about fifteen wagons had been fitted out, expressly for california; and, joined by the thirty-five afore-mentioned, completed a train of fifty wagons; what the result of their expedition has been, i have not been able to learn.[ ] _august ._ this day we traveled about eight miles; five miles brought us to the crossing of portneth. this is a stream heading in the mountains near the soda springs, receiving numerous branches in this bottom, and is here about eighty yards in width.[ ] from this place, it is one mile to the crossing of a narrow slough, with steep banks. we crossed, and journeyed two miles to the bank of snake river, where we encamped. eight wagons joined us at our encampment. _august ._ we remained in camp. _august ._ this day we traveled about eight miles; which brought us to within one mile of the american falls.[ ] our camp was at the springs. an island in the river afforded excellent grazing for cattle. the country is extremely barren, being sandy sage plains.[ ] _august ._ we traveled about fifteen miles, which brought us to levy creek, or beaver-dam creek, as it is sometimes termed; it is a small stream; its waters flow down a succession of falls, producing a handsome cascade: it has the appearance of having been built up by beaver. the property of the water has turned the material into stone; the water appears to be impregnated with soda; the rocks along the bank are of that formation.[ ] the best camp is two miles farther on. _august ._ this day we traveled about eight miles, to cassia creek; here the california trail turns off. the road { } has been very dusty and heavy traveling. the country presents the same usual barren appearance.[ ] _august ._ this day we traveled about fifteen miles, and reached marshy springs; the road has been stony and dusty; the country mostly destitute of vegetation--nothing growing but the wild sage and wormwood.[ ] _august ._ we traveled but eleven miles. the road runs over a sage plain for eight miles, when it crosses the stream from the marsh; no water running, and but little standing in pools. at the distance of three miles the road strikes the river bottom, at the lower end of this, at which place the road leaves it; here was found a good camp. _august ._ we traveled about twenty-three miles. four miles brought us to goose creek. we found difficulty in crossing, and no good location for a camp.[ ] after seven miles travel we reached the river; but little grass. twelve miles brought us to dry branch; here also was unsuitable ground for encamping, as the water was standing in pools. the road we traveled was very dusty, and portions of it quite stony; here the river runs through a rocky _kanyon_. the cliffs are sometimes of the height of one thousand feet, and nearly perpendicular.[ ] above the _kanyon_, the river is two or three hundred yards wide; but at this place it is not more than one hundred and fifty feet; and at one place, where there is a fall of some twenty feet, its width does not exceed seventy-five feet. in our march this day i attempted to get down to the river, to procure a drink of water, but for six miles was unable to do so, owing to the steep precipitous banks. _august ._ we traveled but eight miles. the road lay over a sage plain to the bottom on rock creek.[ ] here we found a very good camp. _august ._ this day we traveled about twenty miles. after the distance of eight miles we arrived at the crossing of rock creek, (in a _kanyon_,) here we halted for dinner, and gave our cattle water. we then took up the bluff, and traveled over sand and sage plains for about twelve miles. when night overtook us we drove to the top of the river bluff and encamped. we drove our cattle one and a half miles down the bluff to the river for water. here we found a little grass and green brush, but it was not sufficient in quantity to supply our cattle, and we could do no better. we packed water up the bluff to our camp. the bluffs at this place exceed one thousand feet in height; they are of basalt. the road is on a high barren { } plain; a range of mountains is on our left hard by, and at a great distance on our right another range appears. _august ._ we traveled about twelve miles. nine miles brought us to where we pass down to the river bottom; from this point the distance to the river was three miles. a warm spring branch empties itself into the river at this place. emigrants would pursue a more proper course by encamping on the bottom, near the source of rock creek, then drive down to where the road crosses in a _kanyon_, then following the road for eight or nine miles to where the road leaves the bluff of the creek and encamp, driving their cattle into the creek bottom. from this place they can drive to salmon fall creek, just four miles below our present encampment, follow down this creek to its mouth, where will be found an excellent camp. _august ._ we traveled about nine miles, reaching the salmon falls.[ ] here are eighteen or twenty indian huts. salmon come up to these falls: the indians have an abundance of them, which they very readily dispose of for hooks, powder, balls, clothing, calico and knives, and in fact for almost anything we have at our disposal. the river at this place is a succession of cataracts for several miles, the highest of which does not exceed twelve feet. the grazing was very poor, and the country barren as usual. _august ._ we traveled about twelve miles; for two miles the road is up a sandy hill, it then strikes a sandy sage plain, over which it takes its course for ten miles. here night overtook us, as we had commenced our march at a very late hour on account of having lost some horses. our camp was on the top of the river bluff. it is one mile to water; but little grass was found. this day we found several head of cattle that had given out from fatigue of traveling. some of the companies had been racing, endeavoring to pass each other, and now they have reached a region where but little grass is found--are beginning to reap the reward of their folly. _august ._ our cattle were so much scattered that it was late in the day when we prepared to resume our march. we traveled about ten miles. at night we left the road, and directed our course to the right, down a ravine to the river, where we encamped. our cattle suffered much for want of food. _august ._ this morning we turned up the ravine for one and a half miles, and then struck up the hill to the road. three and a half miles brought us to where the road crosses { } the snake river. in coming down to the river bottom, there is a very steep hill. along the shore of this river was a little grass; there are two islands covered with grass, so that our cattle were soon repaid for their privations heretofore. the difficulties attending the crossing of this stream had been represented as being almost insurmountable; but upon examination we found it an exaggeration. from the main shore to first island there is no difficulty; from first to second island, turn well up, until nearly across, then bear down to where the road enters it. the water is not deep until nearly across, and not then if you keep well up stream. from second island to main shore is more difficult; it is about three hundred yards wide and the current very rapid. strike in, heading well up for two rods, then quartering a little down until eight or ten rods from shore: then quartering a little up for fifteen or twenty rods; then strike up for the coming out place; the bottom is gravelly. with the exception of a few holes, the water for the first fifteen rods is the deepest part of the ford. the bottom is very uneven; there are holes found of six or eight feet in width, many of them swimming. those crossing this stream can escape the deepest of these holes by having horsemen in the van and at each side; it is necessary that there be attached to each wagon four or six yoke of oxen, the current being swift; and in the passage of these holes, previously alluded to, when one yoke is compelled to swim, the others may be in shallow water. great care must be taken that these teams be not beat down too low and pass over the ripple; and to prevent such a casualty, two drivers must attend each wagon. before attempting the passage of the river all articles liable to damage, from coming in contact with the water, should be piled on the top of the wagon bed. we commenced crossing at eleven o'clock, a. m., and at one o'clock, p. m., we effected the passage of the stream, and were so fortunate as to land our goods free from all damage. we traveled two miles to a spring branch and pitched our encampment. good grass, wood and water, were procured in plenty.[ ] _august ._ we traveled but six miles. soon after leaving camp we directed our course up a stony hill; thence over a sage plain to a spring branch.[ ] we pursued our way up this branch for one mile, where we obtained good grazing for our cattle; a high range of hills appearing on our right, at the distance of two miles, an occasional grove of pine timber upon them; but, in general, the mountains here are covered with { } grass; numerous streams issuing from their sides, and pouring their waters in the plain below. there is no appearance of vegetation until you reach the low bottoms immediately along the water's edge. the road traveled to-day was quite stony. the indians along this road are expert in theft and roguery. a young man having a horse which he had taken much pains to get along, when night approached, staked and hobbled him, that he might not stray off; but at night an indian stole into the camp, unhobbled the horse, cut the rope, and took him off, leaving the young man undisturbed in his sleep. a few days thereafter, this indian effected a sale of the horse to one of a party of emigrants traveling behind us. _august ._ we remained in camp. _august ._ we traveled about ten miles; our camp was located on a small rivulet, at a quarter of a mile's distance above the road, and near the mouth of the _hot_ spring branch. between the road and the mountain good grazing was found. the river is about eight miles on our left; the space between is a barren, sandy sage plain. _august ._ we traveled about sixteen miles; one mile brought us to the hot springs, near which the road passes.[ ] these springs are in a constant state of ebullition. they number from five to six, extending over a surface of two to three yards, all uniting and forming a stream of one yard in width and about three inches deep, running quite rapid. the water is sufficiently hot for culinary purposes. about fifteen rods off, approaching the mountain, which is half a mile distant, are similar springs, the waters of which flow into a reservoir a short distance below. an ox, belonging to our party, appeared desirous to test the qualities of the water afforded by these springs. his owners, seeing his inclination, attempted to arrest his steps, but failed; when he arrived at the brink of one of them, and stuck his nose in, preparatory to indulging in a draught of the delicious nectar, he immediately wheeled, and made the welkin ring by his bellowing; kicking and running, he showed he was evidently displeased with himself. our camp was on barrel creek bottom, which is very narrow. _august ._ we traveled about eighteen miles, crossing several running branches. the road is near the base of the mountain; wild sage and grease wood found in plenty. encamped on charlotte's fork, a small branch. _august ._ we traveled about eighteen miles, which brought us to bois river, a stream of forty or fifty yards in { } width, and abounding in salmon; its banks are lined with balm of gilead timber.[ ] the bottoms here are two or three miles wide, and covered with grass. _august ._ we traveled about eleven miles. the road is sometimes on bottom, at others, on bluff. the indians are very numerous along this stream; they have a large number of horses; clothing is in much demand; for articles of clothing costing in the states ten or twelve dollars, a very good horse can be obtained. _august ._ we traveled about miles. the road pursues its course down the valley of the bois river. _september ._ we traveled about thirteen miles. two miles from camp we crossed bois river. some of the bottoms are covered with grass, others with wild sage and grease wood. the road was very dusty. there is not much timber along the stream, but great quantities of brush. _september ._ we reached fort bois. this is a trading post of the hudson's bay company, established upon the northern side of snake or lewis river, and one mile below the mouth of bois river. this fort was erected for the purpose of recruiting, or as an intermediate post, more than as a trading point. it is built of the same materials, and modeled after fort hall, but is of a smaller compass. portions of the bottoms around it afford grazing; but, in a general view, the surrounding country is barren.[ ] north of this fort is an extensive plain, which has an extremely unfertile appearance; but, i am informed, that during the winter and spring months it affords good grazing. at this fort they have a quantity of flour in store, brought from oregon city, for which they demanded twenty dollars per cwt., in cash; a few of our company being in extreme want, were obliged to purchase at this exorbitant price. at this place the road crosses the river; the ford is about four hundred yards below the fort, and strikes across to the head of an island, then bears to the left to the southern bank; the water is quite deep, but not rapid; it swam some of our smallest work cattle; the bottom is solid and smooth. we cut poles, and laid them across the top of our wagon-beds, piling our loading on them; answering a twofold purpose--preventing our loading from damage, as also by its weight keeping the wagons steady and guarding them against floating. in about three hours we effected our passage in safety, but few of the goods getting wet. we went up the bottom a half mile, and there encamped; { } driving our cattle on an island hard by, to graze. fort bois is about two hundred and eighty miles below fort hall, following the wagon road; but by crossing the river at fort hall, and going down on the north side, the distance would be lessened, as the river bears off south, and then north; and judging from the appearance of the country, i think a road may be found, equal, if not better than the one on the south side; and, i doubt not, the grazing will be found better.[ ] _september ._ we traveled fifteen miles, to malheur, or malore, as it is sometimes called: here is a good camp. this is a stream of about ten yards in width, having its source in a range of mountains to the southwest, and pursuing its meanderings through a succession of hills, sage and sand plains, and occasionally a fertile bottom, until it arrives at snake river, into which it empties. a few miles below fort bois, its course from its source is north of east. along its banks, near to where the road crosses it, are a number of hot springs; they are of the same temperature of those between the two crossings of snake river.[ ] here we met dr. white, a sub-indian agent, accompanied by three others, on their way from oregon to the states.[ ] at this place are two trails; the fork is in the bottom above the crossing of the creek, and there is a possibility of emigrants pursuing the wrong route. i do not deem it amiss to give some particulars in relation to this road. mr. meek, who had been engaged as our pilot, but had previously gone in advance of the companies who had employed him, and who had after reaching fort hall, fitted up a party to pilot through to oregon, informed the emigrants that he could, by taking up this stream to near its source, and then striking across the plains, so as to intersect the old road near to the mouth of deshutes or falls river, save about one hundred and fifty miles travel; also that he was perfectly familiar with the country through which the proposed route lay, as he had traveled it; that no difficulty or danger attended its travel. he succeeded in inducing about two hundred families to pursue this route; they accordingly directed their course to the left, up this creek, about ten days previous to our arrival at the forks. _september ._ we traveled about twenty miles; ten miles brought us to a sulphur spring, and ten miles more to birch creek, where we encamped.[ ] the country is considerably rolling, and much of it barren: no timber found. _september ._ we traveled about eight miles; three miles { } brought us to snake river, and five more to burnt river. the road is hilly but good; the country mountainous. here is a good camp. _september ._ we made about twelve miles. the road is up burnt river, and the most difficult road we have encountered since we started. the difficulties arise from the frequent crossings of the creek, which is crooked, narrow and stony. we were often compelled to follow the road, in its windings for some distance, over high, sidelong and stony ridges, and frequently through thickets of brush. the stream is about ten or twelve yards in width, and is generally rapid. the hills are high, and covered with grass.[ ] _september ._ this day we traveled about twelve miles. the road exceeded in roughness that of yesterday. sometimes it pursued its course along the bottom of the creek, at other times it wound its way along the sides of the mountains, so sidelong as to require the weight of two or more men on the upper side of the wagons to preserve their equilibrium. the creek and road are so enclosed by the high mountains, as to afford but little room to pass along, rendering it in some places almost impassable. many of the mountains viewed from here seem almost perpendicular, and of course present a barren surface. the eye is occasionally relieved by a few scrubby cedars; but along the creek is found birch, bitter cottonwood, alder, &c., in quantity, and several kinds of brush and briars, so impenetrable as to preclude ingress. the road pursues its course through these thickets, the axe having been employed; but it is so very narrow as almost to prevent travel. a little digging, and the use of the axe, united with the erection of bridges, would make this a very good road. at first view this road appeared to us impassable, and so difficult of travel, as almost to deter us from the attempt; but knowing that those who had preceded us had surmounted the difficulties, encouraged us to persevere. it required much carefulness, and the exercise of skill on the part of our drivers to pass along and avoid the dangers of the way. we pursued our route without any loss, with the exception of that attending the breakage of two wagon tongues, done in crossing some deep ravines. we also experienced difficulty in finding our cattle, which had strayed away. five miles from camp the road turns up a spring branch to the right, which we followed two miles, crossing it very frequently; it then turns up the mountain of the left, until it strikes another ravine. we followed { } up this for one mile, where water makes its appearance. here is found a good camp. the road then takes to the left up the hill, and then down to a dry branch: here is a good camp, one mile to running water. this portion of the road is solid and of good travel. _september ._ this day we traveled about fourteen miles. two miles brought us to the creek again; the bottom here is of some extent. we followed this bottom for the distance of one mile; the road then led up the right hand branch, crossing several small branches, taking up a ravine to the left over a ridge, until it reaches the fork of the river; pursues its route up this river some six or seven miles, crossing it twice, then directs its course to the right, through a narrow ravine over the mountain, then strikes dry branch; we followed up this branch to running water, and near to a scrubby pine; here we encamped. the road has been solid and good. the hills and valleys appear well covered with grass. _september ._ this day we traveled about sixteen miles. the road runs up the branch for one mile, then turns to the left over the hill, pursuing a very winding course for some thirteen miles, until it reaches a slough in powder river bottoms. powder river is a stream of some eight or ten yards in width, having its source in the high range of mountains on our left, which mountains in many places are covered with snow.[ ] an abundance of pine timber is found covering the sides of these mountains, sometimes extending far down into the bottoms, which here are between six and seven miles in width. the soil is fertile and would undoubtedly yield abundantly. to our right, at the distance of fifteen or twenty miles, is presented a high range of mountains, their base covered with grass, their sides with heavy pine timber. at their summit they are entirely destitute of vegetation: some of these are very lofty, their peaks present a very lustrous appearance, resembling the snow mountains. this shining, dazzling appearance they possess, is derived i think from the material of which they are composed, being a kind of white clay. the valley between powder river and this range is very rolling, portions of it covered with wild sage. wild fowl abound in this valley. _september ._ this day we traveled about ten miles; our course was down the valley of powder river; eight miles brought us to the crossing of the same, one mile to the middle { } fork, and one to the third fork. there is good ground for encampments at any point along these streams. at our camp we were visited by an indian chief of the tribe caäguas,[ ] accompanied by his son. he was of a friendly disposition; his object in visiting us was principally to barter for cattle; he had in his possession thirty or more horses. _september ._ this day we traveled about twelve miles; for the first five or six miles, the road was quite level and good, it then follows a ridge dividing powder river and grand round; this portion of the road is very uneven and stony. the road leading down into the valley of grand round, is circuitous, and its difficulty of travel enhanced by its roughness; it is about one and a half miles in length, to where it reaches the bottom. grand round is a valley, whose average width does not exceed twenty miles, and is about thirty miles in length; a stream of water of some twenty yards in width passes through this valley, receiving considerable addition to its volume from the many rivulets that pour down their waters from the mountains, by which this valley is enclosed. the bottoms are of rich friable earth, and afford grass of various kinds, among others that of red clover. there is a root here found in great abundance, and known as the _camas_, which is held in high repute by the indians for some medicinal qualities it is thought to possess; wild flax and a variety of other plants grow in luxuriance, like to those i have observed in the western prairies.[ ] the streams are generally lined with timber, and abound in salmon and other varieties of fish. upon the sides of the mountains and extending down into the valley are found beautiful groves of yellow pine timber. these mountains are places of resort for bear, deer, and elk. this bottom affords an excellent situation for a settlement, possessing more advantages in that respect, than any found since our departure from the lower platte river. north of this and at the distance of about twenty miles, is another valley, similar in appearance to this, but of greater extent.[ ] the streams having their course through this valley empty into lewis river, which is eighty or ninety miles to the north. our camp was at the foot of the hill, convenient to a spring branch. at twilight we were visited by four or five of the caäguas, the tribe alluded to previously. an incident quite worthy of note, occurred at this place. the { } chief (aliquot by name)[ ] who had joined us at our other encampment, and had pursued this day's journey in company, had pitched his tent some three hundred yards to the rear of our camp. in the evening, in strolling about the camp, i came near his tent, and entered with the intention of employing his squaw in the soling of my moccasins; while she was engaged in this employment, a conversation had sprung up between the old chief and myself, in which he took occasion to ask me if i were a christian, as also whether there were many upon the road; to which questions i of course answered in the affirmative, supposing that he merely wished to know, whether i classed myself with the heathen or christians. on my return to our camp, some one of our party proposed that we should while away an hour or so, in a game at cards, which was readily assented to. we had but engaged in our amusement, when the old chief aliquot made his appearance, holding a small stick in his hand; he stood transfixed for a moment, and then advanced to me, raising his hand, which held the stick in the act of chastising me, and gently taking me by the arm, said "captain--captain--no good; no good." you may guess my astonishment, at being thus lectured by a "wild and untutored savage," twenty five hundred miles from a civilized land. i inwardly resolved to abandon card playing forever. _september ._ this day we traveled about seven miles; the road runs across the upper end of grand round, to a small spring branch, when it again ascends the mountains. at this spring branch we pitched our camp, and while here, were visited by great numbers of indians, including men, squaws, and papooses. these indians have decidedly a better appearance than any i have met; tall and athletic in form, and of great symmetry of person; they are generally well clad, and observe pride in personal cleanliness. they brought wheat, corn, potatoes, peas, pumpkins, fish, &c. which they were anxious to dispose of for cloths, calico, napkins and other articles of wearing apparel; they also had dressed deer skins and moccasins; they had good horses, which they offered in exchange for cows and heifers; they would gladly exchange a horse for a cow, esteeming the cow as of equal value. they remained with us throughout the day, and when evening approached returned to their lodges along the river two miles distant. i noticed a few of the nez percés (pierced noses) tribe of indians among them.[ ] both of these tribes are under the influence and control of two presbyterian missionaries, dr. { } whitman and mr. spalding, who have resided among them for the last ten years; the former among the caäguas, which inhabit the country bordering on wallawalla river and its tributaries, the blue mountains and grand round: the latter among the nez percés who inhabit the country lying along lewis river, and its tributaries, from the eastern base of the blue mountains to the columbia river.[ ] these missionary establishments are of a like character to those farther north. as i shall have occasion to speak of these missionaries, as also the beneficial results which have flowed from their residence among the savages, i will return to my travels. some of our party becoming scant of provision, started for dr. whitman's, the missionary establishment referred to above, intending to rejoin us at umatillo river, my old friend aliquot generously proffered his services as pilot for them, which were readily accepted. _september ._ this day we traveled about seven miles. from grand round the road ascends the blue mountains, and for two miles is quite steep and precipitous; and to such an extent, as to require six yoke of oxen, or more, to be attached to a wagon; from the summit of these mountains is presented a rolling country for some four miles, alternately prairie and groves of yellow pine timber. in the prairie the grass is quite dry, but among the groves of timber it is green and flourishing. the road is very stony; at the end of four miles it takes down the mountain to grand round river, one mile in distance; it then crosses. here is another bottom covered with grass and bushes, where we pitched our encampment. it is a remarkable circumstance that when individuals are engaged in conversation, their voices can be heard distinctly at a quarter of a mile distance; the discharge of a gun resembles that of a cannon, and is echoed from hill to hill, the reverberations continuing for some length of time. _september ._ this day we traveled about ten miles. the road ascended the mountain for one and a half or two miles, then wound along the ridge crossing many deep ravines, and pursuing its route over high craggy rocks; sometimes directing its course over an open plain, at others through thick groves of timber, winding among fallen trees and logs, by which the road was encumbered. the scenery is grand and beautiful, and cannot be surpassed; the country to a great distance is rough in the extreme. it may strictly be termed a timber country, although many small prairies are dotted over its surface. { } the valleys are beautiful and the soil presents a very rich appearance. we encamped in an opening, on the south side of a range of mountains running to the north, and found water in plenty in the bottom of the ravine, on our left, about one fourth of a mile from the road. the timber growing in this region is principally yellow pine, spruce, balsam fir, and hemlock; among the bushes i noticed laurel. _september ._ this day we traveled about nine miles, over the main ridge of the blue mountains. it is mostly a timbered country through which we passed; the scenery is delightful, resembling in grandeur that presented on yesterday's travel.[ ] we had a fine view of the cascade mountains to the west. mount hood, the loftiest of these, was plain to the view. it was some one hundred and fifty miles distant, and being covered with snow, appeared as a white cloud rising above those surrounding it. to the north of mount hood, and north of the columbia, is seen mount saint helen. we halted for the night at lee's encampment.[ ] _september ._ we traveled about sixteen miles this day, which brought us to umatillo river. here is an indian town, the residence of the principal chiefs of the caäguas.[ ] at this time they were mostly in the mountains hunting. the road has been good; the first twelve miles led us through a well timbered country, the last four miles over prairie; the country has a dry appearance; the banks of the streams are lined with cottonwood, balm of gilead, choke cherries and every variety of bushes. the indians have a few cultivated fields along this stream; they raise wheat, corn, potatoes, peas and a variety of vegetables. after the planting of crops, the labour of tending devolves upon the squaws, or is done by slaves, of which they have a number, being captives taken in their expeditions against other tribes. they brought us the different products of their farms for traffic. as they expressed great eagerness to obtain clothes, and we had a like desire to obtain vegetables, a brisk traffic was continued until dark. on yesterday morning when about ready to start, we discovered that eight or ten of our work cattle were missing. four of our number, myself included, remained to hunt them up. in our search we rambled over the mountains for several miles, and at night found them about three miles from camp; we then followed the road and arrived at lee's encampment just after dark. this morning an ox, a mule and a horse were missing. three of us remained to hunt for them. we searched the prairies and { } thickets for miles around, but were unsuccessful. we then pursued the road to umatillo, which we reached at night. _september ._ at eight o'clock this morning, the men who had left us at grand round for dr. whitman's station, rejoined us, accompanied by the doctor and his lady.[ ] they came in a two horse wagon, bringing with them a plentiful supply of flour, meal and potatoes. after our party had taken some refreshment, the march was resumed; our visitors accompanying us to our camp four miles down the river. our present location affords but little grazing. the doctor and lady remained with us during the day; he took occasion to inform us of the many incidents that marked his ten years' sojourn in this wilderness region, of a highly interesting character. among other things, he related that during his residence in this country, he had been reduced to such necessity for want of food, as to be compelled to slay his horse; stating that within that period, no less than thirty-two horses had been served up at his table. it appears that the soil has never been cultivated until within a few years back; but at this time, so much attention is given to the culture of the soil, which yields abundantly, that the privations of famine, or even scarcity, will probably not again recur. the condition of the savages has been greatly ameliorated and their improvement is chiefly attributable to the missionary residents. they have a good stock of cattle, hogs, sheep, &c., and raise an amount of grain not only sufficient to supply their own wants, but affords a surplus. these tribes differ in their appearance and customs from any we have met. they recognise the change which has taken place, and are not ignorant that it has been effected by the efforts and labor of the missionaries. on the other hand, they acknowledge the benefits derived by yielding to their instructions. they have embraced the christian religion, and appear devout in their espousal of christian doctrines. the entire time of the missionaries is devoted to the cause for which they have forsaken their friends and kindred; they have left the comforts of home, and those places which have been endeared by early associations, for the wild wilderness and the habitation of the savage, prompted by those principles of charity and benevolence which the christian religion always inculcates. their privations and trials have been great, but they have borne them with humility and meekness, and the fruits of their devotion are now manifest; and if any class of people deserve well of their country, or are entitled to the thanks of { } a christian community, it is the missionaries. having no family of their own, they generously take families of orphan children, raise and educate them in a manner that is worthy of all commendation.[ ] _september ._ this morning, after breakfast, our worthy guests left us and we took up our line of march, traveling down the umatillo valley for some twelve miles, crossing the _stream_ twice. the road then takes up the bluff to the right, over a high grassy plain. our encampment was pitched on the bluff on the left of the road. the water required at camp, was packed about one and a half miles, being procured at the base of the bluffs, up which we had to climb. the country is very rolling, covered with dry grass; it is mostly prairie. from this point two snowy peaks appear in view, as also the great valley of the columbia; in truth it may be said that our present location is in that valley, although it is generally termed the middle region. _september ._ this day we traveled about ten miles. eight miles brought us to the river; we followed the banks of the river for two miles, and encamped; good grazing is found. the stream as usual is lined with timber, but with this exception, it is a rolling prairie as far as can be seen, extending to the north and south, and bounded on the east and west by the blue and cascade mountains. whilst at this camp, we were visited by the wallawalla indians; they reside along the lower part of the wallawalla, the low bottoms of the umatillo and the columbia, from the mouth of lewis river for one hundred miles south. they furnished us with potatoes and venison. in their personal appearance they are much inferior to the caäguas, and want the cleanliness that characterizes that tribe.[ ] _september ._ this day we traveled about fifteen miles. for the first eight miles the soil was remarkably rich in appearance, an admixture of sand and loam, and covered with good grass; the stream is lined with timber, in common with many of those that we have passed; the last seven miles was sandy and heavy traveling. the columbia river presents itself on our right, at the distance of four miles. the river is in view for miles along this road. the prickly pear is found in abundance. it was our intention to have reached the columbia before encamping, but from the difficult traveling, were compelled to encamp on the sandy plain, deprived of water, wood and grass. { } _september ._ this morning at daylight we started for the columbia, distance three and a half miles. the river at this place is from a half to three-fourths of a mile in width. it is a beautiful stream; its waters are clear and course gently over a pebbly bottom. along the columbia, is a strip of barren country of twelve miles in width; a little dry grass in bunches, prickly pear and grease wood, dot its surface. with this exception, its appearance was wild and solitary to a great degree; but sterile as it is in appearance, the view is relieved by the majesty of the river that flows by it. immediately along the bank of the columbia is a narrow bottom, covered with green grass, cucklebur, wild sunflower, pig weed, and several other kinds of weeds, all of which were in full bloom. there was something inspiriting and animating in beholding this. a feeling of pleasure would animate our breasts akin to that filling the breast of the mariner, when after years of absence, the shores of his native land appear to view. we could scarce persuade ourselves but that our journey had arrived at its termination. we were full of hope, and as it was understood that we had but one more difficult part of the road to surmount, we moved forward with redoubled energy; our horses and cattle were much jaded, but we believed that they could be got through, or at least the greater part of them. the indians were constantly paying us visits, furnishing us with vegetables, which, by the by, were quite welcome; but they would in return demand wearing apparel, until by traffic, we were left with but one suit. we were compelled to keep a sharp look out over our kitchen furniture, as during these visits it was liable to diminish in quantity by forming an attachment towards these children of the forest, and following them off. many of these savages were nearly naked; they differ greatly from the caäguas, being much inferior; they are a greasy, filthy, dirty set of miscreants as ever might be met. _september ._ this day we remained in camp, engaged in traffic with the indians. some of our party were in want of horses, and took this occasion to supply themselves. _september ._ this day we traveled about twenty miles. the first eight miles the road is heavy traveling; the remaining portion however is much better, with the exception of the last five miles, which proved to be quite rocky. there is an occasional green spot to be found, but the whole distance we have traveled since we first struck the river cannot be regarded { } as more than a barren sandy plain. in our route this day we passed several indian villages; they are but temporary establishments, as their migratory disposition will not justify more permanent structures. _september ._ this day we traveled but sixteen miles. after a march of seven miles, we arrived at a small creek, a good situation for encamping; nine miles more brought us to dry branch, from whence we proceeded down the bluff to the river; a great portion of the road traveled was sandy and heavy.[ ] _september ._ this day we traveled about fourteen miles. the road was quite hilly; sometimes it followed the bank of the river, at others pursued its course along the high bluff. the river is confined to a very narrow channel; country very barren, and the bluffs of great height. _september ._ this day we traveled about three miles. the road ascends the bluff; is very difficult in ascent from its steepness, requiring twice the force to impel the wagons usually employed; after effecting the ascent, the sinuosity of the road led us among the rocks to the bluff on john day's river; here we had another obstacle to surmount, that of going down a hill very precipitous in its descent, but we accomplished it without loss or injury to our teams. this stream comes tumbling through kanyons and rolling over rocks at a violent rate. it is very difficult to cross, on account of the stone forming the bed of the creek; its width, however, does not exceed ten yards. the grazing is indifferent, the grass being completely dried.[ ] _september ._ this morning we discovered that several of our trail ropes had been stolen. our horses could not be found until very late; notwithstanding the delay thus occasioned we traveled some twenty miles. the road for the first three miles is up hill; it then pursues its course over a grassy, rolling plain for fifteen or sixteen miles, when it again descends the bluff to the bank of the columbia, which we followed down for one mile and there encamped. the bluffs are very high and rocky. we suffered great inconvenience from the want of fuel, as there is none to be found along the columbia; we collected a few dry sticks of driftwood and weeds, which enabled us to partially cook our food. the road we traveled this day was very good. _september ._ this day we traveled about twelve miles. two miles brought us to the crossing of de shutes or falls { } river; a stream having its source in a marshy plain bordering on the great basin, and receives numerous tributaries heading in the cascade mountains, the eastern base of which it follows and pours its waters into the columbia. the mouth of de shutes river is near fifteen miles east of the dalles or eastern base of these mountains; the river is about one hundred yards wide, and the current very rapid; the stream is enclosed by lofty cliffs of basaltic rock. four hundred yards from the columbia is a rapid or cascade. within the distance of thirty yards its descent is from fifteen to twenty feet.[ ] the current of this stream was so rapid and violent, and withal of such depth, as to require us to ferry it. some of the companies behind us, however, drove over at its mouth by crossing on a bar. preparatory to ferrying, we unloaded our wagons, and taking them apart, put them aboard some indian canoes, which were in waiting, and crossed in safety; after putting our wagons in order of travel, and preparing to start, we discovered ourselves minus a quantity of powder and shot, two shirts and two pairs of pantaloons, which the indians had appropriated to their own use, doubtless to pay the trouble of ferriage. in the morning a quarrel ensued among the indians respecting their canoes, closing in a _melee_, and such a fight i never before witnessed; stones and missiles of every description that were at hand were used with freedom. we did not interfere with them, and when they were tired of fighting the effects of the battle were visible in numerous instances, such as bloody noses and battered, bleeding heads. we ascended the bluff and traveled along the brink for several miles, then crossed over the ridge to a small creek; after crossing it, we took up a dry run for one or two miles, thence over a ridge to a running branch, and there encamped. the country through which we traveled this day was extremely rough; all prairie, and covered with grass, but very dry. _september ._ this day we traveled about five miles, which brought us to the _dalles_, or methodist missions.[ ] here was the end of our road, as no wagons had ever gone below this place. we found some sixty families in waiting for a passage down the river; and as there were but two small boats running to the cascade falls, our prospect for a speedy passage was not overly flattering. _september ._ this day we intended to make arrangements for our passage down the river, but we found upon inquiry, that the two boats spoken of were engaged for at least { } ten days, and that their charges were exorbitant, and would probably absorb what little we had left to pay our way to _oregon city_. we then determined to make a trip over the mountains, and made inquiries respecting its practicability of some indians, but could learn nothing definite, excepting that grass, timber and water would be found in abundance; we finally ascertained that a mr. barlow and mr. nighton had, with the same object, penetrated some twenty or twenty-five miles into the interior, and found it impracticable. nighton had returned, but barlow was yet in the mountains, endeavoring to force a passage; they had been absent six days, with seven wagons in their train, intending to go as far as they could, and if found to be impracticable, to return and go down the river.[ ] we succeeded in persuading fifteen families to accompany us in our trip over the mountains, and immediately made preparations for our march. on the afternoon of the first of october, our preparations were announced as complete, and we took up our line of march; others in the mean time had joined us, and should we fall in with barlow, our train would consist of some thirty wagons. but before proceeding with a description of this route, i will enter into a detail of the difficulties undergone by the company of two hundred wagons, which had separated from us at malheur creek, under the pilotage of mr. meek. it will be remembered that s. l. meek had induced about two hundred families, with their wagons and stock, to turn off at malheur, with the view of saving thereby some one hundred and fifty miles travel; and they had started about the last of august. they followed up malheur creek, keeping up the southern branch, and pursuing a southern course. for a long time they found a very good road, plenty of grass, fuel and water; they left these waters, and directed their course over a rough mountainous country, almost entirely bereft of vegetation, were for many days destitute of water, and when they were so fortunate as to procure this indispensable element, it was found stagnant in pools, unfit even for the use of cattle; but necessity compelled them to the use of it. the result was, that it made many of them sick; many of the cattle died, and the majority were unfit for labor. a disease termed camp-fever, broke out among the different companies, of which many became the victims. { } they at length arrived at a marshy lake, which they attempted to cross, but found it impracticable; and as the marsh appeared to bear south, and many of them were nearly out of provisions, they came to a determination to pursue a northern course, and strike the columbia. meek, however, wished to go south of the lake, but they would not follow him. they turned north, and after a few days' travel arrived at deshutes or falls river. they traveled up and down this river, endeavoring to find a passage, but as it ran through rocky _kanyons_, it was impossible to cross. their sufferings were daily increasing, their stock of provisions was rapidly wasting away, their cattle were becoming exhausted, and many attached to the company were laboring under severe attacks of sickness;--at length meek informed them that they were not more than two days' ride from the dalles. ten men started on horseback for the methodist stations, with the view of procuring provisions; they took with them a scanty supply of provisions, intended for the two days' journey. after riding faithfully for ten days, they at last arrived at the dalles. on their way they encountered an indian, who furnished them with a fish and a rabbit; this with the provision they had started with, was their only food for the ten days' travel. upon their arrival at the dalles they were so exhausted in strength, and the rigidity of their limbs, from riding, was so great, as to render them unable to dismount without assistance. they reached the dalles the day previous to our arrival. at this place they met an old mountaineer, usually called black harris, who volunteered his services as a pilot.[ ] he in company with several others, started in search of the lost company, whom they found reduced to great extremities; their provisions nearly exhausted, and the company weakened by exertion, and despairing of ever reaching the settlements. they succeeded in finding a place where their cattle could be driven down to the river, and made to swim across; after crossing, the bluff had to be ascended. great difficulty arose in the attempt to effect a passage with the wagons. the means finally resorted to for the transportation of the families and wagons were novel in the extreme. a large rope was swung across the stream and attached to the rocks on either side; a light wagon bed was suspended from this rope with pulleys, to which ropes were attached; this bed served to convey the families and loading in safety across; the wagons { } were then drawn over the bed of the river by ropes. the passage of this river occupied some two weeks. the distance was thirty-five miles to the dalles, at which place they arrived about the th, or th of october. some twenty of their number had perished by disease, previous to their arrival at the dalles, and a like number were lost, after their arrival, from the same cause. this company has been known by the name of the st. joseph company; but there were persons from every state of the union within its ranks. illinois and missouri, however, had the largest representation. the statements i have given are as correct as i could arrive at, from consultation with many of the members. this expedition was unfortunate in the extreme. although commenced under favorable auspices, its termination assumed a gloomy character.[ ] it has been stated that some members of the hudson's bay company were instrumental in this expedition, but such is not the fact. whilst i was at fort hall, i conversed with captain grant respecting the practicability of this same route, and was advised of the fact, that the teams would be unable to get through. the individual in charge at fort bois also advised me to the same purport. the censure rests, in the origin of the expedition, upon meek; but i have not the least doubt but he supposed they could get through in safety. i have understood that a few of the members controlled meek, and caused him to depart from his original plan. it was his design to have conducted the party to the _willamette valley_, instead of going to the dalles; and the direction he first traveled induced this belief. meek is yet of the opinion that had he gone round the marshy lake to the south, he would have struck the settlement on the willamette, within the time required to travel to the dalles. had he discovered this route, it would have proved a great saving in the distance. i do not question but that there may be a route found to the south of this, opening into the valley of the willamette.[ ] but i must again return to the subject of my travels. _october ._ at four o'clock, p. m., every thing was ready for our departure, and we pursued our way over the ridge, in a southern course. the country was very rolling, and principally prairie. we found excellent grazing. our camp was pitched on a small spring branch. _october ._ this day we made about ten miles, crossing several ravines, many of which had running water in them; { } the country, like that of yesterday's travel, proved to be very rolling; our camp was situated on a small spring branch, having its source in the mountain. _october ._ this morning i started on horseback in advance of the company, accompanied by one of its members. our course led us south over a rolling, grassy plain; portions of the road were very stony. after a travel of fourteen miles, we arrived at a long and steep declivity, which we descended, and after crossing the creek at its base, ascended a bluff; in the bottom are seen several small enclosures, where the indians have cultivated the soil; a few indian huts may be seen along this stream. meek's company crossed deshute's river near the mouth of this stream, which is five miles distant.[ ] after ascending, we turned to the right, directing our course over a level grassy plain for some five miles or more, when we crossed a running branch; five miles brought us to stony branch, and to scattering yellow pine timber. here we found barlow's company of seven wagons. barlow was absent at the time, having with three others started into the mountain two days before. we remained with them all night. _october ._ this morning myself and companion, with a scanty supply of provisions for a two days' journey, started on a westerly course into the mountains. from the open ground we could see mount hood. our object was to go south and near to this peak. for five miles the country was alternately prairie and yellow pine; we then ascended a ridge, which ascended gradually to the west. this we followed for ten miles. after the crossing of a little brushy bottom, we took over another ridge for four or five miles, very heavily timbered and densely covered with undergrowth. we descended the ridge for a short distance, and traveled a level bench for four miles; this is covered with very large and tall fir timber; we then descended the mountain, traveling westward for one and a half miles; we then came to a small branch, which we named rock creek.[ ] after crossing the creek, we ascended a hill for one fourth of a mile, then bore to the left around the hill, through a dense forest of spruce pine. after five miles travel from rock creek we came to a marshy cedar swamp; we turned to the left, and there found a suitable place for crossing. here is a stream of from five to six yards in width, when confined to one channel; but in many places it runs over a bottom of two rods in width, strewed with old moss { } covered logs and roots. the water was extremely clear and cold. four miles brought us to the top of the bluff of a deep gulf; we turned our course northward for two miles, when darkness overtook us, forcing us to encamp. a little grass was discernible on the mountain sides, which afforded our jaded horses a scanty supply. _october ._ at an early hour this morning, i proceeded down the mountain to the stream at its base. i found the descent very abrupt and difficult; the distance was one half mile. the water was running very rapid; it had the same appearance as the water of the _missouri_, being filled with white sand. i followed this stream up for some distance, and ascertained that its source was in mount hood; and from the appearance of the banks, it seems that its waters swell during the night, overflowing its banks, and subside again by day; it empties into deshute's river, having a sandy bottom of from two rods to half a mile wide, covered with scrubby pines, and sometimes a slough of alder bushes, with a little grass and rushes. we then ascended the mountain, and as our stock of provisions was barely sufficient to last us through the day, it was found necessary to return to camp. we retraced our steps to where we had struck the bluff, and followed down a short distance where we found the mountain of sufficiently gradual descent to admit of the passage of teams; we could then follow up the bottom towards _mount hood_, and as we supposed that this peak was the dividing ridge, we had reasonable grounds to hope that we could get through. we then took our trail in the direction of the camp; and late in the evening, tired and hungry, we arrived at rock creek, where we found our company encamped. barlow had not yet returned, but we resolved to push forward. _october ._ we remained in camp. as the grazing was poor in the timber, and our loose cattle much trouble to us, we determined to send a party with them to the settlement. the indians had informed us that there was a trail to the north, which ran over mount hood, and thence to oregon city. this party was to proceed up one of the ridges until they struck this trail, and then follow it to the settlement. two families decided upon going with this party, and as i expected to have no further use for my horse, i sent him with them. they were to procure provisions and assistance, and meet us on the way. we had forwarded, by a company of cattle-drivers from the dalles, which started for the settlement on the first of the { } month, a request that they would send us provisions and assistance; but as we knew nothing of their whereabouts, we had little hope of being benefited by them.[ ] the day was spent in making the necessary arrangements for the cattle-drivers, and for working the road. in the afternoon, barlow and his party returned. they had taken nearly the same route that we had; they had followed up the bluff of this branch of the de shutes, to within twelve or fifteen miles of mount hood, where they supposed they had seen willamette valley. they had then taken the indian trail spoken of, and followed it to one of the ridges leading down to the river de shutes; this they followed, and came out near our camp. we now jointly adopted measures for the prosecution of the work before us. _october ._ early in the morning, the party designated to drive our loose cattle made their arrangements, and left us. and as we supposed our stock of provisions was insufficient to supply us until these men returned, we dispatched a few men to the dalles for a beef and some wheat; after which, we divided our company so as that a portion were to remain and take charge of the camp. a sufficient number were to pack provisions, and the remainder were to be engaged in opening the road. all being ready, each one entered upon the duty assigned him with an alacrity and willingness that showed a full determination to prosecute it to completion, if possible. on the evening of the th, we had opened a road to the top of the mountain, which we were to descend to the branch of the de shutes.[ ] the side of the mountain was covered with a species of laurel bush, and so thick, that it was almost impossible to pass through it, and as it was very dry we set it on fire. we passed down and encamped on the creek, and during the night the fire had nearly cleared the road on the side of the mountain. on the morning of october th, a consultation was had, when it was determined that mr. barlow, mr. lock, and myself, should go in advance, and ascertain whether we could find a passage over the main dividing ridge. in the mean time, the remainder of the party were to open the road up the creek bottom as far as they could, or until our return. we took some provision in our pockets, an axe, and one rifle, and started. we followed up this branch about fifteen miles, when we reached a creek, coming in from the left. we followed up this for a short distance, and then struck across to { } the main fork; and in doing so, we came into a cedar swamp, so covered with heavy timber and brush that it was almost impossible to get through it. we were at least one hour in traveling half a mile. we struck the opening along the other fork, traveled up this about eight miles, and struck the indian trail spoken of before, near where it comes down the mountain. the last eight miles of our course had been nearly north--a high mountain putting down between the branch and main fork. where we struck the trail, it turned west into a wide, sandy and stony plain, of several miles in width, extending up to _mount hood_, about seven or eight miles distant, and in plain view. i had never before looked upon a sight so nobly grand. we had previously seen only the top of it, but now we had a view of the whole mountain. no pen can give an adequate description of this scene. the bottom which we were ascending, had a rise of about three feet to the rod. a perfect mass of rock and gravel had been washed down from the mountain. in one part of the bottom was standing a grove of dead trees, the top of which could be seen; from appearance, the surface had been filled up seventy-five or eighty feet about them. the water came tumbling down, through a little channel, in torrents. near the upper end of the bottom, the mountains upon either side narrowed in until they left a deep chasm or gulf, where it emerged from the rocky cliffs above. stretching away to the south, was a range of mountain, which from the bottom appeared to be connected with the mountain on our left. it appeared to be covered with timber far up; then a space of over two miles covered with grass; then a space of more than a mile destitute of vegetation; then commenced the snow, and continued rising until the eye was pained in looking to the top. to our right was a high range, which connected with mount hood, covered with timber. the timber near the snow was dead. we followed this trail for five or six miles, when it wound up a grassy ridge to the left--followed it up to where it connected with the main ridge; this we followed up for a mile, when the grass disappeared, and we came to a ridge entirely destitute of vegetation. it appeared to be sand and gravel, or rather, decomposed material from sandstone crumbled to pieces. before reaching this barren ridge, we met a party of those who had started with the loose cattle, hunting for some which had strayed off. they informed us that they had lost about { } one-third of their cattle, and were then encamped on the west side of mount hood. we determined to lodge with them, and took the trail over the mountain. in the mean time, the cattle-drovers had found a few head, and traveled with us to their camp. soon after ascending and winding round this barren ridge, we crossed a ravine, one or two rods in width, upon the snow, which terminated a short distance below the trail, and extended up to the top of mount hood. we then went around the mountain for about two miles, crossing several strips of snow, until we came to a deep kanyon or gulf, cut out by the wash from the mountain above us. a precipitate cliff of rocks, at the head, prevented a passage around it. the hills were of the same material as that we had been traveling over, and were very steep. i judged the ravine to be three thousand feet deep. the manner of descending is to turn directly to the right, go zigzag for about one hundred yards, then turn short round, and go zigzag until you come under the place where you started from; then to the right, and so on, until you reach the base. in the bottom is a rapid stream, filled with sand. after crossing, we ascended in the same manner, went round the point of a ridge, where we struck another ravine; the sides of this were covered with grass and whortleberry bushes. in this ravine we found the camp of our friends. we reached them about dark; the wind blew a gale, and it was quite cold. _october ._ after taking some refreshment, we ascended the mountain, intending to head the deep ravine, in order to ascertain whether there was any gap in the mountain south of us, which would admit of a pass. from this peak, we overlooked the whole of the mountains. we followed up the grassy ridge for one mile and a half, when it became barren. my two friends began to lag behind, and show signs of fatigue; they finally stopped, and contended that we could not get round the head of the ravine, and that it was useless to attempt an ascent. but i was of a different opinion, and wished to go on. they consented, and followed for half a mile, when they sat down, and requested me to go up to the ledge, and, if we could effect a passage up and get round it, to give them a signal. i did so, and found that by climbing up a cliff of snow and ice, for about forty feet, but not so steep but that by getting upon one cliff, and cutting holes to stand in and hold on by, it could be ascended. i gave the signal, and they came up. in the { } mean time, i had cut and carved my way up the cliff, and when up to the top was forced to admit that it was something of an undertaking; but as i had arrived safely at the top of the cliff, i doubted not but they could accomplish the same task, and as my moccasins were worn out, and the soles of my feet exposed to the snow, i was disposed to be traveling, and so left them to get up the best way they could. after proceeding about one mile upon the snow, continually winding up, i began to despair of seeing my companions. i came to where a few detached pieces of rock had fallen from the ledge above and rolled down upon the ice and snow, (for the whole mass is more like ice than snow;) i clambered upon one of these, and waited half an hour. i then rolled stones down the mountain for half an hour; but as i could see nothing of my two friends, i began to suspect that they had gone back, and crossed in the trail. i then went round to the southeast side, continually ascending, and taking an observation of the country south, and was fully of the opinion that we could find a passage through.[ ] the waters of this deep ravine, and of numerous ravines to the northwest, as well as the southwest, form the heads of big sandy and quicksand rivers, which empty into the columbia, about twenty-five or thirty miles below the cascade falls.[ ] i could see down this stream some twelve or fifteen miles, where the view was obstructed by a high range coming round from the northwest side, connecting by a low gap with some of the spurs from this peak. all these streams were running through such deep chasms, that it was impossible to pass them with teams. to the south, were two ranges of mountains, connecting by a low gap with this peak, and winding round until they terminated near big sandy. i observed that a stream, heading near the base of this peak and running southeast { } for several miles, there appeared to turn to the west. this i judged to be the head waters of clackamis, which empties into the willamette, near oregon city; but the view was hid by a high range of mountains putting down in that direction.[ ] a low gap seemed to connect this stream, or some other, heading in this high range, with the low bottoms immediately under the base of this peak. i was of the opinion that a pass might be found between this peak and the first range of mountains, by digging down some of the gravel hills; and if not, there would be a chance of passing between the first and second ranges, through this gap to the branch of clackamis; or, by taking some of the ranges of mountains and following them down, could reach the open ground near the willamette, as there appeared to be spurs extending in that direction. i could also see a low gap in the direction from where we crossed the small branch, coming up the creek on the th, towards several small prairies south of us. it appeared, that if we could get a road opened to that place, our cattle could range about these prairies until we could find a passage for the remainder of the way. the day was getting far advanced, and we had no provisions, save each of us a small biscuit; and knowing that we had at least twenty-five miles to travel, before reaching those working on the road, i hastened down the mountain. i had no difficulty in finding a passage down; but i saw some deep ravines and crevices in the ice which alarmed me, as i was compelled to travel over them. the snow and ice had melted underneath, and in many places had left but a thin shell upon the surface; some of them had fallen in and presented hideous looking caverns. i was soon out of danger, and upon the east side of the deep ravine i saw my two friends slowly winding their way up the mountain. they had gone to the foot of the ledge, and as they wore boots, and were much fatigued, they abandoned the trip, and returned down the mountain to the trail, where i joined them. we there rested awhile, and struck our course for one of the prairies which we had seen from the mountain. on our way we came to a beautiful spring of water, surrounded with fine timber; the ground was covered with whortle berry bushes, and many of them hanging full of fruit, we halted, ate our biscuit, gathered berries, and then proceeded down the mountain. after traveling about ten miles, we reached the prairie. it was covered with grass, and was very wet. a red sediment { } of about two inches in depth covered the surface of the ground in the grass, such as is found around mineral springs. a beautiful clear stream of water was running through the prairie, in a southeast direction. we had seen a prairie about two miles further south, much larger than this, which we supposed to be dry. we now took our course for camp, intending to strike through the gap to the mouth of the small branch; but we failed in finding the right _shute_, and came out into the bottom, three miles above where we had first struck the cattle or indian trail. we then took down the bottom, and arrived in camp about eleven o'clock at night; and although not often tired, i was willing to acknowledge that i was near being so. i certainly was hungry, but my condition was so much better than that of my two friends, that i could not murmur. our party had worked the road up to the small branch, where they were encamped. on the morning of the th of october we held a consultation, and determined upon the future movements of the company. the party designated to bring us provisions had performed that service; but the amount of our provisions was nearly exhausted, and many of the party had no means of procuring more. some of them began to despair of getting through this season. those left with the camp were unable to keep the cattle together, and a number of them had been lost. the indians had stolen several horses, and a variety of mishaps occurred, such as would necessarily follow from a company so long remaining in one position. they were now on a small creek, five miles from stony hill, which we called camp creek, and near the timber. it was impossible to keep more than one third of the men working at the road; the remainder were needed to attend the camp and pack provisions. it was determined to send a party and view out the road, through to the open country, near the mouth of clackamis, whilst the others were to open the road as far as the big prairie; a number sufficient to bring up the teams and loose cattle, (for a number of families with their cattle had joined since ours left, and portions of our company did not send their loose cattle,) to a grassy prairie in this bottom, and near the mouth of this creek, as the time required to pack provisions to those working on the road would be saved. all being arranged, the next thing was to designate the persons to go ahead of the party, and if found practicable to return with provisions and help; or at all events to ascertain whether the route were practicable. { } it was determined that i should undertake this trip. i asked only one man to accompany me. we took our blankets, a limited supply of provisions, and one light axe, and at eight o'clock in the morning set out. i was satisfied that the creek which we were then on, headed in the low gap, seen from mount hood; and the party were to open the road up this branch. but as i was to precede them, i passed up this creek for about eight or ten miles, when i discovered the low gap, went through it, and at noon arrived at the wet prairie, which we had visited the day before. the route was practicable, but would require great labor to remove the timber, and cut out the underbrush. we halted at the creek and took some refreshment; we then struck for the low gap between the first range of mountains running west, and the base of mount hood, and traveled through swamps, small prairies, brush, and heavy timber for about twelve miles, when we found the labor necessary to open a wagon road in this direction, to be greater than we could possibly bestow upon it before the rainy season. we determined to try some other route, retraced our steps six or seven miles, and then bore to the right, around the base of the mountain, when we struck into an old indian trail. this we followed for seven or eight miles, through the gap i had seen from mount hood. it is a rolling bottom of about four or five miles in width, and extending from the base of mount hood south for ten or twelve miles. the trail wound around the mountain, but as its course was about that we wished to travel, we followed it until it ran out at the top of the mountain. we then took the ridge west, and traveled until dark; but as the moon shone bright, and the timber was not very thick, we turned an angle down the mountain to the left, to procure water. we traveled about three miles, and struck upon a small running branch; this we followed, until owing to the darkness, we were compelled to encamp, much fatigued, and somewhat disheartened. _october ._ at daylight we were on the way. my moccasins, which the night before had received a pair of soles, in yesterday's tramp had given way, and in traveling after night my feet had been badly snagged, so that i was in poor plight for walking; but as there was no alternative, we started down the mountain, and after traveling a few miles i felt quite well and was able to take the lead. we traveled about three miles, when we struck a large creek which had a very rapid current, over a stony bottom. i had hoped to find a bottom of sufficient { } width to admit of a wagon road, but after following down this stream six miles, i was satisfied that it would not do to attempt it this season. the weather, which had been entirely clear for months, had through the night began to cloud up; and in the morning the birds, squirrels, and every thing around, seemed to indicate the approach of a storm. i began for the first time to falter, and was at a stand to know what course to pursue. i had understood that the rainy season commenced in october, and that the streams rose to an alarming height, and i was sensible that if we crossed the branch of the deshutes, which headed in mount hood, and the rainy season set in, we could not get back, and to get forward would be equally impossible; so that in either event starvation would be the result. and as i had been very active in inducing others to embark in the enterprise, my conscience would not allow me to go on and thus endanger so many families. but to go back, and state to them the difficulties to be encountered, and the necessity of taking some other course, seemed to be my duty. i therefore resolved to return, and recommend selecting some suitable place for a permanent camp, build a cabin, put in such effects as we could not pack out, and leave our wagons and effects in the charge of some persons until we could return the next season, unencumbered with our families and cattle, and finish the road;--or otherwise to return to the dalles with our teams, where we could leave our baggage in charge of the missionaries, and then descend the columbia. and when my mind was fully made up, we were not long in carrying it into execution. we accordingly ascended the mountain, as it was better traveling than in the bottom. the distance to the summit was about four miles, and the way was sometimes so steep as to render it necessary to pull up by the bushes. we then traveled east until we reached the eastern point of this mountain, and descended to the bottom, the base of which we had traversed the day before. we then struck for the trail, soon found it, and followed it until it led us to the southern end of the wet prairie. we then struck for the lower gap in the direction of the camp, crossed over and descended the branch to near its mouth, where we found four of our company clearing the road, the remainder having returned to camp creek for teams. but as we had traveled about fifty miles this day, i was unable to reach the camp. _october ._ this morning we all started for camp, carrying { } with us our tools and provisions. we reached camp about two p.m. many of our cattle could not be found, but before night nearly all were brought into camp. the whole matter was then laid before the company, when it was agreed that we should remove over to the bottom, near the small creek, and if the weather was unfavorable, leave our baggage and wagons, and pack out the families as soon as possible. but as some were out of provisions, it was important that a messenger should be sent on ahead for provisions, and horses to assist in packing out. mr. buffum, and lady, concluded to pack out what articles they could, and leave a man to take charge of the teams and cattle, until he returned with other horses. he kindly furnished me with one of his horses to ride to the settlement. he also supplied the wife of mr. thompson with a horse. mr. barlow and mr. rector made a proposition to continue working the road until the party could go to and return from the valley; they agreeing to insure the safety of the wagons, if compelled to remain through the winter, by being paid a certain per cent. upon the valuation. this proposition was thought reasonable by some, and it was partially agreed to. and as there were some who had no horses with which to pack out their families, they started on foot for the valley, designing to look out a road as they passed along. some men in the mean time were to remain with the camp, which as above stated was to be removed to the small branch on shutes' fork; and those who intended pushing out at once, could follow up it to the indian trail. this all being agreed upon, arrangements were made accordingly. _october ._ the morning was lowering, with every indication of rain. messrs. barlow and rector started on the trip.[ ] all hands were making arrangements for moving the camp. in the mean time mr. buffum and his lady, and mrs. thompson, were ready to start.[ ] i joined them, and we again set out for the settlement. we had traveled about two miles when it commenced raining, and continued raining slightly all day. we encamped on the bottom of shutes' fork, near the small branch. it rained nearly all night. on the morning of the th october after our horses had filled themselves, we packed up and started. it was still raining. we followed up this bottom to the trail, and then pursued the trail over mount hood. whilst going over this mountain the rain poured down in torrents, it was foggy, and very cold. we arrived at the deep ravine at about four p.m., { } and before we ascended the opposite bank it was dark; but we felt our way over the ridge, and round the point to the grassy run. here was grazing for our tired horses, and we dismounted. upon the side of the mountain, where were a few scattering trees, we found some limbs and sticks, with which we succeeded in getting a little fire. we then found a few sticks and constructed a tent, covering it with blankets, which protected our baggage and the two women. mr. buffum and myself stood shivering in the rain around the fire, and when daylight appeared, it gave us an opportunity to look at each others' lank visages. our horses were shivering with the cold, the rain had put out our fire, and it seemed as though every thing had combined to render us miserable. after driving our horses round awhile, they commenced eating; but we had very little to eat, and were not troubled much in cooking it. _october ._ as soon as our horses had satisfied themselves we packed up and ascended the mountain over the ridge, and for two miles winding around up and down over a rough surface covered with grass. the rain was falling in torrents, and it was so foggy that we could barely see the trail. we at length went down a ridge two miles, when we became bewildered in the thick bushes. the trail had entirely disappeared. we could go no farther. the two women sat upon their horses in the rain, whilst i went back to search for the right trail; buffum endeavoring to make his way down the mountain. i rambled about two miles up the mountain, where i found the right trail, and immediately returned to inform them of it. buffum had returned, and of course had not found the trail. we then ascended the mountain to the trail, when a breeze sprung up and cleared away the fog. we could then follow the trail. we soon saw a large band of cattle coming up the mountain, and in a short time met a party of men following them. they had started from the dalles about eight days before, and encamped that night four or five miles below, and as it was a barren spot, their cattle had strayed to the mountain to get grass. but what was very gratifying, they informed us that a party of men from oregon city, with provisions for our company had encamped with them, and were then at their camp. we hastened down the mountain, and in a few hours arrived at the camp. but imagine our feelings when we learned that those having provisions for us, had despaired of finding us, and { } having already been out longer than was expected, had returned to the settlement, carrying with them all the provisions, save what they had distributed to these men. we were wet, cold, and hungry, and would not be likely to overtake them. we prevailed upon one of the men whom we found at the camp, to mount one of our horses, and follow them. he was absent about ten minutes, when he returned and informed us that they were coming. they soon made their appearance. this revived us, and for awhile we forgot that we were wet and cold. they had gone about six miles back, when some good spirit induced them to return to camp, and make one more effort to find us. the camp was half a mile from the creek, and we had nothing but two small coffee-pots, and a few tin cups, to carry water in; but this was trifling, as the rain was still pouring down upon us. we speedily made a good fire, and set to work making a tent, which we soon accomplished, and the two women prepared us a good supper of bread and coffee. it was a rainy night, but we were as comfortable as the circumstances would admit. _october ._ after breakfast, the drovers left us; and as the party which had brought us provisions had been longer out than had been contemplated, mr. stewart and mr. gilmore wished to return. it was determined that mr. buffum, the two females, mr. stewart, and mr. n. gilmore, should go on to the settlement, and that mr. c. gilmore, and the indian who had been sent along to assist in driving the horses, and myself, should hasten on with the provisions to the camp. we were soon on the way, and climbing up the mountain. the horses were heavily loaded, and in many places the mountain was very slippery, and of course we had great difficulty in getting along. it was still raining heavily, and the fog so thick that a person could not see more than fifteen feet around. we traveled about two miles up the mountain, when we found that whilst it had been raining in the valley it had been snowing on the mountain. the trail was so covered with snow that it was difficult to find it, and, to increase our difficulty, the indian refused to go any farther. we showed him the whip, which increased his speed a little, but he soon forgot it, was very sulky, and would not assist in driving. we at length arrived at the deep ravine; here there was no snow, and we passed it without serious difficulty. two of our packs coming off, and rolling down the hill, was the only serious trouble that we had. when we ascended the hill to { } the eastern side of the gulf, we found the snow much deeper than upon the western side; besides, it had drifted, and rendered the passage over the strip of the old snow somewhat dangerous, as in many places the action of the water had melted the snow upon the under side, and left a thin shell over the surface, and in some places holes had melted through. we were in danger of falling into one of these pits. coming to one of these ravines where the snow had drifted very much, i dismounted in order to pick a trail through, but before this was completed, our horses started down the bank. i had discovered two of these pits, and ran to head the horses and turn them; but my riding horse started to run, and went directly between the two pits; his weight jarred the crust loose, and it fell in, presenting a chasm of some twenty-five or thirty feet in depth, but the horse, being upon the run, made his way across the pit. the other horses, hearing the noise and seeing the pits before them, turned higher up, where the snow and ice were thicker, and all reached the opposite side in safety. our indian friend now stopped, and endeavored to turn the horses back, but two to one was an uneven game, and it was played to his disadvantage. he wanted an additional blanket; this i promised him, and he consented to go on. we soon met two indians, on their way from the dalles to oregon city; our indian conversed with them awhile, and then informed us of his intention to return with them. whilst parleying with him, a party of men from our camp came up the mountain with their cattle; they had driven their teams to the small branch of the de shutes, twelve miles below the mountain, where they had left the families, and started out with their cattle before the stream should get too high to cross. whilst we were conversing with these men, our indian had succeeded in getting one loose horse, and the one which he was riding, so far from the band of pack-horses that, in the fog, we could not see him, and he returned to the settlement with the two indians we had just met. our horses were very troublesome to drive, as they had ate nothing for thirty-six hours; but we succeeded in getting them over the snow, and down to the grassy ridge, where we stopped for the night. my friend gilmore shouldered a bag of flour, carried it half a mile down the mountain to a running branch, opened the sack, poured in water, and mixed up bread. in the mean time, i had built a fire. we wrapped the dough around sticks and baked it before the fire, heated water in our { } tin cups and made a good dish of tea, and passed a very comfortable night. it had ceased raining before sunset, and the morning was clear and pleasant; we forgot the past, and looked forward to a bright future. _october ._ at o'clock we packed up, took the trail down the mountain to the gravelly bottom, and then down the creek to the wagon-camp, which we reached at p. m.; and if we had not before forgotten our troubles, we certainly should have done so upon arriving at camp. several families were entirely out of provisions, others were nearly so, and all were expecting to rely upon their poor famished cattle. true, this would have prevented starvation; but it would have been meagre diet, and there was no certainty of having cattle long, as there was but little grass. a happier set of beings i never saw, and the thanks bestowed upon us by these families would have compensated for no little toil and hardship. they were supplied with an amount of provisions sufficient to last them until they could reach the settlements. after waiting one day, mr. gilmore left the camp for the settlement, taking with him three families; others started about the same time, and in a few days all but three families had departed. these were mr. barlow's, mr. rector's, and mr. caplinger's,[ ] all of whom had gone on to the settlement for horses. ten men yet remained at camp, and, after selecting a suitable place for our wagon-yard, we erected a cabin for the use of those who were to remain through the winter, and to stow away such of our effects as we could not pack out. this being done, nothing remained but to await the return of those who had gone for pack horses. we improved the time in hunting and gathering berries, until the th, when four of us, loaded with heavy packs, started on foot for the valley of the willamette. but before entering upon this trip, i will state by what means the timely assistance afforded us in the way of provisions was effected. the first party starting for the settlement from the dalles, after we had determined to take the mountain route, carried the news to oregon city that we were attempting a passage across the cascade mountains, and that we should need provisions. the good people of that place immediately raised by donation about eleven hundred pounds of flour, over one hundred pounds of sugar, some tea, &c., hired horses, and the messrs. gilmore and mr. stewart volunteered to bring these articles to us.[ ] the only expense we were asked to defray was the hire of the horses. they { } belonged to an indian chief, and of course he had to be paid. the hire was about forty dollars, which brought the flour to about four dollars per hundred, as there were about one thousand pounds when they arrived. those who had the means paid at once, and those who were unable to pay gave their due bills. many of the families constructed packsaddles and put them on oxen, and, in one instance, a feather bed was rolled up and put upon an ox; but the animal did not seem to like his load, and ran into the woods, scattering the feathers in every direction: he was finally secured, but not until the bed was ruined. in most cases, the oxen performed well. in the afternoon of the th october, accompanied by messrs. creighton, farwell, and buckley, i again started to the valley. we had traveled but a short distance when we met barlow and rector, who had been to the settlement. they had some horses, and expected others in a short time. they had induced a few families whom they met near mount hood to return with them, and try their chance back to the dalles; but, after waiting one day, they concluded to try the mountain trip again. we traveled up the bottom to the trail, where we encamped; about this time, it commenced raining, which continued through the night. _october ._ this morning at eight o'clock, we were on the way. it was rainy, and disagreeable traveling. we followed the trail over the main part of the mountain, when we overtook several families, who had left us on the twenty-second. two of the families had encamped the night before in the bottom of the deep ravine; night overtook them, and they were compelled to camp, without fuel, or grass for cattle or horses. water they had in plenty, for it was pouring down upon them all the night. one of their horses broke loose, and getting to the provision sack, destroyed the whole contents. there were nine persons in the two families, four of them small children, and it was about eighty miles to the nearest settlement. the children, as well as the grown people, were nearly barefoot, and poorly clad. their names were powell and senters. another family by the name of hood, had succeeded in getting[ ] up the gravelly hill, and finding grass for their animals, and a little fuel, had shared their scanty supply with these two families, and when we overtook them they were all encamped near each other. we gave them about half of our provisions, and encamped near them. mr. hood kindly furnished us with a { } wagon cover, with which we constructed a tent, under which we rested for the night. _october ._ the two families who had lost their provisions succeeded in finding a heifer that belonged to one of the companies traveling in advance of us. in rambling upon the rocky cliffs above the trail for grass, it had fallen down the ledge, and was so crippled as not to be able to travel. the owners had left it, and as the animal was in good condition, it was slaughtered and the meat cured. after traveling four miles through the fresh snow, (which had fallen about four inches deep during the night,) we came to where the trail turned down to the sandy. we were glad to get out of the snow, as we wore moccasins, and the bottoms being worn off, our feet were exposed. two miles brought us to where we left the sandy, and near the place where we met the party with provisions; here we met mr. buffum, mr. lock, and a mr. smith,[ ] with fourteen pack-horses, going for effects to fort deposit--the name which we had given our wagon camp. the numerous herds of cattle which had passed along had so ate up the grass and bushes, that it was with great difficulty the horses could procure a sufficiency to sustain life. among the rest, was a horse for me; and as i had a few articles at the fort, mr. buffum was to take the horse along and pack them out. two of his horses were so starved as to be unable to climb the mountains, and we took them back with us. the weather by this time had cleared up; we separated, and each party took its way. a short distance below this, our trail united with one which starting from the dalles, runs north of mount hood, and until this season was the only trail traveled by the whites. we proceeded down the sandy, crossing it several times, through thickets of spruce and alder, until we arrived at the forks, which were about fifteen miles from the base of mount hood. the bottom of the sandy is similar to the branch of de shutes which we ascended; but in most cases the gravel and stones are covered with moss; portions of it are entirely destitute of vegetation. the mountains are very high, and are mostly covered with timber. at a few points are ledges of grayish rock, but the greater part of the mountain is composed of sand and gravel; it is much cut up by deep ravines, or kanyons. the trail is sometimes very difficult to follow, on account of the brush and logs; about our camp are a few bunches of { } brakes, which the horses eat greedily. the stream coming in from the southeast is the one which i followed down on the th, and from appearance i came within five miles of the forks. the bottom in this vicinity is more than a mile wide, and is covered with spruce, hemlock and alder, with a variety of small bushes. _october ._ we started early, and after having traveled several miles, found a patch of good grass, where we halted our horses for an hour. we then traveled on, crossing the sandy three times. this is a rapid stream; the water is cold, and the bottom very stony. we made about fifteen or sixteen miles only, as we could not get our horses along faster. we struck into a road recently opened for the passage of wagons. mr. taylor, from ohio, who had left our company with his family and cattle on the th, had arrived safely in the valley, and had procured a party of men and had sent them into the mountains to meet us at the crossing of sandy.[ ] they had come up this far, and commenced cutting the road toward the settlements. after traveling this road five or six miles we came upon their camp, where we again found something to eat; our provisions having been all consumed. the road here runs through a flat or bottom of several miles in width, and extending ten or twelve miles down the sandy; it bears towards the north, whilst the creek forms an elbow to the south. the soil is good, and is covered with a very heavy growth of pine and white cedar timber. i saw some trees of white cedar that were seven feet in diameter, and at least one hundred and fifty feet high. i measured several old trees that had fallen, which were one hundred and eighty feet in length, and about six feet in diameter at the root. we passed some small prairies and several beautiful streams, which meandered through the timber. the ground lies sloping to the south, as it is on the north side of the creek. in the evening it commenced raining a little. we remained at this camp all night. _october ._ this morning, after breakfast, we parted with our friends and pursued our way. we soon ascended a ridge which we followed for seven or eight miles, alternately prairie and fern openings. in these openings the timber is not large, but grows rather scrubby. there are numerous groves of beautiful pine timber, tall and straight. the soil is of a reddish cast, and very mellow, and i think would produce well. we came to the termination of this ridge and descended to the bottom, which has been covered with heavy timber, but which { } has been killed by fire. from this ridge we could see several others, of a similar appearance, descending gradually towards the west. we here crossed the creek or river, which was deep and rapid; and as our horses were barely able to carry themselves, we were compelled to wade the stream. buckly had been sick for several days, and not able to carry his pack; and if at other times i regretted the necessity of being compelled to carry his pack, i now found it of some advantage in crossing the stream, as it assisted in keeping me erect. buckly in attempting to wade across, had so far succeeded as to reach the middle of the stream, where he stopped, and was about giving way when he was relieved by farwell, a strong athletic yankee from the state of maine. in crossing a small bottom, one of the horses fell; we were unable to raise him to his feet, and were compelled to leave him. the other we succeeded in getting to the top of the hill, where we were also compelled to leave him. the former died, but the latter was taken in a few days after by those who were opening the road. after being relieved of the burthen of the two horses, we pushed forward on foot, as fast as buddy's strength and our heavy packs would allow; and as it had been raining all day, our packs were of double their former weight. at dark we met a party of men who had been through with a drove of cattle, and were returning with pack horses for the three families who were yet at fort deposit. we encamped with them. after crossing the sandy our course was southwest, over a rolling and prairie country. the prairie, as well as the timber land, was covered with fern. the soil was of a reddish cast, and very mellow, as are all the ridges leading from the mountain to the willamette or columbia river. we traveled this day sixteen or seventeen miles. _october ._ this morning was rainy as usual. four miles brought us to the valley of the clackamis, which was here five or six miles wide. the road was over a rolling country similar to that we passed over on yesterday. to the left of the trail we saw a house at the foot of the hill; we made for it, and found some of our friends who had started from camp with c. gilmore. the claim was held by a man named mcswain.[ ] we tarried here until the morning of the st, when we again started for oregon city. our trail ran for five or six miles along the foot of the hill, through prairie and timber land. the soil looks good, but is rather inclined to gravel; { } numerous streams flow down from the high ground, which rises gradually to a rolling fern plain, such as we traveled over on the th, and th. we then continued upon the high ground seven or eight miles, alternately through timber and fern prairies. we then turned down to clackamis bottom, which is here about one mile wide; this we followed down for three miles, when night overtook us, and we put up at mr. hatche's, having spent just one month in the cascade mountains.[ ] _november ._ this morning we left hatche's, and in two miles travel we reached the crossings of the clackamis river. at this point it is one hundred and fifty yards wide, the banks of gentle descent, the water wending its way for the noble columbia over a pebbly bottom. here is a village of about twenty families, inhabited by the clackamis indians, who are few in number, apparently harmless, and caring for nothing more than a few fish, a little game, or such subsistence as is barely sufficient to support life. there are but two or three houses in the village; they are made by setting up side and centre posts in the ground, the latter being the highest, to receive a long pole to uphold puncheons split out of cedar, which form the covering; the sides are enclosed with the same material, in an upright position. these puncheons are held to their places by leather thongs, fastened around them to the poles that lay upon the posts. after examining this little community, the remains of a once powerful and warlike people,[ ] we obtained the use of their canoes, crossed over the river, and after two miles further travel we reached a point that had long been a desired object; where we were to have rest and refreshment. we were now at the place destined at no distant period to be an important point in the commercial history of the union--oregon city.[ ] passing through the timber that lies to the east of the city, we beheld oregon and the falls of the willamette at the same moment. we were so filled with gratitude that we had reached the settlements of the white man, and with admiration at the appearance of the large sheet of water rolling over the falls, that we stopped, and in this moment of happiness recounted our toils, in thought, with more rapidity than tongue can express or pen write. here we hastily scanned over the distance traveled, from point to point, which we computed to be in miles as follows, viz: from independence to fort laramie, miles; from fort laramie { } to fort hall, miles; from fort hall to fort bois, miles; from fort bois to the dalles, miles; from the dalles to oregon city, (by the wagon route south of mount hood,) miles, making the total distance from independence to oregon city, miles. actual measurement will vary these distances, most probably lessen them; and it is very certain, that by bridging the streams, the travel will be much shortened, by giving to it a more direct course, and upon ground equally favorable for a good road. * * * * * oregon city. now at rest, having arrived at this place, before entering upon a general description of the country, i will give a short account of oregon city, as it appeared to me. this town is located upon the east side of the willamette river, and at the falls. it is about thirty miles above the junction of the willamette with the columbia, following the meanders of the river; but, directly from the columbia at vancouver, it is only about twenty miles. it was laid out by dr. m'laughlin, in , who holds a claim of six hundred and forty acres upon the east side of the river. from the river, upon this side, immediately at the falls, there rises a rocky bluff of about eighty feet in height, which bears off to the northeast. passing down the river, the land lies about ten feet lower than the surface of the water above the falls. this plateau extends for about one-fourth of a mile, when there is a further descent of about fifteen feet, from which a level and fertile bottom skirts the willamette for a mile and a half, to where the waters of the clackamis are united with those of the willamette. upon the plateau, immediately below, and a small portion of the higher ground above the falls, is the portion of his grant, that dr. m'laughlin has laid off in town lots.[ ] three years ago, this land was covered with a dense forest, which is now cleared off, to make room for the erection of houses to accommodate the inhabitants of the town. there were already erected, when i left there, about one hundred houses, most of them not only commodious, but neat. among the public buildings, the most conspicuous were the neat methodist church, which is located near the upper part of the town, and a splendid catholic chapel, which stands near the river and the bluff bank at the lower part of the town site.[ ] there are two grist mills; one owned by m'laughlin, having three sets of buhr runners, and will compare well with most of the mills in the states; the other is a smaller mill, { } owned by governor abernethy and mr. beers.[ ] at each of these grist-mills there are also saw-mills, which cut a great deal of plank for the use of emigrants. there are four stores, two taverns, one hatter, one tannery, three tailor shops, two cabinet-makers, two silversmiths, one cooper, two blacksmiths, one physician, three lawyers, one printing office, (at which the oregon spectator is printed, semi-monthly, at five dollars per annum,)[ ] one lath machine, and a good brick yard in active operation. there are also quite a number of carpenters, masons, &c., in constant employment, at good wages, in and about this village. the population is computed at about six hundred white inhabitants, exclusive of a few lodges of indians. the indians spend most of their nights in gambling. they have a game peculiar to the tribes of the lower columbia, and as i have not seen it described, i will mention it here. six men meet in their lodge, when they divide among themselves into partners of three on each side, then seat themselves, with a pole between the parties; the middle man on one of the sides has a small bone or stick which he holds in his hand; his partners upon the left and right keep up a regular knocking upon the pole with sticks, and singing of songs. the man with the bone keeps shifting it as quickly as possible from hand to hand, to deceive the middle man of the opposite side, as to which hand holds the bone; after he is satisfied, he stops and inquires of his opponent in which hand he holds it. if the opponent guesses rightly, he throws the bone, with a small pointed stick, to the winner, who goes through the same ceremony as the loser had done; but if the man guesses wrongly as to the hand that holds the bone, he hands over a little pointed stick. thus they keep it up until one or the other has won a certain number of pointed sticks, which they have agreed shall constitute the game, when the stakes are delivered over to the winning party. so desperately attached to this game are these savages, that they will gamble away every species of clothing or property they may possess; after this their wives, and they have been known to stake their own services, for a certain number of moons, and sometimes even to become the slaves for life of the more fortunate gamesters.[ ] the stores have but a very limited supply of such articles as emigrants need; but the present merchants, or others that will soon locate there, will find it to their interest to take out such commodities as will be required. mr. engle, who went out { } with the late emigrants, had erected a small foundry, with the intention of casting some old cannon that lay about the fort, and other broken utensils, into those most needed for culinary purposes; but he had not commenced business when i left.[ ] unimproved lots sell at from one to five hundred dollars each, (the price varying with their location,) in the currency of the country. the ground back of the town on the bluff, is rather rocky for half a mile, to the foot of the hill; upon ascending the hill, the country consists of fern openings and timber groves alternately, for a distance of about thirty-five miles, to the cascade mountains. upon this bluff, which is covered with timber, there is a small but beautiful lake, supplied with springs, which has an outlet by a rivulet that passes through the town into the river. the river below the falls, for several miles, is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and opposite the town it is very deep. the bank on the east side, with the exception of a few hundred yards, is a cliff of about twenty feet in height, for the first half mile, of a firm basaltic rock; from thence down to the clackamis the bank is a sandy loam. upon the west side of the willamette, and opposite to oregon city, are laid out two villages; the upper one is called linn city, in honor of the late senator from missouri, whose memory, for his patriotic services in the cause of the oregon emigrant, is held in high esteem by every true friend of his country and of humanity. when dr. linn died, the friends of oregon lost a champion who would not have shamelessly deserted them in the hour of need.[ ] mr. moore, late of missouri, is the proprietor;[ ] his claim commences one-fourth of a mile below the falls, extends above the falls one and three-fourths of a mile, and back from the river one half of a mile. when i left, there were about fifteen buildings in this village, inhabited mostly by mechanics. the proprietor had refused to sell water power, which was doubtless one of the reasons why more emigrants did not settle in it. next, lower down, is the claim of mr. hugh burns, a native of ireland, but lately an emigrant from missouri; he is the proprietor of multinoma city, which is so called from the indian name for the willamette river, and a tribe of indians of this name that once inhabited that country.[ ] this tribe is now nearly extinct. at their burial places, near this, there are hundreds of skulls yet lying over the ground. when i left, { } there were but few buildings, and some few mechanics settled in it. there are two ferries established over the river, from the villages on the west side, to oregon city.[ ] upon the west side, the bank of the river is similar to that on the east, quite high, leaving but a small semicircular level for the first bottom; and upon a farther ascent of about twenty feet, there is a larger plain at the lower end of this bluff. the bottom corresponds well with that above the clackamis on the opposite side, and is covered with a dense growth of fir; the trees are tall and straight. * * * * * description of the country. the journey to oregon city accomplished, and an examination of the immediate vicinity completed, i set about an inquiry as to the features of the country--its fertility, its general susceptibility of improvement, and its capability for the support of a large and industrious population. in so doing, in addition to what i could see for myself, i applied for information to all whose opportunities had been favorable for obtaining a knowledge of any particular section. in this work i was an inquirer after facts, in order to decide the question as to the propriety of taking my family there for a permanent home; and when i noted these facts, no attention was paid to the classification and arrangement of the various subjects, as is generally done by those travelers and geographers whose business is book-making. necessarily, therefore, my journal presents facts, just in the order in which they came to me, and as i received them they are placed before the reader. the landscape immediately adjacent to the villages of linn city and multinoma present several abrupt precipices of various heights, upon each of which is a small level, of lesser and greater widths, clothed with fine grass and studded over with oak timber, until the highest ascent is reached, when it spreads out into an extensive fern opening. from these cliffs there gush out fine streams of pure spring water; and they will afford most beautiful country seats for the erection of residences convenient to the towns, when their improvement shall render such sites desirable. from these heights, (which are easily ascended,) there is a fine view of the falls of the river for several miles, and of mount hood. from the heights to quality plains, a distance of twenty-five miles, the country presents rolling plains, with small groves of oak and fir, and it is well watered by springs and small rivulets. { } from the description given of the towns, the reader may have already inferred, that the falls of the willamette combine all that is necessary to constitute great water privileges for propelling machinery; but before leaving this point, we will take a more particular view of them. these falls are occasioned by the descent of the whole volume of the river over a ledge of basaltic rock that crosses the entire channel. the greatest fall at any point is twenty-eight feet, but the whole descent here is about forty feet. the water is so divided in the channels at the falls, and the islands are so situated, that nearly all of the water may be rendered available, at a very small expense, when it shall be needed. nature rarely at any one point concentrates so many advantages for the erection and support of a great commercial and manufacturing city, as are to be found here. there is an abundance of water to propel the machinery, stone and timber convenient to erect the necessary buildings, an extensive country of the best farming lands in the world to support the towns by their trade, and a fine navigable river to bring the raw material to the manufactories, and when manufactured to carry the surplus to the pacific, whence it can easily be taken to the best markets the world affords. at this place, the business of the upper willamette will concentrate, for many years at least. tide water reaches to the mouth of the clackamis, which is within two miles of the falls. here there is a considerable ripple in the river, which can easily be removed by confining the clackamis to its original bed upon the eastern side of the island. as it is, there are four feet of water over the bar, and not so rapid as to prevent the ascent of steamboats to the falls. vessels of two hundred and fifty tons burthen have ascended within two miles of the rapids; but, from the crookedness of the stream and the difficulty in tacking so frequently, they generally receive and discharge their cargoes at portland, twelve miles below.[ ] traveling up the river, five miles from the falls, brings us to rock island. here is said to be a serious obstruction to the navigation of the river. the difficulty consists in there being several peaks of rocks so elevated, as to be near the surface of the water in a low stage; and as the channels between them are very narrow, and the water quite rapid, boats are liable to run on to them. but the rock can be removed at an inconsiderable expense. it is fifteen miles above the falls to the { } first gravel bar, at which place, in low water, there is but three feet in the channel.[ ] in traveling up the river about fifty miles, i found, in addition to the obstructions named, four other gravel bars, over some of which there were only thirty inches of water. in going the next seventy-five miles, i approached the river several times, and found it to have a deep channel and smooth current. persons who had navigated the river considerably further up, in their traffic with the indians, informed me that it continued equally favourable for navigation. from what i saw and learned of intelligent persons, i think the smaller class of steamboats could for most part of the year ascend two hundred miles above the falls. from the columbia to upper california, is a mountainous belt, known as the coast range.[ ] spurs of this range approach nearly to the mouth of the willamette. between these spurs and the river, there is but a small portion of the soil well adapted to agriculture. the higher range to the west of the falls affords a scope of fifty miles, that with the exception of a few openings, and quality plains, is tolerably broken, generally well timbered, finely watered, with many excellent situations for farms; but not so well calculated, as some other parts, for dense settlements. quality plains are distant twenty-five miles west from oregon city; they are about twenty-five miles in length, are alternately rolling prairie and timber, surrounded by heavy growths of firs, many of which rise to the height of two hundred and fifty feet. these plains are all claimed, settled, and mostly improved.[ ] they are well watered by many small streams that constitute the two forks of quality river, which unite near the southeast part of the plains, and runs an easterly course, through narrow bottoms, well supplied with timber for more than twenty miles, where it discharges its waters into the willamette, two miles above oregon city. the principal part of the water that flows in quality river descends from the coast range. this stream, like most others in that region, has several falls and rapids, that furnish very desirable sites for the propelling of machinery; but if ever profitable for navigation, will have to be improved by canals and lockage around its falls; which can easily be done, when the commerce of the country will justify the expense. from this stream, and between the coast range and willamette, and to the south, to the shahalam valley, which commences { } at the low pass of quality plains, is a tract of about twenty by thirty miles in extent, of rolling fertile lands, alternately fern openings and timber groves. from the coast range to the willamette there is a belt of five or six miles in width, which near the river is covered thinly with yellow pines; but nearer the mountain it is better timbered, and well watered from mountain rivulets; mostly a rich and loose soil, composed chiefly of yellow sand, loam and clay. but little of this tract is claimed by the emigrants, as they usually prefer the prairie country above. the shahalam is a small stream, which has its origin in the coast range, runs eastwardly and empties into the willamette, twenty miles above oregon city. this is skirted with good prairies of five or six miles in width, near the mountains; but towards its mouth the valley is covered with timber and fern. the best portion is claimed.[ ] eleven miles further up, the willamette receives the waters of the yam-hill. at the mouth it is about twenty-five yards in width, quite deep, and will bear upon its bosom crafts of large burthen for ten miles, to the falls. this stream has two principal branches; the one rising in the coast range, runs for twenty miles in a south-easterly direction, through a beautiful and fertile valley of twelve miles in width, handsomely covered with groves of white oak, and other timber; which is intersected with numerous spring branches, the banks of which are lined with timber, leaving in some places fine bottom prairies, covered with a rich sward of grass. between this fork and the shahalam is a range of hills averaging about two miles in width, extending from a part of the coast range, to within three miles of the willamette. they are of steep ascent, some of them rising to five or six hundred feet in height, well covered with grass, and from their sides issue numerous spring rivulets, which near their origin are lined with fir trees; thence passing through groves of white oak, alder and willow, to the bottom lands, which in crossing some of them disappear, and others after joining together, continue their courses until they unite with the shahalam and yam-hill. the grasses on these hills are a species of red clover, that grows in the summer season about one foot high, and a fine grass, which after the clover disappears, keep them clad in green during the winter. thus they furnish a perpetual supply of food for cattle the whole year. the soil upon these hills is a mixture of clay and loam, of a reddish color, and in the bottoms it is a rich { } mixture of loam and muck. however, there are some of the hills somewhat sandy, and occasionally interspersed with stony places. from the source of this branch of the yam-hill, (which in the country is called the north fork,) passes the trace, along which the people on clatsop plains drive their cattle a distance of about forty miles, when they reach the coast, fifteen miles south of cape lookout. the south fork of yam-hill has its source in the coast range; where it emerges from the mountains, for the first ten miles, its banks are well supplied with large fir trees, as are its several tributaries; its banks are generally steep, bearing the appearance of having washed out a channel from fifteen to twenty feet in depth. it runs an eastern course for about ten miles, then northeast for some miles, and finally takes a northern direction, until it connects with the north fork, near the falls, after having flowed a distance of about twenty-five miles. the valley watered by this stream is about fifteen miles wide, after the stream emerges from the heavy growth of firs already noticed; for there are firs, more or less, its whole length. from the water courses, upon an average of a little over one fourth of a mile, the valley is fine prairie land, soil light and rich, occasionally interspersed with fine groves, and well adapted to agricultural purposes. it is well covered with grass, as is every portion of the country that has oaken groves, and the lower bottoms yield an abundant supply of the _camas_, a tuberous rooted plant, shaped something like an onion, which it resembles in appearance. it is devoured greedily by hogs, and affords very good nutriment. the indians make much use of it as an article of food. between these streams and within six miles of their junction, commences the high lands of the coast range; the first plateau is about ten miles wide, and well covered with grass. the second plateau, for a few miles is fern openings, with an occasional grove of timber; after this westward to the coast the country is heavily timbered with firs, pine, and occasionally cedar, hemlock, balsam, and nearly all species of the evergreen timber. the streams last described furnish good sites for hydraulic purposes, near the mountains. a considerable portion of the valley of the yam-hill is not only claimed, but settled, and finely improved.[ ] leaving the yam-hill and ascending the willamette twenty-five miles, we reach the mouth of the rickerall, a stream { } which has its source in the same range as the yam-hill; for the first ten miles it runs rapidly over a pebbly bed, and from thence to the mouth has a deep channel, worn in a rich soil, with timbered banks. it flows in an easterly course from the mountains eighteen miles, and unites with the willamette. the valley through which this stream flows resembles that described as watered by the yam-hill; perhaps the soil is a little richer. it is nearly all claimed, and will soon be well settled. upon this stream there is erected a grist mill, and there was a saw mill, but the freshets washed it away last spring.[ ] five miles above yam-hill commence a range of hills that extend south to the rickerall, similar to those between shahalam and yam-hill. these hills vary from one to four miles in width, leaving a bottom about six miles wide to skirt the willamette, which is of good soil, well watered and timbered. upon the slopes of these hills are several thousands of acres of white oak, from six to twenty feet in height, some of them of large diameter and all with large and bushy tops; the ground being covered with grass, at a distance they look like old orchards. the timber of these trees is very solid, and promises great durability.[ ] the valley between the yam-hill and rickerall is called the applegate settlement; there are three brothers of the applegates, they have fine farms, with good herds of fat and thrifty cattle.[ ] the yam-hill plains is called the hemerey settlement, from a family of this name there settled.[ ] upon the rickerall are the gillams, fords and shaws, all doing well.[ ] the gays and matheneys are settled upon the bottom of the willamette, between yam-hill and rickerall.[ ] twelve miles above the rickerall, empties the lucky muke into the willamette; it heads in the same range as the yam-hill, and, like it, has two principal branches, of about the same length, depth and width, and passes through an excellent valley of land, with the same diversities and excellent qualities for farming which are attributed to the yam-hill valley--the timber being more of oak and less of fir. upon this stream several claims are entered, and there is a fine opening for others who may desire to settle there. mouse river joins the willamette about thirty-five miles above the lucky-muke.[ ] it has its origin in the coast range, has two principal branches, which unite near the mountains, passes ten miles over a pebbly bottom, and then becomes more sluggish to its mouth. this, like the other streams described, { } has timber upon its borders, but less than some; good country, fine prospects, and but few claims made. between the lucky-muke and mouse river there is a range of hills, as between other streams; but at one place a spur of the coast range approaches within ten miles of the willamette; from this issue many small streams which run down it, and through the fine plains to the lucky-muke upon the one side, and into mouse river on the other. this is a beautiful region; from the bottom can be seen, at different points, seven snow-covered peaks of the cascade range.[ ] the cascade is within view for a great distance, to the north and south; which, together with the beautiful scenery in the valley, renders it a picturesque place. thrifty groves of fir and oak are to be seen in every direction; the earth is carpeted with a covering of luxuriant grass, and fertilized by streams of clear running rivulets, some of which sink down and others pursue their course above ground to the river. between the forks of mouse river approaches a part of the cascade,[ ] but it leaves a valley up each branch about one mile in width, the soil of which is rich and good prairie for several miles above the junction. the mountain sides are covered very heavily with fir timber. thus these beautiful valleys offer great inducements to those who wish to have claims of good land, with fine grounds for pasturage and timber close at hand. there are no claims made as yet above the forks. these streams furnish good mill sites for each of the first six miles, and are well filled with trout. from the forks of this stream starts a trail, (or half-made road,) which leads to the falls of the alsa, a stream that heads twenty miles to the south of these forks; the trail leads a westerly course for fifteen miles to the falls; from thence to the coast it is twenty-one miles. from the falls the river runs in a westerly direction. an old indian told me that there was some excellent land in this valley, and that there would be but little difficulty in constructing a good road down it. salmon and other fish are in great abundance in this stream, up to the falls.[ ] six miles above mouse river is the mouth of long tom bath;[ ] this, like all other streams that enter the willamette upon the western side, heads in the coast range, and after breaking its way through the spurs to the plains below, passes through a valley of good soil. it has deep banks, is more sluggish in its movements than those that join it lower down, { } is filled with dirty water, has a miry bottom, shaded upon its margin with timber, and in size is something larger than the yam-hill. so far, i have described the valley from personal observation in that direction; but i was informed by those who had good opportunities for obtaining correct information, that it bore off more easterly, and that it was for eighty miles further up as well watered, timbered, and of as luxuriant soil, as that which i have described. it may be proper here to remark, that the further the valley is ascended the oak timber becomes more abundant, and the fir in a corresponding ratio decreases. having described the country for more than one hundred miles upon the western side of the willamette, we will return to the falls and mention a few facts respecting the eastern bank. upon this bank, for ten miles to the south of oregon city, continue fern openings, to a small stream called pole alley,[ ] which is skirted with beautiful prairie bottoms of from two to eight miles in length and from one to two miles wide; these, with alternate groves of fir, constitute the principal characteristics of pole alley valley. it is not more than half a mile from the mouth of pole alley, farther to the south, where pudding river embogues into the willamette; it is twenty-five yards in width at the mouth. the valley up this river to the cascade mountains, where it rises, is alternately fine prairie and timber lands, with occasional fern openings. some of the prairies are claimed by the recent emigrants. it is finely clothed in grass, and up the river some distance there are valuable mill sites; the water is clear, and well stocked with fish.[ ] from pudding river further south, there are fern openings, which are succeeded by grassy prairies, which give place to fine groves of fir, but sparsely intermingled with cedar. eight miles from pudding river is a village called butes. it was laid out by messrs. abernethy and beers. there were but a few cabins in it when i left. the proprietors had erected a warehouse to store the wheat they might purchase of the settlers back, who should find it convenient to sell their crops at this point. at this place are some conical hills, called butes, which rise to a considerable height; the sides and tops of them are clothed with tall fir trees, which can be seen from the valley above for sixty miles. immediately at this village is a fern opening, covered with an undergrowth of hazel, for three-fourths of a mile back, when it merges into an extensive and fertile prairie.[ ] { } south of butes three miles is the village of shampoic. it was laid out by a mountaineer, of the name of newell, formerly a clerk of the hudson's bay company.[ ] it contains a few old shabby buildings, and a warehouse owned by the company, where they receive the wheat of the settlers of the country from thence to the cascade mountains. this is an extensive plain, extending from pudding river up the willamette to the old methodist mission ground, which is distant thirty miles from the mouth of pudding river. the soil for this distance, and for two miles in width, is similar to that described immediately at butes. back of this for twenty-five or thirty miles is a very handsome country, mostly prairie, and fine timber, well watered, with occasionally a hill--the whole covered with a soil quite inviting to the agriculturist, with an abundance of pasturage for cattle. this is called the french settlement, and is one of the oldest in the valley. the catholics have here a mission, schools, a grist and saw mill, and several mechanics; they have also several teachers among the indians, and it is said that they have done much for the improvement of these aborigines. the inhabitants are mostly of what are called french canadians, and were formerly engaged in the service of the hudson bay company, but have now quit it, made claims, and gone to farming. they have very pretty orchards of apple trees, and some peach trees. their wives are natives of the country. many of them are raising families that, when educated, will be sprightly, as they are naturally active and hardy, and appear very friendly and hospitable. but few of them speak the english language fluently; they mostly talk french and chinook jargon.[ ] they cultivate but little land, but that little is well done, and the rich soil well repays them for the labor expended upon it. i could not satisfactorily ascertain the population of the settlement, which i much regretted. the old methodist mission is nearly opposite to what is now called matheny's ferry. it was reported to me to have been one of the first missions occupied in the valley, but has been abandoned on account of the overflowing of the river. it consists of only several dilapidated buildings.[ ] the soil is gravelly, inclined to barren, with a grove of pines near by. this place for a number of years was under the superintendance of the rev. jason lee. it is here that the remains of his wife are interred; a tombstone marks her resting place, which informs the passer by that she was the first white woman { } that was buried in oregon territory,--together with the place of her nativity, marriage, &c.[ ] the unfortunate location of the mission, and the circumstances under which mrs. lee died, no doubt have had great influence in creating that unfavorable impression of the country in the mind of mr. lee, which he has expressed in some of his letters. the country surrounding the mission is covered mostly with scrubby oak and pine trees. from the mission the road proceeds up the valley, alternately through groves of oak and pine, fern plains, and grassy prairies, in which are several farms, with convenient buildings. after pursuing this route about ten miles, we come to an improvement of several hundred acres, surrounded with small groves of oak. here the soil is quite gravelly, and not very rich. nearly opposite the mouth of the rickerall is the methodist institute, which was located at this place when it was ascertained that the willamette would overflow its bank at the old mission. my opinion is, that the location is a good one, being in a high and healthy neighborhood, and nearly central of what will be the principal population of the valley for long years to come. the course of instruction there given is quite respectable, and would compare well with many of those located in the old and populous settlements of the states. this school is unconnected with any mission. when the missionary board concluded to abandon that field of labor, the institute was bought by the methodists of oregon; hence it continued under its old name. the price of tuition is low, and the means of receiving an education at this place is within the power of those who have but a small amount to expend in its attainment.[ ] for the first five miles from the river towards the cascade range, the soil is gravelly; it is then a sandy loam to the foot of the mountain, and is generally an open plain. the valley upon the east side of the river at this place, is about twenty-five miles in width. it is proper, however, to remark, that there are occasional groves of timber interspersing the prairie, and in some places they reach within a short distance of the river. in this last described tract, there are several varieties of soil, with prairie, timber, upland, bottom, and hill side; the whole is well watered. at the institute there reside about fifteen families, and near by several claims are taken, and improvements commenced. the methodist missionaries { } have erected a saw and grist mill; these mills were sold, as was all the property of the missions in the valley, by mr. gerry, who was sent out to close the missionary matters in that region; they are now owned by resident citizens, and in successful operation. at this place a town is laid out.[ ] six miles above the institute commences a range of oak hills, which continue about twelve miles in a southeastern direction along the river, where they connect by a low pass with the cascade range. from this place, at the lower bench of the cascade, commences another range of hills, running south-westwardly, which continue about twenty miles in length, to the mouth of the santaam river, which joins the willamette twenty miles by land above the institute. this is a bold and rapid stream, of about one hundred and fifty yards in width; for a considerable portion of its length, it has a pebbly bottom, and banks covered with fir and white cedar trees of the best quality.[ ] the santa anna has four principal branches, with several small tributaries, all lined with timber, leaving a strip of beautiful prairie land between each, of from one-half to four miles in width. the two northern branches rise in mount jefferson, the first running nearly west from its origin to where it leaves the mountain, when it inclines to the south for a few miles, where it receives another branch; from this junction about eight miles, it is joined by a stream that rises in the cascade range, south of mount jefferson. ten miles below this point, the other principal branch, which rises still further to the south, unites with the others, when the river inclines to the west, until it joins the willamette. from its origin in mount jefferson to its termination, is about forty miles; from the oak hills above named is twenty-five miles. a considerable portion of the soil in this valley is quite gravelly, but a great portion is rich, and the prairies are well clothed with luxuriant grass. among the plants, herbs, &c., common to this part of the country, is wild flax. a few claims have been made along the northeast side of the oak hills, and improvements commenced. the soil yields a good crop of the agricultural products suited to the climate. above the santa anna, upon the eastern side of the willamette, the valley is about twenty miles in average width for ninety miles, to the three forks. in this distance there are many small mountain streams, crossing the valley to the river, all of which are lined with timber, and several of them affording { } valuable water privileges for such machinery as may be erected, when yankee enterprise shall have settled and improved this desirable portion of our great republic. after leaving the santaam, a prairie commences, of from four to twelve miles in width, which continues up the valley for a day's travel, which i suppose to be about forty miles. the mountains upon the east side of the willamette are covered with timber of quite large growth. in this last prairie has been found some stone coal, near the base of the mountain spurs; but as to quantity or quality i am uninformed. the specimen tried by a blacksmith was by him pronounced to be good. the willamette valley, including the first plateaus of the cascade and coast ranges of mountains, may be said to average a width of about sixty, and a length of about two hundred miles. it is beautifully diversified with timber and prairie. unlike our great prairies east of the rocky mountains, those upon the waters of the pacific are quite small; instead of dull and sluggish streams, to engender miasma to disgust and disease man, those of this valley generally run quite rapidly, freeing the country of such vegetable matter as may fall into them, and are capable of being made subservient to the will and comfort of the human family in propelling machinery. their banks are generally lined with fine groves of timber for purposes of utility, and adding much to please the eye. the willamette itself, throughout its length, has generally a growth of fir and white cedar, averaging from one-fourth to three miles in width, which are valuable both for agricultural and commercial purposes. its banks are generally about twenty feet above the middling stages, yet there are some low ravines, (in the country called _slues_,) which are filled with water during freshets, and at these points the bottoms are overflowed; but not more so than those upon the rivers east of the mississippi. it has been already observed that the soil in these bottoms and in the prairies is very rich; it is a black alluvial deposit of muck and loam; in the timbered portions it is more inclined to be sandy, and the higher ground is of a reddish colored clay and loam. the whole seems to be very productive, especially of wheat, for which it can be safely said, that it is not excelled by any portion of the continent. the yield of this article has frequently been fifty bushels per acre, and in one case dr. white harvested from ten acres an average of over fifty-four { } bushels to the acre; but the most common crop is from thirty to forty bushels per acre, of fall sowing; and of from twenty to twenty-five bushels, from spring sowing. there is one peculiarity about the wheat, and whether it arises from the climate or variety, i am unable to determine. the straw, instead of being hollow as in the atlantic states, is filled with a medullary substance, (commonly called pith,) which gives it firmness and strength; hence it is rarely that the wheat from wind or rain lodges or falls before harvesting. the straw is about the height of that grown in the states, always bright, the heads upon it are much longer, and filled with large grains, more rounded in their form, than those harvested in the eastern part of the union. i have seen around fields, where a single grain has grown to maturity, forty-two stalks, each of which appeared to have borne a well filled head; for the grains were either removed by birds, or some other cause. as it was november when i arrived in the country, i saw wheat only in its grassy state, except what had escaped the late harvest. the farmers have a white bald wheat, the white bearded, and the red bearded, either of which can be sown in fall or spring, as best suits their convenience, or their necessities demand. that sown in september, october or november, yields the most abundantly; but if sown any time before the middle of may, it will ripen. the time of harvesting is proportioned to the seed time. that which is early sown is ready for the cradle or sickle by the last of june, or the first of july, and the latest about the first of september. in the oregon valley, there are but few rains in the summer months, and as the wheat stands up very well, farmers are generally but little hurried with their harvesting. the emigrants usually arrive in the latter part of the summer or fall, and necessarily first provide a shelter for their families, and then turn their attention to putting in a field of wheat. in doing this, they frequently turn under the sod with the plough one day, the next harrow the ground once, then sow their seed, and after going over it again with a harrow, await the harvest, and not unfrequently gather forty bushels from the acre thus sown. in several instances the second crop has been garnered from the one sowing. when the wheat has stood for cutting until very ripe, and shattered considerably in the gathering, the seed thus scattered over the field has been harrowed under, and yielded twenty bushels to the acre, of { } good merchantable grain. i was told of an instance where a third crop was aimed at in this way; it yielded but about twelve bushels to an acre, and was of a poor quality. the rust and smut which so often blast the hopes of the farmer, in the old states, are unknown in oregon, and so far there is but very little cheat. harvesting is generally done with cradles, and the grain threshed out with horses, there being no machines for this latter purpose in the territory. the grain of the wheat, though much larger than in the states, has a very thin husk or bran, and in its manufacture in that country during the winter months requires a coarser bolting cloth than in the atlantic states, owing to the dampness of the atmosphere at this season. the farmers already raise a surplus of this commodity, over and above the consumption of the country: but owing to the scarcity of mills to manufacture it, they cannot at all times have it in readiness to supply vessels when they visit the settlements. at the time i left, wheat was worth eighty cents per bushel, and flour three dollars and fifty cents per hundred pounds. the mills above the falls grind for a toll of one-eighth, but at the falls they will exchange for wheat, giving thirty-six pounds of fine flour for an american bushel, and forty pounds for a royal bushel. the weight of a bushel of wheat, (according to quality,) is from sixty to seventy pounds. oats yield an abundant crop, but this grain is seldom sown, as the stock is generally suffered to gather its support by grazing over the plains. peas do well, and are much used in feeding hogs, at the close of their fattening, when taken off of their range of camas and other roots; and it is remarked that this vegetable there is free from the bug or wevil that infests it in the western states. barley is very prolific, and of a large and sound growth; but there is as yet little raised, as the demand for it is quite limited. i saw no rye in the country. buckwheat grew very well, though not much raised. for potatoes oregon is as unequalled, by the states, as it is for wheat. i doubt whether there is any portion of the globe superior to it for the cultivation of this almost indispensable vegetable. i heard of no sweet potatoes, and think there are none in the territory. indian corn is raised to some extent upon the lower bottoms { } in the valleys, but it is not considered a good corn country. it had yielded forty bushels to the acre; they mostly plant the small eight-rowed yankee corn. the summers are too cool for corn. tobacco has been tried; and although it may be raised to some extent, it is lighter than in kentucky, and more southern latitudes. the climate and soil are admirably adapted to the culture of flax and hemp, and to all other vegetables, which grow with ordinary care, in any of the northern, eastern and middle states. during my travels through the valley, i spent some time with mr. joel walker, a gentleman who had resided several years in california, had made several trips from oregon to the bay of san francisco, and had spent some time in trapping and trading between the willamette valley and the d degree of north latitude.[ ] from this gentleman, as well as from several others, i learned that the trail near two hundred miles south of oregon city arrives at the california mountains, which is a ridge running from the cascade to the coast range of mountains. with the exception of a few peaks, this ridge is susceptible of easy cultivation, being partly prairie and partly covered with timber. mr. walker doubts not that a good wagon road can be made over this ridge; to cross which requires but a few hours, and brings us into the beautiful country bounded on the east and west by the cascade and coast ranges, the california mountains on the north, and the rogue's river mountains on the south. this district of country, which is only about forty miles wide from east to west, is drained by the umpquah river, and its tributaries, which as in the willamette valley, are skirted with timber; but back from the streams is a prairie country, beautifully alternated with groves of timber. at the mouth of the umpquah, which empties into the pacific about thirty miles from where it leaves this beautiful district of country, the hudson's bay company have a trading post.[ ] if we except this, there is no settlement nor claim made on this river or its tributaries. passing rogue's river mountains, the trail enters the valley of the river of that name. this valley is quite similar to that of the umpquah, but perhaps not quite so large.[ ] this valley is bounded on the south by the klamet mountain, which is a spur of the cascade and coast mountains. it is high and somewhat difficult to pass over; but it is believed a route may be found that will admit of an easy passage over. it is heavily timbered; and as in { } the coast range, the timber in many places has died, and a thick growth of underbrush sprung up. south of the klamet mountains spreads out the beautiful valley watered by the klamet river. this valley, although not so well known as that of the willamette, is supposed to be more extensive, and equally susceptible of a high state of cultivation. it is esteemed one of the best portions of oregon.[ ] the land is mostly prairie, but is well diversified with timber, and bountifully supplied with spring branches. the indians are more numerous here than in the valley further north, and as in the umpquah and rogue's river valleys, more hostile. there has been very little trading with them; but they not unfrequently attack persons driving cattle through from california to the settlements in oregon; and although none of the drivers have been killed for several years, they have lost numbers of their cattle. before these valleys can be safely settled, posts must be established to protect the inhabitants from the depredations of these merciless savages.[ ] a settlement of about a dozen families has been made upon clatsop plains. this is a strip of open land, about a mile in width, extending from the south end of point adams, or clatsop point, at the mouth of the columbia river, about twenty miles along the margin of the ocean, in the direction of cape lookout.[ ] it appears to have been formed by the washing of the waters. ridges resembling the waves of the ocean extend from north to south throughout the entire length of the plains. these ridges are from twelve to twenty-five feet high, and in some places not more than fifty feet, but at other points as much as three hundred yards asunder. that along the coast is the highest and least fertile, as it seems to be of more recent formation. the soil is composed of vegetable matter and sand, and produces grass more abundantly than the valleys above; the spray and dampness of the ocean keeping the grass green all the year. the land is not so good for fall wheat as in the upper country, but the settlers raise twenty-five bushels of spring wheat to the acre. i think it better for root crops than the valleys above. in the rear of the plains, or about a mile from the shore, is a body of land heavily timbered with hemlock and spruce, which is tall and straight, and splits freely. near the timber a marsh of some two hundred yards in width extends nearly the entire length of the plains. this marsh is covered with the low kind of cranberries. a stream some ten or twelve yards in width[ ] enters the plains { } at the south end, runs ten or twelve miles north, when it turns to the west, and after passing through two of the ridges, takes a southerly direction and enters the bay that sets up between the plains and cape lookout, not more than ten rods from its entrance into the plains. here a dam is built across the stream, and the claimant is erecting a flouring mill. on these plains the claims are taken half a mile in width on the coast, and extending back two miles; each claimant therefore having a fair proportion of prairie and timber land, besides a glorious cranberry patch. some fifteen miles southeast of cape lookout, stands a peak of the coast range, called saddle mountain; and the cape is a spur or ridge extending from this mountain some two or three miles out into the ocean.[ ] around the head of the bay, immediately north of cape lookout, is a body of several thousand acres of timber land. the soil is good, but most of it so heavily timbered that it would require much labour to prepare it for farming. but as the streams from the mountain afford an abundance of water power, it would be an easy matter to manufacture the timber into lumber, for which there is a good market for shipping, and thus make the clearing of the land for cultivation a profitable business. along the coast from cape lookout to the d parallel there is much land that can be cultivated; and even the mountains, when cleared of the heavy bodies of timber with which they are clothed, will be good farming land. there is so much pitch in the timber that it burns very freely; sometimes a green standing tree set on fire will all be consumed; so that it is altogether a mistaken idea that the timber lands of the country can never be cultivated. i am fully of the opinion that two-thirds of the country between the willamette valley and the coast, and extending from the columbia river to the forty-second parallel, which includes the coast range of mountains, can be successfully cultivated. this region abounds in valuable cedar, hemlock and fir timber, is well watered, possesses a fertile soil, and being on the coast, it will always have the advantage of a good market; for the statements that soundings cannot be had along the coast, between puget sound and the bay of san francisco, are altogether erroneous. no place along the range would be more than thirty miles from market; and the difficulty of constructing roads over and through this range would be trifling, compared with that of constructing similar works over the alleghanies. { } the country about cape lookout is inhabited by a tribe of indians called the kilamooks. they are a lazy and filthy set of beings, who live chiefly on fish and berries, of which there is here a great abundance. they have a tradition among them that a long time ago the great spirit became angry with them, set the mountain on fire, destroyed their towns, turned their _tiye_ (chief) and _tilicums_ (people) into stone, and cast them in the ocean outside of cape lookout; that the great spirit becoming appeased, removed the fire to saddle mountain, and subsequently to the _sawhle illahe_ (high mountain,) or mount regnier, as it is called by the whites, on the north side of the columbia river.[ ] in the ocean about a mile west of cape lookout, is to be seen at high water a solitary rock, which they call kilamook's head, after the chief of the tribe. around this rock for half a mile in every direction may be seen at low water divers other rocks, which are called the _tilicums_, (people) of the tribe. at low water is to be seen a cavity passing quite through kilamook's head, giving the rock the appearance of a solid stone arch.[ ] in support of this tradition, the appearance of the promontory of cape lookout indicates that it may be the remains of an extinct volcano; and on saddle mountain there is an ancient crater, several hundred feet deep; while mount regnier is still a volcano. those who have visited the rocky cliffs of cape lookout, report that there is some singular carving upon the ledges, resembling more the hieroglyphics of the chinese, than any thing they have seen elsewhere. these indians have another tradition, that five white men, or, as they call them, pale faces, came ashore on this point of rock, and buried something in the cliffs, which have since fallen down and buried the article deep in the rocks; that these pale faces took off the indian women, and raised a nation of people, who still inhabit the region to the south. and i have met with travelers who say they have seen a race of people in that region, whose appearance would seem to indicate that they may have some european blood in their veins. a reasonable conjecture is, that a vessel may have been cast away upon the coast, and that these five men escaped to cape lookout. another circumstance renders it probable that such might have been the case. frequently, after a long and heavy south westerly storm, large cakes of beeswax, from two to four inches thick and from twelve to eighteen inches in diameter, { } are found along the beach, near the south end of clatsop plains. the cakes when found are covered with a kind of sea-moss, and small shells adhere to them, indicating that they have been a long time under water.[ ] in or about saddle mountain rises a stream called skipenoin's river, which, though extremely crooked, runs nearly north, and empties into the western side of young's bay, which, it will be remembered, is a large body of water extending south from the columbia river between point adams and astoria. between this river and clatsop plains is a strip of thick spruce and hemlock, with several low marshes. the landing for clatsop plains is about two miles up the river; which it is rather difficult to follow, as there are many _slues_ putting in from either side, of equal width with the main stream. from the bay a low marshy bottom extends up to the landing, covered with rushes and sea-grass. this bottom is overflowed opposite the landing at high water. between the landing and clatsop plains is a lake one or two miles in length, which has its outlet into the bay. its banks are high, and covered with spruce. near this is a stream, from the mouth of which it is about two or three miles along the bay to the creek upon which lewis and clark wintered; and thence about three and a half miles to the head of the bay where young's river enters.[ ] young's river is a stream about one hundred and fifty yards in width, and is navigable for steamboats and small sloops to the forks, six or seven miles up. about seven miles further up are the "falls," where the water pitches over a ledge of rocks, making a fall of about sixty feet. around the falls the mountains are covered with heavy timber. near the forks the river receives from the east a small stream, upon which a machine for making shingles has been erected; and as the timber in the vicinity is good for shingles, which can be readily sold for the sandwich islands market, the owners expect to do a profitable business. young's river rises in or near saddle mountain.[ ] from the mouth of this river it is about eight or ten miles, around the point which forms on the east young's bay, to astoria, or fort george, as it is called by the hudson's bay company. this stands on the south side of the columbia river, about sixteen miles from its mouth.[ ] the columbia river and its location have been so often described, that it is hardly necessary for me to go into details. but as this work is designed to be afforded so low as to place { } it within the reach of every one, and may fall into the hands of many whose means will not enable them to procure expensive works on oregon, it may not be amiss to say something about that noble stream, which discharges its waters into the ocean between cape disappointment on the north, and point adams or clatsop point on the south, and in latitude about ° ['] north. at its mouth the columbia is narrowed to about six miles in width by cape disappointment extending in a south west direction far out into the stream, the cape being washed on the west side by the ocean. cape disappointment and chinook point, a few miles above it, form baker's bay, which affords good anchorage for vessels as soon as they round the point.[ ] this cape presents a rocky shore, is quite high, and covered with timber. an american had taken it as his land claim, according to the laws of the territory; but during the last winter, he sold his right to mr. ogden, then one of the principal factors, but now governor of the hudson's bay company in oregon, for one thousand dollars. a fortification on this cape would command the entrance of the river by the northern channel, which is immediately around the point, and as it is said, not more than half a mile in width.[ ] point adams, the southern cape of the columbia, is a little above cape disappointment. it is low and sandy, and continues a sand ridge four miles to clatsop plains. this point, and the high ground at astoria, as before stated, form young's bay, near which the ridge is covered with timber. near point adams is the southern channel or entrance into the columbia, which is thought to be preferable to the northern channel; and i think either of them much better than heretofore represented. in each there is a sufficiency of water to float any sized vessel. with the advantages of light houses, buoys, and skillful pilots, which the increasing commerce of the country must soon secure, the harbor at the mouth of the columbia would compare well with those on the atlantic coast; and i may say that it would be superior to many of them. as we ascend, astoria occupies probably the first suitable site for a town. it stands upon a gradual slope, which extends from the bank of the river up to the mountain. the timber was once taken off of some forty or fifty acres here, which, except about twenty acres, has since been suffered to grow up again, and it is now a thicket of spruce and briars. five or six old dilapidated buildings, which are occupied by the hudson's bay company, who have a small stock of goods for trading { } with the natives, and a few old looking lodges upon the bank of the river, filled with greasy, filthy indians, constitute astoria.[ ] the person in charge of this establishment, whose name is birney, seems to be a distant, haughty, sulky fellow, whose demeanor and looks belie the character generally given to a mountaineer or backwoodsman.[ ] as evidence of his real character, i will state one circumstance as it was related to me by persons residing in the vicinity of the place. during the summer or fall, while the british war vessel modesté was lying at astoria, one of the sailors fell overboard and was drowned. search was made, but his body could not be found. several weeks afterwards the body of a man was found upon the shore, a short distance above astoria. information was immediately communicated to birney, who promised to give the body a decent burial. about two weeks after this, some indians travelling along the shore, attracted to the place by a disagreeable scent and the number of buzzards collected together, discovered the body of a man much mangled, and in a state of putrefaction. they informed two white men, trask, and duncan,[ ] who immediately made enquiry as to whether the body found on the beach previously had been buried, and received for answer from birney, _that it was no countryman of his, but it was likely one of the late emigrants from the states that had been drowned at the cascade falls_. trask and duncan proceeded to bury the body, and found it to be in the garb of a british sailor or marine. this, to say the least, was carrying national prejudice a little too far. near astoria, and along the river, several claims have been taken, and commencements made at improving. anchorage may be had near the shore. three miles above astoria is tongue point,[ ] a narrow rocky ridge some three hundred feet high, putting out about a mile into the river; but at the neck it is low and not more than two hundred yards across. the two channels of the river unite below this point. opposite is gray's bay, a large, beautiful sheet of water, of sufficient depth to float ships. above and on the south side of the river is swan bay, a large sheet of water, though shallow, presenting numerous bars at low tides. a deep channel has been cut through this bay, which affords an entrance into a stream that comes in from the south, about two hundred yards wide, and from appearance is navigable some distance up.[ ] in this vicinity the whole country is covered with heavy timber. in { } the indentation in the mountain range south of the river, there seems to be large scopes of good rich land, which would produce well if cleared of timber. from tongue point across gray's bay to catalamet point is about sixteen miles. small craft are frequently compelled to run the southern channel, inside of a cluster of islands called catalamet islands, which passes "old catalamet town," as it is called, a point where once stood an indian village. four or five claims have been taken here, but none of them have been improved. a short distance from the river are several beautiful prairies, surrounded with heavy timber. a small stream enters here, which affords water power a short distance up.[ ] a few miles above old catalamet town, near the top of the bluff, about four hundred yards from the columbia, stands wilson & hunt's saw mill, which is driven by a small stream coming down from the mountain; after leaving the wheel the stream falls about sixty feet, striking tide water below. a sluice or platform is so constructed as to convey the lumber from the mill to the level below, where it is loaded into boats and run out to the river, where it can be loaded into vessels. upon our arrival at this place, the bark toulon was lying at anchor, about fifty yards from the shore, taking in a cargo of lumber for the sandwich islands, to which she expected to sail in a few days. this was early in january, but from some cause she did not leave the mouth of the river until the last of february.[ ] in the vicinity of the mill there is some better timber than i have seen in any other part of the country. the largest trees are about seven feet in diameter, and nearly three hundred feet high; the usual size, however, is from eighteen inches to three feet diameter, and about two hundred feet high. the country slopes up from the mill gradually, for several miles, and is susceptible of easy cultivation; the soil is somewhat sandy, and has the appearance of being good. in leaving this place, we struck directly across the river, which is here over two miles wide. upon the north side, almost opposite to the mill, is a claim held by birney, of astoria, who has made an effort at improvement by cutting timber and raising the logs of a cabin. at this place a rocky bluff commences and continues up the river for ten miles, over which a great many beautiful waterfalls leap into the columbia. there is one sheet of water ten or twelve feet wide, which plunges over a precipitous cliff two hundred feet into the river, { } striking the water about thirty feet from the base of the rock, where there is sufficient depth to float vessels of large size. at the distance of eight or ten miles above the mill, on the south side of the river, there is an indentation in the mountain to the south, and a bend in the river to the north, which forms a body of bottom land several miles in width, and some ten or twelve miles long, the greater part of which, except a strip varying from a quarter to half a mile in width, next to the river, is flooded during high tides. this strip is covered with white oak and cottonwood timber. the remainder of the bottom is prairie, with occasional dry ridges running through it, and the whole of it covered with grass. by throwing up levees, as is done upon the atlantic coast, most of these fine lands might be cultivated. at the extreme southern point of the elbow, there comes in a stream, the size of which was not ascertained, but from appearances it is of sufficient size to propel a considerable amount of machinery. there are several islands in the river opposite the lower point of this bottom, and at the northern angle the columbia is not more than three-fourths of a mile wide. this is called oak point, and holds out good inducements for a settlement. there is an indian village half a mile below the point; and opposite, upon the northern side of the river, a good millstream, the falls being near the river, and the mountain covered with timber.[ ] immediately above the point, the river spreads out to one and a half or two miles in width, and having several islands, portions of which are covered with cottonwood, oak and ash timber, the remainder being nearly all prairie. from oak point up to vancouver, the scenery very much resembles that along the hudson river through the catskill mountains, but much more grand, as the cascade range of mountains, and many snowcapped peaks, are in view. some portions of the way the shore is high rugged cliffs of rocks, at others indentations in the mountain leave bottoms, from a quarter to three miles wide, which are mostly covered with timber. from the lower mouth of the willamette to fort vancouver, the shores are lined with cottonwood timber, and upon the south side, as far up as the mouth of sandy, or quicksand river, which comes in at the western base of the cascade range. but few claims have as yet been taken along the columbia, but the fishing and lumbering advantages which this part of the country possesses over many others, holds out great inducements to settlers. { } from fort vancouver, for several miles down upon the north side, the country is sufficiently level to make good farming land; and the hudson's bay company, or members of the company, have extensive farms, with large herds of cattle. fort vancouver is one of the most beautiful sites for a town upon the columbia. it is about ninety miles from the ocean, and upon the north side of the river. large vessels can come up this far. the banks of the river are here about twenty-five feet high. much of the bottom land about the fort is inclined to be gravelly, but produces well.[ ] a party consisting of nine persons, in two row-boats, started from oregon city on the th of december, for fort vancouver, and arrived there in the afternoon of the th. in our party was colonel m'clure, formerly of indiana, and who had been a member of the oregon legislature for two years.[ ] as soon as we landed, he made his way to the fort, which is about four hundred yards from the shore, with the view of obtaining quarters for the party. he soon returned and conducted us to our lodgings, which were in an old cooper's shop, or rather shed, near the river. before starting we had prepared ourselves with provisions, and a few cooking utensils. we set to work, and although the wind and rain made it unpleasant, we soon had a comfortable meal in readiness, and we made good use of the time until it was devoured. this was holyday with the servants of the hudson's bay company, and such _ranting_ and frolicking has perhaps seldom been seen among the sons of men. some were engaged in gambling, some singing, some running horses, many promenading on the river shore, and others on the large green prairie above the fort. h. b. majesty's ship of war modesté was lying at anchor about fifty yards from the shore.[ ] the sailors also seemed to be enjoying the holydays--many of them were on shore promenading, and casting _sheep's eyes_ at the fair native damsels as they strolled from wigwam to hut, and from hut to wigwam, intent upon seeking for themselves the greatest amount of enjoyment. at night a party was given on board the ship, and judging from the noise kept up until ten at night, they were a jolly set of fellows. about this time a boat came ashore from the ship, with a few land lubbers most gloriously drunk. one of them fell out of the boat, and his comrades were barely able to pull him ashore. they passed our shop, cursing their stars for this ill luck. we wrapped ourselves in our blankets, and lay down upon { } a pile of staves. the rain was falling gently, and we were soon asleep. in the after part of the night, several of us were aroused by a strange noise among the staves. in the darkness we discovered some objects near us, which we supposed to be hogs. we hissed and hallooed at them, to scare them away. they commenced grunting, and waddled off, and all was again quiet, and remained so until daylight; but when we arose in the morning, we found ourselves minus one wagon sheet, which we had brought along for a sail, our tin kettle, eighteen or twenty pounds of meat, a butcher knife and scabbard, one fur cap, and several other articles, all of which had been stolen by the indians, who had so exactly imitated the manoeuvres of a gang of hogs, as entirely to deceive us. after breakfast we visited the fort, where we had an introduction to dr. mclaughlin, the governor of the hudson's bay company. he appears to be much of a gentleman, and invited us to remain during the day; but as we were upon an excursion down the river, we only remained to make a few purchases, which being accomplished, we left the place. as before stated, the fort stands upon the north bank of the columbia, six miles above the upper mouth of the willamette, and about four hundred yards from the shore. the principal buildings are included within a stockade of logs, set up endwise close together, and about twelve feet high; the lower ends of the timbers being sunk about four feet in the ground. a notch is cut out of each log near the top and bottom, into which a girth is fitted, and mortised into a large log at each end, the whole being trenailed to this girth. i judge the area contains about four acres. the first thing that strikes a person forcibly upon entering one of the principal gates upon the south, is two large cannons, planted one upon either side of the walk leading to the governor's house, immediately in front of the entrance. many of the buildings are large and commodious, and fitted up for an extensive business, others are old fashioned looking concerns, and much dilapidated. east of the fort and along the river bank there is a grassy prairie, extending up for about three miles; it has been cultivated, but an unusually high freshet in the river washed the fence away, and it has since remained without cultivation. the soil is gravelly. north of this, and extending down nearly even with the fort there is a handsome farm, under good cultivation. north of the fort there is a beautiful orchard, and an extensive garden, with several large blocks of buildings. below the { } fort, and extending from the river for half a mile north, is the village; the inhabitants of which are a mongrel race, consisting of english, french, canadians, indians of different nations, and half breeds, all in the employ of the company. the buildings are as various in form, as are the characteristics of their inmates. as yet there are but few americans settled upon the north side of the columbia. there seems to have been an effort upon the part of the hudson's bay company, to impress the american people with an idea that the entire country north of the river was unfit for cultivation. not only was this statement made to emigrants, but it was heralded forth to the whole world; and as much of the country along the columbia corroborated this statement, no effort was made to disprove it. americans visiting that country being so well pleased with the attentions paid them by the hudson's bay company, took for granted their statements, without examining for themselves, and have asserted it at home, in accordance with british interests, and this i fear has had its influence in the settlement of this question. for any one acquainted with the character of the claims of the respective governments can but admit, that greater privileges have been granted to great britain than that government had any right to expect, or than the justice of our claim would allow. undoubtedly, the largest part of good agricultural country is south of ° north latitude, but there is a great deal of excellent land north of that line. but little of it has been explored by americans, and we have taken only the statements of british subjects, and upon their authority, the question between the two governments was settled. but as we have proven by actual examination the incorrectness of their statements in relation to the country between the columbia and the th degree north latitude, we may reasonably infer that they are also incorrect in relation to the remainder of the country north. that the general features of the country north of the columbia river are rough and mountainous, is admitted; and the same may be said in relation to the country south of it; but that it is barren and sterile, and unfit for cultivation, is denied. the country upon the north side of the columbia abounds with beautiful valleys of rich soil, of prairie and timbered lands, well watered, and adapted to the growth of all the grains raised in the northern, middle, and western states, with superior advantages for grazing; never failing resources for timber { } and fish; and its proximity to one of the best harbors in the world, renders it one of the most desirable and important sections upon the pacific coast. frazer's river, with its numerous tributaries, will afford a settlement which will compare well with england itself. vancouver's island, an excellent body of land, is equal to england in point of size, fertility of soil, climate, and everything that would constitute great national wealth. and besides these, there are undoubtedly extensive valleys north of frazer's river, which will compare well with it; but we know nothing positively upon this subject.[ ] the excellent harbors of puget's sound, with its many advantages, and the delightful country about it, are sufficient to induce capitalists to look that way. this will probably be the principal port upon the coast. here will doubtless be our navy yard and shipping stores. it is thought by many that an easy communication can be had between the sound and the middle region, by striking the columbia above fort wallawalla. if this can be effected, it will lessen the distance materially from the settlement upon the upper columbia to a seaport town; and as the navigation of that river, between the cascade and lewis's fork is attended with great danger and difficulty, a route through to the sound in this quarter would be very desirable.[ ] that it can be accomplished there is but little doubt. a stream emptying into the ocean between the columbia and the sound, called shahales, affords a very good harbor, which is called gray's harbor.[ ] up this stream there is a country suitable for an extensive settlement. like most other valleys in the country it is diversified with prairie and timbered land, and well watered. no claims as yet have been taken in this valley. there are two peaks upon the north side of the river, which remain covered with snow the whole year round. one is called mount st. helen, and stands north east of fort vancouver, and distant perhaps forty-five or fifty miles. the other is mount regnier, and stands some thirty-five miles from st. helen, in a northerly direction. this is said to be a volcano. the distance from fort vancouver to puget's sound, in a direct line, cannot exceed ninety miles; but the high mountains between render the route somewhat difficult, and the distance necessarily traveled would be considerably increased. about forty miles below fort vancouver there comes in a { } stream called cowlitz; twenty-five miles up this stream there is a french settlement of about twenty families. like those in the settlement upon the east side of the willamette river, they have served out their term of years in the h. b. company, have taken claims, and become an industrious and thriving population.[ ] * * * * * the people in oregon have adopted a code of laws for their government, until such time as the united states shall extend jurisdiction over them. the powers of the government are divided into three distinct departments--the legislative, executive, and judicial. the legislative department is to consist of not less than _thirteen_ members, nor more than _sixty-one_; the number not to be increased more than _five_ in any one year. the members are elected annually; each district electing a number proportionate to its population. the executive power is vested in one person, who is elected by the qualified voters of the territory, and holds his office for the term of two years. the judicial power is vested in a supreme court, and such inferior courts of law, equity, and arbitration, as may by law from time to time be established. the supreme court consists of one judge, elected by the legislature, and holds his office four years. they have adopted the iowa code of laws.[ ] oregon is now divided into eight counties, viz: lewis, vancouver, clatsop, yam-hill, polk, quality, clackamis, and shampoic.[ ] lewis county includes that portion of country about puget's sound;--vancouver, that along the northern side of the columbia. these two counties comprise all the territory north of the columbia river. clatsop county includes that part of the country west of the centre of the coast range of mountains, and from the river south, to yam-hill county, and of course includes astoria, clatsop plains, &c. quality county includes the territory bounded on the north by the columbia, on the east by the willamette, on the south by yam-hill, and on the west by clatsop county. yam-hill county is bounded on the north by quality and clatsop, (the line being about fifteen miles south of oregon city,) on the east by the willamette river, on the south by polk county, and on the west by the ocean. { } polk county is bounded on the north by yam-hill county, on the east by the willamette, on the south by the california line, and on the west by the pacific ocean. clackamis county is bounded on the north by the columbia, on the east by the rocky mountains, on the south by shampoic county, and on the west by the willamette, including oregon city. shampoic county is bounded on the north by clackamis county, on the east by the rocky mountains, on the south by california, and on the west by the willamette. the country will, without doubt, be divided into at least three states. one state will include all the country north of the columbia river. nature has marked out the boundaries. another state will include all that country south of the columbia river to the california line, and west of the cascade range of mountains. this country, however, is large enough to form two states. the country east of the cascade range, extending to the rocky mountains, and between the columbia and california, would make another state. this would include more territory than all the remainder; but it would cover all that vast barren region of country which can never be inhabited by the white man. the western portion of this section is fertile. the line doubtless would be established between, leaving the eastern portion as oregon territory, for future generations to dispose of. the country now contains over six thousand white inhabitants; and the emigration this year, over land, will be about seventeen hundred souls, and that by water will probably equal it, which will increase the number to near ten thousand. it may be a safe calculation to set down the number for the first of january, , at twelve thousand souls. the settlers are labouring under great disadvantages on account of not being able to obtain a sufficient amount of farming implements. the early settlers were supplied at the hudson bay company's store, and at prices much less than those now charged for the same articles. at that time the supply was equal to the demand; but since the tide of emigration has turned so strongly to this region, the demand is much greater than the supply. this may be said of almost every kind of goods or merchandise. the supply of goods in the hands of the american merchants has been very limited, being the remnant of cargoes shipped round upon the coast, more for the { } purpose of treating with the indians, than with the cultivators of the soil. great complaints have been made by the merchants trading in that quarter, that they were not able to compete with the hudson bay company; and this is the cry even at home; but the fact is, the prices were much lower before these american merchants went into the country than they now are. their mode of dealing is to ask whatever their avarice demands, and the necessities of the purchaser will bear. and not being satisfied with an open field, they have petitioned the hudson bay company to put a higher price upon their goods, as they were selling lower than the american merchants wished to sell. in accordance with this request, the h. b. company raised the price of goods _when sold to an american_, but sold them at the old prices to british subjects. this arrangement was continued for two years; but an american can now purchase at the fort as cheap as any one. these facts i obtained from various sources, and when apprised of the prices of goods in that country, they are not so hard to be believed. i paid for a pair of _stoga_ shoes, made in one of the eastern states, and a very common article, four dollars and _fifty_ cents; for a common coarse cotton flag handkerchief, which can be had in cincinnati for five or ten cents, fifty cents. the price of calico ranges from thirty-one to eighty-seven and a half cents a yard; common red flannel one dollar and fifty cents per yard; a box of two hundred and fifty percussion caps, two dollars and fifty cents; coarse boots, eastern made, six to eight dollars; calfskin from ten to twelve dollars; coarse half hose, one dollar; dry goods generally ranging with the above prices. iron was selling at twelve and a half cents per pound. tools of all kinds are very high; so that whatever may be said against the company, for putting down the prices to destroy competition by breaking up other merchants, cannot be "sustained by the facts of the case." that they prevent them from raising the prices there is no doubt, and if the american merchants had the field, clear of competition, the prices would be double what they now are. they have not capital to enable them to keep up a supply, nor to purchase the surplus of the country. the hudson bay company are the only purchasers to any extent, for there are no others who have the necessary machinery to manufacture wheat, which is the staple of the country at present. the american merchants buy a few fish, { } hides, and lumber; but in such limited quantities as to be of very little advantage to the country. a few american merchants, with a little capital, would give an impulse to trade, encourage the settlers, make it a profitable business to themselves, and add much to the character of the country. there is scarcely any branch of business that might not be carried on successfully in oregon. flouring mills, saw-mills, carding machines, fulling and cloth dying, tin shops, potteries, tanyards, &c., &c., would all be profitable; and in truth they are all much needed in the country. the price of a flour barrel is one dollar; that of common split-bottom chairs twenty-four dollars per dozen; a common dining table without varnish, fourteen dollars; half soling a pair of shoes or boots, two dollars; cutting and splitting rails, one dollar and twenty-five cents per hundred; eighteen inch shingles, four dollars and fifty cents per thousand; cutting cord wood, from seventy-five cents to one dollar per cord; carpenter's wages from two to three dollars per day; laborer's from one to two dollars per day; plough irons fifty cents per pound; stocking a plough, from four to six dollars. wheat, eighty cents per bushel; potatoes fifty cents; corn sixty-two and a half cents; oats fifty cents; beef four to six cents per pound; pickled salmon by the barrel, nine to twelve dollars for shipment; work cattle are from seventy-five to one hundred dollars per yoke; cows from twenty-five to fifty dollars each; american work horses from one hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars. i have never heard of any sheep being sold, but presume they would bring from five to ten dollars. a tailor will charge from six to twelve dollars for making a dress coat. hogs are high, though there seems to be plenty of them in the country. the common kinds of poultry are plenty. it is a singular fact that the honey bee is not found in the oregon territory, neither wild nor domesticated. beef hides are two dollars each; a chopping axe from four and a half to six dollars; a drawing knife, three to five dollars; hand-saws, six dollars; crosscut saws, eight to twelve dollars; mill-saws, twenty-five dollars. there is but little hollow ware in the country. no stationery of any kind could be had when i was there. the people are in great need of school books; some sections being destitute of schools in consequence of not being able to procure books. good teachers are also much needed. i had expected to find the winters much more severe than they turned out to be. i had no thermometer, and no means { } of ascertaining the degrees of heat and cold, but i kept an account of the wet and dry weather, cloudy, clear, &c., &c., commencing on the first day of november and ending on the fifth of march, which was the day i started on my return to the united states. the st and d days of november were clear; d rainy; then clear until the th; cloudy until the th. then cloudy, with slight showers of rain until the th; st and nd clear; d rainy; th and th were cloudy, but no rain; the weather was then clear until the th, when it again clouded up. th of november and first of december were cloudy; d and rd clear, with frosty nights. on the th a misty rain; th and th were cloudy; from th to th clear and cool, with frost every night. on the th it rained nearly all day, and on the th about half the day. th and th were cloudy. from the th to d clear and pleasant, with frosty nights; it thawed through the day in the sun all that froze at night, but in the shade remained frozen. from the d to th cloudy, with showers of drizzling rain; th, th and th rain nearly all the time, but not very copiously; the mornings were foggy. the th and th were clear, but very foggy in the forepart of the day; th and st rain about half the time. from the st to d of january it was squally, with frequent showers of rain; th cloudy, but no rain; th rained nearly all day. from the th to the th, clear and pleasant, being slightly foggy in the mornings; from th to th rained about half each day, and nearly all the night; th and th, cloudy without rain. the th and st, slight rain nearly all the time; d was cloudy; d and th, rain about half of each day; th rained all day, th cloudy, without rain, th was rainy, some heavy showers; th was clear; th, th and st, were showery and blustering, raining about half the time, and foggy. the st of february was clear; d cloudy, d rainy; th and th were a little cloudy, but pleasant; th and th, a few slight showers; th and th rainy and quite cool; snow was seen on the lower peaks of the coast range of mountains, but none in the valley. the th was cloudy, at night a little frost; th was rainy; th and th rained all the time; th and th were nearly clear, with light frosts. the weather remained clear until the rd, with light frosts, but not cold enough to freeze the ground; th cloudy; th clear; th, th, and th rained all the time. { } first of march, rained half the day; d cloudy, d rained all day; th cloudy, th was showery--making in all about twenty days that it rained nearly all the day, and about forty days that were clear, or nearly so; the remainder of the days were cloudy and showery. a number of the days set down as rainy, a person with a blanket coat could have worked out all the day without having been wet. much of the time it rained during the night, when it was clear through the day. i should think that two-thirds of the rain fell during the night. no snow fell in the valleys, nor were there frosts more than _fifteen_ nights. ice never formed much over a quarter of an inch in thickness. the little streams and "_swales_" sometimes rise so high as to make it difficult to get about for a few days; but they are short, and soon run down. but little labour has yet been bestowed on the public roads. the willamette river is the highway upon which nearly all the traveling is done, and upon which nearly all the products of the country are conveyed. the numerous streams can be easily bridged, and when this is done, there will be but little difficulty in traveling at any period of the year. upon the th of march, , i set out on my return to the states. about one week previous, a party of seven persons had also set out on their return, and we expected to overtake them at dr. whitman's station. a few head of lame cattle had been left the preceding fall with a man named craig, who resided near spalding's mission;[ ] and as the indians in that vicinity had large bands of horses, which they wished to trade for cattle, i purchased several head of cattle to trade for horses, as also did others of the party. i, however, had purchased two horses and one mule; which, with several horses and mules belonging to the party, had been taken ahead on the d of the month, with the view of crossing the columbia river at fort vancouver, going up the valley of the columbia, and recrossing below the dalles. by this route we would avoid the deep snow on the cascade mountains. we loaded our effects on board a boat which we had bought for that purpose, and at two o'clock p.m. shoved off; and although anxious to be on the way back, yet i left the place with considerable reluctance. i had found the people of oregon kind and hospitable, and my acquaintance with them had been of the most friendly character. many of the persons who had traveled through to oregon with me, resided at oregon { } city. attachments had been formed upon the road, which when about to leave, seemed like parting with our own families. we were about to retrace the long and dreary journey which the year before had been performed, and again to brave the privations and dangers incident to such a journey. traveling as we expected to do on horseback, we could not take those conveniences so necessary for comfort, as when accompanied with wagons; but we bade adieu to the good people of oregon, and rapidly floated down the willamette to the town of portland, twelve miles below the falls. it commenced raining quite fast, and we hove to, and procured quarters with mr. bell, one of the emigrants who had recently settled at this place. this will probably be a town of some consequence, as it occupies a handsome site, and is at the head of ship navigation. mr. petigrew[ ] of new york is the proprietor. it continued raining nearly all night. in the morning the rain abated; we again took the oars, and in two hours and a half reached the town of linnton. here are a few log huts, erected among the heavy timber; but it will not, probably, ever be much of a town.[ ] a great portion of the emigrants traveling down the columbia land at this place, and take the road to quality plains, which are about twenty-five miles distant; but the road is a bad one. at o'clock p. m. we arrived at fort vancouver, where we made a few purchases to complete our outfit, and then rowed up the river two miles and a half, and encamped. here we found the party with our horses. the indians had stolen two horses, several trail ropes, &c. the day was showery. on the th we ascended about eighteen miles, to the mouth of a stream coming in upon the north side of the river, about one hundred yards in width, having its source in mount st. helen. here a commencement of a settlement had been made by simmons, parker, and others, and about a dozen buildings erected, but were now abandoned on account of its being subject to be overflowed by the annual high freshets of the columbia river.[ ] the soil is good, with several patches of prairie. on our way we passed the grist and saw mills of the hudson's bay company. they stand immediately upon the bank of the columbia. the water power is obtained from small mountain streams. the mills are six and eight miles above the fort. several islands in the river might be _leveed_ and successfully cultivated. the day was cloudy, with occasional showers of rain, and some hail. { } on the th we advanced sixteen or eighteen miles. for the greater part of the way, the river is hemmed in by high, craggy, rocky cliffs. at a point, called cape horn, the rocks project over the stream, presenting a huge mass of black looking rocks of several hundred feet in height.[ ] some of them seem to have broken and slid from their former position, and now stand in detached columns erect in the deep stream, presenting a grand and terrific appearance. at several points, streams of water were tumbling more than a thousand feet from crag to crag, and falling into the river in broken sheets. upon one of these columns stands a solitary pine tree, and upon the topmost branch sat a large bald-headed eagle. we rowed nearly under it, when one of our men took his rifle and fired, and down came the eagle, striking the water not more than ten feet from the boat. a wing had been broken, and we dispatched him with our oars; he measured over seven feet from tip to tip of the wings. round this point the water is sometimes very rough. boats have been compelled to lay to, for two weeks, on account of the roughness of the water. the day was clear. upon the th we progressed about ten miles. seven miles brought us to the foot of the rapids, called the cascade falls, and here for five miles the river is hemmed in and contracted to not more than three hundred yards in width, and runs with tremendous velocity.[ ] we were compelled to _cordelle_ our boat, and sometimes lift it over the rocks for several rods. it is not easy to form an idea of the difficulties to be encountered, in ascending this rapid. late in the evening we encamped, after a day of hard work in wading, pulling and lifting. it rained nearly all night. on the th we arrived at the head of the portage. three times we were compelled to unload our boat, and carry our effects over the rocks along the shore; and at the main falls the distance of the portage is nearly one mile. at night we had completed the portage, and were all safe above the falls. at the foot of the rapids we met several families of emigrants, who had been wintering at the dalles. one of them had traveled the most of the way with us, but being unwilling to travel as fast as we wished, had not arrived in time to get through before winter set in. in this family was a young woman, who so captivated one of our party, that he turned back with them. on the th we made but about eight miles; the wind causing { } a swell that rendered boating dangerous. the day was clear, and at night there was a hard frost. we progressed twelve or fourteen miles on the th; the day was cloudy. here we had designed crossing the river with our horses. the morning of the th was too windy to swim our horses over. we attempted to take them up the north side of the river; but after clambering about three miles, we were compelled to halt, the cliffs being so abrupt that we were unable to pass them with horses. we remained at this place through the day. on the morning of the th the wind had so abated that we could swim our animals. we commenced by taking four at a time; two upon each side of the boat, with four men rowing. in this manner by ten o'clock a. m., all had crossed. the water was very cold. the width of the river at this place, is more than a mile. the party with the horses then took the trail, and we saw no more of them, until we arrived at the dalles, which we reached on the th. here we found five of the party who had started a week in advance of us. two of their company had gone on to whitman's station. we sold our boat to the missionaries, and remained here until the morning of the th, endeavoring to hire and buy horses to pack our effects to dr. whitman's. there were hundreds of horses belonging to the indians, but their owners knew our situation, and wished to extort a high price from us. we so arranged our effects as to pack them on the mules and horses we had, and we ourselves traveled on foot. on the evening of the th, we packed up and proceeded two miles, when we encamped. two indians came and encamped with us. in the night our mules began to show signs that a thief was approaching. the guard apprised us of it, and we prepared our arms. our two indian friends seeing that we were prepared to chastise thieves, roused up and commenced running around the camp, and hallooing most lustily; probably to give warning that it was dangerous to approach, as they soon disappeared. during the day we had seen some sport. as we were nearly all _green_ in the business of packing, and many of our animals were quite wild, we frequently had running and kicking "sprees," scattering the contents of our packs over the prairie, and in some cases damaging and losing them. in one instance, while traveling along a narrow, winding path upon the side of { } a bluff, a pack upon a mule's back became loose; the mule commenced kicking, and the pack, saddle and all, rolled off, and as the trail rope was tied fast to the mule's neck, and then around the pack, it dragged the mule after it. the bank for six or eight hundred feet was so steep that a man could scarcely stand upright. the mule was sometimes ahead of the pack, at others the pack was ahead of the mule. at length, after tumbling about one thousand feet, to near a perpendicular ledge of rocks, they stopped. six feet farther would have plunged them over a cliff of two hundred feet, into the river. we arrived at and crossed falls river, receiving no other damage than wetting a few of our packs.[ ] we encamped two miles above falls river, having traveled about sixteen miles. the weather was clear and warm. we traveled leisurely along, nothing remarkable occurring; but as some of the party were unaccustomed to walking, they soon showed signs of fatigue and sore feet. we were often visited by a set of half-starved and naked indians. on the th we reached fort wallawalla, or fort nez percés, as it is sometimes called. this fort stands upon the east side of the columbia, and upon the north bank of the wallawalla river. we went about three fourths of a mile up the wallawalla river, and encamped. near us was a village of the wallawalla indians, with their principal chief.[ ] this old chief was not very friendly to americans. the season before, a party of the wallawallas had visited california, by invitation of capt. suter; and whilst there, a difficulty arose about some horses, and the son of the old chief was killed in the fort. the indians left immediately, and as suter claimed to be an american, the chief's feelings were excited against all americans. he had showed hostile demonstrations against a party of americans the summer previous; and when we arrived, we were told that he was surly, and not disposed to be friendly. the grazing about the camp was poor, and we sent a few men with the animals to the hills, three miles distant, to graze. near night we observed quite a stir among the indians. we gave a signal to drive in the horses; they soon came in, and we picketed them near the camp. as soon as it was dark the indians commenced singing and dancing, accompanied with an instrument similar to a drum, and giving most hideous yells, running to and fro. we began to suspect that they meditated an attack upon our camp; and we accordingly prepared to meet them by building a fortification of { } our baggage, and posting a strong guard. we remained in this position until daylight, when we packed up, and traveled up the wallawalla eight or ten miles, when we stopped, cooked breakfast, and allowed our animals to graze. before starting, the old chief and a few of his principal men made us a visit. they appeared friendly, and wished to trade. we gave them some provisions, and made them a few presents of tobacco, pipes, &c. after shooting at a mark with the chief, to convince him of our skill, we conversed on various subjects, among which the death of his son was mentioned, and he expressed his determination to go to california this season. we parted, he and his people to their village, and we upon our route to dr. whitman's. we were here joined by a party of nez percé indians; among whom were four of their principal chiefs. ellis the great chief was with them. he speaks very good english, and is quite intelligent. he was educated at the hudson's bay company's school, on red river.[ ] they traveled and encamped with us, making heavy drafts upon our provisions; but as we expected to replenish at whitman's, we gave them freely. we encamped on a branch of the wallawalla. this is a most beautiful valley of good land, but timber is limited to a few cottonwood and willows along the streams. in the afternoon of the th we reached dr. whitman's station.[ ] here we remained until the st, when in company with four others, and the nez percé indians, we started for spalding's mission--mr. spalding being of our party. the rest of our party remained at whitman's. our object was to purchase horses and explore the country. the distance from dr. whitman's to spalding's was about one hundred and fifty miles, in a northeast direction. the first day we traveled but about twenty-five miles, over a most delightful prairie country, and encamped on a beautiful clear stream coming down from the blue mountains, which are about twelve miles distant.[ ] the first of april we traveled about fifty-five miles, also over a delightful, rolling, prairie country; crossing several beautiful streams, lined with timber, and affording desirable locations for settlement. the soil is rich, and covered with an excellent coat of grass. this region possesses grazing advantages over any other portion of oregon that i have yet seen. the day was blustering, with a little snow, which melted as it reached the ground. on the d of april we arrived at mr. spalding's mission, { } which is upon the kooskooskee or clear water,[ ] and about twenty miles above its mouth or junction with lewis's fork of the columbia. ten miles from our camp we struck lewis's fork, and proceeded up it for five miles, and crossed. on our way up we passed a ledge of rocks of fluted columns, two or three hundred feet high. the bluffs of lewis's fork and the kooskooskee are very high, sometimes more than three thousand feet. the hills are nearly all covered with grass. as the time i could remain in this region would not allow me to explore it satisfactorily, i requested mr. spalding to furnish me with the result of his experience for ten years in the country. he very kindly complied, and the following is the information obtained from him.[ ] as he goes very much into detail, it is unnecessary for me to add any further remarks here, in relation to this region of the country. we remained at this missionary establishment until the th of april. during our stay, we heard related many incidents common to a mountain life. at one time, when mr. spalding was on an excursion to one of the neighboring villages, accompanied by several indians and their wives, they espied a bear at a short distance clambering up a tree. he ascended thirty or forty feet, and halted to view the travelers. a tree standing near the one upon which sat the bear, with limbs conveniently situated to climb, induced mr. spalding to attempt to _lasso_ master bruin. he accordingly prepared himself with a _lasso_ rope, and ascended the tree until he attained an elevation equal to that of the bear. he then cut a limb, rested the noose of the rope upon one end, and endeavored to place it over the head of the bear; but as the rope approached his nose, bruin struck it with his paw, and as mr. s. had but one hand at liberty, he could not succeed, the weight of the rope being too great. he called to some of his indian friends, to come up and assist him; but none seemed willing to risk themselves so near the formidable animal. at length one of the squaws climbed up, and held the slack of the rope, and mr. s. succeeded in slipping the noose over bruin's head. he then descended from the tree, and as the rope extended to the ground, they gave it a jerk, and down came the bear, which fell in such a way as to pass the rope over a large limb, thus suspending him by the neck. the cattle which we had purchased were scattered over the { } plain. on the d they were brought in, and the chief ellis bought the whole band, agreeing to give one horse for each head of cattle. his place of residence was about sixty miles further up the kooskooskee, but his father-in-law resided near the mission. ellis made arrangements with the latter for six horses, and delivered them to us, and his father-in-law took possession of the cattle. we left the horses in his possession, until ellis could return with the remainder of the horses. in his absence many of the natives came in with their horses to trade for the cattle, and when informed that ellis had bought them all, they were very much displeased, and charged ellis with conniving with the whites against his people. in a few days ellis returned, when the feelings of his people were so much against him, that he was forced to abandon the trade. his father-in-law drove down his band of horses according to agreement, but instead of bringing the horses which had been selected, he brought some old, broken-down horses that could not stand the trip. we objected to receive these horses, and thus broke up the whole arrangement. they had the horses and cattle; of course we demanded the cattle; the indians showed us that they were on the plains, and that we must hunt them up. we dispatched a party, and they soon brought us all but one heifer. our intention then was to drive the cattle down to dr. whitman's, and trade with the cayuses; but as we would be compelled to travel on foot for nearly one hundred and fifty miles, we abandoned the project. the neighboring indians soon drove in some horses to trade, and before night we had disposed of all but four head of our cattle, one yoke of oxen, one yearling heifer, and a yearling calf. the oxen belonged to me. i left them in charge of mr. spalding, until my return. in the exchange one horse was given for a cow or heifer. a few horses were purchased for other articles of trade, such as blankets, shirts, knives, &c. the value of fourteen dollars in trade would buy an ordinary horse; if it was an extra horse something more would be asked. four blankets was the price of a horse. none of the indians would take money except ellis. in fact they did not seem to know the value of money. during our stay at this place, the indians flocked in from all quarters. it is but seldom that the whites visit this portion of the country, and the indians all seemed anxious to see us. the house was literally filled from morning until night with men, women, and children. they are usually much better { } clad than any other tribe east or west of the mountains, are quite clean, and are an industrious people. they have made considerable advances in cultivating the soil, and have large droves of horses, and many of them are raising large herds of cattle. mr. and mrs. spalding have kept up a school, and many of the indians have made great proficiency in spelling, reading, and writing. they use the english alphabet to the nez percé language. mr. spalding has made some translations from the scriptures, and among others from the book of matthew. from this printed copy[ ] many of the indians have printed with a pen facsimiles of the translation, which are neatly executed. i have several copies in my possession of these and other writings, which can be seen at any time in laurel, indiana. they are a quiet, civil people, but proud and haughty; they endeavor to imitate the fashions of the whites, and owe much of their superior qualifications to the missionaries who are among them. mr. spalding and family have labored among them for ten years assiduously, and the increasing wants and demands of the natives require an additional amount of labor. a family of their own is rising around them, which necessarily requires a portion of their time; and the increasing cares of the family render it impossible to do that amount of good, and carry out fully that policy which they have so advantageously commenced for the natives. it is impossible for one family to counteract all the influences of bad and designing men, of whom there are not a few in the country. they need more assistance. there are a sufficient number of establishments, but not a sufficient number of persons at those establishments. for instance: mr. spalding must now attend not only to raising produce for his own family, but also to supply in a great measure food to numerous families of indians; to act as teacher and spiritual guide, as physician, and perform many other duties incident to his situation. with such a multitude of claims on his attention, his energies are too much divided, and on the whole his influence is lessened. could not the missionary board send out an assistant? there is one thing which could be accomplished with a small outlay, that would be of lasting advantage to these people. they are raising small flocks of sheep, and have been taught to card and spin and weave by hand, and prepare clothing--but the process is too tedious. a carding machine and machinery for fulling cloth would be a saving to the board of { } missions, and of lasting benefit to the natives. there are no such machines in that country. the wood work of those machines could nearly all be done in the country; the cards and castings are all that would be necessary to ship. a mechanic to set up the machines would be necessary. perhaps no part of the world is better adapted to the growth of wool than this middle region, and it abounds with water-power to manufacture it. farmers, mechanics and teachers, should be sent among these people by the missionary board, or by the government. a division is about being made in this nation, which if not counteracted, will doubtless lead to bad consequences. three delaware indians have crossed the mountains, and settled on the kooskooskee among the nez percé indians. one of them, named tom hill, has so ingratiated himself into the feelings of the nez percé indians, that he has succeeded in persuading about one hundred lodges to acknowledge him as their chief. it was formerly, as among other tribes, customary for an indian to have as many wives as he could maintain; but the missionaries taught them otherwise, and succeeded in abolishing this heathen custom. but tom hill tells them that they can have as many wives as they please. he says to them, you make me chief, and i will make you a great people. the white men tell you not to steal--i tell you there is no harm in it; the bad consists in being caught at it. these men will mislead you, &c., &c. ellis and the other chiefs have exerted themselves to recall their people, but they cannot succeed. in conversing with ellis, i enquired whether cases of insanity were common among his people. he answered that he never knew a case of insanity, but this one of tom hill's. he looks upon him as a crazy man. the two other delaware indians are young men, and are industrious and peaceable. they have commenced cultivating the soil, and are raising a fine herd of cattle. ellis is considered wealthy. he has about fifteen hundred horses, a herd of cattle, some hogs, and a few sheep. many persons in this nation have from five to fifteen hundred head of horses. in traveling from dr. whitman's to this place, i saw more than ten thousand horses grazing upon the plains. they are good looking, and some of them large. in the fall i had made enquiries as to whether it was practicable to obtain the necessary supplies at these missions for our home journey; and in the winter mr. spalding wrote to us that he could furnish us with flour and meat. we had accordingly { } contemplated procuring a part of our outfit at this place. a few bad designing indians had frequently given mr. spalding trouble about his place, and had made severe threats. at one time they had threatened to tie him, and drive his family away. they complained that the whites never came through their country, giving them the advantages of trade; but that the white men passed through the cayuse country, selling their cattle, clothing, &c.; and that if they could not have all the benefits of trade, the whites should leave the country. early in the spring some of them had got into a fit of ill humour, and had ordered mr. spalding from the place, cut open his mill-dam, threw down his fences, broke the windows of the church, crippled some of his hogs, and took possession of the whole premises. this time they seemed to be determined to carry their threats into execution. mr. s. allowed them to take their own course, putting no obstacle in their way. the principal men seemed to look on with indifference; but they evidently saw that it was likely to injure them, more than it would mr. spalding; for they relied upon the mill and farm for their support to a great extent. in the meantime mr. spalding had written a letter to us, informing us of his situation, and that we could not rely on him for furnishing us with supplies. he gave the letter to an indian to carry to dr. whitman's, that it might be forwarded to us. the indians being apprised of the contents of the letter, stopped the carrier, and took from him the letter, and after a consultation determined to abandon their rash course; as it would be likely to deprive them of the benefit of our trade, and be a barrier against the white men ever coming to trade with them. they accordingly brought the letter to mr. spalding, acknowledging they had done wrong, and placed him in full possession of his premises, promising to behave better for the future; and when we arrived he was enjoying their full confidence. the indians informed us that there was a good passway upon the north side of lewis's fork, by proceeding up the kooskooskee some sixty miles, and then striking across to salmon river, and then up to fort bois. by taking this route in the winter season, we would avoid the deep snow upon the blue mountains, as the route is mostly up the valley of lewis' river, and it is undoubtedly nearer to puget sound than by the old route. those wishing to settle about the sound would do well to take this route, or at least the saving in the distance { } would justify an examination of the route, to ascertain its practicability. we were very hospitably entertained by mr. spalding, and his interesting family. with the exception of mr. gilbert, who is now engaged on the mission farm, and mr. craig, who has a native for a wife, and lives six hundred yards from mr. spalding's dwelling, the nearest white families are messrs. walker and ellis, who have a mission one hundred and thirty miles to the north, among the flathead nation; and dr. whitman, nearly one hundred and fifty miles distant, among the cayuses.[ ] in this lonely situation they have spent the best part of their days, among the wild savages, and for no compensation but a scanty subsistence. in the early part of their sojourn they were compelled to use horse meat for food, but they are now getting herds of domestic animals about them, and raise a surplus of grain beyond their own wants. at mr. spalding's there is an excuse for a grist mill, which answers to chip up the grain, but they have no bolting cloth; in place of which they use a sieve. the meal makes very good bread. there was formerly a saw mill, but the irons have been taken and used in a mill which dr. whitman has recently built about twenty miles from his dwelling, at the foot of the blue mountains. the catholics have several missionary establishments upon the upper waters of the columbia.[ ] on the th of april we had made the necessary arrangements, and started on our return to dr. whitman's, where we arrived on the th. on my way down in the fall, i had left a horse and a heifer with the doctor. they were now running on the plains. several persons were engaged in hunting them up; the horse was found and brought in, and was in good condition. the indians had concealed the horse, in order to force a trade, and offered to buy him, they to run the risk of finding him; but as he was a favorite horse, that i had brought from home, i felt gratified when he was found. the heifer i traded for a horse, the purchaser to find her. my two oxen, which i had left at mr. spalding's, i traded for a horse. an indian who had stolen a horse from a company in the fall, had been detected, and the horse taken to fort wallawalla. he had again stolen the horse, and traded him off. he was at dr. whitman's, and as the owner was of our party, he made a demand for the horse, and the indian gave up a { } poor old horse in its stead. this was the same fellow that had bought my heifer. we remained at dr. whitman's until the th, when all was prepared, and we made a formal start. our party consisted of eighteen persons, and fifty-one horses and mules. we traveled about eight miles, and encamped. on the th, we traveled to the umatillo. on the way the fellow who had bought the heifer overtook us and demanded the horse, as he said he had not time to hunt up the heifer. i refused to give it up, and he insisted. at this juncture dr. whitman overtook us, and the indian made complaint to him. it was arranged that we should all go on to umatillo, where several of the chiefs resided, and have the matter amicably settled. we reached the river in the afternoon, and repaired to the chief's. the indian told his story, and i told mine. the chief decided that i should give up the horse, and he would give me a horse for the heifer. i agreed that in case the heifer could not be found, to give him another on my return to oregon. the indian set out with his horse, and the chief soon brought me one in its place, worth at least two such as the first. of course i was much pleased with the exchange. at night it commenced raining, and then snowing, and in the morning the snow was four or five inches deep on the ground. we were then immediately at the foot of the mountain, and as we expected the snow had fallen deep upon the mountain, we remained in camp all day. the th was unfavorable for traveling, and we remained in camp. on the st we took up the line of march, ascended the mountain, and advanced about twenty-five miles, which brought us over the dividing ridge. we found the snow in patches, and sometimes three feet deep--that is, the old snow, for the new fallen snow had all melted away. the grazing was poor, but at night we found a prairie upon the south side of the mountain, which afforded a scanty supply of grass; here we encamped for the night. the d was very blustery, sometimes snowing; very disagreeable traveling. we reached the grand round at o'clock p. m. and encamped. here we found an abundance of good grass, and halted for the night. during the night the horse which i had obtained of the old chief broke from his picket, and in company with one that was running loose, took the back track. in the morning we dispatched two men, who followed them about four miles, when it was found that the { } horses had left the road. the two men went back ten or twelve miles, but could see nothing of the horses. they then returned to camp. we in the mean time had packed up, and traveled across grand round about eight miles, when we encamped. in the morning we started back four men to hunt for the horses. on the evening of the th our men returned, but without the horses. on the morning of the th we packed up, traveled about twenty-six miles, and encamped on powder river, near the lone pine stump.[ ] on the th we traveled about twenty-five miles. on the th we traveled about twenty-three miles, and encamped near malheur. on the th we reached fort bois. the people at the fort, and the indians in the vicinity, were evidently much alarmed. before reaching the fort, i saw at a distance numerous columns of smoke, alternately rising and disappearing; and then another column would rise at a great distance. these columns of smoke seemed to be signals that enemies were in the country. the people at the fort were seemingly friendly, and supplied us with milk and butter. we selected our camping ground with caution, and with an eye to the defence both of horses and men. our guard was doubled. we were visited by many indians, but no hostile demonstration was exhibited. here the wagon road crosses the river, but as there were no canoes at the upper crossing, and the river was too high to ford, we decided upon traveling up the south side of the river. on the th of april we packed up, and left fort bois. the trail led us up to the mouth of a stream coming in on the south side of lewis river, about one hundred yards in width. this we reached in about three miles. immediately at the crossing is an indian village of the shoshonee tribe. when within one fourth of a mile from the crossing, an indian who had been at our camp the evening before, was seen riding furiously towards us. he came up directly to me, extending his hand, which i took of course; two or three were riding in front with me, who all shook hands with him. he then turned and led the way through the bushes to the crossing. at the point where we came out, the bank was some fifteen feet high. a narrow place had been cut down, so as to admit but one horse at a time to go up the bank; the village was immediately upon the bank, and i discovered some thirty or forty indians standing near the point where the trail ascended the bank. i rode { } to the top of the bank, where about fifteen ugly looking indians were standing, all striving to shake hands, but my horse would not allow them to approach. i passed on, the company following, and as we formed a long train, being in single file, by the time those behind were out of the creek, those in the lead were five or six hundred yards from the bank, and over a ridge. i halted the front, for all to come up, when i discovered that buckley, who was in the rear riding one horse and leading another, had not appeared over the ridge. two of the men who were in the rear went back for him. the horse which he was leading soon came running over the ridge, and as buckley did not make his appearance, we supposed that something was wrong. others started back, but they all soon returned, and we went on. in a few minutes, however, one of the party came riding up, and stated that the indians were going to charge upon us. at this instant a gun was fired by them, and a hideous yelling was heard at our heels. the indians were drawn up in line upon the ridge, all armed, some with muskets, and others with bows and arrows. the fellow who had met us, was still mounted, and running his horse from one end of the line to the other, and all were yelling like fiends. i thought it could not be possible that they would charge upon us, and ordered all hands to move along slowly but cautiously, to have their arms in readiness, and to keep the pack animals together, so that they could be stopped at any moment. we marched along slowly in close order, and paid no further regard to the indians, than to carefully watch their movements. they followed along a few hundred yards, and halted, their yells then ceased, and we saw nothing more of them. when the two men returned to buckley, the mounted indian spoken of had buckley's horse by the head; he had proposed an exchange, but buckley did not wish to swap, and asked him to let go the bridle: the indian held on, buckley pulled and he pulled; buckley rapped his knuckles with a whip, and in the scuffle the horse that b. was leading broke loose, and ran over the ridge, they not being able to catch him. at this juncture the two men arrived; one of them raised his rifle in the attitude of striking the indian on the head, but he paid no regard to it; the other, seeing his determined manner, rushed at him with his bowie knife; he then let go the bridle, and our men came up to the company. what his object was, or what their object in rallying their forces, i could not conjecture: but it { } put us on our guard. at our night encampment there were indians prowling about, but they were afraid of our riding too near them, and made no attempt to steal, or otherwise molest us. the country was extremely dry and barren; grazing was very poor. on the th of may we arrived at the upper crossing of snake river. on our way we had seen several villages of shoshonee indians, but were not disturbed by them. the grazing was poor, and the country very barren. we crossed several warm streams running down from the mountains, which appeared at a distance of from five to ten miles on our right. a wagon road can be had along the south side of the river, by hugging the base of the mountains for twenty or thirty miles, when it would take down the low bottom of snake or lewis river; but the distance is greater than by crossing the river. on the th of may we reached salmon falls, and went up six miles to salmon fall creek, and encamped. on the th and th it rained and snowed, so that we were compelled to lay by most of the time. on the th it cleared up, and in the afternoon we had fair weather and pleasant traveling. on the th we reached cassia creek. at this place the california trail turns off. on the th we arrived at fort hall. on the th we reached the soda springs. on the th we met about six hundred lodges of snake indians; they were moving from big bear river to lewis' fork. on the d we reached green river, taking the northern route. much of the time the weather has been cool with frosty nights, and several days of rain and snow. on the th we crossed green river, and traveled about forty miles to the big sandy. the day was blustering, with rain and snow. along the bottoms of the sandy we found very good grazing for our animals. on the th we traveled to the little sandy. on the th we arrived at the _south pass_, and encamped on sweet water. here we saw a few buffalo. the ride from little sandy to sweet water was extremely unpleasant on account of the wind and snow. we were sometimes compelled to walk, in order to keep warm. we here found a horse, which we supposed had been lost by some emigrants the year before. he came running to our band, and exhibited signs of the greatest joy, by capering and prancing about. he was quite fat, and seemed determined to follow us. { } on the th we traveled down the valley of sweet water about twenty-five miles. on our way we saw some hundreds of buffalo and antelope, and two grizzly bears. we gave the latter chase, but did not succeed in taking them. we had some difficulty in preventing our pack animals from following the numerous bands of buffalo which came rolling past us. we traveled down this valley until the th, and encamped about four miles east of _independence rock_, at a spring near a huge mountain of gray granite rock. soon after encamping it commenced raining, which turned to snow, and in the morning we had about five inches of snow upon us. we were uncomfortably situated, as we could procure but little fuel, and had no means of sheltering ourselves from the "peltings of the pitiless storm." our horses too fared poorly. on the st of may we remained in camp. by noon the snow had disappeared, and we succeeded in finding a few dry cedar trees, built a fire, and dried our effects. we had an abundance of buffalo marrow-bones, tongues, and other choice pieces, on which we feasted. we saw large droves of mountain sheep, or bighorn, and thousands of antelope. on the d of june we arrived at the north fork of platte. the plains during this day's travel were literally covered with buffalo, tens of thousands were to be seen at one view; antelope and black-tailed deer were seen in great abundance, and a few elk and common deer. one panther, and hundreds of wolves were also seen. we found the river too high to ford. soon after encamping, snow commenced falling, which continued all night, but melted as it reached the ground. the grazing on the bottom was excellent, the grass being about six inches high. this was the best grass we had seen since leaving burnt river. on the d we succeeded in finding a ford, and in the evening we crossed. on the th we reached deer creek, having traveled about thirty miles. on the way we saw a band of indians whom we supposed to be of the crow nation, and as they are generally for fight, we prepared to give them a warm reception; but it seemed that they were as fearful of us, as we were of them.[ ] they were soon out of sight. after traveling about five miles, we saw them drawn up into line two miles from the road. as they were at a respectful distance, we did not molest them. we however kept a sharp look out, and at night were cautious in selecting camp ground. the grass was good, and our animals fared well. { } on the th we traveled about fifteen miles, and encamped on mike's-head creek.[ ] here we found two trappers, who had been out about three weeks. they accompanied us to fort laramie, which we reached on the th of june. in the morning h. smith, one of our party, in catching a mule was thrown, and his shoulder dislocated.[ ] we attempted to set it, but could not succeed. he traveled on to the fort, but in great misery. we remained here until the afternoon of the th. mr. smith's shoulder was so much injured that he could not travel. he concluded to remain at the fort a few days; three men were to stay with him, and the rest of us had made arrangements for starting, when a company of oregon emigrants came in sight. we awaited their arrival, and had the gratification of hearing from the states, it being the first news we had received since leaving our homes. a part of us remained a few hours to give them an opportunity of writing to their friends; while five of the party took the road. in the evening we traveled about eight miles, and encamped. we continued for a distance of two hundred miles meeting companies of from six to forty wagons, until the number reached five hundred and forty-one wagons, and averaging about five souls to each wagon. they were generally in good health and fine spirits. two hundred and twelve wagons were bound for california; but i have since learned that many of those who had designed to go to california had changed their destination and were going to oregon.[ ] at ash hollow we met a company who had lost many of their cattle and horses; but they were still going on. a short distance below the forks of platte, we met a company of forty-one wagons, under the command of a mr. smith, which company had lost about one hundred and fifty head of cattle; they were encamped, and parties were out hunting cattle.[ ] we remained with them a short time, and then passed on. this was on the th of june. two of smith's company had taken the back track in search of a band of their cattle, which had traveled nearly forty miles on the return to the states. near night, and after we had encamped, two others of the company came up in search of the two men who had started in the morning. we had also met a boy belonging to their company, who had been in search of cattle, but had found none; and as it was nearly night, and he was about thirty miles from their camp, we induced him to remain with us through the night. { } the two men who had arrived after we had encamped, concluded to continue their search until they found the two other men who had preceded them. accordingly after taking some refreshments, they mounted and followed on. soon after dark, they came running their horses up to our camp, one of them having behind him one of the men who had started out in the morning. they had proceeded from our camp about seven or eight miles, when rising over a small swell in the prairie, they discovered a few head of cattle, and saw ten or twelve indians, a part of them engaged in catching a horse which mr. trimble (one of the men who had started out in the morning) had been riding, and some were engaged in stripping the clothes from mr. harrison, the other of the men. the men who had left our camp put whip to their horses, and ran towards the indians, hallooing and yelling. the indians seeing them approach, and probably supposing that there was a large company, left harrison, and ran under a bluff, but they took the horses with them. harrison put on his clothes and mounted behind bratten, (one of the men who had come to their rescue,) stating that the indians had killed trimble,[ ] and as none of the emigrants had fire-arms, the indians would soon return upon them. they then came to our camp. harrison stated that he and trimble had traveled nearly all day with that portion of our party who had started from the fort in advance of us, and near night had found five head of their cattle, with which they were returning to the company; and as they were traveling leisurely along, about dusk, whilst in a small hollow, ten or twelve indians came suddenly upon them, seized his horse, and endeavored to get hold of trimble's horse, but he jumped away, and ran his horse off. harrison in the mean time had dismounted, and three of the indians rifled him of his clothes. on looking to see what had become of trimble, he saw him riding in a circuitous manner towards the place where harrison was; at this instant some half dozen arrows were let fly at trimble by the indians, some of which took effect. he leaned a little forward, his horse at the time jumping; at that instant the crack of a gun was heard, and trimble fell from his horse upon his face, and did not move afterwards. his horse ran round for some minutes, the indians trying to catch him; and at that instant bratten and his friend came up. several of our party, supposing that we had passed all danger, had sold their arms to the emigrants, and we had but five { } rifles in the company. it was quite dark, and there would be but little prospect of finding trimble, if we attempted a search. we therefore remained in camp until morning. about eleven o'clock at night we dispatched two persons back to inform the company of what had occurred, with a request that a force might be sent, which would be able to chastise the indians, if found. early in the morning we packed up and traveled to the spot where the murder had been committed. we found there trimble's hat, whip, and pocket knife; and several large pools of blood where he had fallen from his horse, and where the indians had evidently stripped him. we also found several arrows, two of which appeared to have struck him; but nothing could be found of his body. the river platte was about a quarter of a mile distant; we searched the shore diligently, but could see no sign. as we approached the spot a gun was fired on a large island opposite, but we saw no indians. eight beds in the grass near where the attack was made, showed the manner in which the indians had been concealed. it is highly probable that the indians had driven the cattle off, and that some of the indians concealed themselves, and as trimble and harrison had no fire-arms, and carried long ox-whips, they could be easily distinguished as cattle hunters, and the indians knowing that the white men must come back, selected a favorable spot, and attacked them as above related. the probability is, that had trimble and harrison been armed, they would not have been molested. we remained upon the ground until late in the afternoon, waiting the arrival of the force from the company. we finally began to despair of their coming, and feared that the two men whom we had sent back had been cut off; and as we had two of the company with us, and one of our party was back, we packed up and took the back track, and after traveling about five miles, we discovered a band of their cattle crossing the river a mile above us. we made to the shore, when the cattle turned down the river, in the direction of the head of the big island. we judged that the indians had been driving the cattle, but upon our approach had left them. the river was quite shoal, and buckley waded out and turned them to the shore. there were in this band twenty-one head of work cattle; two of them carried marks of the arrow. after traveling three miles farther, we espied the party coming to our assistance, but it consisted of only seven persons. { } mr. trimble had left a wife and four children. she had sent by the party a request that we might come back, and allow her and family to travel with us to the u. states. we accordingly all took the road to the company's camp, (driving the cattle) which we reached at day-break on the morning of the th june. here we remained until the afternoon. by the persuasion of her friends, mrs. trimble concluded to continue her journey to oregon. but there were four families who had lost so many of their cattle, that they were unable to proceed on their journey. they had four wagons, and only five yoke of cattle, and some of them were very small. they wished us to travel with them through the pawnee country, as the pawnees were the perpetrators of the act which had caused them so much difficulty. we accordingly traveled with them until the th, when we left them, and resumed our journey towards home. on the morning of the st we were joined by mr. smith, and the three men who had been left at the fort. we traveled on rapidly day and night, barely giving our animals time to rest. the weather was becoming warm; the flies and musquitoes were very annoying. we arrived at the mission or agency on the morning of the th of july.[ ] here are extensive farms, and a most delightful country. the first view of cultivated fields, and marks of civilization, brought simultaneous shouts from the whole party. our troubles and toils were all forgotten. on the th of july, at o'clock a. m., we arrived at the st. joseph's mission, where we all hoped to meet with friends.[ ] we had been so long among savages, that we resembled them much in appearance; but when attired in new apparel, and shaved as became white men, we hardly knew each other. we had been long in each other's company; had undergone hardships and privations together; had passed through many dangers, relying upon each other for aid and protection. attachments had grown up, which when we were about to separate were sensibly felt; but as we were yet separated from our families, where still stronger ties were felt, each one took his course, and in a few hours our party was scattered, and each traveling in a different direction. those of us who had mules found ready sales; but as the horses were much reduced in flesh, they could not be disposed of. our horses had stood the trip remarkably well, until within two hundred and fifty miles of missouri. but the flies { } had so annoyed them, the weather being warm, and the grass of an inferior quality, that they had failed much. i had five horses; the one which i had taken from home was quite lame, and i left him at st. joseph's; the other four were indian horses, and mr. buckley agreed to take them by land, across missouri and illinois, and home; but he was unsuccessful, and arrived with only one of them. i took steamboat passage to st. louis[ ] and cincinnati, and thence by stage to laurel, indiana, where i arrived on the d of july; having been gone from home one year three months and one week. i had the pleasure of finding my family enjoying good health. necessary outfits for emigrants traveling to oregon for burthen wagons, light four horse or heavy two horse wagons are the size commonly used. they should be made of the best material, well seasoned, and should in all cases have falling tongues. the tire should not be less than one and three fourth inches wide, but may be advantageously used three inches; two inches, however, is the most common width. in fastening on the tire, bolts should be used instead of nails; it should be at least / or / inches thick. hub boxes for the hubs should be about four inches. the skeins should be well steeled. the mormon fashioned wagon bed is the best. they are usually made straight, with side boards about inches wide, and a projection outward of four inches on each side, and then another side board of ten or twelve inches; in this last, set the bows for covers, which should always be double. boxes for carrying effects should be so constructed as to correspond in height with the offset in the wagon bed, as this gives a smooth surface to sleep upon. ox teams are more extensively used than any others. oxen stand the trip much better, and are not so liable to be stolen by the indians, and are much less trouble. cattle are generally allowed to go at large, when not hitched to the wagons; whilst horses and mules must always be staked up at night. oxen can procure food in many places where horses cannot, and in much less time. cattle that have been raised in illinois or missouri, stand the trip better than those raised in indiana or ohio; as they have been accustomed to eating the prairie grass, upon which they must wholly rely while on the road. { } great care should be taken in selecting cattle; they should be from four to six years old, tight and heavy made. for those who fit out but one wagon, it is not safe to start with less than four yoke of oxen, as they are liable to get lame, have sore necks, or to stray away. one team thus fitted up may start from missouri with twenty-five hundred pounds and as each day's rations make the load that much lighter, before they reach any rough road, their loading is much reduced. persons should recollect that every thing in the outfit should be as light as the required strength will permit; no useless trumpery should be taken. the loading should consist of provisions and apparel, a necessary supply of cooking fixtures, a few tools, &c. no great speculation can be made in buying cattle and driving them through to sell; but as the prices of oxen and cows are much higher in oregon than in the states, nothing is lost in having a good supply of them, which will enable the emigrant to wagon through many articles that are difficult to be obtained in oregon. each family should have a few cows, as the milk can be used the entire route, and they are often convenient to put to the wagon to relieve oxen. they should be so selected that portions of them would come in fresh upon the road. sheep can also be advantageously driven. american horses and mares always command high prices, and with careful usage can be taken through; but if used to wagons or carriages, their loading should be light. each family should be provided with a sheet-iron stove, with boiler; a platform can easily be constructed for carrying it at the hind end of the wagon; and as it is frequently quite windy, and there is often a scarcity of wood, the stove is very convenient. each family should also be provided with a tent, and to it should be attached good strong cords to fasten it down. the cooking fixtures generally used are of sheet iron; a dutch oven and skillet of cast metal are very essential. plates, cups, &c., should be of tin ware, as queens-ware is much heavier and liable to break, and consumes much time in packing up. a reflector is sometimes very useful. families should each have two churns, one for carrying sweet and one for sour milk. they should also have one eight or ten gallon keg for carrying water, one axe, one shovel, two or three augers, one hand saw, and if a farmer he should be provided with one crosscut saw and a few plough moulds, as it is difficult getting such articles. when i left the country, ploughs cost from twenty-five to forty dollars each. a good supply of ropes for { } tying up horses and catching cattle, should also be taken. every person should be well supplied with boots and shoes, and in fact with every kind of clothing. it is also well to be supplied with at least one feather bed, and a good assortment of bedding. there are no tame geese in the country, but an abundance of wild ones; yet it is difficult procuring a sufficient quantity of feathers for a bed. the muscovy is the only tame duck in the country. each male person should have at least one rifle gun, and a shot gun is also very useful for wild fowl and small game, of which there is an abundance. the best sized calibre for the mountains is from thirty-two to fifty-six to the pound; but one of from sixty to eighty, or even less, is best when in the lower settlements. the buffalo seldom range beyond the south pass, and never west of green river. the larger game are elk, deer, antelope, mountain sheep or bighorn, and bear. the small game are hare, rabbit, grouse, sage hen, pheasant, quail, &c. a good supply of ammunition is essential. in laying in a supply of provisions for the journey, persons will doubtless be governed, in some degree, by their means; but there are a few essentials that all will require. for each adult, there should be two hundred pounds of flour, thirty pounds of pilot bread, seventy-five pounds of bacon, ten pounds of rice, five pounds of coffee, two pounds of tea, twenty-five pounds of sugar, half a bushel of dried beans, one bushel of dried fruit, two pounds of saleratus, ten pounds of salt, half a bushel of corn meal; and it is well to have a half bushel of corn, parched and ground; a small keg of vinegar should also be taken. to the above may be added as many good things as the means of the person will enable him to carry; for whatever is good at home, is none the less so on the road. the above will be ample for the journey; but should an additional quantity be taken, it can readily be disposed of in the mountains and at good prices, not for cash, but for robes, dressed skins, buckskin pants, moccasins, &c. it is also well for families to be provided with medicines. it is seldom however, that emigrants are sick; but sometimes eating too freely of fresh buffalo meat causes diarrhoea, and unless it be checked soon prostrates the individual, and leaves him a fit subject for disease. the time usually occupied in making the trip from missouri to oregon city is about five months; but with the aid of a person who has traveled the route with an emigrating company the trip can be performed in about four months. { } much injury is done to teams in racing them, endeavoring to pass each other. emigrants should make an every day business of traveling--resting upon the same ground two nights is not good policy, as the teams are likely to ramble too far. getting into large companies should be avoided, as they are necessarily compelled to move more tardily. from ten to twenty-five wagons is a sufficient number to travel with safety. the advance and rear companies should not be less than twenty; but between, it may be safe to go with six. the indians are very annoying on account of their thieving propensities, but if well watched, they would seldom put them into practice. persons should always avoid rambling far from camp unarmed, or in too small parties; indians will sometimes seek such opportunities to rob a man of what little effects he has about him; and if he attempts to get away from them with his property, they will sometimes shoot him. there are several points along the missouri where emigrants have been in the practice of fitting out. of these independence, st. joseph, and council bluffs, are the most noted. for those emigrating from ohio, indiana, illinois and northern missouri, iowa and michigan, i think st. joseph the best point; as by taking that route the crossing of several streams (which at the early season we travel are sometimes very high) is avoided. outfits may be had at this point, as readily as at any other along the river. work cattle can be bought in its vicinity for from twenty-five to thirty dollars per yoke, cows, horses, &c., equally cheap. emigrants should endeavor to arrive at st. joseph early in april, so as to be in readiness to take up the line of march by the middle of april. companies, however, have often started as late as the tenth of may; but in such cases they seldom arrive in oregon until after the rainy season commences in the cascade range of mountains. those residing in northern ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, &c., who contemplate traveling by land to the place of rendezvous, should start in time to give their teams at least ten days rest. ox teams, after traveling four or five hundred miles in the states, at that season of the year, would be unfit to perform a journey across the mountains; but doubtless they might be exchanged for others, at or near the rendezvous. farmers would do well to take along a good supply of horse gears. mechanics should take such tools as are easily carried; as there are but few in the country, and those are held at exorbitant { } prices. every family should lay in a good supply of school books for their children. in case of an emergency, flour can be bought at fort hall, and fort bois, two trading posts of the hudson's bay company, at twenty dollars per hundred; and by forwarding word to spalding's mission, on the kooskooskee, they will pack out flour to fort bois, at ten dollars per hundred, and to the grand round at eight dollars, and will take in exchange dry goods, groceries, &c.; but at forts hall and bois, the company will take nothing in payment but cash or cattle. at dr. whitman's station, flour can be bought at five dollars per hundred, corn meal at four dollars, beef at six and seven cents per pound, potatoes, fifty cents per bushel. it is proper to observe that the flour at spalding's and whitman's stations will be unbolted. emigrants however, should be cautious, and lay in a sufficient supply to last them through. words used in the chinook jargon this is a tongue spoken by a few in each of the tribes residing in the middle and lower divisions of oregon. it is also used by the french, and nearly all the old settlers in the country. _aach_ _ekik_ _hu-e-hu_ sister fish-hook swap, exchange _aha_ _elitah_ _hol_ yes slave drag, or pull _alka_ _esick_ _ilips_ future, by and by paddle first _alta_ _esil_ _ith-lu-el_, or _ituel_ present, now corn meat, flesh _ala_ _geleech_ _i-yak_ i wonder grease quick, or hurry _ankote_ _halo_ _il-a-he_ past time none soil, dirt _chawko_ _hankachim_ _ichwet_ come handkerchief bear _chee_ _hous_ _is-kum_ new house take _chinkamin_ _how_ _in-a-ti_ iron, chain let us overdress _chuck_ _hoel-hoel_ _ith-lu-k-ma_ water mouse gamble _deob_ _high-you_ _i-wa_ satan quantity, many beaver _delie_ _high-you-k-wah_ _ips-wet_ dry ring hide _ekih_ _hul-u-e-ma_ _ik-ta_ brother-in-law strange, different what _kah_ _k-wathen_ _kilaps_ where bell turn over _k-u-ten_ _k-macks_ _klips_ horse dog upset _kaw-lo-ke-lo_ _klugh_ _ko-el_ goose split, or plough cold _ka-luck_ _ko-pet_ _kap-wah_ swan done, finished alike _k-puet_ _kop-po_ _kon-a-maxt_ needle older brother both _kot-suck_ _kow_ _kla-hum_ middle is to tie good-bye _kap-o_ _k-wat_ _kla-hi-you_ coat hit how do you do _ka-nim_ _kop-shut_ _kaw-a-nassim_ canoe broken always _ka-ta_ _ko_ _kla-ha-na_ why arrived out _kap-su-alla_ _kim-to_ _klim-in-wit_ theft, steal behind a falsehood _k-liten_ _kollo_ _krap-po_ lead fence toad _kaw-kaw_ _kutt_ _klose_ crow hard good _klat-a-wah_ _klimin_ _klas-ko_ go, walk fine them, those _kul-a-kulla_ _kle-il_ _ka-so_ fowl black rum _kum-tux_ _ka-was_ _ko-pa_ know, or understand afraid there _ke-a-wale_ _kom-suck_ _kit-lo_ love beads kettle _ka-wah-we_ _ko-ko-well_ _klone-ass_ all eel i do not understand _klow-e-wah_ _klaps_ _klop-sta_ slow find who _k-wallen_ _kow-ne-aw_ _klouch-man_ the ear how many female _kee-kool_ _la-sel_ _le-lu_ down saddle panther _lepo-lo_ _le-lo-im_ _le-pul_ pan sharp chickens _le-por-shet_ _le-poim_ _lecorset_ fork apple trunk _lehash_ _la-bush_ _laport_ axe mouth door _leg-win_ _le-da_ _le-pip_ saw teeth pipe _lima_ _le-ku_ _lo-lo_ the hand neck carry, or tote _lita_ _le-mora_ _leb-ya_ head wild old woman _le-pe-a_ _lashimney_ _la-lure_ feet chimney hoe _lo-ma-las_ _lemitten_ _la-cope_ molasses mitten white _lemon-to_ _la-ha-la_ _la-cre-me_ sheep feel yellow _lavest_ _le-le_ _mas-a-tro_ jacket, or vest a long time bad _la-ep_ _las-well_ _met-lite_ rope silk residence, sitting down, &c. _lep-lash_ _la-tem_ boards table _mal-ha-na_ as, in the river; or, _lep-wa_ _lep-o-lip_ push off the boat peas boil _lep-well_ _le-sit-well_ _man_ skillet stars male _la-win_ _le-mit-rem_ _mow-etch_ oats medicine deer _la-ram_ _le-shaw_ _mu-lack_ oar, for boats shoe elk _le-wash_ _le-sack_ _muse-a-muse_ snow sack, or bag cattle _lemonti_ _le-quim_ _me-si-ka_ mountain white bear plural of you _muck-a-muck_ _o-ep-can_ _papo_ provisions, eat basket father _musket_ _o-ep-in-pin_ _pil_ rifle, or gun skunk red _moon_ _o-e-lile_ _pe-chi_ month berries green _mo-kah_ _o-e-pick_ _pat-le_ buy both full _mim-a-loosheb_ _o-elk_ _poo_ die, or dead snake shoot _mal-hu-ale_ _o-lo_ _pe-teck_ back hungry the world _mi-ka_ _oel-hin_ _pilton_ you seal foolish _ni-ka_ _o-koke_ _pal-a-k-lo_ i, or me this, or that night _nan-ach_ _pi-yah_ _pes-hocks_ look, or see fire thickety _na-ha_ _pos-ton_ _pis-say-ukes_ mother americans french _new-ha_ _pee_ _quack-quack_ let and duck _now-it-k_ _pus_ _si-wash_ yes, certainly if indians _ne-si-ka_ _puss_ _swas_ we, us cat rain _nein_ _pish-hash_ _sah-lee_ name polecat high _o-es-km_ _pos-seas_ _stick_ caps blanket wood _oel-man_ _pot-latch_ _seck-um_ old give swim _o-pet-sa_ _pole-ally_ _si-yaw_ knife powder far _o-pes-wa_ _po-et_ _sap-a-lil_ wonder, astonishment boat flour _ow_ _pa-pa_ _su-ga_ brother paper sugar _sec-a-lukes_ _shot_ _to-lo_ pantaloons shot win, or gain _sap-a-pul_ _sup-ner_ _te-ma-has_ hat jump poison _sto-en_ _til-a-kum_ _ti-pee_ rock people an ornament _sil_ _tit-the-ko-ep_ _te-kah_ shirting cut want _sko-kum_ _tum-tum_ _till_ strong, stout the heart heavy, or tired _sec-pee_ _te-o-wit_ _toc-ta_ to miss leg doctor _see-ah-os-ti_ _tum-pe-lo_ _wah-wah_ face, or eyes back talk, conversation _sam-mon_ _tam-o-lack_ _wake_ fish barrel no, not _sto-gon_ _ti-ye_ _wap-a-to_ sturgeon master, or chief potato _son-dra_ _tes-um_ _win_ roan pretty wind _salt_ _to-lo-bus_ _wam_ salt wolf warm _shu-es_ _te-ko-ep_ _wetch_ shoes white more _sun_ _te-mo-lo_ _ya-ka_ sun, or day to-morrow him, she, it _silk-um_ _tu-lusk_ _yaw-wah_ half, or a part milk yonder _smo-ek_ _tip-so_ _yok-sa_ smoke grass hair _sul-luks_ _tum-tuk_ _ya-ha-la_ mad, angry water-falls name _six_ _ton-tle-ke_ _yult-cut_ friends yesterday long _sick_ _t-sit-still_ _you-till_ sick, or sore buttons, or tacks glad, proud _shut_ _tee-see_ shirt sweet chinook mode of computing numbers _iht_ _dilo-p-sin-a-maxt_ _makst_ _dilo-p-sow-skins_ _klone_ _dilo-p-k-wi-etst_ _lakst_ _tath-la-hun makst_ _k-win-nim_ _tath-la-hun klone_ _ta-hum_ _tath-la-hun lakst_ _sina-maxt_ _tath-la-hun k-win-ma_ _sow-skins_ _tath-la-hun ta-hum_ _k-wi-etst_ _tath-la-hun sin-a-maxt_ _tath-la-ham_ _tath-la-hun sow-skins_ _dilo-pe-iht_ _tath-la-hun k-wi-etst_ _dilo-p-maxt_ _tak-o-mo-nuxt_ _dilo-p-klone_ _tak-o-mo-maxt_ _dilo-p-lakst_ _tak-o-mo-nuxt klone_ _dilo-p-k-winnim_ _tak-o-mo-nuxt lakst_ _dilo-p-ta-hum_ _tak-o-mo-nuxt k-win-nim_ words used in the nez percÉ language _hama_ _talonot_ _ipalikt_ man ox clouds _aiat_ _talohin_ _wakit_ women bull rain _haswal_ _kulkulal_ _hiwakasha_ boy calf rains _pitin_ _shikam_ _maka_ girl horse snow _silu_ _tilipa_ _hatia_ eye fox wind _huku_ _tahspul_ _yakas_ hair beaver hot _ipsus_ _kelash_ _yamits_ hand otter cold _ahwa_ _hisamtucks_ _tiputput_ feet sun warm _simusimu_ _hayaksa_ _silakt_ black is hungry body _ilpilp_ _husus_ _katnanas_ red head salt _yosyos_ _kohalh_ _haya_ gray cow salmon-trout _shukuishukui_ _kaih_ _wahwahlam_ brown colt trout _kohatu_ _highwayahwasa_ _ilat_ short snows weak _kohat_ _haihai_ _wals_ long white knife _kalinin_ _ashtai_ _ilatama_ crooked fork is blind _tukuh_ _ashtai_ _lakailakai_ straight awl gentle _silpsilp_ _wawianas_ _shiau_ money axe skittish _taiitaii_ _kimstam_ _waiat_ flat near far _hamoihamoi_ _maksmaks_ _shakinkash_ soft yellow saw _sisyukas_ _shapikash_ _wishan_ sugar file poor _pishakas_ _takai_ _ilahui_ bitter blanket many _komain_ _sham_ _milas_ sickness coat few _hickomaisa_ _ahwa_ _animikinikai_ is sick foot below _aluin_ _silpsilp_ _tokmal_ is lame round hat _wakaas_ _tohon_ _huwialatus_ is well pantaloons weary _tinukin_ _ilapkit_ _ahat_ is dead shoe down _hiswesa_ _hikai_ _akamkinikai_ is cold kettle above _yahet_ _sham_ _koko_ neck shirt raven _nahso_ _laka_ _houtat_ salmon pine goose _tushti_ _isa_ _houtat_ up mother geese _atim_ _nisu_ _yaya_ arm child swan _matsayee_ _mamaias_ _yatin_ ear children crane _piama_ _hikai_ _paps_ brothers pail fir, (tree) _kelah_ _sishnim_ _kopkop_ sturgeon thorns cottonwood _wayu_ _sikstua_ _with_ leg friend alder _kupkup_ _lantuama_ _tahs_ back friends willows _timina_ _walatakai_ _tims_ heart pan cherry _sho_ _kuish_ _satahswakkus_ spoon risk corn _kahno_ _shushai_ _paks_ prairie-hen grass wheat _huhui_ _suyam_ _lapatat_ shoulder sucker potatoes _pisht_ _hashu_ _papa_ father eel a spring _walpilkash_ _shakantai_ _wawahp_ auger eagle spring (season) _katkat_ _sholoshah_ _tiam_ duck fish-hawk summer _askap_ _washwashno_ _shahnim_ brother hen fall _asmatan_ _koun_ _anim_ sisters dove winter _kinis_ _aa_ _pelush_ sister crow gooseberry _kikaya_ _timanawat_ _yaka_ serviceberry a writer black bear _kahas_ _sapaliknawat_ _kemo_ milk a labourer old man _katamnawakno_ _hania_ _tahat_ peas made young man _hahushwakus_ _hanishaka_ _otwai_ green have made old woman _inina_ _hanitatasha_ _timai_ house will make young woman _sanitwakus_ _hanikika_ _pishas_ parsnips made going father-in-law _initain_ _hanisna_ _pishas_ for a house made coming son-in-law _initpa_ _ipna hani aisha_ _siwako_ to the house make for him mother-in-law _initkinai_ _hanitasa_ _siwaka_ from the house go and make daughter-in-law _initrim_ _tash hama_ _inaya_ house only good man brother-in-law _ininm_ _tash timina_ _siks_ of a house good heart sister-in-law _initki_ _tash shikam_ _pimh_ by a house good horse step-father _initph_ _tiskan shikam_ _kaka_ to a house fat horse step-mother _haniai_ _hamtis shikam_ _lemakas_ not made fast horse deep _haniawat_ _kapskaps shikam_ _pakas_ a mechanic strong horse shallow _hanishimai_ _sininish shikam_ _mul_ not a mechanic lazy horse rapids _tamtainat_ _kapsis shikam_ _amshah_ preacher bad horse breaker _himtakewat_ _haihai shikam_ _watas_ teacher white horse land _tamiawat_ _hahas_ _pishwai_ trader gray bear stones _mahsham_ _hitkakokaiko_ _watoikash_ mountain he gallops it is fordable _kuhsin_ _hitksilsilsa_ _hatsu hiyaniksa_ hill he trots wood is floating _tahpam_ _himilmilisha_ _hiwalasa_ plain he paces the water runs _hantikam_ _hiwalakaiks_ _hahanwasam_ bough he walks the day is dawning _tepitepit_ _hishaulakiks_ _wako hikaaun_ smooth he runs it is daylight now _wilpwilp_ _titishka shikam_ _hitinatra hisamtuks_ round fat horses the sun is rising _pohol_ _maksmaks shikam_ _naks halaps_ valley sorrel horse one day _tasham_ _hihaihai shikam_ _hikulawitsa_ ridge white horse it is evening _iwatam_ _tamsilps shikam_ _kaaun_ lake spotted horse daylight _tikim_ _tilamselp shikam_ _hatsu hialika_ falls spotted horses the wood is lodged _hitkawisha_ _minsahsminko_ _kia waaiikshi_ he falls read we are crossing _kohat tawish_ _kokalh_ _ka apapinmiks_ long horn cattle let us sleep _wishan kokalk_ _hiwaliksa_ _ka apahips_ poor ox the river is rising let us eat _lilkailakikokal_ _hitaausa_ _ka apakus_ gentle cows the river is falling let us go _hiwasasha_ _hiwalasa_ _ka apasklin_ he rides the water runs let us go back nez percÉ mode of computing numbers _naks_ _putimpt wah wimatat_ _lapit_ _putimpt wah kuis_ _mitat_ _laptit_ _pilapt_ _laptit wah naks_ _pahat_ _mitaptit_ _wilaks_ _piloptit_ _winapt_ _pakaptit_ _wimatat_ _wilaksaptit_ _kuis_ _winaptit_ _putimpt_ _wimitaptit_ _putimpt wah naks_ _kuisaptit_ _putimpt wah lapit_ _putaptit_ _putimpt wah mitat_ _laposhus_ _putimpt wah pilapt_ _mitoshus_ _putimpt wah pahat_ _pelaposhus_ _putimpt wah wilaks_ _pakoshus_ _putimpt winapt_ table of distances from independence, missouri; and st. joseph, to oregon city, in oregon territory miles from independence to rendezvous " rendezvous to elm grove " elm grove to walkarusha " walkarusha to crossing of kansas river " kansas to crossing of turkey creek " turkey creek to little vermilion " little vermilion to branch of same " to big vermilion, with intermediate camps " vermilion to lee's branch " lee's branch to big blue " big blue to the junction with st. joseph's trail the distance from st. joseph, missouri, to the independence trail, striking it ten miles west of blue river, is about one hundred miles. good camps can be had from eight to fifteen miles apart. from forks of road as above, to big sandy, striking it near its junction with the republican fork of blue river, with intermediate camps " sandy to republican fork of blue river " up republican fork, with good camps " republican fork to big platte " up big platte to the crossing of south fork camps can be had at suitable distances, with wood for fuel upon the islands. from lower to upper crossings of south fork there is a road on each side of the river, and but little choice in them. from south to north fork, at ash hollow " ash hollow to opposite solitary tower, on little creek " little creek to opposite chimney rock " chimney rock to where the road leaves the river " thence to scott's bluffs (good spring) " scott's bluffs to horse creek " horse creek to fort laramie " laramie to dry branch and big spring " to bitter cottonwood to willow branch " horse shoe creek " river thence to where the road leaves the river to big timber creek " marble creek " mike's-head creek " the river, crossing several streams " deer creek thence to crossing of north fork of platte from crossing of platte to spring thence to mineral springs (bad camp) " willow spring (good camp) " independence rock on sweet water " devil's gate up sweet water to south pass (good camps) over the dividing ridge to pacific spring, the waters of which run into green river here, hail oregon! from spring to little sandy here the road forks, the southern trail going by way of bridger's old fort, and thence to bear river. the northern (which is two and a half days less driving) strikes green river about forty miles above the southern trail; i will give the distance on both routes. the northern route, from little sandy to big sandy from big sandy to green river (no water and but little grass between.) " thence to bear river, (with good camps,) on the southern route:-- from little sandy to big sandy down big sandy to green river cross green river and down from green river to black's fork up black's fork to bridger's old fort from old fort to little muddy (poor camp) " thence to big muddy (poor camp) up big muddy to the dividing ridge (good camp near head of creek) over dividing ridge to spring from spring to camp on bear river " thence to where the northern trail comes in to smith's fork three miles, to narrows four miles, and thence to crossing of bear river three miles here the road forks; the nearest is to follow up the creek two miles, cross and then go over the ridge five miles to foot of big hill, where the roads again unite the other road crosses the river, follows up the bottom about ten miles, re-crosses and is then about seven miles to junction. from foot of big hill, to top of ridge is about " thence to big timber on bear river here is a company of american traders and trappers from big timber to soda springs " spring to soda pool seven miles, to spring branch three " spring to running branch " thence to foot of hill " foot of hill over dividing ridge and down to camp " thence to lewis's river bottom at springs and to fort hall " fort hall to the crossing of portneth " portneth to american falls " american falls to levey creek " thence to cassia creek, (here the california trail turns off) " cassia to big marsh " marsh to river " river to goose creek four miles, seven miles to river, and twelve miles to dry branch, (water in pools) to rocky creek to crossing of rocky creek, eight miles, down to where the road leaves the bluff of creek, seven " salmon falls creek from thence to salmon falls " falls to first crossing of lewis river " crossing to bois river is about camps can be had from six to fifteen miles down bois river to fort bois (good camps) cross lewis river and thence to malheur " malheur to birch creek, about " birch creek to river three miles, and thence five miles to burnt river up burnt river about (good camps) from where the road leaves burnt river, to the lone pine stump in the bottom of powder river, (the last thirteen miles no water) to the crossing of powder river to grand round across the southern end of grand round up big hill and on to grand round river over the blue mountains to lee's encampment to umatillo river down umatillo river " columbia river to john day's river from thence to falls river and thence to the dalles of the columbia from the dalles to oregon city, by way of wagon road south of mount hood about upon reaching the columbia, emigrants should have persons in advance to select suitable places for camp ground: as the country along the river is extremely barren, and the grazing limited to small patches. appendix letter of the rev. h. h. spalding to joel palmer (_referred to on page _ [_our page _]) nez percÉ mission, clear water river, _oregon territory_, april , . to joel palmer esq. of indiana. my dear sir:--agreeably to your request i most cheerfully give you my views concerning the oregon territory, its extent, its most desirable climate, fertility of soil, rivers and mountains, seas and bays, and its proximity to one of the most extensive markets opening upon the world. the oregon territory is usually divided into three great divisions, the lower, middle, and upper regions. the upper includes the rocky mountains, with the head waters of most of the rivers running west and east, north and south, and extends west to the blue and spokan ranges of mountains. the lower includes the belt of country bounded on the west by the pacific, and on the east by the nesqually, cascade, and california mountains. the middle region lies between the two, and embraces probably far the greatest extent of country, and is in some respects the most desirable for settlers. the number of rainy days, during the winter season, in the lower country, is thought to be about eighty-five one-hundredths; while the number of rainy days during the same season in the upper (or middle) country, is about fifteen one-hundredths. { } there is but little more snow during the winter season in the middle than in the lower region of the columbia river, or upon the plains. of course the depth of snow upon the mountains, depends upon their height. the lower country is subject to inundations, to a greater or less extent, from the columbia river, which gathering into standing pools, with the great amount of vegetable decay consequent upon low prairie countries, produces to some extent unhealthy fogs during the summer season. this, however, is greatly moderated by the sea breezes from the pacific. the middle region is entirely free from these evils, and has probably one of the most pacific, healthy, and every way most desirable climates in the world. this, with its extensive prairies, covered with a superior quality of grass tuft, or bunch grass, which springs fresh twice a year, and spotted and streaked everywhere with springs and streams of the purest, sweetest water, renders it admirably adapted to the herding system. the lower country will ever have greatly the advantage in its proximity to market, its extensive sea coast, and from the fact that it contains one of the largest and best harbors in the world, viz. puget's sound, running far inland, the mouth of which is protected by vancouver's island, easy of access at all seasons and under all winds. but to go into detail. myself and wife were appointed missionaries by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, and destined to this field, and with our worthy associates, dr. whitman, and lady, arrived in this country in the fall of . the doctor settled among the cayuses near fort wallawalla, and myself at this place, where we have ever since continued to dwell. our duties have called us to travel more or less every year to visit the distant bands and tribes, as also to pack our supplies. i have traversed this middle region in seventeen different routes, of from to miles. over many of the routes i have passed probably in every month in the year, have marked the progress of vegetation from its earliest shooting forth; the effects of this climate { } upon the animal constitution; the rapidity with which exhausted poor animals regain their flesh and activity, when turned upon the plains; and have kept tables under some of these heads, as also a meteorological table for several years. let me here observe that my views of the country have been materially changed by a more accurate acquaintance with its true nature. i once thought the valleys only susceptible of habitation; considering the plains too dry for cultivation. but i am now prepared to say this is not the case. the plains suffer far less from drought than the valleys, on account of the reflection of heat from the surrounding hills. the country, however, is nowhere peculiarly subject to drought, as was once thought. my place is one of the deepest valleys, and consequently the most exposed to the reflection from the high bluffs around, which rise from two to three thousand feet; but my farm, though prepared for irrigation, has remained without it for the last four years. i find the ground becomes more moist by cultivation. three years ago i raised six hundred bushels of shelled corn from six acres, and good crops of wheat on the same piece the two following years, without irrigation. eight years ago i raised bushels of potatoes from one acre and a half; measuring some of the bags in which they were brought to the cellars, and so judging of the whole amount. i gave every eleventh bag for digging and fetching, and kept a strict account of what every person brought, so that i was able to make a pretty accurate estimate of the whole amount. my potatoes and corn are always planted in drills. every kind of grain or vegetable which i have tried or seen tried in this upper country, grows well. wheat is sown in the fall, and harvested in june at this place; at dr. whitman's in july, being a more open country. corn is planted in april and ripens in july; peas the same. extent of country the southern boundary of oregon territory is the d degree of north latitude. the northern boundary is not yet settled;[ ] { } both england and the united states claim north of the columbia river to latitude °. but this vast fertile region, well timbered upon the mountains and river sources, and well watered, besides having the fine harbor above named, puget's sound, must ever remain the most important portion of oregon, especially on account of this harbor, which will naturally control these seas, and consequently the country. should the british flag finally exclusively wave over its placid waters, it will be to the rest of oregon as quebec is to canada, or gibraltar to the mediterranean. vancouver's island is doubtless another reason why great britain wishes to make the columbia river her northern boundary. the line of ° passes a little north of the southern half of the island. the whole island contains a territory considerably larger than england and scotland, produces every kind of grain and vegetable well, and has a climate very similar to our middle and southern states. whatever nation possesses this island, or the south portion of it, with its neighboring harbor, puget's sound, possesses nearly all of a national consideration which pertains to oregon, and will consequently control it. but if this island, or this portion of it, with this harbor, add their ever controlling influence to the undivided interests of oregon, this young colony, but yesterday begun, and whose country and existence were but yesterday disputed, will at no distant day, under the softening, life-giving influence of civilization and our holy religion, take its place among the wealthiest, happiest, and best nations of the earth. the country of oregon, should it extend to ° north latitude, is probably capable of sustaining as great a population as two-thirds of the territory of the states, and with far less hard labor. climate this is decidedly the inviting characteristic of the country, and is certainly a great inducement for all persons of delicate health. i speak of the middle region. free from marshes or standing water and vegetable decay, the air is remarkably pure and serene; summers rather warm, especially in the valleys; the mercury ranges, for some time during the hot season, from to degrees above zero. nights cool, but no fog or dew, except in a few places. twice since i have been in the country frost has injured vines, leaves, &c., first of may, but never in the fall till late; often my melon vines, &c., are green till the first of december. four times since i have been here the mercury has fallen below zero; once to degrees. but usually it ranges above in the morning, and above through the day. during six of the ten winters i have passed in the country, the rivers have not been frozen. the columbia river has been frozen nearly to its mouth, twice since i have been in the country. the snow sometimes falls a foot deep--i should judge about once in five years. about half of my winters here there has been no snow in the valleys, and but little on the plains, except to whiten the earth for a short time. it disappears in a few hours, especially on the south face of the bluffs and hills. last year i made a collection of flowers and plants, which i purpose to send to washington. i gathered two flowers in january, on the d and th,[ ] and during the month of february some showed themselves, and by the first of march the grass on the south faces of the bluffs was inches high. this year the season was about three weeks later, judging by the appearance of flowers. i know of no disease that can be said to be peculiar to the country. the country is peculiarly free from sudden changes of weather, or violent storms. persons who have wintered here from the south, tell me the winters are as mild as the winters { } in the northern parts of north and south carolina, and with less sudden changes. advantages for the herding system the country is one extensive prairie, except the mountains, which are covered with several species of pine, cedar, and fir. the prairies are rolling, and with the exception of a narrow belt of sand and sedge upon the columbia, and portions of the snake river, are everywhere covered with the bunch grass, which, from observation, i judge to be a richer, heartier food for animals than corn, oats, and the best pastures of the states. it is a fine, solid stalk, growing two feet high, with fine leaves, holds its freshness through the winter; i mean the old stalk, which mingled with the young growth, that usually springs fresh in the fall, forms a food for animals through the winter, preferable to the best hay. horses and oxen perform labor at all seasons upon this grass simply, without the aid of grain; which i now think disposes the animal system to various diseases. when i pack, i usually travel from thirty-five to forty miles a day, each horse carrying two hundred pounds--rest an hour at noon, without taking down the packs; camp while the sun is yet two hours high; hobble the horses and drive them up in the morning at sunrise. i find that horses will endure such labor for twenty-five or thirty days, resting of course on the sabbath, upon this grass, without injuring them. their wind is evidently better than that of horses fed on grain and hay. i have rode from dr. whitman's station to this, miles, in nineteen hours, starting at o'clock in the night, and driving a spare horse for change; but this was no advantage, for i find it is more fatiguing to a horse to be drove than to be rode. you doubtless recollect the man who overtook us on the head of alapausawi, thursday morning. he had left the dalles or long narrows on the columbia on tuesday morning, slept a short time tuesday night below the umatillo, passed by dr. whitman's station, and slept wednesday night on the tukanan, { } a distance from the dalles of two hundred and forty miles; and the day he passed us he traveled fifty-five miles more.[ ] he rode one horse and drove another for change. you will probably even recollect those horses, as they left us upon the round gallop. a man went from this place, starting late, to wallawalla, and returned on the third day, sun two hours high, making the journey in about two days and a half. the whole distance traveled was two hundred and fifty miles, and but one horse was used. none of these horses were injured. cattle, sheep, horses, and hogs feed out through the winter, and continue fat. we very often kill our beef in march, and always have the very best of meat. often an ox from the plains, killed in march, yields over one hundred and fifty pounds of tallow. you have seen two specimens, one killed at dr. whitman's, and one at this place. sheep need the care of a shepherd through the winter, to protect the lambs from the prairie wolves. a band of mares should have a good stud that will herd them and protect the colts from the large wolves. some thirty different kinds of roots grow abundantly upon the plains and bluffs, which, with the grass, furnish the best of food for hogs, and they are always good pork. the south faces of the extensive bluffs and hills are always free from snow, and, cut up into ten thousand little ravines, form the most desirable retreat imaginable for sheep during the winter. here they have the best of fresh grass, and the young lambs, coming regularly twice a year, are protected from the winds and enlivened by the warm sun. we have a flock of sheep belonging to the mission, received from the islands eight years ago; there are now about one hundred and fifty. not one has yet died from disease, a thing of such frequent occurrence in the states. it must certainly become a great wool growing country. i cannot but contrast the time, labor, and expense requisite to look after herds in this country, with that required in the states, especially in the northern and middle states, where two-thirds of every man's time, labor, and money is expended { } on his animals, in preparing and fencing pasture grounds and meadows, building barns, sheds, stables, and granaries, cutting and securing hay and grains, and feeding and looking to animals through winter. in this country all this is superceded by nature's own bountiful hand. in this country a single shepherd with his horse and dogs can protect and look after five thousand sheep.[ ] a man with his horse and perhaps a dog can easily attend to two thousand head of cattle and horses, without spending a dollar for barns, grain, or hay. consider the vast amount of labor and expense such a number of animals would require in the states. were i to select for my friends a location for a healthy happy life, and speedy wealth, it would be this country. timber is the great desideratum. but the country of which i am particularly speaking, extending every way perhaps four hundred miles, is everywhere surrounded by low mountains, which are thickly timbered, besides two or three small ridges passing through it; also the rivers columbia, snake, spokan, paluse, clear water, yankiman, okanakan, salmon, wailua, tukanan, wallawalla, umatillo, john day's and river de shutes; and down most of these timber or lumber can be rafted in any quantities. so that but a very small portion of the country will be over ten or fifteen miles from timber; most of it in the immediate vicinity of timber. the numerous small streams which occur every five or six miles, affording most desirable locations for settlements, contain some cotton wood, alder and thorn. but timber is soon grown from sprouts. the streams everywhere run over a stony bottom, while the soil is entirely free from stone. streams are rapid, affording the best of mill privileges. market, seas and bays the western shores of oregon are washed by the placid { } waters of the pacific, which bring the , , of china, the many millions of the vast indies and of australasia, and lay them at our doors with opening hands to receive our produce; which, with the numerous whale ships that literally whiten the northern pacific, calling not only for provisions, but harbors to winter in, must ever afford one of the most extensive markets in the world for all kinds of produce, and one concerning which there need be but little fear that it will ever be overstocked. a market compared with which, that offered by western europe to the eastern section of the united states, will become as a drop to the bucket. the united states' commercial agent at oahu, sandwich islands, is desirous to make a contract for a certain amount of provisions to be supplied to american shipping every year at oregon city; but as yet the supplies of the country over and above the home consumption, are not sufficient to warrant a dependence of our whale shipping upon the country. in fact for many years, while the united states continue to pour their inhabitants by tens of thousands, every year, into this young republic, the home market must continue in competition with the foreign. but the day is not distant when this country, settled by an industrious, virtuous, sabbath-loving people, governed by wholesome laws, blessed with schools, and the institutions of our holy religion, will hold out abundant encouragements for the numerous whale and merchant ships of the pacific to leave their heavy lading of three years' supply of provisions at home, and depend upon the market in the immediate vicinity of their fishing grounds. others following in their track, learning of this new world, and finding out our ample harbors, soon this little obscure point upon the map of the world will become a second north american republic--her commerce whitening every sea, and her crowded ports fanned by the flags of every nation. from this upper country, a distance of three hundred or four hundred miles, droves of cattle and sheep can be driven to the lower portions of the columbia river, { } with far less expense and labor than they are driven the same distances in the states, always being in the midst of grass upon which they may feed every night without charge. the principal harbors are puget's sound, mouths of columbia, frazier's, shahales, umpqua, rose and clamet rivers.[ ] doubtless others will be discovered, as the country becomes more known. a dangerous bar extends nearly across the mouth of the columbia, leaving but a narrow obscure channel, difficult of access or egress, except with favorable winds. vessels sometimes find it impossible to enter the river by reason of contrary winds; and sometimes are detained in the river two or three months, there not being sea room enough to go out against a head wind. this difficulty could be greatly obviated, and perhaps removed, by a pilot boat. concerning the other rivers i have no certain knowledge, but have been informed that some of them are navigable for vessels from forty to sixty miles, and afford convenient harbors. puget's sound, as before observed, is one of the safest and best harbors in the world, it can be entered or left under any winds and at any season of the year. the scenery around is said to be most enchanting. two lakes near sending off a small stream of pure water. a considerable river runs into the sound, making a fall of some twenty-five feet just as it plunges into the sea, affording the opportunity of building mills upon the wharfs. but very little has been known by americans concerning the extensive country north of the columbia, till last winter. i have several times been told by british subjects that the countries bordering on frazier's river and puget's sound were too sterile for cultivation, and but poor crops could be raised on the cowlitz. whereas, the exploring party who left oregon city, last winter, report that they found a very extensive country north of the columbia river, of apparently good soil, well timbered with pine and oak, and well watered with the following rivers and their tributaries, viz.: the cowlitz, emptying into the columbia river from the north; the shahales, { } running into a small bay north of the columbia river; the nesqualla, rising near the source of the cowlitz, and running north into puget's sound; frazier's river north of this, and several smaller ones not named. on the cowlitz, nesqualla and frazier's rivers, the hudson bay company have large establishments, and are producing vast quantities of wool, beef, pork, and all kinds of grain, for british whale ships which frequent the harbors. besides these establishments, they have extensive farms and herds at vancouver, in the willamette valley and colvile, and trading posts on vancouver island, and at the mouth of the columbia river, umpqua, vancouver, wallawalla, okanakan and colvile, boise and fort hall, with very many at the north. some of these are strongly fortified, and are being well supplied with cannon and other munitions of war, by almost every ship that arrives. so i have been informed by persons from these ships. with the extensive valley watered by the willamette and its numerous tributaries, you are better acquainted than myself, as i have never visited that country. i cannot, however, deny myself the pleasure of expressing my opinion of the country, formed from information derived yearly from scores of persons who have dwelt long in, or traveled more or less through its extensive territory, at all seasons of the year. on the west the great valley is separated from the pacific by a low range of well timbered mountains, that give rise to numerous streams and small rivers, some of which are lately found sufficient to admit vessels. on the east it is bounded by the cascade or president's range, everywhere abounding with white pine and cedar. the willamette river rises in latitude ° and runs north and empties itself into the columbia river miles above its mouth. the falls of the willamette are about thirty miles above its mouth, and must ever add a vast interest to the country. the power for mills and machinery that may be erected on each side of the river, and on the island in the middle of the falls, is adequate for almost any conceivable demand. { } oregon city, situated at the falls on the east side of the river, contains over five hundred souls, about eighty houses, viz.: two churches, two blacksmith shops, one cooper shop, two cabinet shops, four tailor shops, one hatter's shop, one tannery, three shoe shops, two silver smiths, four stores, two taverns, two flouring and two saw mills, and a lathe machine. directly opposite, on the west side, are two towns laid out, and buildings are going up. the face of the country in the willamette valley is rolling, very equally divided into prairie and timbered countries, with frequent oak openings. wheat produces well; corn, potatoes, &c. produce well in some places, and probably would everywhere do well with good cultivation; soil everywhere considered of a superior quality. less snow during the winter season than in the middle district, but much more rain, with fogs, on the low lands during the summer, which render the country less healthy than this middle region; but still the country cannot be considered an unhealthy country. the face of the country is everywhere covered with bunch grass,[ ] and animals feed out through the winter, as in the middle region. the rivers umpqua, rose and clamet, which empty into the pacific, south of the columbia, are said to water extensive fertile countries; but as yet very little is known of these regions. ships come up the willamette river within a few miles of oregon city. concerning the road for wagons commenced south of mount hood, and which is to be completed this summer, to be in readiness for the next emigration, you are better acquainted than myself. i am happy to recommend to future emigrants your directions and advice as to the best mode of traveling; number of wagons desirable to travel together; quantity of provisions required for each person; best route; distance to be traveled each day. you will also be able to give the prices for which the hudson bay company sells flour, at forts hall { } and bois, and for which it is brought from the willamette to the dalles and sold. you are acquainted with the fact that the mission station at this place, and at waiilatpu, have been in the habit of furnishing provisions to immigrants. we are willing to do so as long as there are no other sources of supplies in this vicinity, and therefore seems a duty. but our object in the country is to civilize and christianize the indian tribes among whom we are located. we are stewards of the property of others. we receive no salaries, but simply our living and clothing. we therefore feel it to be our duty to endeavour to make the receipts for provisions sold, net their expenses. for this end, mr. gilbert, a gentleman from new york, has taken charge of the secular affairs of this station, and will furnish provisions to immigrants on the most reasonable terms. he will give you their probable prices, and the names of such things as will be taken in exchange. you have seen the quantity and quality of flour and beef at this place, as also at waiilatpu. yours very sincerely, h. h. spalding. p. s. during last season, commencing d of january, i collected and preserved over two thousand different species of flowers, plants and grasses,[ ] many of which i think are rare, but i am no botanist. organic laws of oregon (with amendments) _the legislative committee recommend that the following laws be adopted._ preamble we, the people of oregon territory, for purposes of mutual protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the united states of america extend their jurisdiction over us. be it enacted, therefore, by the free citizens of oregon territory, that the said territory, for purposes of temporary government, be divided into not less than three nor more than five districts, subject to be extended to a greater number when an increase of population shall require. for the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and religious liberty, as the basis of all laws and constitutions of government that may hereafter be adopted-- _be it enacted_, that the following articles be considered articles of compact among the free citizens of this territory: article i § . no person demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments. { } § . the inhabitants of said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus and trial by jury, of a proportionate representation of the people in the legislature, and of judicial proceedings, according to the course of common law. all persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offences, where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. all fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. no man shall be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land; and should the public exigencies make it necessary for the common preservation to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same; and in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with or affect private contracts or engagements, "bona fide" and without fraud previously formed. § . religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. the utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their property, rights or liberty they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars, authorised by the representatives of the people; but laws founded in justice and humanity shall, from time to time, be made for preventing injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them. § . there shall be no slavery nor involuntary servitude in said territory otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. § . no person shall be deprived of the right of bearing arms in his own defence; no unreasonable searches or seizures shall be granted; the freedom of the press shall not be restrained; { } no person shall be twice tried for the same offence; nor the people deprived of the right of peaceably assembling and discussing any matter they may think proper; nor shall the right of petition ever be denied. § . the powers of the government shall be divided into three distinct departments--the legislative, executive, and judicial; and no person, belonging to one of these departments, shall exercise any of the powers properly belonging to either of the others, except in cases herein directed or permitted. article ii § . the legislative power shall be vested in a house of representatives, which shall consist of not less than thirteen nor more than sixty-one members, whose numbers shall not be increased more than five at any one session, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual election, giving to each district a representation in proportion to its population, (excluding indians,) and the said members shall reside in the district for which they shall be chosen; and in case of vacancy by death, resignation or otherwise, the executive shall issue his writ to the district where such vacancy has occurred, and cause a new election to be held, giving sufficient notice at least ten days previously, of the time and place of holding said election. § . the house of representatives, when assembled, shall choose a speaker and its other officers, be judges of the qualifications and election of its members, and sit upon its own adjournment from day to day. two-thirds of the house shall constitute a quorum to transact business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised by law to compel the attendance of absent members. § . the house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member, but not a second time for the same offence; and shall have all powers necessary for { } a legislature of a temporary government, not in contravention with the restrictions imposed in this organic law. § . the house of representatives shall, from time to time, fix the salaries of the different officers appointed or elected under this compact, provided the pay of no officer shall be altered during the term of his service; nor shall the pay of the house be increased by any law taking effect during the session at which such alteration is made. § . the house of representatives shall have the sole power of impeaching; three-fourths of all the members must concur in an impeachment. the governor and all civil officers under these articles of compact, shall be liable to impeachment for treason, bribery, or any high crime or misdemeanor in office. judgment in such cases shall not extend further than removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honor, trust or profit under this compact; but the party convicted may be dealt with according to law. § . the house of representatives shall have power to lay out the territory into suitable districts, and apportion the representation in their own body. they shall have power to pass laws for raising a revenue either by the levying and collecting of taxes, or the imposing license on merchandize, ferries, or other objects--to open roads and canals, either by the levying a road tax, or the chartering of companies; to regulate the intercourse of the people with the indian tribes; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war, suppress insurrection or repel invasion; to provide for the organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of oregon; to pass laws to regulate the introduction, manufacture, or sale of ardent spirits; to regulate the currency and internal police of the country; to create inferior offices necessary and not provided for by these articles of compact; and generally to pass such laws to promote the general welfare of the people of oregon, not contrary to the spirit of this instrument; and all powers not hereby expressly delegated, { } remain with the people. the house of representatives shall convene annually on the first tuesday in december, at such place as may be provided by law, and shall, upon their first meeting after the adoption of this instrument of compact, proceed to elect and define the duties of a secretary, recorder, treasurer, auditor, marshal, or other officers necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this compact. § . the executive power shall be vested in one person, elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, who shall have power to fill vacancies; to remit fines and forfeitures; to grant pardons and reprieves for offences against the laws of the territory; to call out the military force of the country to repel invasion or suppress insurrection; to take care that the laws are faithfully executed, and to recommend such laws as he may consider necessary to the representatives of the people for their action. every bill which shall have been passed by the house of representatives, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the governor for his approbation. if he approve, he shall sign it; if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to the house, and the house shall cause the objections to be entered at large on its journals, and shall proceed to reconsider the bill; if, after such reconsideration, a majority of two-thirds of the house shall agree to pass the same, it shall become a law. in such cases the vote shall be taken by ayes and noes, and be entered upon the journal. if any bill shall not be returned by the governor to the house of representatives within three days (sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall become a law in like manner as if the governor had signed it, unless the house of representatives, by its adjournment, shall prevent its return; in which case it shall not become a law. the governor shall continue in office two years, and until his successor is duly elected and qualified; and in case of the office becoming vacant by death, resignation, or otherwise, the secretary shall exercise the duties of the office until the vacancy shall be filled by { } election. the governor shall receive the sum of dollars per annum, as full compensation for his services, which sum may be increased or diminished at any time by law, provided the salary of no governor shall be altered during his term of service. the governor shall have power to convene the legislature on extraordinary occasions. § . the judicial power shall be vested in a supreme court, and such inferior courts of law, equity, and arbitration, as may, by law from time to time be established. the supreme court shall consist of one judge, who shall be elected by the house of representatives, and hold his office for four years, and until his successor is duly elected and qualified. the supreme court, except in cases otherwise directed by this compact, shall have appellate jurisdiction only, which shall be co-extensive with this territory, and shall hold two sessions annually, beginning on the first mondays in june and september, and at such places as by law may be directed. the supreme court shall have a general superintending control over all inferior courts of law. it shall have power to issue writs of habeas corpus, mandamus, quo warranto, certiorari, and other original remedial writs, and hear and determine the same. the supreme court shall have power to decide upon and annul any laws contrary to the provisions of these articles of compact, and whenever called upon by the house of representatives, the supreme judge shall give his opinion touching the validity of any pending measure. the house of representatives may, hereafter, provide by law for the supreme court having original jurisdiction in criminal cases. § . all officers under this compact, shall take an oath, as follows, to wit: i do solemnly swear, that i will support the organic laws of the provisional government of oregon, so far as said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the united states, or a subject of great britain,[ ] and faithfully demean myself in office. so help me god. § . every free male descendant of a white man, inhabitant { } of this territory, of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, who shall have been an inhabitant of this territory at the time of its organization, shall be entitled to vote at the election of officers, civil and military, and be eligible to any office in the territory, provided, that all persons of the description entitled to vote by the provisions of this section, who shall emigrate to this territory after its organization, shall be entitled to the rights of citizens after having resided six months in the territory. § . the election for all civil officers, provided for by this compact, shall be held the first monday in june annually. article iii--land law § . any person now holding, or hereafter wishing to establish a claim to land in this territory, shall designate the extent of his claim by natural boundaries, or by marks at the corners and upon the lines of such claim, and have the extent and boundaries of said claim recorded in the office of the territorial recorder, in a book to be kept by him for that purpose, within twenty days from the time of making said claim: provided, that those who shall be already in possession of land, shall be allowed twelve months from the passage of this act to file a description of his claim in the recorder's office: and provided further, that the said claimant shall state in his record, the size, shape, and locality of such claim, and give the names of the adjoining claimants; and the recorder may require the applicant for such record to be made to answer, on his oath, touching the facts. § . all claimants shall, within six months from the time of recording their claims, make permanent improvements upon the same, by building or enclosing, and also become an occupant upon said claim within one year from the date of such record, or in case not occupied, the person holding said claim shall pay into the treasury the sum of five dollars annually, and in case of failure to occupy, or on failure of payment of { } the sum above stated, the claim shall be considered as abandoned: provided, that no non-resident of this territory shall have the benefit of this law: and, provided further, that any resident of this territory, absent on private business for two years, may hold his claim by paying five dollars annually to the treasury. § . no individual shall be allowed to hold a claim of more than one square mile, or six hundred and forty acres, in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situation of the premises. nor shall any individual be allowed to hold more than one claim at the same time. any person complying with the provisions of these ordinances, shall be entitled to the same recourse against trespass as in other cases by law provided. § . partnerships of two or more persons shall be allowed to take up a tract of land not exceeding six hundred and forty acres to each person in said partnership, subject to all the provisions of the law; and whenever such partnership is dissolved, the members shall each record the particular parts of said tract as may be allotted to him: provided that no member of said partnership shall hold a separate claim at the time of the existence of said partnership. § . the boundary lines of all claims shall hereafter conform, as near as may be, to the cardinal points. § . the officers elected at the general election, held on the first tuesday in june, , shall be the officers to act under this organic law, and their official acts, so far as they are in accordance with this compact, are hereby declared valid and legal. § . amendments to this instrument may be proposed by the house of representatives, two-thirds of the members concurring therein; which amendments shall be made public in all parts of oregon, and be read at the polls at the next succeeding general election, and a concurrence of two-thirds of all { } the members elected at said election, may pass said amendments, and they shall become a part of this compact. * * * * * certificate i, john e. long,[ ] secretary of oregon territory, do hereby certify, that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original law, as passed by the representatives of the people of oregon, on the fifth day of july, a. d. , and submitted to the people on the twenty-sixth day of the same month, and by them adopted and now on file in my office. j. e. long, _secretary_. n. b. at the december session, , of the house of representatives, two-thirds of the members concurring therein, the following amendments to the organic law were proposed, to wit: strike out in the th section of said law, the words "or more." also, to amend the land law so as to "permit claimants to hold six hundred acres in the prairie, and forty acres in the timber, though said tracts do not join." ardent spirits an act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in oregon. § . _be it enacted by the house of representatives of oregon territory_, that if any person shall hereafter import or introduce any ardent spirits into oregon, with intent to sell, barter, give, or trade the same, and shall offer the same for sale, trade, barter, or gift, he shall be fined the sum of fifty dollars for each and every such offence, which may be recovered by indictment, or by trial before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. § . that if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, give, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any person within oregon, he shall forfeit and pay { } the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, trade, barter, or gift, to be recovered by indictment in the county court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. § . that if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in oregon, he shall be subject to be indicted before the county court, as for a nuisance, and if convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars; and the court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. § . whenever it shall come to the knowledge of any officer of this government, or any private citizen, that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in oregon, they are hereby authorised and required to proceed to the place where such illicit manufacture is known to exist, and seize the distilling apparatus, and deliver the same to the nearest district judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be immediately to issue his warrant, and cause the house and premises of the person against whom such warrant shall be issued to be further searched; and in case any kind of spirituous liquors are found in or about said premises, or any implements or apparatus that have the appearance of having been used or constructed for the purpose of manufacturing any kind of spirituous liquors, the officer who shall have been duly authorised to execute said warrant, shall seize all such apparatus, implements, and spirituous liquors, and deliver the same to the judge or justice of the peace who issued the said warrant; said officer shall also arrest the person or persons in or about whose premises such apparatus, implements, or spirituous liquors are found, and conduct him or them to said judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be to proceed against such criminal or criminals, and dispose of the articles seized, according to law. § . all fines and penalties imposed under this act, shall go, { } one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying the criminal or criminals; and it shall be the duty of all officers into whose hands such fines and penalties may come, to pay over as directed in this section. § . this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practising physician from selling such liquors for medicine, not to exceed half a pint at one time. § . that it shall be the duty of the secretary to publish this act in the first newspaper printed in oregon. * * * * * certificate i, john e. long, secretary of oregon, do hereby certify, that the foregoing act on ardent spirits, is truly and correctly revised by me. j. e. long, _secretary_. footnotes: [ ] oregon territory, which under the treaty of was held in joint occupation by the united states and great britain, had been brought into prominence by the presidential campaign of , and the belligerent message of president polk at his inauguration in march, . emigration thither for the year exceeded that of any previous season and consisted of nearly three thousand persons, largely from missouri and the frontier states of the old northwest.--ed. [ ] blue river, in central indiana, flowing through rush and shelby counties, is part of the white river system.--ed. [ ] for a note on the founding of indianapolis see our volume ix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] mount meridian is a small village in jefferson township, putnam county, indiana. it was laid out in and at first named carthage.--ed. [ ] for st. charles see our volume v, p. , note .--ed. [ ] by the term "lute creek," palmer intends loutre river, rising in northeast callaway county, and flowing south and southwest through montgomery county into the missouri, at loutre island. see our volume v, p. , note .--ed. [ ] williamsburgh, a village in the township of nine mile prairie, callaway county, was laid out in . for fulton see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] columbia and rocheport are noted in our volume xxi, p. , note ; boonville, _ibid._, p. , note . palmer probably crossed the missouri at boonville. townsend went by a similar route from st. louis to boonville. see his _narrative_ in our volume xxi, pp. - .--ed. [ ] marshall was in set off as the county seat of saline, and in had a population of . it was named in honor of the chief justice of the united states, who died shortly before the incorporation of the town.--ed. [ ] for independence see our volume xix, p. , note . gregg gives a much fuller description of this town as an outfitting place, than does our present author; _ibid._, pp. - .--ed. [ ] on the bounds of this territory, see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] walkarusa creek rises in several branches in wabaunsee county, and flows east through shawnee and douglas into kansas river. the crossing of the oregon trail was almost directly south of lawrence. the trail thence followed the divide between the creek and river to about the present site of topeka. during the free soil troubles in kansas, a bloodless campaign ( ) along this creek toward lawrence was known as the "walkarusa war." kansas river is noted in our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the kansa indians see our volume v, p. , note ; also our volume xxviii, p. , note . wyeth notes their village in his _oregon_, our volume xxi, pp. , .--ed. [ ] for this stream see de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this was probably a local publication of the journal or notes of william gilpin, who went to oregon with frémont's party in . gilpin was a pennsylvanian, appointed cadet at west point in . two years later he became lieutenant in the nd dragoons, and saw frontier service, resigning from the army in . he accompanied frémont as far as the dalles of the columbia, and passed the winter of - in the willamette valley, returning overland to the states in . as an intelligent observer his reports on the oregon country were much sought (see _niles' register_, lxvii, p. ). gilpin afterwards served in the mexican war, and earnestly urged the building of a pacific railway. in he was appointed first territorial governor of colorado, in recognition of "his services as an explorer of the great west," and lived until .--ed. [ ] stephen hall meek was a brother of colonel joseph meek so well known as an oregon pioneer (see our volume xxviii, p. , note ). stephen began his career as a trapper under captain bonneville in , and accompanied joseph walker to california in - . he was in the willamette valley in , where he purchased of dr. john mcloughlin the first lot sold on the site of oregon city. in he guided the emigrant caravan from fort laramie. his unfortunate experience in attempting a "cut off" with a party of emigrants in (related _post_ by palmer), discredited his abilities as a guide. at the time of the gold excitement ( - ) he returned to california, where he made his later home in siskiyou county.--ed. [ ] little is known of dr. presley welch save as related by palmer--that he was from indiana, was chosen captain of the caravan, and was without authority after the formation of the independent companies. h. h. bancroft (_history of oregon_, i, p. ) notes that he was candidate for governor in . george h. himes, assistant secretary of the oregon historical society, writes to the editor: "in all my efforts to make a roll of pioneers by years, i have not so far been able to find anything about dr. welch; hence i conclude he either left the country at an early date or died soon after his arrival here."--ed. [ ] for this stream see our volume xxi, p. , note . townsend also describes the same kansa village, _ibid._, pp. , .--ed. [ ] the big vermillion is now known as the black vermillion, an eastern tributary of the big blue, in marshall county, kansas. the usual crossing was near the site of the present town of bigelow. bee creek is a small stream in marshall county. the big blue is noted in our volume xiv, p. , note ; also in our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for a biographical note on colonel stephen w. kearny see our volume xvii, p. , note . in the summer of the general of the army ordered kearny to take five companies of dragoons and proceed from fort leavenworth via the oregon trail to south pass, returning by way of the arkansas and the santa fé trail. the object was both to impress the indians, and to report upon the feasibility of an advanced military post near fort laramie. leaving their encampment may , they were upon the little blue by the twenty-sixth of the month. see report in _senate docs._, cong., sess., , pp. - . this was the first regular military campaign into the land of the great west, and strongly impressed the indians of that region. kearny's recommendations were against the establishment of a post because of the difficulty of supplying it--advising instead, a biennial or triennial campaign similar to his own.--ed. [ ] by the "republican fork of blue river" palmer intends the stream known usually as the little blue. republican river, farther west, is an important branch of kansas river, and for a portion of its course nearly parallels the little blue. the oregon trail, however, followed the latter stream, and the distances given by palmer preclude the possibility of a detour via the republican river. the name of this stream, as well as that applied by palmer to the little blue, is derived from the tribe of republican pawnee, for which see our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. [ ] there were two routes across from the head of little blue river to the platte. the first left the trail near the site of leroy, nebraska, and came in to the platte about twenty miles below grand island; the second continued farther west, about ten miles, then crossed northwest to the platte near the site of fort kearney. see military map of nebraska and dakota, prepared in - by lieutenant g. k. warren of the topographical engineer corps. for the platte river see our volume xiv, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for this tribe, see our volume vi, p. , note ; also our volume xv, pp. - ; and xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] thomas fulton stephens joined the oregon caravan from illinois. the year after his arrival in oregon he took up donation land near the site of portland and erected thereon a saw-mill. his death occurred in .--ed. [ ] john foster was born in ohio in , removed to missouri in early life, and in was still residing in oregon.--ed. [ ] orville risley was born in new york state about . in early life he removed to ohio, where he joined the oregon emigrants of . upon reaching the willamette valley he took up land in clackamas county, and later was a merchant at lafayette. in his last years he resided principally at portland, where he was known as judge risley, from having once held the office of justice of the peace. his death occurred at his clackamas farm in .--ed. [ ] for the fords of the south platte see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] ash hollow, called by frémont coulée des frênes, was a well known landmark, where the oregon trail crossed the north platte. it is now known as ash creek, in deuel county, nebraska.--ed. [ ] spring creek was probably the one now known as rush, formed by springs issuing in cheyenne county, nebraska. the second creek was that now entitled pumpkinseed. in the days of trail-travelling it was called gonneville, from a trapper who had been killed thereon. the solitary tower is on its bank--a huge mass of indurated clay, more frequently known as the court house or the castle.--ed. [ ] for a note on chimney rock consult de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , note . see also engraving in frémont's "exploring tour," _senate docs._, cong., sess., , p. .--ed. [ ] this story is told with variations by many writers, notably washington irving in his _rocky mountains_ (philadelphia, ), i, pp. , . the event appears to have occurred about . the range of bluffs, about nine hundred yards in length, still retains the name. it is situated on the western borders of nebraska, in a county of the same name.--ed. [ ] the usual habitat of the dakota or sioux was along the missouri river or eastward. the teton sioux were in the habit of wandering westward for summer hunts, and this was probably a band of the oglala or brulé teton, who frequently were encountered in this region. for the teton subdivisions see our volume xxii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the succession of trading posts on the laramie branch of platte river is somewhat confusing, due to differences in nomenclature. consult our volume xxi, p. , note . the fort here described appears to be the new fort laramie (which must thus have been built in , not ). alexander culbertson, who was at one time in command for the american fur company, says that this post cost $ , , and was the best built stronghold in the company's possession. fort john was the old american fur company's post. how a rival company had secured it, seems a mystery; possibly palmer has confused it with fort platte, which frémont notes in at the mouth of the laramie, belonging to sybille, adams, and company. see his "exploring tour" (cited in note , _ante_), p. .--ed. [ ] since the above was written, the north american fur company has purchased fort john, and demolished it.--palmer. [ ] the trail lay back from the river, for some distance above fort laramie. big spring was frequently known as warm spring, and the coulée, in laramie county, wyoming, still retains the name of warm spring cañon.--ed. [ ] on the general use of the term black hills see our volume xxiii, p. , note . the stream called fourche amère (bitter fork) by frémont is now known simply as cottonwood creek.--ed. [ ] retaining the same name, horseshoe creek is a considerable wooded stream in western laramie county, wyoming.--ed. [ ] this is now known as lower platte cañon, and is traversed by the wyoming branch of the colorado and southern railway.--ed. [ ] big timber creek was called la fourche boisée by frémont; more frequently it was known by the name it still retains--la bonté creek, in converse county, wyoming. the cut-off recommended by palmer would be by way of elkhorn creek and an affluent of la bonté.--ed. [ ] deer creek is the largest southern affluent of the platte, between the laramie and the sweetwater. it is well-timbered, and its mouth was a familiar camping place on the oregon trail. it is in the western part of converse county, wyoming, about miles from the starting point at independence.--ed. [ ] the best ford in this stretch of the river; it averaged only about three feet in depth at the ordinary stage of water, and its width varied from eight hundred to fifteen hundred feet. it was a little above the present town of casper, wyoming.--ed. [ ] the mineral spring was usually called red spring, near poison spider creek, and shows traces of petroleum. for a description of red buttes see our volume xxi, p. .--ed. [ ] for independence rock and sweetwater river see our volume xxi, p. , notes , .--ed. [ ] for this gap, or cañon, see de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the wind river mountains are noted in our volume xxi, p. , note . the trail along the sweetwater is for the most part over a rough, undulating prairie, but at times the hills force the road close to the river valley. at one place, about thirty-six miles above the river's mouth, the route grows rugged and crosses the river three times. this was usually known as the three crossings, and is probably the stretch that palmer calls the narrows.--ed. [ ] joseph r. walker was born ( ) in tennessee. in early life he migrated to the missouri frontier, and for many years was a trapper and trader in the direction of santa fé. once he was captured by the mexicans, and afterwards participated in a battle between them and the pawnee indians. in captain bonneville secured walker as a member of his trading party, and the following year sent him on an expedition that explored a route from salt lake to california, through walker's pass, which took its name from this explorer. on this journey he claimed first of any american to have seen the yosemite. his knowledge of the west brought his services in demand as a guide or pilot. in he led out a small party of emigrants. from bridger's fort, whither he was going when met by palmer, he joined frémont's third exploring expedition, and was sent forward with a portion of the party by his former route of . the junction with his chief's party was made after the latter's visit to monterey. walker, however, did not remain to take part in the events that led to the american conquest of california, but started back to the states with a drove of california horses for sale, and was again at fort bridger in july, . for twenty years longer he continued his vagrant life in the mountains, finally settling ( - ) in contra costa county, california, where he died in .--ed. [ ] for south pass and green river see our volume xxi, pp. - , notes , . the springs were known as pacific springs, running into a creek of that name, affluent of the big sandy in frémont county, wyoming.--ed. [ ] the dry branch is known as dry sandy creek. for the little sandy see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this was known as sublette's cut-off; see de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] at this point, green river bears considerably east of south, the trail therefore turns southwest, striking black fork of green, not far from the present granger, wyoming, at the junction of the union pacific and oregon short line railways. black fork rises in the extreme southeastern corner of wyoming, flows northeast, thence east and southeast, entering the green in sweetwater county. it is a shallow, somewhat sluggish stream, passing through an alkaline country.--ed. [ ] the site of fort bridger was chosen by its founder as the best station for trade with emigrants following the oregon trail. its building ( ) marked an epoch in western emigration, showing the importance of trade with the increasing number of travellers. the place was an oasis in the desert-like neighborhood, the stream of black fork coming from the unita mountains, and in this wooded valley dividing into several branches. in bridger sold his post to a mormon named lewis robinson, who maintained it until , when united states troops wintering during the mormon campaign built at this site a government post, also known as fort bridger, which was garrisoned about twenty years longer. for bridger, the founder, see de smet's _letters_, in our volume xxvii, p. , note . his partner was louis vasques (not bascus), a mexican who for many years had been a mountain man. for some time he was in partnership with sublette in a trading post on the south platte. about he entered into partnership with bridger, and is remembered to have lived with some luxury, riding about the country near fort bridger in a coach and four. see wyoming historical society _collections_, i, p. .--ed. [ ] for the snake (shoshoni) indians, see our volume v, p. , note . the paiute are referred to in our volume xviii, p. , note ; also in de smet's _letters_, in our volume xxvii, pp. , , notes , .--ed. [ ] by the little muddy, palmer refers to the stream now known as the muddy, a branch of black fork, which would be reached in about eight miles from fort bridger, by travelling northwest. palmer's "big muddy" is the stream usually known as ham's fork, for which see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the divide between the waters of green and bear river may be crossed at several points. its altitude is about eight thousand feet, and all travellers speak of the wide view. the mountains to the west are those of the bear river range, running between the arms of the river, for which see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the upper road from green river, usually known as sublette's road, comes across by way of crow creek, a branch of ham's fork, and sublette creek, a tributary of the bear. smith's fork comes almost directly from the north, its headwaters nearly interlacing with salt river branch of lewis (or snake) river. it enters bear river quite near the dividing line between wyoming and idaho.--ed. [ ] the first crossing of bear river is just above the mouth of thomas's fork. for a detailed map of this stretch of the road see frémont's "exploring tour" (_op. cit._ in note ), p. .--ed. [ ] the big hill is just beyond the bend of the bear, below thomas's fork, and the nearest approach the road makes to the valley of bear lake. this lake is evidently the remains of one that occupied a much larger area, as the marshes at its upper end signify. it now measures about nineteen miles in length, with an average width of six, and a depth of from forty to sixty feet. the lower portion of the lake is in utah and the upper in idaho. its waters are noted for their exquisite blue tint.--ed. [ ] for the location of these springs see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] a map of these springs can be found in frémont's "exploring tour" (_op. cit._ in note ), p. . steamboat spring is a miniature geyser, an analysis of whose waters is given by frémont, p. .--ed. [ ] for a brief note on salt lake see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the entire route from soda springs at the bend of bear river to fort hall was about fifty miles in length, crossing the basaltic, volcanic plateau which palmer describes, to the waters of portneuf river, down which the trail passed to fort hall. for the founding of this post see townsend's _narrative_, in our volume xxi, pp. - .--ed. [ ] captain james grant was hudson's bay factor in charge at fort hall for several years during the immigration movement. most of the travellers speak of his courtesy and readiness to assist. he was at this post in , when matthieu describes him as a large man, resembling dr. mcloughlin--_oregon historical quarterly_, i, p. . he seems to have later settled in oregon.--ed. [ ] for a brief description of snake (or lewis) river, see our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this attempt to deflect oregon immigrants to california arose from the unsettled conditions in that mexican province, and the determination of earlier american settlers to secure california for the united states. caleb greenwood, who was sent to fort hall from sutter's fort (sacramento), was an aged mountaineer and trapper, who reared a half-breed family by a wife of the crow tribe. in he guided the stevens party to california, and during the winter of - served in sutter's division of micheltorena's army against alvarado and castro. sutter wrote in regard to his mission, "i am glad that they meet with some good pilots at fort hall who went there from here to pilot emigrants by the new road."--ed. [ ] george mcdougall was a native of ohio, but started on his journey from indiana. he conducted the advance party of young men known as the swasey-todd party, over the truckee route to sutter's, leaving fort hall about august , and arriving at new helvetia late in september. mcdougall served the next year in the california battalion, and was known to have been at san francisco in - . he several times returned east, and after became a confirmed wanderer, being found in patagonia in . he is thought to have died at washington, d. c., in . he was eccentric, but brave, and a favorite with the frontier population. many of the emigrants who turned off at fort hall for california went overland to oregon the next year. consult h. h. bancroft, _history of oregon_ (san francisco, ), i, p. .--ed. [ ] the writer has recently learned that the emigrants alluded to, not finding california equal, in point of soil, to their high wrought anticipations, have made the best of their way to oregon.--palmer. [ ] for another description of portneuf (not portneth) river see de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , with accompanying note.--ed. [ ] these falls derive their name from the following circumstance. a number of american trappers going down this stream in their canoes, not being aware of their proximity to the falls, were hurried along by the violence of the current; and passing over the falls, but one of the number survived.--palmer. [ ] the trail from fort hall led down the eastern and southern bank of the lewis; see our volume xxviii, p. , note . american falls is a well-known landmark, flowing over a rock about forty feet in height; see frémont's "exploring tour" (_op. cit._ in note ), p. , for an engraving thereof. the once barren land of this region is now being made fertile by irrigation.--ed. [ ] fall creek, in oneida county, so called by frémont, and still known by this name. its bed is composed of calcareous tufa, chiefly the remains of reeds and mosses, forming a beautiful succession of cascades.--ed. [ ] cassia creek is an important western affluent of raft river, of cassia county, idaho. upon its banks was the earliest settlement in this region, and the valley is still noted for its farms. the first party to take this route to california was that of j. b. chiles ( ), guided by joseph walker. they struck across from the snake to humboldt river, down that stream to its sink, and by the walker pass into california. in the stevens party followed a similar route; crossing the sierras, however, by truckee and bear river road, the line of the present central pacific railway.--ed. [ ] called by frémont swamp creek, now known as marsh creek, a small southern affluent of the lewis. it forms a circular basin or valley, about six miles in diameter, where there was grass and consequently a good camping place.--ed. [ ] goose creek is a deep, rocky stream rising in goose creek range, lying on the border between idaho and utah. the creek flows north, receiving several branches before entering the lewis in cassia county. placer mines of considerable value have been found on this creek.--ed. [ ] dry creek is still to be found on the maps of cassia county. frémont says of this portion of the trail: "all the day the course of the river has been between walls of black volcanic rock, a dark line of the escarpment on the opposite side pointing out its course, and sweeping along in foam at places where the mountains which border the valley present always on the left two ranges, the lower one a spur of the higher; and on the opposite side, the salmon river mountains are visible at a great distance." (see _op. cit._, _ante_, in note , p. .)--ed. [ ] the falls mentioned by palmer are the great shoshone falls of the lewis river, where the cañon is over eight hundred feet deep: the first fall has a plunge of thirty feet, and then a sheer descent of a hundred and ninety. these are, in the united states, exceeded in grandeur only by niagara and the yosemite. palmer's failure to appreciate their height and magnificence was probably due to the depth of the cañon from the top of which he viewed them; or he may not have seen the lower falls at all, for the trail wound back from the river in many places. rock creek is a considerable stream, with a swift current, flowing northwest into the lewis in cassia county, idaho.--ed. [ ] salmon falls river is the largest southern affluent of the lewis that has been crossed since leaving fort hall. it rises in many branches on the boundaries of nevada and flows north through a valley now noted as a hay-and stock-raising section. salmon falls (also called fishing falls) is a series of cataracts with sharply inclined planes, forming a barrier to the ascent of the salmon, and thus a fishing resort for indians.--ed. [ ] for this crossing see our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the emigrants were in elmore county, idaho, where a number of small streams come from the north into lewis river; one is known as cold spring creek, possibly the branch mentioned by palmer.--ed. [ ] for these springs see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for boise river see our volume xxi, p. , note . the trail approached this stream near the present site of boise city, and followed its banks to lewis river.--ed. [ ] for a brief sketch of fort boise see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this northern and more direct route was followed by wyeth in --see townsend's _narrative_ in our volume xxi, pp. - . he found the difficulties of the passage great, and the longer and more southern route was the one usually followed.--ed. [ ] for malheur river see our volume xxi, p. , note . the hot springs are noted in our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for a brief sketch of the life of dr. elijah white see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxix, p. , note . he was at this time returning to washington to secure the settlement of his accounts as indian sub-agent, and with the hope of securing further preferment--if possible, the governorship of oregon. he was the bearer of a memorial from the provisional government of oregon, requesting congress to extend the sovereignty and laws of the united states over the oregon settlements. see _cong. globe_, cong., sess., p. . later advices from oregon, however, frustrated the plans of dr. white, who was retired to private life. on his return his companions across the plains ( ) were william chapman and orris brown of the immigration of , and joseph charles saxton of . only brown returned to oregon; he went back in accompanied by his own family, and that of his mother, mrs. tabitha brown, who was connected with the history of early education footnote: in oregon. the brown family settled at forest grove, the immigrant of finally dying at salem in . white, in his _ten years in oregon_ (new york, ), p. , speaks of meeting a party (palmer's) near fort boise, who brought him important letters, including one from his wife, the first received in fifteen months.--ed. [ ] birch creek (rivière aux bouleaux) rises in burnt river mountains and flows southeast into lewis river, in malheur county, oregon.--ed. [ ] for burnt river and the course of the trail through its valley see townsend's description in our volume xxi, pp. , .--ed. [ ] for powder river see our volume xxi, p. , note . the mountains seen were the blue; see a brief description in _ibid._, p. , note .--ed. [ ] pronounced kiwaw or kioose.--palmer. _comment by ed._ for the cayuse see our volume vii, p. , note . [ ] for the valley of grande ronde see our volume xxi, p. , note . consult on camas, _ibid._, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this northern valley is the lower portion of the grande ronde. frémont says: "we passed out of the grand rond by a fine road along the creek, which, for a short distance, runs in a kind of rocky chasm. crossing a low point, which was a little rocky, the trail conducted into the open valley of the stream--a handsome place for farms." (_op. cit._ in note , p. .) this is now the most flourishing settlement in eastern oregon with a railway running through the valley to elgin.--ed. [ ] probably this was the cayuse chief tiloukaikt, who had early come under dr. whitman's influence, but nevertheless was treacherous, and unstable in his professions of christianity. in he had insulted dr. whitman because of the punishment of one of his nephews by a missionary teacher. in he entered into the treaty with some reluctance, and in was one of the principals concerned in the whitman massacre. the following year he was one of the five chiefs who gave themselves up to the civil authorities, and he paid the penalty of his murderous instincts upon the scaffold.--ed. [ ] for the nez percés see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for whitman and spaulding see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] on the crossing of blue mountains compare our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the location of these peaks see our volume vi, pp. , , notes and respectively. lee's encampment was the place upon which henry a. g. lee had waited for the immigrants of . lee, who was a member of the train of , was commissioned by dr. elijah white as indian sub-agent to encounter the party of among the cayuse and assist in the trading between indians and immigrants, and thus protect both parties. the policy did not prove successful; see lee's own letter on the subject in _oregon historical quarterly_, v, p. . lee emigrated from the southwestern states, and immediately became a leader in oregon politics. he was elected to the legislature of , and was an officer in the cayuse war of - , during which he was appointed indian agent to succeed general joel palmer. the following year he resigned his office, and soon thereafter left for the california gold mines. he returned to oregon to enter the mercantile business; but died on a voyage to new york in .--ed. [ ] for the umatilla river see our volume vi, p. , note . the indian village was probably that of five crows, who in was elected head-chief of the cayuse. his baptismal name was hezekiah, and he took no active part in the whitman massacre ( ); nevertheless he did nothing to prevent its occurrence and secured the person of some of the prisoners, notably a miss bewley, whom he took as a wife. five crows afterwards was active in the cayuse war ( ), in which he was severely wounded.--ed. [ ] for mrs. whitman see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] mary ann bridger and helen mar meek, half-breed children of james bridger and joseph meek, were brought to the whitmans before ; also a half-breed spanish boy, david malin. the migration of left with mrs. whitman two motherless english girls, ann and emma hobson; while in seven children of the sager family, both of whose parents had died en route across the plains, were adopted by the whitmans. of these children the two eldest sager boys were killed during the massacre; the half-breed girls and one of the sager girls died a few days later, from exposure and fright.--ed. [ ] for the wallawalla indians see our volume vii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] probably willow creek, which drains morrow county and affords water for stock-raising and sheep-pasturage. late in the year, when palmer passed, the stream was dry. the sandy margin along the columbia from the mouth of umatilla river to the dalles, has always been an annoyance to traffic. sand frequently drifts over the railway track in this region.--ed. [ ] for a brief note on john day river see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for this river see our volume vii, p. , note ; also our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the dalles and the mission there located, consult our volumes xxi, p. , note ; xxviii, pp. , , notes , .--ed. [ ] samuel kimborough barlow was of scotch descent, the son of a kentucky pioneer. born ( ) in nicholas county, in that state, he removed to indiana ( ), where he married susanna lee of south carolina. a further move to fulton county, illinois, paved the way for emigration to oregon in . arrived in oregon city, christmas of that year, barlow kept a hotel there until , when he bought land in clackamas county of thomas mckay. later ( ), he removed to canemah, just above oregon city, where he died in . he was public-spirited and active in the affairs of the new commonwealth. for an account of the road constructed over the trail made in , see mary s. barlow, "history of the barlow road," in _oregon historical quarterly_, iii, pp. - . h. m. knighton was second marshal of oregon under the provisional government, and sergeant-at-arms of the house of representatives of . he lived at oregon city, where he kept an inn. in he was settled at st. helens.--ed. [ ] moses harris, usually called black harris, was a well-known scout and trapper who came to oregon with the emigrant train of . see an amusing story concerning harris, related by peter h. burnett in his "recollections," in _oregon historical quarterly_, iii, p. . while in oregon harris joined several exploring expeditions, notably that of dr. elijah white ( ) and that of levi scott ( ) in the attempt to find a shorter route from lewis river to the willamette valley. in harris again went to the rescue of the emigrants who were trying a new route into oregon; the following year, however, he returned to the states, dying at independence, missouri.--ed. [ ] for other brief descriptions of the experiences of meek's party, see h. h. bancroft, _history of oregon_, i, pp. - , this latter being founded upon manuscript accounts, notably that of samuel hancock, a transcript of which is in the possession of professor joseph schafer of the university of oregon, who has kindly loaned it to the present editor. consult also oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - ; , p. .--ed. [ ] there had been an indian trail through the cascades up the fork of the santiam river, and over what is now known as the minto pass. stephen meek, who had trapped on the headwaters of john day river, and there met indians from the willamette, thought that he could find this trail; but as a matter of fact it was not discovered by whites until . dr. white ( ) and cornelius gilliam ( ) made essays to open a road through the eastern barrier of the valley. see john minto, "history of the minto pass," in _oregon historical quarterly_, iv, pp. - .--ed. [ ] this was tygh creek, a western affluent of deschutes river, about thirty-five miles above its mouth.--ed. [ ] marked on the united states land commissioner's map of oregon ( ) as an affluent of white river, a branch of the tygh.--ed. [ ] see an account of this party of cattle drivers and their adventures in "occasional address," by hon. stephen staats, in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. , . staats was one of the party who reached oregon city in thirteen days from the dalles.--ed. [ ] the little deschutes, rising on the slopes of mount hood. see reminiscences of william barlow, son of the leader of this party, in _oregon historical quarterly_, iii, pp. - . he speaks of the lack of good tools for opening the road, rusty saws and axes being the only implements available to the builders. they frequently reverted to firing the underbrush ahead of them.--ed. [ ] the opinion heretofore entertained, that this peak could not be ascended to its summit, i found to be erroneous. i, however, did not arrive at the highest peak, but went sufficiently near to prove its practicability. i judge the diameter of this peak, at the point where the snow remains the year round, to be about three miles. at the head of many of the ravines, are perpendicular cliffs of rocks, apparently several thousand feet high; and in some places those cliffs rise so precipitately to the summit, that a passage around is impracticable. i think the southern side affords the easiest ascent. the dark strips observable from a distance, are occasioned by blackish rock, so precipitous as not to admit of the snow lying upon it. the upper strata are of gray sandstone, and seem to be of original formation. there is no doubt, but any of the snow peaks upon this range can be ascended to the summit.--palmer. [ ] this should read big sandy or quicksand river. lewis and clark gave it the latter name. it is usually known as the sandy, and in many branches drains the western slope of mount hood, flowing northwest into the columbia, in multinoma county.--ed. [ ] for clackamas river see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] william h. rector settled at champoeg, which district he represented in the legislature of . during the gold excitement the following year, he went to california, but returned to oregon, where in he was instrumental in starting the pioneer woolen mill at salem, of which for some time he was superintendent. in he was commissioner of indian affairs, with headquarters at portland. in later life, rector was interested in railway enterprises. popular with oregon settlers, he was quite commonly known as "uncle billy."--ed. [ ] william gilbert buffum was born in vermont in . when eleven years of age his family removed to ashtabula county, ohio. in buffum went to illinois to work in the mines, later settling in fulton county, and removing to missouri in . his wife, caroline thurman, was born in ohio in . after their long journey to oregon, the buffums settled in yamhill county, near amity, where they afterwards resided, with the exception of a year spent in the california gold fields. buffum was still living in amity in . see his reminiscences in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - . mrs. miriam a. thompson (_née_ robinson) was born in illinois ( ) and married the year before the migration to oregon. after reaching the willamette she settled in yamhill county, thence removing to clatsop plains, where in her husband left her for california. there he was murdered, and in his widow married jeremiah h. tuller, after living in douglas county. for her own account of her adventures, and especially this trip across the cascade mountains, see oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - .--ed. [ ] jacob c. caplinger was born in virginia in , of german descent. in he removed to illinois, in marrying jane woodsides. after reaching the settlements, the caplingers remained at oregon city until , when they purchased a farm near salem, where they were living in .--ed. [ ] matthew (not n.) gilmore came out in , settling on the tualatin plains, where he was chosen delegate to the provisional legislature of . gilmore was a farmer, not prominent in public life. charles gilmore appears to have been of the migration of . peter g. stewart came with the applegate party of , and was one of the executive committee of three, chosen in . he was a man of calm, dispassionate temper, who had been a jeweler in the states. in he was port surveyor at pacific city.--ed. [ ] according to h. h. bancroft, _history of oregon_, i, pp. , , these were the families of andrew hood and sharp c. senters. rev. theophilus powell was born in kentucky, left for oregon from missouri, and died in marion county, oregon, in .--ed. [ ] several members of the party of bore the name of smith; probably this was simeon, born in ohio in , removed to missouri in , and settled in marion county, finally making his home in salem, where he died in . see reference in stephen staats's address, in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , p. ; also _ibid._, , pp. , .--ed. [ ] colonel james taylor was born in pennsylvania ( ), of scotch-irish ancestry. in he removed to ohio, where he was active in the state militia and connected with the indian trade. his wife was esther d'armon, who came with him to oregon. see her biography in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - , wherein is recounted her experience in crossing the cascades. colonel taylor removed in to clatsop plains, but at the outbreak of the cayuse war ( ) carried his family back to oregon city, while he served in the extempore army as assistant commissary to general palmer. in - taylor was chosen first territorial treasurer. about the taylors returned to clatsop, removing to astoria about , where they passed the remainder of their lives, both dying in .--ed. [ ] samuel mcswain, of the emigration of .--ed. [ ] peter h. hatch, who came to oregon by sea in .--ed. [ ] the clackamas indians were a branch of the upper chinook, which had long inhabited the river valley called by their name. lewis and clark reported ( ) that there were eleven villages of this tribe, with a population of eight hundred. see thwaites, _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_ (new york, ), iv, p. ; vi, p. . the indian agent for estimated their number at eighty-eight. the village where palmer tarried was the one visited in by members of the wilkes exploring expedition. a conflict for influence over this tribe was in progress at the time, between the catholic and methodist missionaries stationed at the falls of the willamette. captain william clark thus describes their huts: "they build their houses in the same form with those of the columbian vally of wide split boa[r]ds and covered with the bark of the white cedar which is the entire length of one side of the roof and jut over at the eve about inches."--ed. [ ] for the founding of oregon city see de smet's _oregon missions_, in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for a sketch of dr. john mcloughlin see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] de smet describes the building of the catholic church in his _oregon missions_, our volume xxix, p. .--ed. [ ] in the wallamet milling company was organized and proceeded to erect both flour and grist mills on an island near the falls, in order to accommodate the settlers, who before their erection had been dependent upon the hudson's bay company's mills near vancouver. the founders of this enterprise were members of the methodist mission. governor george abernethy of new york (born in ) came to oregon as steward of the party of reinforcement arriving in the "lausanne" ( ). his business capacity was appreciated by the members of the mission, and he was soon established as a merchant at oregon city. here he took prominent part in the organization of the provisional government, of which he was elected governor in . re-elected the following year, abernethy continued in this office until the arrival of governor joseph lane ( ), sent out as first territorial governor by the united states. during the troubles incident to the whitman massacre, governor abernethy acted with discretion and promptness, and retained the good will of oregonians during his entire term of office. after retiring from public service he continued in mercantile pursuits, dying at portland in . see his portrait in h. s. lyman, _history of oregon_, iii, p. . for alanson beers see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] in the oregon printing association was formed, and george abernethy sent to new york for a press upon which was printed the first number of the _oregon spectator_, february , . its first editor was colonel william g. t'vault, a pioneer of ; he was succeeded by henry a. g. lee, george l. curry, aaron e. wait, and rev. wilson blain, successively. although several times suspended for brief periods, the _spectator_ was published until . for an account see george h. himes, "the history of the press of oregon, - ," in _oregon historical quarterly_, iii, pp. - .--ed. [ ] see descriptions of this game in _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iv, p. ; and in ross's _oregon settlers_, our volume vii, pp. - .--ed. [ ] william engle, of german descent, was born near harper's ferry, virginia, in , and served as a volunteer in the war of - . having lived for some years in st. clair county, illinois, he went out with the train of for oregon, settling first at oregon city. the following year he took up donation land in clackamas county, where he resided until , being chosen member of the legislature of , and for two years serving as county judge. having sold his farm in clackamas, he removed to marion county, where he died in . engle was by trade a carpenter; his experiment as a foundryman does not appear to have been successful.--ed. [ ] lewis f. linn was born in near louisville, where he studied medicine and afterwards volunteered for the war of - . at its close he removed to ste. geneviève, missouri, where he began active practice. in he was elected to the state senate, and in was appointed to the united states senate to fill out the term of a deceased senator. thrice elected thereto by the missouri legislature, he served until his own death in , being known in the senate as a champion of oregon interests. the town opposite oregon city was known as linn city. it consisted in december, , of two log buildings and many tents, wherein the emigrants of made their headquarters. in all the buildings were swept away by a flood. it has now no separate existence.--ed. [ ] robert moore was born in pennsylvania in , served in the war of - , and in emigrated to ste. geneviève, missouri, whence he was sent to the state legislature. in he removed to illinois, where in he joined the peoria party for emigration to oregon. see preface to farnham's _travels_, in our volume xxviii. moore was one of the seceders who went off from bent's fort to fort st. vrain, where he spent the winter of - . arrived in oregon he purchased land of the indians on the west side of the willamette, naming his place the "robin's nest," being visited there by commodore wilkes in . moore served on a committee of the provisional government, and held a commission as justice of the peace. he died in oregon september , .--ed. [ ] hugh burns was a blacksmith who came to oregon in , in the party of medorem crawford. the same year he was made a magistrate, and concerned himself with public affairs until his return to missouri in . for the multinoma indians see our volume vi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] the right to establish public ferries was granted by the provisional legislature of to robert moore and hugh burns.--ed. [ ] the site of portland was unoccupied until november, , when william overton, from tennessee, and asa l. lovejoy staked off claims of three hundred and twenty acres each. in overton sold out to f. w. pettygrove of maine for $ , and the first log cabin was built. in the place was named and a town platted; the growth was slow, however, and by there were only about a hundred inhabitants. two years later the town was incorporated, at that time claiming a population of a thousand. after that the growth became more rapid. in portland suffered a disastrous conflagration. the city's success is due to its position at the head of tidewater navigation for the columbia and willamette valleys, and as being the terminus of eastern and southern trunk railways.--ed. [ ] the willamette is navigable in high water for small steamers as far as eugene, a hundred and thirty-eight miles above portland. the first steamers on the upper willamette were the "hoosier" and "yamhill," built in . since railways have followed both banks of the stream, river navigation has been of minor importance.--ed. [ ] the mountains of the coast range extend at the highest from four thousand to five thousand feet above sea level, with lower levels half as great. several passes run through from the pacific, notably that afforded by the yaquina and mary's rivers, through which runs the oregon central railway.--ed. [ ] by this paragraph, palmer intends to describe tualatin river and plains. the name is derived from a local indian word said to signify "smooth and slowly-flowing stream." the land known to the early settlers as tualatin plains is now embraced in washington county--a famous fruit-and wheat-raising region. the plains are encircled by hills, giving the appearance of a large amphitheatre. the earliest settlers in this region were three independent missionaries, harvey clark, alvin t. smith, and p. b. littlejohn, who crossed the continent in , and the following spring settled at tualatin. about the same time, several mountain men, such as joseph l. meek and robert newell, made their homes in the region. the red river settlers who had come under the auspices of the puget sound agricultural association in , being dissatisfied with lands north of the columbia, gradually drifted south, a number settling at dairy creek, in the tualatin country. for the tualatin river see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this stream is usually known as the chehalem, the significance of the name being unknown. among the earliest settlers in this fertile valley were ewing young (see our volume xx, p. , note ), and sidney smith (for whom see our volume xxviii, p. , note ). several mountain men also had farms in the region, as well as archibald mckinley, a member of the hudson's bay company.--ed. [ ] yamhill is said to be a corruption of cheamhill, a name signifying "bald hills." among the earliest settlers were francis fletcher and amos cook, of the peoria party of . medorem crawford ( ) settled near what is now dayton for the first years of his oregon life. general palmer himself chose this valley for his future home, and in founded therein the town of dayton. see preface to the present volume.--ed. [ ] rickerall (commonly rickreall) is a corruption of la creole, the name now usually applied to this stream, which drains polk county and though not navigable has many mill sites and waters a fertile region.--ed. [ ] known as polk county hills, forming a charming background for the western view from salem.--ed. [ ] jesse, charles, and lindsey applegate were natives of kentucky who emigrated to oregon in , and became leaders in its development. the eldest, jesse, was a man of marked peculiarities, but accredited with much wisdom and indomitable perseverance, and a natural leader of men. his influence was considerable in forming the provisional government. in he explored for a southern route into willamette valley, and thence led emigrants south of klamath lake. about he settled in the umpqua country, near the site whence he obtained his title as "sage of yoncalla." a disastrous business venture sent him for a time to the mountains of northern california. during the rogue river and modoc indian wars his knowledge of the character of the aborigines was valuable, and several times he served as special indian agent, dying in douglas county in . charles applegate was born in , removed to st. louis about , migrated to oregon in , and accompanied his brother jesse to douglas county, where he died in . lindsey applegate accompanied general w. h. ashley on his arikara campaign of (see our volume xxiii, p. , note ), wherein he was taken ill. after returning to st. louis he worked in the illinois lead mines, and saw service in the black hawk war ( ). after his migration to oregon ( ), he became only second to his eldest brother in services to the young commonwealth. he made his home in the southern part of the state, near ashland, in jackson county, where he was living in .--ed. [ ] this name should be hembree, that of a pioneer family from tennessee, who came out in . absalom j. hembree was a member of the legislature from to . in the latter year he raised a company for the yakima war, in which he was killed. many descendants of this family live near lafayette and other yamhill county towns.--ed. [ ] these were members of the immigration of , of which cornelius gilliam was chosen leader. he had served in both the black hawk and seminole wars, and had been sheriff and member of the legislature in missouri. his command of the emigrant train did not last through the entire trip, the party breaking into smaller companies, two of which were commanded by william shaw and nathaniel ford. gilliam was colonel of the regiment raised to avenge the whitman massacre, and was killed by the accidental discharge of a gun. william shaw was born ( ) near raleigh, north carolina. when a boy he emigrated to tennessee and took part in jackson's campaign before new orleans ( - ). about he removed to missouri, where he married a sister of colonel gilliam. he was captain in the cayuse war of , and member of the territorial legislature from marion county, ten miles above salem, where he made his permanent home. nathaniel ford was a native of virginia ( ), but was reared in kentucky, and after coming out to oregon settled in polk county, where he died in .--ed. [ ] george gay was an english sailor. born in gloucestershire ( ), he served as ship's apprentice when eleven years of age. in he reached california on the "kitty," and there joined ewing young's trapping party to the mountains of northern california, returning without entering oregon. in he formed one of a party of eight men under the leadership of john turner, who coming overland to oregon were attacked by the rogue river indians, all being wounded and two killed. gay reached the settlements after a trip filled with great hardships, and thenceforth made oregon his home, taking an indian wife and settling high up on the willamette, near the southern boundary of yamhill county. here he built the first brick house in the territory, and with unbounded hospitality opened it to new emigrants. wilkes ( ) describes him as a dashing, gay "vaquero," half-indian in his characteristics, but very useful to the new community. at one time he had considerable wealth in horses and cattle, but died poor in . daniel matheny, of the emigration of , was born in virginia in . successive removals carried him to kentucky, indiana, and illinois, where he served in the war of - , and that of black hawk ( ). having settled near gay in , he afterwards kept a public ferry, dying on his farm in . several of his family accompanied him to oregon.--ed. [ ] luckiamute is the modern spelling of this name of indian origin, derived from a branch of the kalapuya tribe that formerly inhabited this valley. in , federal commissioners made a treaty with this tribe whereby they ceded their lands, and retired soon afterwards to the grande ronde reservation. by mouse river palmer means the stream now known as mary's river--a name given by j. c. avery, the founder of corvallis, in honor of his wife.--ed. [ ] mount jefferson, hayrick mountain, mount washington, and the three sisters, with neighboring peaks.--ed. [ ] our author here intends the coast (not the cascade) range, of which mary's peak, between the two forks of mary's (mouse) river is the highest, rising about five thousand feet above sea level.--ed. [ ] the alsea, in lincoln county, flows into a bay of that name, where small coasting steamers enter and ascend the stream some eighteen or twenty miles. the name is derived from an indian tribe--one of the kalapuya stock.--ed. [ ] in the early days of oregon settlement more frequently spelled longtonguebuff (properly lungtumler), from a branch of the kalapuya tribe that inhabited its banks. the stream is now known simply as long tom river, rising in lane county and flowing nearly north into benton county, entering the willamette not far above peoria.--ed. [ ] palmer here refers to molala river, a stream of southwestern clackamas county, that took its name from a tribe of indians once roaming upon its banks. governor lane in refers to this tribe as mole alley; and the liquid letters "m" and "p" being nearly interchangeable in the indian dialect, palmer gave it the form pole alley. the molala tribe was an offshoot of the cayuse, that had its home west of the cascades. the early settlers testified to their superior physique and stronger qualities, compared with the degraded chinook by whom they were surrounded. in their tribal lands were purchased, when their number was reported at . the remnant removed to douglas county, and in a few calling themselves molala were found on the grande ronde reservation.--ed. [ ] the aboriginal name of this stream was hanteuc. two differing accounts are given of the origin of the present name. elijah white (_ten years in oregon_, p. ) says a party of hudson's bay trappers lost their way upon this stream and were forced to kill their horses for sustenance, making pudding of the blood. others give the derivation as "put in"--the stream that puts in just below the early french settlement, thence degenerated to pudding. the river rises in the foothills near the centre of marion county, and flows nearly north, a sluggish, crooked stream from eighty to a hundred feet in width.--ed. [ ] the butte was a landmark on the upper willamette, a high escarpment prominent from the river. here was formerly a landing for the settlers of french prairie, whose farms lay south and east of this point. the town of butteville was laid out by merchants of oregon city--abernethy and beers--to facilitate the commerce in wheat. f. x. matthieu took up land here as early as , and in kept a store. he still lives at butteville, which in had a population of .--ed. [ ] for champoeg see de smet's _oregon missions_ in our volume xxix, p. , note . the early meetings of the provisional government were held at this place, which was the centre for the old canadian-french inhabitants of the country. dr. robert newell was born in at zanesville, ohio. his fur-trapping experiences were under the auspices of the american fur company (not the hudson's bay company), as companion of joseph l. meek. see f. t. victor, _river of the west_ (hartford, ). his first settlement ( ) after the migration to oregon, was at tualatin plains; but before he removed to champoeg, where by his influence over the settlers he became the political as well as social leader. possibly also newell laid out a town at this place, but he was by no means the founder of the village. newell represented champoeg in the provisional government for several years, and in was speaker of the lower house of the state legislature. after the whitman massacre ( ) he was chosen one of the commissioners, with palmer, to treat with the indians. he also raised a company for the indian war of . in later life he was connected with railway projects and died at lewiston, idaho, in .--ed. [ ] for the early settlement of french prairie, see de smet's _letters_ in our volume xxvii, p. , note ; also our volume vii, p. , note . for the chinook jargon see our volume vi, p. , note ; also pp. - of the present volume.--ed. [ ] for the earliest site of the methodist mission see our volume xxi, p. , note . matheny's ferry is mentioned in note , _ante_, p. .--ed. [ ] for jason lee see our volume xxi, p. , note . his first wife was anna maria pitman, who came out from new york in , the marriage taking place soon after her arrival in may of that year. the following spring lee returned to the united states. upon his journey a messenger overtook him, announcing the death of mrs. lee on june , . the first interment was at the old mission, as here stated. later the grave was removed to salem. h. h. bancroft, _history of oregon_, i, p. , gives the inscription on the tombstone.--ed. [ ] for the origin of the willamette institute see de smet's _oregon missions_ in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] in the missionary society of the methodist episcopal church decided that the oregon mission, being no longer useful for the conversion of indians, should be closed, and the charges organized into a mission conference for whites. in pursuance of this resolve, rev. george gary of black river conference, new york, was appointed to supersede jason lee as superintendent. early in june, , gary settled the affairs of the mission, dismissing the lay members, who immediately bought in the mills and other property of the mission. gary remained in oregon until , making his headquarters at oregon city. the native name of the site at salem--chemekata--was interpreted by rev. david leslie as having the same significance as the term salem--_i. e._, rest, or peace. the site was chosen in for the erection of mills on mill creek. the trustees of oregon institute laid out the town, which grew slowly until in it became the territorial capital. by the terms of the state constitution the capital was located by popular vote, which resulted in favor of salem. its population in was , .--ed. [ ] the santiam river takes its name from the head chief (sandeam) of the kalapuya indians, who dwelt upon its banks. april , , the federal commissioners made a treaty with the santiam branch of the tribe, whereby the latter ceded to the whites a large portion of their lands. their number at this time was a hundred and fifty-five. santiam river drains a considerable portion of marion and linn counties, its north fork forming the boundary between the two. the road up this fork leads to minto pass; the south fork formed the line for the willamette and cascade military road. palmer's use of the term "santa anna" for this stream, in the two following paragraphs, would seem to indicate his ignorance of the indian origin of the term, and an idea that it had been named for the mexican general of that period.--ed. [ ] joel p. walker was a brother of joseph r. walker (see note , _ante_, p. ). of virginian birth he removed at an early age to tennessee, whence he went out under andrew jackson against the alabama indians ( ), and later against the florida seminole. some time before , he removed to missouri, where he married, and engaged in the early santa fé trade with stephen cooper (see our volume xix, p. , note ). walker removed with his family to oregon in --one of the first families of settlers who came independent of the missionary movement. wilkes met him on the willamette in , when he expressed his dissatisfaction with the climate and the conditions. see wilkes's _exploring expedition_, iv, p. . that same year he went overland to california, where he worked for captain sutter, coming back to oregon some time before palmer's visit, with a herd of cattle for sale. this time he remained in oregon several years, being chosen justice of the peace for yamhill county (about ). in he returned to california, where he was a member from napa of the constitutional convention of . in he removed to sonoma county where he spent the remainder of his life, dying sometime after .--ed. [ ] for the umpqua river see our volume vii, p. , note ; the fort is noted in farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for rogue river see _ibid._, p. , note . the mountains lie directly north of the river valley in coos and curry counties, oregon. the first settlers in this valley came there in . see william v. colvig, "indian wars of southern oregon," in _oregon historical quarterly_, iv, pp. - .--ed. [ ] by the "klamet" mountains, palmer refers to the chain lying north of klamath river valley, now usually spoken of as the siskiyou range. klamath river is described in farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, p. , note . the trail into this region followed nearly the route of the southern pacific railway.--ed. [ ] the indians of southern oregon had always been disposed to molest white wayfarers. witness the troubles of jedidiah h. smith in , the massacre of the turner family in , and the attack on a cattle train in . after , the passage of gold-seekers to and from california intensified the difficulty, whereupon a long series of contests ensued, resulting in open wars, in which palmer bore an important part. the war of was terminated by a treaty (september ) secured by generals lane and palmer; that of was more serious, being participated in by regular troops as well as oregon militia. for palmer's relation to these wars see preface to this volume.--ed. [ ] for point adams see our volume vi, p. , note . the term clatsop was given for an indian tribe--_ibid._, p. , note . clatsop plains were first visited in the winter of - by members of the lewis and clark expedition, who erected a cairn for the making of salt, in the neighborhood of the present resort known as seaside. the settlement of this region was begun in by members of the methodist mission, reinforced by solomon h. smith and calvin tibbitts of the wyeth party, who had married daughters of the clatsop chief cobaway (lewis and clark spelled it comowool). j. w. perry took up a farm in , and several members of the immigration of settled on the clatsop plains. see "pioneer women of clatsop county," in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - . these plains are composed of a sandy loam well adapted for fruit and vegetables, but especially suited to grazing, so that dairying is a leading industry of this region. cape lookout, in tillamook county, is a conspicuous headland. it was first sighted by heceta in , and named by captain meares in . see our volume xxviii, p. , note ; also our volume vii, p. , note . the point, however, which palmer designates as cape lookout, is in reality that called by the lewis and clark expedition "clark's point of view," but now known as tillamook head.--ed. [ ] the necanican river, called by lewis and clark the clatsop, has a roundabout course, as indicated by palmer, and drains the southern end of clatsop plains.--ed. [ ] saddle mountain, the highest point in clatsop county, shows three peaks as viewed from the columbia, and takes this name from its form. the aboriginal name was swollalachost. lewis and clark found it covered with snow during most of the winter season of - .--ed. [ ] for the tillamook (kilamook) indians see our volume vi, p. , note . mount rainier is noted in farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] on tillamook rock, a large boulder in the ocean, opposite tillamook head, a lighthouse was erected in - . it was a work of much difficulty, the engineers narrowly escaping being washed into the sea.--ed. [ ] palmer probably obtained his information of these indian traditions from celiast (or helen) smith, daughter of the clatsop chief, whose son silas b. smith has furnished much material for recent historical works. this story of the wreck of the ship carrying beeswax, differs slightly from the version given in lyman, _history of oregon_, i, pp. - . lyman conjectures that it may have been the spanish ship "san jose," carrying stores ( ) to san diego, california, which was never after heard from. some of the cakes of wax found bore the letters i. h. s.--ed. [ ] for young's bay see our volume vi, p. , note . skipanon is a small creek, a branch of which clark crossed on a log during his trip from fort clatsop to the seacoast. the site of fort clatsop was definitely determined by olin d. wheeler in (see his _trail of lewis and clark_, ii, pp. , ), and the oregon historical society in (see _proceedings_ for ). the plan of the fort was discovered by the present editor among the clark papers in . see _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, pp. , . the river upon which the fort was located was known by the native name of netul, now called lewis and clark river, a tributary of young's bay west of young's river.--ed. [ ] young's river was called by lewis and clark kilhawanackkle, and is the largest stream in clatsop county. the falls are at the head of tidewater and flow over a black basalt cliff. the eastern tributary is the klaskanine river. see _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iv, p. .--ed. [ ] for the history of this place see franchère's _narrative_ in our volume vi, and ross's _oregon settlers_ in our volume vii. the later history of fort george is sketched in farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for cape disappointment and baker's bay see our volume vi, pp. , , notes , . chinook point was the site of a populous village of that tribe just west of point ellice, which is the southernmost promontory between gray's and baker's bay. lewis and clark found the village deserted, but in early astorian times it was populated--see our volumes vi, p. ; vii, p. .--ed. [ ] for peter skeen ogden see our volume xxi, p. , note . the united states government has recently chosen this site for a fort now ( ) in process of erection, to be known as fort columbia.--ed. [ ] astoria, as an american town, began in with the settlement of james welch, who defied the hudson's bay company officers to drive him from the site. the post-office was begun in , and a custom house two years later. in a town government was established, while twenty years later astoria was incorporated as a city. its population is now about ten thousand, with good prospects for a large growth in the near future.--ed. [ ] for james birnie see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] elbridge trask came to oregon in , apparently a sailor on an american vessel. he lived for a time at clatsop plains. probably his companion was captain alexander duncan, commander of the "dryad," and a friend of james birnie.--ed. [ ] for tongue point, which takes its name from its peculiar shape, see our volume vi, p. , note . gray's bay is noted in volume vii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] by swan bay, palmer intends that stretch of the river lying between tongue and catalamet points, which is more usually known as catalamet bay. the river is the john day (aboriginal name, kekemarke), which should not be confused with the larger stream of this name in eastern oregon. see our volume v, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for catalamet point see our volume vii, p. , note . the old village of the catalamet indians which was located near the present town of knappa, was visited by lewis and clark on their outward journey ( ); see _original journals of the lewis and clark expedition_, iii, p. . the stream was that now known as tillasqua creek.--ed. [ ] this mill was erected by henry hunt, one of the emigrants of , for the purpose of preparing lumber for the pacific market, especially that of the sandwich islands. see letter of tallmadge b. wood in _oregon historical quarterly_, iii, pp. - . later, salmon barrels were made at this place, the men employed at the task being the only settlers between astoria and linnton on the willamette; and sometimes they were summoned to serve as a sheriff's posse. see oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , p. . hunt's mill point is marked on the federal land office map of as being opposite the lower end of puget island.--ed. [ ] at oak point was made the first american settlement in oregon; see our volume xxi, pp. , , notes , . the stream on the south side is the clatskanie river, in columbia county, oregon, flowing southwest and entering the river opposite wallace island. for the origin of this word and its relation to the klaskanine river see h. s. lyman, "indian names," in _oregon historical quarterly_, i, p. . the mill stream of the northern bank is nequally creek in cowlitz county, washington.--ed. [ ] for a brief historical sketch of fort vancouver see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] colonel john mcclure came to oregon from new orleans some time before . in he settled at astoria, where he had a cabin on the site of the first astoria mill. he married a native woman, and his portion of the early town was known as mcclure's astoria. he is described as having been an old man in , and he had died before .--ed. [ ] the british ship of war "modesté," captain baillie commanding, first visited fort vancouver in july, . governor mcloughlin was offered no protection at this time; but the situation having grown more intense, the vessel was ordered to the columbia in october, , and remained to protect british interests until april, . the officers sought to conciliate the american pioneers, but there was on the whole little intercourse between the two nationalities. theatrical entertainments were planned and given in the winter of - , and a ball arranged by these officers was the occasion of an expression of a majority sentiment for the american cause. see oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. , .--ed. [ ] for fraser river and vancouver island see farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, pp. , , notes , .--ed. [ ] for puget's sound see _ibid._, p. , note . the first road over the cascades was built in , from olympia to walla walla.--ed. [ ] for gray's harbor see our volume vi, p. , note ; the chehalis river is described in farnham's _travels_, our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the cowlitz settlement see our volume xxvii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] much has been written on the provisional government of oregon, which was shadowed forth in the action of , and actually established july , . consult j. quinn thornton, "history of the provisional government," in oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. - ; j. henry brown, _political history of oregon_ (portland, ); james r. robertson, "genesis of political authority in oregon," in _oregon historical quarterly_, i, pp. - ; and h. w. scott, "formation and administration of the provisional government of oregon," _ibid._, ii, pp. - . palmer's brief synopsis is a summary of the revised organic law, drafted by a committee appointed by the legislature in june, , endorsed by popular vote on july , and put in operation august (see appendix to the present volume). this government continued until february , , when it was superseded by the territorial government provided by congress under act approved august , . the code of iowa laws appears to have been adopted because of the existence of a copy of iowa statutes in the country. see f. i. herriott, "transplanting iowa's laws to oregon," in _oregon historical quarterly_, v, pp. - .--ed. [ ] the legislature of erected four districts for the purpose of local government--_i. e._, tualatin (read for quality), yamhill, champoeg (read for shampoic), and clackamas. that of changed the title to counties and created four more--clatsop, polk, vancouver, and lewis. palmer gives their location properly.--ed. [ ] for the location of spaulding's mission see our volume xxviii, p. , note . william craig was a mountain man who came to oregon in . he married among the nez percés, and established a farm just east of the lapwai mission, where he had great influence with this tribe. in his land was reserved to him by treaty, the nez percés "having expressed in council a desire that william craig should continue to live with them, having uniformly shown himself their friend." in he was made lieutenant-colonel of washington volunteers, and in - , indian agent at walla walla.--ed. [ ] for the beginnings of portland see note , _ante_, p. . francis w. pettygrove was born in calais, maine, in . having engaged in mercantile business he carried a cargo of goods valued at $ , to oregon by sea, establishing a store at oregon city ( ). it was due to his wish that the newly-founded town near the mouth of the willamette received the name of portland. in pettygrove sold his interest in the portland town site, going to california, where he speculated in land at benicia. in he was one of the founders of port townsend, in washington.--ed. [ ] the town of linnton was founded in by m. m. mccarver and peter h. burnett, emigrants of that year, who supposed they had chosen a site that would be the head of ship navigation. they spent the first spring cutting the road to tualatin plains; but not finding linnton a profitable speculation, they removed to the plains and began farming. the town has continued to exist until the present, its population in being .--ed. [ ] the stream is the washougal river of clarke county, washington whose source is not as far north as mount st. helens, but near saddle peak in skamania county. a number of the immigrants of stopped here and established winter quarters, going on the next year to settle at puget sound. chief among these was colonel michael t. simmons, this title being bestowed because he was second in command of the caravan of . born in kentucky in , he had in removed to missouri where he built and ran a saw mill, which he sold to obtain his outfit for the oregon journey. he explored the puget sound region in the spring of , settling at tumwater, where he died in . simmons is known as the father of washington; he was sub-indian agent for several years, and much concerned in building up the settlement.--ed. [ ] for this landmark see our volume xxi, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the cascades see our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] this is an alternate name for deschutes river, for which see _ante_, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for this fort see our volume xxi, p. , note . the chief of the wallawalla was peupeumoxmox, or yellow serpent. he early came under missionary influence, and sent one of his sons to the willamette to be educated under methodist influences. this young man was christened elijah hedding, for a bishop of the church. he remained with the missionaries for over six years and acquired a command of english. in the autumn of a number of cayuse, nez percé, and wallawalla chiefs decided to visit the california settlements in order to trade for cattle. from sutter's fort they made a raid into the interior, capturing some horses from a band of thieves. these animals were claimed by the spanish and american settlers while the indians maintained that they were their own property. in the course of the dispute elijah was shot and killed. the oregon indians were greatly exasperated by this incident, threatening to raise a war-party against california, or to make reprisal upon any or all whites. the affair was quieted by the hudson's bay agent and the missionaries, but was undoubtedly one of the causes of the whitman massacre. yellow serpent took no part in this latter event, but was active in the war of , in which he perished while a hostage in the hands of the whites. john augustus sutter was a german-swiss born in . after serving in the franco-swiss guards ( - ) he came to america ( ) and embarked in the santa fé trade ( - ). in he started for california, going via oregon, the sandwich islands, and alaska. arriving in san francisco bay ( ) he secured from the mexican government a concession on the sacramento river, where he built a fort ( - ) and named his possessions new helvetia. in sutter bought the russian establishment known as ross (see our volume xviii, p. , note ), whose materials he used in fitting up his own fort. sutter was friendly to the american cause, and received emigrants with hospitality. he aided frémont in the revolt against mexican authority. in gold was discovered upon his property. he profited but little by this event, however, and became so poor that he was pensioned by the california legislature. about he went east to live, dying in washington, d. c., in . h. h. bancroft secured from sutter, by means of interviews, a detailed narrative of his career, and the manuscript is now in the bancroft library, purchased for the university of california in november .--ed. [ ] ellis (or ellice) was the son of bloody chief. having been educated by the hudson's bay company, he had acquired much influence with his tribe. in , being then about thirty-two years old, he was, at the instigation of dr. elijah white, indian sub-agent, chosen head chief of the nez percés, and ruled with considerable tact and wisdom, being favorable to the whites. during the cayuse war of , ellis was reported as hunting in the buffalo country; later, it was stated that having gone with sixty braves to the mountains for elk, they all perished from an epidemic of measles. lawyer was chosen as head-chief in ellis's place.--ed. [ ] for the location of whitman's mission, see our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the blue mountains see our volume xxi, p. , note . the stream was probably touchet river, the largest affluent of the walla walla. rising in the blue mountains in columbia county, washington, it flows northwest to dayton, then turns southwest and south, debouching into the walla walla at the present town of touchet.--ed. [ ] for this stream see farnham's _travels_ in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] see appendix.--palmer. [ ] for the history of the printing press in use at this mission, see our volume xxviii, p. , note . the first book in the nez percé language was a little compilation of texts, consisting of eight pages. the translation of matthew was printed at lapwai; that of john was later published by the american bible society.--ed. [ ] for this mission and its missionaries see our volume xxvii, p. , note . the farmer at lapwai mission was isaac n. gilbert, who was born in new york ( ). he early emigrated to illinois, and came to oregon with the party of . late in he proceeded to the willamette valley, and settled near salem, where he was county clerk and surveyor, dying in . see oregon pioneer association _transactions_, , pp. , .--ed. [ ] for these missions see de smet's reports in our volumes xxvii, p. , note ; xxix, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for this landmark see our volume xxviii, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for the crow indians see our volume v, p. , note .--ed. [ ] mike's head is probably a popular name for the rush of the equisetum species, known as "horsetail." the creek is known by the french form of this plant--à la prêle; it is a tributary of the platte, in converse county, wyoming.--ed. [ ] hiram smith was born in new york, early emigrated to ohio, and crossed the plains with the party of . having returned with palmer he remained in the states until , coming again to oregon with a large drove of cattle and horses. he settled at portland, and became wealthy and influential. he crossed again to the states, returning in --in all, making six journeys of this character. he died in san francisco in .--ed. [ ] the oregon immigration of was not as large as that of the previous year. apparently reliable estimates make the number about two thousand that finally reached that territory. for a description of these emigrants see francis parkman, _the oregon trail_ (boston, , and later editions), chapters i, vi, vii. see also an itinerary of the journey by j. quinn thornton, _oregon and california_ (new york, ). among the california emigrants of this year were the ill-fated donner party, many of whom perished in the sierras.--ed. [ ] probably this was fabritus r. smith, a native of rochester, new york ( ). settling at salem, oregon, he was in the state legislature of , and still living at salem in .--ed. [ ] this unfortunate victim of the pawnee indians was edward trimble of henry county, iowa. see another account of his death in _niles' register_, lxx, p. .--ed. [ ] on this return journey, palmer took the st. joseph trail, which branched off from the usual oregon trail near the little blue, and followed the valley of the great nemaha through the iowa, sauk, and fox reservation to the missouri opposite st. joseph. an excellent map of nebraska and kansas, presumably issued in , but lacking name of place or publisher, plainly indicates this road. for the removal of these indians to the reservation in northeast kansas and southeast nebraska see our volume xxviii, pp. , , notes , . the agency was known as the great nemaha; it was situated near the mission begun ( ) by the presbyterians under the direction of rev. s. m. irvin. he crossed from missouri with the indians, and established his mission twenty-six miles west of st. joseph, not far from the site of the present highland, doniphan county, kansas. at the time of palmer's visit, irvin was being assisted by william hamilton, and a mission school was in course of establishment.--ed. [ ] for st. joseph see our volume xxii, p. , note . this was not a mission site, but a trading post. the first church built ( ) was the presbyterian, under the care of rev. t. s. reeve.--ed. [ ] for a contemporary notice of palmer's arrival in st. louis, see _niles' register_, lxx, pp. , .--ed. [ ] since this letter was written, the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude has been established by treaty as the boundary line between the governments of great britain and the united states--except that portion of vancouver's island south of °, which continues under the jurisdiction of great britain.--palmer. [ ] flowers have been seen in the last winter, and winter before, from the th of january.--m. w. [ ] the first creek is that now called alpowa, in asotin and garfield counties, washington; it is a southwestern tributary of the lewis. tukanon river, in columbia county, washington, the largest southern affluent of the lewis west of lewiston, was known by lewis and clark as the kimooenem.--ed. [ ] at present it will require one man to a thousand in the winter to protect from wolves. but strycknine is a sure poison with which to destroy them.--m. w. [ ] these rivers have all been noted in the text, _ante_. by "rose" the author intends rogue river.--ed. [ ] clover (native) is more abundant in june.--m. w. [ ] probably what are called species here, are in many cases only a variety of the same species.--m. w. [ ] this clause was introduced into the "organic law" of the provisional government in order to secure the hudson's bay traders, and hold their allegiance to the newly-established league of order. a copy was sent to governor mcloughlin, who having examined the document and finding "that this compact does not interfere with our duties and allegiance to our respective governments," wrote "we the officers of the hudson's bay company, consent to become parties to the articles of compact." see h. h. bancroft, _history of oregon_, i, p. , note .--ed. [ ] for note on long, see de smet's _oregon missions_ in our volume xxix, p. , note .--ed. * * * * * * transcriber's note: - the words 'pa-pa' and 'papa' have very different meanings. - the words 'yamhill' and 'yam-hill' are used in different contexts; therefore remain unchanged. - the words 'ya-ka' and 'yaka' have very different meanings.